Professional Documents
Culture Documents
JOURN
ISH
APHY 20
GR
OF GEO
AL
DAN
Abstract
Key words
The old man told us they had occupied this site in Sanggau since approximately 1920. They had purchased the
rights to it from its previous occupants. The terms of the
transfer of occupancy and use rights had been negotiated
by two customary (adat) leaders one from each group.
The original settlers agreed to transfer rights to occupy the
site a territory including rights of access to the fallows of swiddens they had once farmed, and rights to two
relatively large tembawang, forest gardens filled with
fruit trees, including durian trees (Durio zibethinus)
planted by several generations of their ancestors. The
terms of the exchange were meant to acknowledge the labor and claims of the ancestors who had created these
valuable resources the cleared forest for fields and the
tembawang. The transfer also required certain ritual practices to appease these ancestors for making the transfer. In
determining the terms of the exchange, the adat leaders at
the time considered the extent of the fallowed fields, the
numbers of standing trees, and numbers of tembawang
within the territory being exchanged.
The transaction was notable for several reasons. First,
the move away of the first group, and of the second group
into the site, did not occur simultaneously. The first group
moved downriver from this living site in the late 19th century after two major headhunting raids. The new group
moved in much later nearly two decades after formal
pacification of headhunting by the Dutch. This was
when the negotiations and ritual transfer took place.
Once transferred, neither the terms nor the significance of the negotiation passed from the first villages collective memory. Around 1977, more than 50 years after
the ritual transfer, a resident of the new village decided
to make a swidden in a forest site where a cluster of durian
trees would have to be cut. News of the plan to cut the
durian trees traveled fast. The current adat leader from the
first village traveled upriver and demanded additional
customary compensation, not only for the direct descendants of the trees planter(s), but also for the whole village. The payment was meant to finance a feast and ceremony to appease the spirits of the ancestors who had
planted those particular trees. Moreover, the new residents did not object; they paid the fines associated with
cutting durian trees and provided the required ritual food
for the ceremony.
Geografisk Tidsskrift,
Danish Journal of Geography 105(1):1-15, 2005
How do we explain the recognition of such an intergenerational claim on the cutting of trees despite its absence in the tenets of colonial or contemporary land laws,
and given the major political changes that occurred since
the transfer generations earlier? Perhaps this cluster of
durian trees a small tembawang--was overlooked in
the original transfer of rights of occupancy? Perhaps the
rights to the standing stock were transferred but not the
rights to cut the meaningful trees? None of these decisions were ever written down or formally witnessed by
government agents, but they were carried to successive
generations through oral histories. In any case, the current villagers were willing to recognize the old occupants claims. Maybe they feared spiritual retribution if
the ancestors of the tree-planters were not ritually recognized. Maybe they just wanted to appease their neighbors.
Whatever the reason, the incident reveals that neither legal systems nor state notions of territoriality always and
forever determine what will actually happen. Even in
transactions adhering to customary guidelines, alternative territorialities or ways of seeing property in the landscape can confound the intended rationalities of formal
government and property practices.
In many parts of the world today, territorial solutions
to land use and other resource conflicts have become
tools of choice. Activists, scholars, planners, development practitioners, and other ordinary people deploy territorial strategies and tactics to make claims on resources,
ranging from gold mines to forests to agricultural land.
Territorialization the creation and maintenance of spatialized zones within which certain practices are permitted based on the explicit or implicit allocation of rights,
controls, and authority is important in global, national,
and local resource management strategies. Yet its ubiquitous presence in all manner of global and local fora, and
its multiple forms, expressions, and origins, demand
more in-depth understanding. Why? Because territorialities based on a variety of legitimating discourses are not
exclusive zones of influence and they are clashing all
over the place.
Scholarly analyses of territorialization have typically
focused on the analysis of the state and its agencies or on
global trends (Sack, 1986; Steinberg, 1987; Barber, 1989;
Menzies, 1994; Vandergeest & Peluso, 1995; Sivaramakrishnan, 1997, 1999; on the global, see Brenner,
1999; Sassen, 2000; Sundar, 2001; Sikor, 2001). Nationally focused studies have examined governmental
processes of internal territorialization (Vandergeest &
Peluso, 1995). These characterize state activities follow-
and terms of property vary widely from fee simple alienation to the recognition of various sorts of common property. Registration of land rights in deeds, titles, or simple lists in cadastral registers empowers the state authorities further by establishing a state agency as the arbiter of rights and arbitrator of disputes. Indeed the term
alienated land refers to the excision of not only a piece
of the national landed estate but of some portion of authority formerly exercised or claimed by the state in regard to the land within its national territory. Sketch maps,
surveyors maps, cadastral surveys, and descriptions of
boundaries often accompany land titles or deeds. State
agencies use these tools to rationalize and record the geographic coordinates of a particular piece of land which is
privately owned. Importantly, however, such alienated
land still remains within state jurisdiction and both its
recording and its transfer become means by which states
control both the people and the land they claim to own
(Kain & Baigent, 1992).
Territorialization can thus refer to any attempt to exclude or include people by reference to a piece of land
marked in some way by recognizable geographic boundaries (Menzies, 1994). Boundaries must be recognizable
(if not by the state by another arbitrating authority) or
they cannot serve their inclusionary or exclusionary purposes (Rose, 1994).
Despite Sacks (1986:21-22) claim that territorial
classification and control of resources often replaces the
regulation of access to specific resources within a territorial zone, territorial controls often supersede rather
than replace other types of regulation (Sivaramakrishnan, 1999). It might be argued that only a fine line separates the combination of territorial and non-territorial
rights to and controls on resources and the domination of
one sort by another. As the cases described here show,
changes in everyday practices can be just as effective as
direct and open strategies for laying claim to resource territories. Words and actions, like maps, matter.
As with Dayak groups all over Borneo, swidden cultivation has always imparted some kind of territorial rights
(Schneider, 1974; Appell, n.d.; Weinstock, 1983). Recognized because of the labor entailed in clearing mature forest, after the death of the clearers, territorial rights were
vested in either their direct descendants or in their resident
longhouses/settlements. Oral histories collected from
Salako villagers in and around Bagak Sahwa have shown
that territorial rights to cleared land were loosely held in
common by the clearers descent group, although through
inheritance practices, certain individuals might gain favored access to land. Whether or not a particular piece of
land would be inherited by a favored child or grandchild
would depend on many circumstantial factors. Sometimes certain plots of land would be cleared and planted
repeatedly by an individual, and over time that plot would
come to be recognized as an individuals (or a couples)
holding rather than common property, although other kin
might ask to borrow it to plant rice for a season. Such
practices varied within and across villages.
Salako, again like other Dayaks, also recognize nonterritorial claims for access to and control of forest products. Rights to these were/are held by the individuals who
find, protect, plant, encourage, or otherwise manage them
(Peluso & Padoch, 1996; Peluso, 1996). A resources biological characteristics can impart territorializing components. Once trees are planted or claimed, other users lose
access to the land in which they grow and to other possible alternative uses of that land. If the trees retain their
value and meaning through multiple generations, they can
preclude other uses for a long time. Owners of such trees
effectively gain territorial control, which can be relatively
extensive if one person plants multiple trees in close proximity.
When people lived in longhouses, with each family in
their own apartments (biik), they planted fruit trees or
protected self-sown trees right outside their apartments.
When a longhouse or an apartment moved, people generally took as much of the building materials as they could
move and used them again. In the gaps remaining, apartment members would plant more trees, especially durian.
Thus these tree-planting practices during residence and in
the wake of moving meant that friends, family, and neighbors planted trees in close proximity to each other. Each
tree or clump of trees (kompotn) descended to the
planters children and grandchildren. Through the generations, this meant that many different families owned trees
within the same small territories (Sather, 1990; Padoch,
1994; Peluso & Padoch, 1996). The Salako name for these
Figure 1: Southern part of Bagak Sahwa; named encircled areas indicate timawokng (Photo and map by Charles Peters)
forests, as mentioned above, was timawokng, which translates as former living site (see also, Padoch & Peters,
1993; Sather, 1990; Padoch, 1994).
The location of the timawokng of Bagak Sahwa are
shown in Figure 1. Transfer or sale of these trees was relatively rare, though it occurred in times of crisis (to pay
for healing, hospitalization, school fees, or other big expenses). Given the meanings attached to these ancestral
durian trees, such transfers were fraught with meaning
and involved important ritual. Territorial domination by a
single tree owner in these timawokng was also quite impossible (see Peluso, 1996). Timawokng as a territorital
entity thus came to be regarded as part of the villages
common holdings. The resource of concern within these
timawokng, however, was not the land but the trees. Individuals, households, or descent groups could hold, inherit,
or transfer rights or access to specific trees within the
timawokng, in the gardens around their houses or apartments, and in surrounding forest areas. These practices
produced co-existing, multi-scaled collective and individual territorialities, all in one site.
located land. To the north is a rubber plantation and transmigration project established with a World Bank loan on
the lands of another village.
In the context of these changes in their abilities to
move over the past three generations, villagers have not
only intensified their agricultural practices but have completely altered their living and working environment.
They have changed the hillsides gradually from a landscape dominated by swidden fields and fallows with
patches of managed forests, to a landscape dominated by
forests of economic trees, particularly fruit and rubber,
but also including self-sown timber species, fuelwood,
and medicinals.
The first major government intervention in the territory-producing practices of these Bagak Salako came in
the 1920s. At that time, the colonial authorities initiated
plans to turn the upper slopes of the mountain complex,
including about a third of Salako fields, fallows, and
forests, into a watershed protection area. This meant moving people out of their current living sites and away from
the multiple timawokng, burial grounds, active swidden
fallows, and fields that they had created over the years.
Local resistance was for the most part intense, although
some local leaders saw benefits in moving closer to roads
and other infrastructure (Takdir, 1998). In response to this
initial resistance, the Dutch moved the proposed reserve
boundary above some of the old longhouse sites, restoring a good deal of the peoples ancestral territory. But
once everyone was off the mountain in 1940, the territorial establishment of Bagak Sahwa as a permanent village
was set in motion. This meant, in the old ways, that it
would likely never become a timawokng in its own right
it was slated to remain an active settlement.
Even after moving, however, people continued to actively contest the boundaries and the very legitimacy of
the reserve through efforts to farm or harvest products
within it. Explicit contestation was most common during
times of political upheaval. During the Japanese occupation (1942 to 1945), the Indonesian revolution, and the
early years of Indonesian independence, when surveillance of state forests was practically non-existent, many
villagers made swiddens within the reserve and planted
rubber and fruit in the fallows. Villagers today still harvest the durian and other fruits planted within the reserve
border during this time, and visit the timawokng created
before the reserve came. Some have even planted new
fruit and rubber gardens inside.
Yet changing political circumstances in Indonesia today (and since 1998) have led to a re-embracing of the be-
1990), local activists, sometimes with the help of international consultants and government officials, use sketch
maps and sometimes GPS devices to delineate land and
resource use territories, including standing forest resources that villagers claimed according to local traditions
or colonial-era allocations. Later, in many cases, the field
data are matched with data on official land use and topographic maps to create more high-tech maps. They use
these sophisticated computer maps in court or in disputes
adjudicated in other government fora.
Counter-mapping has had an interesting political effect in that NGOs used it not only to identify the lands
held by villagers and whole villages but has also tended to
label customary resources by landed categories. By doing so, they have (mostly inadvertently) invoked the colonial legal system that divided land between customary
land and unencumbered state land. What the NGOs have
missed in naming these customary lands on counter maps
was the fact that even customary land was still state
land, and still subject to colonial law, albeit through different means than those used to adjudicate commercial
lands leased to Europeans and Chinese. What differed was
not the presence or absence of state authority, but the manner in which such lands were administered and adjudicated, i.e., through a system of native courts, whose lowest level of authority was vested in the head of a longhouse. Effectively, this conferred greater territorial authority to local leaders and communities (at least those
recognized by the colonial government), but did not create the kind of autonomous local government structure
implied by the making of counter-maps and their use in
the current customary rights movement.
The process of making these maps and the maps themselves are meant to illustrate how indigenous ways of
organizing and allocating space support or conflict with
state forest management categories and processes. They
counterpose indigeneity (which is conflated with minority
ethnic status on a national level) with Indonesian state
ideas of spatial organization. Yet the terms of countermappers are forced by the politics of the mapping controversies and conflicts to use the language and tools of the
government, inevitably affecting the possible outcomes of
the exercise. The mappers talk to villagers about village
land tenure and inheritance, the nature of individual and
community decisions regarding resource use, and the
ways that villagers have dealt with outsiders seeking
access to local resources. They then put this information
onto sketch maps. This emphasis on villages without regard to their historical origins and precedents, contradicts
villages is different today than it was in the past villages have territorial boundaries on the land, not in traveling stories about durian trees and burial grounds. As a part
of a modernizing Indonesia, their bounds are fixed by definition not by local historical associations. Sometimes the
more contemporary or convenient practice grates against
the remembered past. We need to imagine a different sort
of landscape than the one we see today, which also makes
us see todays landscape in a different way. Starting in the
place that is today Bagak and working backwards in time
provides a spatially limited glimpse of the past. We need
instead to examine the moving socio-spatial trajectories
that led to the constellation of social relations in Bagak today, seeking to understand the production of this territorialized landscape.
The globalization and in Indonesia the nationalization of social and political movements encouraging
indigenous peoples to formalize their resource claims
are reverberating locally as they converge with local
processes that constitute change. Some NGOs are actively using territorial politics and practices to de-center
state power. Maps, GPS, and so on, are powerful forms of
communication and claim, as well as technologies of state
power. Thus at the same time that NGOs are making
counter claims, they are to some extent acceding to certain
terms set by the state. In this process, they are aiding in the
incorporation of these localities onto state maps and
thereby eventually into state mechanisms for controlling
resource use. This is a trade-off that some are willing to
make; while others maintain their dreams of autonomous
village republics.
These forms of territorialization particularly when
they involve mapping the residues of idealized pasts and
ethnicizing or racializing the resource landscape in the
process represent sharp sides of a potentially doubleedged sword. While the territorial strategies and tactics
discussed here may seem to promise the return of resource
control to local claimants, they also run the risk of creating serious problems for the very people they are meant to
serve. They represent territorial claims in the terms of earlier forms of government (colonialism) that have long
ceased to exist and to which absolute return is impossible.
Even when mapped claims are allocated to whole groups
as in community mapping, they are nevertheless privatized group rights based on fictions of ethnic purity and on
mythical sedentarisms. They are creating the basis for
conflict that all forms of exclusivity and enclosure inevitably bring with them.
Ethnic conflict has raged twice through West Kaliman-
tan in the last few years, and mirrored conflicts from earlier periods (Peluso & Harwell, 2001; Davidson & Kammen, 2002). While exploring these is beyond the scope of
this paper, the territorialization and reconstruction of ethnicity whether through maps or the rebirth of colonial
and pre-colonial political organizations has to be seen
as contributing to conflict over resources. The stories told
above do not touch on the 200 year period of Chinese residence and intermarriage with local people in the rural areas of these western districts, nor of the Madurese and Javanese moving into the area after the Chinese were evicted
by the government and many Dayaks in the region. By focusing on a very small scale, the story produced thus seems
to be simply one of Dayaks and the respective Dutch colonial and contemporary Indonesian state.
Conversely, when looking at options for people whose
individual and group claims were never fully acknowledged by a national government, making counter-maps
seems to be a practical way to establish property rights or
at least to create documents for negotiation. It still remains
true, however, that once rights to resources are territorialized and mapped or documented in ways recognizable by
the state, the state gains a certain power over those resources and the people claiming them. The state becomes
a recognized arbiter and mediator of both access and
rights. Increased visibility to the state and its disciplining
mechanisms carries its own risks that mappers and their
constituencies must remember.
Both cases in Kalimantan illustrate that territorialization is a dynamic and contingent process, an expression of
relationships that emerge, operate, and converge across
and within localities, national spaces, and global networks. Territories, like places are produced at multiple
scales (Massey, 1994). If counter-maps constitute a new
spatial practice as a territorializing mechanism for making
claims, both the act of making the maps and the maps
themselves inevitably transform local discourses of property rights. In the process, concepts which come from different eras such as Customary Rights can be
translated into the present and re-presented in terms having greater contemporary meaning and power not only
on maps of land, but also in speech, and in the ways people relate to each other and the environment.
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