Running head: THE UNENDING GAUNTLET

The Unending Gauntlet: Women at Military Institutions

Amy Weatherford
Loyola University Chicago

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In 1991, after removing evidence of her sex from her high school records, Shannon
Faulkner was admitted to the Citadel, an all-male military college in South Carolina (Kimmel,
2000). Her admission was revoked once her sex became known to the university, and it took
four years and a Supreme Court decision for her admission to be reinstated. Escorted by United
States Marshalls, Faulkner became the Citadels first female cadet on August 15, 1995, and
withdrew less than a week later. Her withdrawal, prompted by psychological and emotional
harassment, was openly celebrated by the cadets and Citadel administration. From Shannon
Faulkner to Rebecca Marier, the first female valedictorian at West Point, and hundreds of women
in between, the experiences of women at military institutions parallel and diverge from those of
women at civilian institutions in significant ways. This paper examines the experiences of
women at military institutions from a historical perspective and through the lens of feminism.
The Walls Come A-Tumblin Down
Met with resistance by the Department of Defense, public law 94-106, which allowed
women to enroll in military service academies, was signed into law on October 7, 1975 by
President Gerald Ford (Ponte, 1991). More than 300 women enrolled in the Military, Naval, Air
Force, and Coast Guard academies the following year. Many women found male discrimination
a significant obstacle to success (DeFleur, Gillman, & Marshak, 1978; Yoder, 1991), however,
the number of women entering military institutions continued to rise. At West Point, women
went from being 0% of the student body in 1975 to 10% of the student body in 1980, when the
first female cadets graduated (Yoder, 1991).
The Citadel and Virginia Military Institute (VMI), both state-funded military
institutions, did not admit women until Supreme Court decisions forced them to do so in 1995
and 1996, respectively (Kimmel, 2000). Both VMI and the Citadel differ from other military

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institutions in their immersive educational methodology. VMI and the Citadel employ the
adversative method, which, with all the subtlety of a sledgehammer, deliberately uses
psychological and emotional stress to replace individual self-worth with obedience and
institutional loyalty (Kimmel, 2000; Saferstein, 1992). In their court cases, both institutions
argued that this unique educational approach was not conducive to the education of
women. Interestingly, both schools attempted to use feminist theories to bolster their
arguments. The Citadel went so far as to solicit the testimony of feminist theorist Carol Gilligan
(who promptly responded by submitting an amicus brief in support of Shannon Faulkner)
(Kimmel, 2000). In the end, women won the right to enter the world of military colleges, but
upon hurdling that initial barrier, they found the path to acceptance within those institutions was
paved with obstacles large and small, visible and invisible.
Phantom Walls
People who undergo amputation often report having phantom limbs feeling sensation,
sometimes agonizing pain, in limbs that they no longer have. The pain experienced is real even
if the source of the pain, technically speaking, is not. In a similar way, the walls that once
prevented women from entering military institutions are now manifested as invisible gauntlets,
quietly but profoundly shaping the experiences of the women enrolled in those institutions.
Demographic information from the schools websites retrieved in November, 2014,
showed that the enrollment of women in military institutions now ranges from 7% at the Citadel
to 25% at the Naval Academy. In studying gender discrimination, social scientists hypothesized
that the integration of women at military institutions would parallel the effects of racial
integration in the military, in which increased integration correlated to a reduction of racial

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prejudice (Pershing, 2003). The findings of studies conducted shortly after the integration of
women and several decades later reported mixed results (Defleur et al., 1978; Pershing, 2001).
Women at military institutions have achieved notable accomplishments, including
reaching the highest levels of academic achievement (valedictorian) and highest ranking
available to cadets (First Captain). The importance of these accomplishments should not be
minimized, however, they should also not be construed as evidence that barriers no longer exist
for women in military institutions. The barriers women face take many forms, including, but not
limited to, being othered, sexual harassment and/or assault, and being perceived as
subperforming and/or receiving preferential treatment.
Women are highly visible at military institutions, due in part to their low numbers and in
part to their separate accommodations and different uniforms, which make female students more
visually distinct (Pershing, 2001; Yoder, 1991). This heightened visibility often results in
women feeling as though they are living their lives under a microscope, with every action and
word opening them up to scrutiny. Because military institutions are designed to integrate all
aspects of student life (classes, training, dining, and residence life) into a fully immersive
experience, female students may feel as though there is no place on campus in which they are not
on stage. The visibility of women at military institutions combined with (or as a result of) their
low numbers can also lead to tokenism, which increases the pressure on female students to
perform well, for fear of individual performance reflecting badly on the group (Yoder, 1991)
Sexual harassment and assault is prevalent in both higher education institutions and the
military, so it is not surprising that it has emerged as a significant issue for women at military
institutions (Skinner, Kressin, Frayne, Tripp, Miller, & Sullivan, 2000). In her study on the
reasons women do not report sexual harassment at military institutions, Pershing (2003) found

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that 96.8% (90 of 93) of women in the sample reported experiencing sexual harassment in the six
months prior to the study, and 48.4% reported experiencing harassment on a recurring basis
during that time period. These numbers should be shocking, yet given the hypermasculinity and
sexism that pervades military culture, they are hardly surprising. Sexual violence is
underreported everywhere, but the underreporting is more pronounced at military institutions,
where the structure of the institution, the rigidity of the chain of command, and the fear of
ostracization and repercussions dissuades women from reporting incidents.
Given the way in which military colleges privilege masculinity, women at military
institutions may feel pressured to alter or repress their gender expression in the military or at
military institutions (Baechtold & De Sawal, 2009). Women overwhelmingly reported feelings
of being caught in a Catch-22, stating that they are penalized for being perceived as too
feminine, and penalized for being perceived as too masculine (DiRamio & Jarvis, 2011). Some
women reported being encouraged to adhere to stereotypical feminine behaviors, like being
passive, which resulted in them being perceived as lacking leadership potential (Yoder, 1991).
Through a Feminist Lens
To illuminate the facets of womens experiences at military institutions, this paper
analyzes those experiences through the lens of liberal feminism. Liberal feminism, which is
associated with the first wave of the feminist movement, conceptualizes feminism as a
movement to end inequities caused by sexism by redistributing power equally between men and
women (Allan, 2011; Pasque & Errington Nicholson, 2011). In looking at military institutions
through the liberal feminist lens, the relationship between gender and the military, issues of
numerical representation, as well as differing notions of equality come to the foreground.

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With the possible exception of religious institutions, one would be hard pressed to find an
organization more entrenched in a paternalistic notion of gender than the military. Multiple
studies found that male students enter military institutions with their understanding and values
aligning with traditional gender roles, and that those attitudes generally persist, though they are
sometimes lessened through repeated close interaction with female students (Defleur et al., 1978;
Kimmel, 2000; Pershing, 2001; Robinson Kurpius & Lucart, 2000). Military culture is
hypermasculine, and one of the key purposes of military institutions is to form students to match
the institutions ideals, which privilege stereotypically male traits and behaviors (Kimmel, 2000).
It should be noted that women were present on the campuses of military institutions long
before they were admitted as students. Women cooked, cleaned, and (sometimes) taught, but
their roles were always those that reinforced mens understanding of women as subordinate to
men it was women entering these institutions in the same capacity as men, not their presence in
general, that was perceived as a threat (Kimmel, 2000). In his article on the sociological
implications of the integration of women at VMI and the Citadel, Kimmel (2000) stated:
While VMI and the Citadel appear on the surface to be about mens natural superiority
over women, they are, underneath, about precisely its opposite the fragility of that
hierarchy, the vulnerability to pollution and dilution, and the terror of emasculation that
would be attendant on equality of opportunity. (p. 503)
This statement highlights both the strict conceptualization of gender at military institutions as
well as how that conceptualization of gender was at the heart of the reluctance of these schools to
give women equal status through integration.
Since equality in liberal feminism is often measured numerically, the underrepresentation
of women at military institutions in proportion to the public is noteworthy (Pershing, 2001). The

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distribution of power between genders at military institutions is drastically uneven in the general
student bodies of military intuitions, and even more so among students in leadership positions at
those institutions. Pershing (2001) noted the importance of growing numbers in effecting change
at military colleges stating, gender roles attitudes about women are unlikely to change as long
as sex ratios are imbalanced (Pershing, 2001, p.420). Similarly, Kimmel (2000) posited that
low numbers prevent women from reaching the critical mass necessary to stem the rampant
sexism at military institutions that results in a hostile climate and tokenism. It may also be hoped
that the rigid hierarchical nature of military institutions, and by extension, the military, might
someday be transformed into a more egalitarian institution as a result of an influx of women
among their ranks (DAmico, 1996).
Women who enroll in military institutions are consistently pressured to prove themselves
equal to men, which may aid in the liberal feminist goal of countering the notion that women are
less capable than men (Pasque & Errington Nicholson, 2011). In their hopes of raising the status
of women, liberal feminists would likely find the growing number of women at military
institutions a step towards parity (DAmico, 1996), however, the presence of women in the
student body has had a limited effect on attitudes regarding womens equality. The perception of
women as being less capable of performing well remains dominant, particularly in regards to
fitness standard requirements (Cohn, 2000). Women are seen as being the beneficiaries of
preferential treatment, of not being held to the same standard as men, and, therefore, as not being
equal to men.
Questions about what constitutes equity was at the heart of the argument over whether or
not women should be admitted to military institutions, and continues to shape the dialogue
around womens integration. Equality is often conflated with sameness (Kimmel, 2000), and

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indeed, even the liberal feminist definition of equality seems to support that understanding of
equity (DAmico, 1996). Cohns (2000) study of mens opposition to women in the military
found a high level of resentment among male students for what they perceived to be an
expectation of equal treatment without equal merit or work on the part of female students. This
argument is essentially an echo of arguments that have been made against affirmative action and
host of other issues. It is a mindset that privileges physical merit over other forms of merit,
including academics, in which women in military institutions have outperformed their male
cohorts (Cohn, 2000; Defleur et al., 1978).
Liberal feminism is a useful theory through which to examine the issues experienced by
women at military institutions because it points to some possible solutions to those issues. Chief
among these solutions would be an increase in the enrollment of women, in the hopes that larger
percentages of women in the student body will provide a stronger support network for women
and that it will have a positive effect on the campus climate. In addition to an increase among
the general student body, an increase in women in leadership positions, including faculty and
administrative positions, might go a long way in addressing sexism on campus, particularly in
light of the reverence with which authority is viewed in the military (though whether women in
leadership positions would be accorded the same respect as men in those positions is certainly no
guarantee).
It is questionable as to whether or not an increase in numbers alone, even a dramatic
increase in numbers, would be enough to create significant and lasting change within military
colleges. One of the aims of military colleges is to indoctrinate students with what I would
characterize as a hypermasculine ideal for conduct and accomplishments, which is directly
connected to the greater institution of the military. The nature of the affiliation between the

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military and military colleges leads me to question whether a fundamental change in the
gendered structure of military colleges could happen without that change first being realized in
the greater military. It is a chicken or egg question, and I am perhaps not giving enough credit to
the ability of military colleges to affect change in the military, but I do see it as an area of
concern, and wonder if a radical feminist approach to dismantling the sexist structure of the
military would be more effective (though probably less plausible).
I am also concerned that liberal feminism does not, in my estimation, provide a
mechanism for exploring how experiences in military institutions differ for women based on
their intersecting identities, nor does it do much in the way of framing gender as a continuum
rather than a binary, which I see as being a significant issue in the military and military
institutions. In addition, I wonder how much or how little liberal feminism would further the
cause of Trans* individuals. Transgender issues in the military have recently received a
smattering of media attention in the wake of the Chelsea Manning case, yet I was not able to find
anything regarding Trans* students at military institutions, which leads me to think that this may
be the next integration question posed to these colleges.
In the evolving role of women at military colleges, it is my hope that the campus climate
will improve for women and that the inclusion of women will come to be acknowledged as
benefitting those institutions. Kimmel (2000) framed this idea beautifully, with an analogy from
metallurgy that in order to strengthen a metal, metallurgists must add a different metal, not
more of the same. The combination creates an alloy, which is superior in strength to either of the
metals individually. Sameness and equality are not one and the same. Difference does not
denote weakness. Whether they are connected to gender or not, our differences make us better,
and equality is both the means and the end in which those differences are fully embraced.

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10
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