Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Meles Zenawi
In office
23 August 1995 20 August 2012
President
Negasso Gidada
Girma Wolde-Giorgis
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Hailemariam Desalegn
President of Ethiopia
In office
28 May 1991 22 August 1995
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Negasso Gidada
Member of the
House of People's Representatives
In office
19 May 1995 21 August 2012
Constituency
Adwa
Personal details
Born
Died
Political party
Other political
affiliations
Spouse(s)
Azeb Mesfin
Children
Alma mater
Open University
Religion
Ethiopian Orthodoxy
Website
www.meleszenawi.gov.et/
Meles Zenawi Asres (Ge'ez: mls zenawi asrs listen (helpinfo); 9 May 1955 20
August 2012, born Legesse Zenawi Asres)[2] was the Prime Minister of Ethiopia from 1995 until his
death in 2012.[3] From 1989, he was the chairman of theTigrayan Peoples' Liberation Front (TPLF),
and the head of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) since its formation
in 1991. Before becoming a prime minister in 1995, he had served the president of the transitional
government of Ethiopia from 1991 to 1995.[4]
In 1975, he left college to join the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), and opposing the Derg.
After the overthrow of the dictator military regime, he was elected as a president of the transition
Government and then as a Prime Minister.
While his government was credited with reforms such as those that led a multi-party political system
in Ethiopia, introduction of private press in Ethiopia and decreased child mortality rates, his
government was also accused of political repression and varioushuman rights abuses,
curbing freedom of press.[5] and dissent.[6][7] Known by the media as one of Africa's strongmen,[4] he
was also an ally in the United States' "War on Terror".
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life
2 Presidency and Premiership
o 2.1 Foreign policies
2.1.1 Eritrea
2.1.2 Somalia
2.1.3 Climate change
o 2.2 Criticism and scandals
2.2.1 Allegations of repression in Oromia
2.2.2 Anuak conflict
2.2.3 Post-election violence
2.2.3.1 Prisoners
2.2.4 Ogaden conflict
3 Illness and death
o 3.1 Reactions
4 Personal life
5 International accolades
o 5.1 Awards
o 5.2 Positions
o 5.3 Milestones
o 5.4 Foundation
6 Bibliography
7 Media appearances
8 See also
9 Quotations
10 References
11 External links
Early life[edit]
This section
requires expansion.(June 2013)
Meles was born in Adwa, Tigray, in northern Ethiopia, to an Ethiopian father Zenawi Asres from
Adwa and Alemash Guebreluel fromAdi Quala, Eritrea.[8][9] He was the third of six children in the
family. His first name at birth was "Legesse" (thus Legesse Zenawi,Ge'ez: legesse znw).
However, he eventually became better known by his nom de guerre Meles, which he adopted in
honor of university student and fellow Tigrayan Meles Tekle who was executed by Mengistu's
government in 1975.[10] He received primary education at Queen of Sheba Junior School located in
Adwa.[11] It took him 5 years to complete the regular 8 years program as he was smart and was able
to skip grades and join the next level. He then joined the prestigious General Wingate High school
inAddis Ababa on full scholarship and completed high school in 1972. After high school, Meles
studied medicine at Addis Ababa University (at the time known as Haile Selassie University) for two
years before dropping out his studies in 1974 to join other students and form Tigrayan National
Organization (TNO) the forerunner Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in Dedebit, Tigray.
Aregawi Berhe, a former member of the TPLF, notes that historians John Young and Jenny
Hammond "vaguely indicated" Meles as founder TPLF in their books. Aregawi insists that both he
and Sibhat Nega joined the Front "months" after it was founded.[12] While a member of the TPLF,
Meles established the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray.
TPLF was one of armed groups struggling Lieutenant Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam and the Derg,
the junta which lead Ethiopia under iron fist from 1974-1991. Meles was elected member of the
leadership committee in 1979 and chairman of the executive committee of TPLF in 1983. He was the
chairperson of both the TPLF and the EPRDF after the EPRDF assumed power at the end of
the Ethiopian Civil War in 1991. He was president of the transitional government of Ethiopia (TGE),
during which Eritrea seceded from the country and a federal Government that is based on
representing the nation and nationality of the country started.[8]
At the 33rd G8 summit in Heiligendamm in 2007 (Meles at elevated row fourth from left)
Meles stated that EPRDF's victory was a triumph for the thousands of TPLF-fighters who were killed,
for the millions of Ethiopians who were victims of the country's biggest famine during the Derg
regime, when some estimates put up to 1.5 million deaths of Ethiopians from famine and the Red
Terror. Accordingly, he maintained that the big support it received from peasants and rural areas
helped EPRDF maintain peace and stability. Foreign support was diverse; the Arab League, as well
as Western nations, supported the EPRDF rebels against the communist Moscow-supported
government (although the TPLF was at the time Marxist) at the height of the Cold War.
"What the implications of this will be in terms of relations between Ethiopia and the European Union,
we will have to wait and see but I don't think you will be surprised if Ethiopia were to insist that it
should not be patronised."[13]
The United States facilitated peace talks between different rebel groups including EPRDF and the
Derg to bring an end to civil war which lasted for 17 years and reach some kind of political
settlement in 1991.[14] The talks didn't bear any fruit as EPRDF's force were moving to the capital and
Mengistu fled the country. The United State agreed to supportthe EPRDF which would have,
nevertheless, seize the power without anyone's support.Many angry demonstrators in Addis Ababa
reacted to this by protesting against Herman Cohen, the U.S. State Department's chief of African
affairs who attended a conference that demonstrators viewed as legitimizing the EPRDF. A New
York Timeseditorial commented in 1991,
"Demonstrators cursing the Americans ignore two realities. The cold war is over in Africa, and
Ethiopia is no longer a focus of superpower rivalry. Otherwise it would have been unthinkable for
four contending Marxist groups to turn to Washington for help. The other reality is that Mr. Cohen
cannot undo at the conference table what has happened on the battlefield"[15]
Even though the victory of EPRDF success was welcomed as a relief from DERG's military rule,
there was strong anti-EPRDF sentiments present in many parts of the country and was strongly
visible in Addis Ababa. The main opposition to EPDRF's and by implication Meles's rule emanated
from the fact that EPDRF facilitated and supported at best or didn't at least oppose the secession
of Eritrea which left Ethiopia land-locked.[14] This was just the beginning of the opposition to Meles'
EPRDF party after it gained power and more strong opposition followed. Addis Ababa has since
been the center of peaceful opposition to the EPRDF, while the eastern Somali Region has been the
most active region for armed opposition.
In July 1991, Convention of Nationalities was held. It was the first Ethiopian multinational convention
where delegates of various nations and organizations were given fair and equal representation and
observed by various international organizations including the United Nations, Organization for
African Unity, European Economic Community, and theUnited States and the United Kingdom.
Foreign policies[edit]
See also: Foreign relations of Ethiopia
President George W. Bushwelcomes President Daniel arap Moi of Kenya and Meles Zenawi to the Oval Office,
December 2002
This section is too long.
Considersplitting it into new pages,
addingsubheadings,
or condensing it.(February 2013)
Meles moved to have Ethiopia gain a larger share of the Nile River water. Part of this entailed using
Ethiopia's hydropower prospects as leverage in exporting power to Egypt, amongst others. He had
also aided the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement prior to South Sudan's independence as
the rebels fought the government in Khartoum. Since the War on Terrorism, Meles sought to
consolidate Ethiopia's hegemony in East Africa, including his mediation efforts with Sudan and South
Sudan, as well as stabilizing Somalia towards the end of the mandate of the Transitional Federal
Government. Though he had controversially sent troops to fight against the Islamic Courts Union,
since 2009 he had been praised for working towards a stable situation along with the African
Union.[16]
Eritrea[edit]
Although Meles and his administration claimed they preferred a united but federal state that included
the Eritrean state, since Meles' TPLF fought together with EPLF, Meles originally left the decision of
independence to the Eritrean citizens in the hope that the independence referendum would vote
against secession, according to Time magazine's 1991 analysis.[17] However, after the EPLF secured
their borders when Mengistu's regime fell, and after the majority of Eritreans voted for independence
on 24 May 1993, Isaias Afewerki became the leader of Eritrea. Many people[who?] in the Meles
administration, as well as opposition parties were angry over the decision to grant Eritrea its
independence.[18]
Despite working together[16] against the Derg regime, Meles and Afewerki's positive relationship
turned sour after Meles succumbed to U.S. pressure to hold an election within a year, but Afewerki
abandoned his original promise to create a transitional government in the early
1990s.[19] The Eritrean-Ethiopian War began in May 1998 following the Eritrean troops invasion of
Badme and parts of Sheraro woredas.[20] Following the invasion Ethiopia demanded the Eritrean
troops to leave the invaded areas completely. However, president Afeworki of Eritrea refused to pull
out. Then the Ethiopians responded with huge counter - offensive measures which subsequently
lead to the capture of the disputed Badme area and most parts of western Eritrea, Ethiopian
President Negaso Gidada gave a victory speech and a peace treaty was signed a few weeks later.
According to the peace treaty Ethiopia then pulled out of the Eritrean Territory.[21] Though Ethiopian
troops controlled Badme,[22] after an international court[which?] ruled that Badme belonged to Eritrea,
Ethiopia continued to maintain a presence of Ethiopian soldiers in the town.[23]
After Meles signed a United Nations peace treaty, Defense Minister Siye Abraha, disagreed with
those aligned with Meles over "key issues of ideology" and accused Meles' supporters of corruption
and of Zenwai for failing to act quickly or decisively enough over the crisis with Eritrea.[24] This led to
a showdown at a meeting of the Politburo of the EPRDF, wherein Meles won a 1513 vote on his
proposed statement that "the greatest threat that Ethiopia was facing was corruption and
undemocratic tendencies." Meles said afterwards that the dissenting members had at that point
insisted that the meeting be aborted and called for a general meeting of the TPLF, a move Meles
described as "a violation of democratic principles and the statute of the front." A number of the
dissenting members of the TPLF, including Siye, were quickly arrested and imprisoned. Siye was
later released after five years in prison, and joined opposition parties.[25] This rift is thought[by whom?] to
have led to the murder of Kinfe Gebremedhin, a former TPLF commander, Chief of Security and
Immigration and a right-hand man of Meles.[original research?]
Some[who?] believe Meles wanted Aferwerki to remain in power, despite their deep
disagreements.[26] According to a BBC Monitoring report, Meles reportedly blocked four million dollars
of support from being transferred from Yemen and Sudan to the Eritrean National Alliance opposition
group which was trying to overthrow the Eritrean regime.[26]
Somalia[edit]
In 2006, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) assumed control of much of the southern part of Somalia
and promptly imposed Shari'a law. The Transitional Federal Government sought to re-establish its
authority, and, with the assistance of Ethiopian troops, African Union peacekeepers and air support
by the United States, managed to drive out the rival ICU.[27] On 8 January 2007, as the Battle of Ras
Kamboni raged, TFG President and founder Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, a former colonel in the Somali
Army, entered Mogadishu for the first time since being elected to office. The Somali government
then relocated to Villa Somalia in the capital from its interim location in Baidoa. This marked the first
time since the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 that the federal government controlled most of
the country.[28]
Following this defeat, the Islamic Courts Union splintered into several different factions. Some of the
more radical elements, including Al-Shabaab, regrouped to continue their insurgency against the
TFG and oppose the Ethiopian military's presence in Somalia. Throughout 2007 and 2008, AlShabaab scored military victories, seizing control of key towns and ports in both central and
southern Somalia. At the end of 2008, the group had captured Baidoa but not Mogadishu. By
January 2009, Al-Shabaab and other militias had managed to force the Ethiopian troops to retreat,
leaving behind an under-equipped African Union peacekeeping force to assist the TFG's troops.[29]
Some political parties[which?] in Ethiopia opposed Meles' policies and demanded the complete
withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from Somalia. Merera Gudina, leader of the opposition party United
Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) said "the military victory against the Islamic Courts forces was
not followed by political victory or national reconciliation."[30] He also said staying in Somalia harms
the Ethiopian economy[why?] and some of the leaders in the transitional Somali government were not
reaching out to civil society members in Somalia. With the exception of the SPDP, UEDP-Medhin
(EDUP) and ONC opposition parties, not many opposition parties in Ethiopia supported the choice of
intervention in Somalia by Meles' ruling party.[31] Some members[which?] of the Somali parliament also
expressed their appreciation of Ethiopia's help publicly, but opposition remained against the
intervention, which was portrayed as an invasion instead.[by whom?][32]
Between 31 May and 9 June 2008, representatives of Somalia's TFG and the Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia (ARS) group of Islamist rebels participated in peace talks inDjibouti brokered by
the former United Nations Special Envoy to Somalia, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah. The conference
ended with a signed agreement calling for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops in exchange for the
cessation of armed confrontation. Parliament was subsequently expanded to 550 seats to
accommodate ARS members, which then electedSheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the former ARS
chairman, to office.[33]
In October 2011, a coordinated multinational operation began against Al-Shabaab in southern
Somalia, with the Ethiopian military eventually joining the mission the following month.[34] According
to Ramtane Lamamra, the AU Commissioner for Peace and Security, the additional Ethiopian and
AU troop reinforcements are expected to help the Somali authorities gradually expand their territorial
control.[35]
Climate change[edit]
Meles played an important role in developing the African Union's position on climate change since
2009[16] and was a 'friend of the Chair' at the 15th Conference of the Parties (COP15) to the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC).[original research?]
On 31 August 2009, Meles was appointed Chair of the African Heads of State and Government on
Climate Change (CAHOSCC). The group had been established following the 4 February 2009
decision at the 12th AU Assembly of Heads of States to build a common Africa position on climate
change in preparations for COP15.[citation needed]
Prior to Meles' appointment, but in light of the AU's decision and the Algiers Declaration on the
African Common Platform to Copenhagen, on 19 May 2009 the Africa Group made a submission to
the UNFCCC that included demands for US$67 billion per year in finance for adaptation funding and
US$200 billion per year for mitigation and set targets in terms of reductions of emissions by
developed countries not by reference to temperature.[36]
On 3 September 2009 Meles made a speech to the Africa Partnership Forum where he said:"[37]
We will never accept any global deal that does not limit global warming to the minimum unavoidable
level, no matter what levels of compensation and assistance are promised to us While we will
reason with everyone to achieve our objective, we will not rubber stamp an agreement by the
powers that be as the best we could get for the moment. We will use our numbers to delegitimize
any agreement that is not consistent with our minimal position. If needs be we are prepared to walk
out of any negotiations that threaten to be another rape of our continent.
On 12 December 2009 at COP15, the Africa Group made a further submission to the UNFCCC that
called for 45% emission reductions by developed countries by 2020, finance for adaptation of $150
billion immediately as special drawing rights from the IMF, $400 billion in fast-track financing, and 5%
of developed countries' GNP in longer-term financing.[38] On 15 December 2009, Meles Zenawi
issued a joint press release with the President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, which declared that the
African Union position at Copenhagen was a 2 C temperature target, 10 billion euros in 'fast-track
financing,' and 100 billion euros in 'long-term financing.'[39] This new position from Meles was
observed to be the same[by whom?] as the European Union's position[40] and received widespread
condemnation by other African leaders, including Namibian Prime Minister Nahas Angula,
Lesothos Bruno Sekoli, Ugandan chief negotiator and Minister of Water and Environment Maria
Mutagamba and Sudans Ambassador and Chair of G77, Lumumba Di-Aping. African civil society
groups[which?] condemned the position as a betrayal of Africa. Archbishop Desmond Tutu said the twodegree target "condemns Africa to incineration and no modern development".[41][42]
The Copenhagen Accord went on to reflect the EU's position as adopted by Meles.[original research?]
ethnic conflicts. Many regional government officials claim the number of dead was not 400, but that
around 200 armed Anuaks and highlanders were killed after the ethnic violence.[52]
The government and other critical analysts often disregard pro-Anuak sources of information and
testimonies, seeing them as biased against other local ethnicities. However some Anuak sources
gave diverse accounts. For instance, Anuak refugees and witnesses who claimed they saw the
conflict and massacre said that the bloodshed was started by anti-government civilians as well as
anti-government soldiers and anti-government officials in order to create problems for the
government. One witness said,
I think that among the mob and the soldiers there was a group of people who were against the
government and wanted to use this opportunity to put the government in a problem. I think that there
were anti-government and anti-Anywaa elements within the army who orchestrated this type of
killing.[53]
Despite progress to curb the historical ethnic divisions and political tensions, there still remains a
relatively tense political situation in the Gambella region. Recently[when?] the Gambella Peace
Olympics, a sport festival promoting peace and development amongst the Gambella region's ethnic
groups, including Anuaks and Nuars, was held in a bid to bring about constructive dialogue and
long-term peace among the region's often feuding ethnic groups.[54]
Post-election violence[edit]
In response to the aftermath of the 2005 election, Meles told the Washington Post: "I would love to
be the African leader that steps down, that overthrows this idea of a Big Man ruler. I dont want to
stay in office forever."[55]
On 18 October 2006 an independent report said Ethiopian police massacred 193 protesters, mostly
in the capital Addis Ababa, in the violence of June and November following the May 2005 elections.
The information was leaked before the official independent report was handed to the parliament. The
leak made by Ethiopian judge Wolde-Michael Meshesha found that the government had concealed
the true extent of deaths at the hands of the police.[56]
This leak also brought more accusations that the opposition party which provoked the riots was
trying to damage the reputation of the government by leaking the inquiry unlawfully. Gemechu
Megerssa, a member of the independent Inquiry commission, which Mr. Meshesha once worked
with, said Mr. Meshesha taking the report "out of context and presenting it to the public to
sensationalise the situation for his political end is highly unethical."[57]
The judge[who?] in Europe described the deaths as a massacre and said the toll could well have been
higher. The judge was filing for asylum and is currently living in Europe, bringing speculation that he
was biased to begin with in support of the opposition party, but he claimed that he had to leave the
country because he thought he would be "harassed" by the government. He speculated that Meles
ordered troops to shoot at protesters. But according to the New York Times, Meles said "he did not
authorize the police to use live bullets."[58]
The official report described by the parliament and the government gave exactly the same details as
the leaked inquiry. It said that 193 people had been killed, including 40 teenagers. Six policemen
were also killed and some 763 people injured. Police records showed 20,000 people were initially
arrested during the anti-government protests.[56] The government said various witnesses from the
Kinijit (CUD) opposition party have testified that CUD leaders assured them of a demise of Meles'
party and government in order to start an armed rebellion. The witnesses stated that CUD leaders
encouraged them to start military training and planning to overthrow the government.[59] The
commission members living in Addis Ababa criticised the government saying;
We are not saying the government was totally clean. The government has a lot to be accountable for.
The mentality of the police needs to be changed, and then we will be able to minimize those kinds of
casualties in the future. Building of [democratic] institutions is required, but that is going to take time.
The government was not prepared to tackle violence like that which took place last year. They could
have brought an alternative way of dispersing rioting crowds.[60][61]
The independent Inquiry commission members added Meshesha going to Europe and reporting
information out of context was "dishonest" and ugly politics, as well as insensitive to the process of
developing Ethiopia's young democracy. The commission said Ethiopians need to solve their
problems themselves so that this kind of violence will not occur again, that respecting authority and
each other and working together is important, and that changing the mentality of the police is what
the "government has to think about seriously."[62]
Despite all these post-election issues and complications, in addition to the Carter Center and the US
government British MPs continued to praise the democratic process in Ethiopia. After meeting with
some opposition parties, British MPs stated that the Ethiopian government should always stand
firmly against those who try to use "undemocratic and unconstitutional means" to change
government.[63]
Presently, all except 20 of the elected opposition members have joined the Ethiopian parliament
along with the EPRDF party members. Top opposition parties, UEDF and UEPD-Medhin, are
peacefully working with the government for negotiations on the democratic process.[64] Many
opposition parties are represented in the Ethiopia Parliament, where representatives from Oromia
state hold the most seats and representatives from the Amhara State hold the second-most seats, in
correlation with the population order of the corresponding states.[65] Various opposition parties
including UEDF, UEPD-Medhin, Somali People's Democratic Party (SPDP), EDL, Gambella
People's Democratic Movement (GPDM), All Ethiopian Unity Organization (AEUO), Oromo
Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) and Benishangul-Gumuz People's Democratic Unity Front
(BGPDUF) hold seats in the parliament.[65] Despite pressure to release the CUD leaders who were
rounded up after the post election violence, an Ethiopian court convicted 38 of the top CUD
leaders.[66] After various negotiations to solve the deadlock via a political agreement, the convicted
CUD leaders signed a document, which many believe was coerced out of them, accepting their
"mistakes" and an accountability ranging from partial to full responsibility for the post-election
violence.[67][68]
Prisoners[edit]
Currently, all of the leaders of the main opposition party (CUD) are out of jail after an alleged attempt
to initiate the post-election violence and overthrow the government. All of these charges are denied
by the CUD leadership both in and outside Ethiopia, and the European Union continues to plea for
the political prisoners to be released after a speedy trial. Some of these elected CUD officials endure
very harsh conditions inside Ethiopia's poorly maintained prisons and they are at risk of various
medical complications. As a result of the violence after the elections, many thousands were arrested
and imprisoned. Even though most have been freed a few still remain in prison. Up to the end of
2005, around 8,000 Ethiopian rioters had been freed.[69]
After long and slow judicial proceedings an Ethiopian judge dropped the controversial charges of
attempted genocide and treason against 111 people arrested after election protests. Twenty-five
accused, mostly journalists and publishers, have also been acquitted of all charges. However
several opposition leaders remain in custody, accused of trying to violently overthrow the
government.[70] After the original arrests the Prime Minister told the parliament that releasing "these
hardliners" would embolden them to think "whatever their action, they will not be held accountable."
Thus, he stated, "the government has made it abundantly clear that interfering with the judicial
process for the release of hardliners is out of the question. The government has taken this
unwavering position not because of stubbornness or for a lack of willingness to resolve issues
through dialogue and negotiation."[71] The ruling party has accused the group of trying to utilize street
uprising techniques as a way to change regimes. Various supporters of the government and
supporters of peaceful opposition parties who function in the parliament continue to accuse the
imprisoned opposition group of "extremism" and accuse them of following the textbook directions
given by Dr. Negede. An exiled and educated Ethiopian, Dr. Negede is known for the famous book
he wrote on how to overthrow the government through street uprising.[72][73] However Amnesty
International and the supporters of the group in jail claim that the detainees are "prisoners of
conscience" who are innocent and should be freed immediately and unconditionally. In June 2007,
the Ethiopian court found the CUD opposition party's 38 senior figures guilty of the charges.[74] After
CUD's top leaders signed a paper accepting responsibility for the violence, some sources claimed
the leaders would be freed in a short time.[75] All of the leadership of the CUD party were released
after the pardon board accepted their apology letter. According to VOA news, a CUD spokesman
Hailu Araya said, "We signed it voluntarily. We apologized to the people, to the government. Yes, we
did. Thats what the paper said, and thats what we signed."[76]
Ogaden conflict[edit]
Main article: 20072008 Ethiopian crackdown in Ogaden
Meles Zenawi's government allegedly carried out brutal counter-insurgency techniques against
the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), particularly after the ONLF killed more than 70
Ethiopic and Ethiopian Oil facility workers in the region in April 2007. Both sides accuse each other
of human rights abuses. In June 2008, HRW criticized the lack of Western condemnation of Meles'
counter-insurgency policy and the military activities by Ethiopian Defence forces in reaction to
ONLF's attacks.
Both fighting forces accuse each other of killing civilians and burning villages, with HRW claiming
that accounts by refugees fleeing out of the country support ONLF's accusations. Both Ethiopia and
its allies claim refugees fleeing out of Ethiopia, instead of taking shelter from the conflict inside
Ethiopia, were supporters of the ONLF who cannot be used as an independent source of evidence.
Western governments continued to state that they will check into the various allegations from all
sides.
After his body was repatriated on an Ethiopian Airlines flight two days later, thousands of mourners
had congregated on streets from the airport to Meles' former residence to pay their last respects as
his coffin, draped in the flag of Ethiopia, was accompanied by a military band. The event was
attended by political, military and religious leaders, as well as diplomats and his wife, Azeb Mesfin,
who was dressed in black as she left the plane. The body will lie in state and the funeral date set is
arranged. A declaration of national mourning was also issued.[80] There were also fears of a power
vacuum after his death, as well as a possible detriment to Eritrea-Ethiopian relations.[83]
Meless funeral took place in Addis Ababa on 2 September 2012 in a religious ceremony attended by
at least 20 African presidents and thousands of Ethiopians gathered inMeskel Square.[84]
Reactions[edit]
This article is in a list format that may be better presented using prose. You
can help by converting this article to prose, ifappropriate. Editing help is
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Political leaders, states and institutitions offered their thoughts on Meles following his death.[80]
President Lee Myung-bak released this statement: "The passing of Prime Minister
Meles is being mourned across the globe. We all have just lost a great leader of
Ethiopia and a preeminent advocate for Africa and the developing world. [...] I pray for
the repose of a truly bright mind who lived an intense and moving life my close
friend."[89]
Western NGOs Amnesty International called for the new administration to end Meles' "everincreasing repression" and Human Rights Watch similarly added that the next administration
should repeal the 2009 anti-terrorism law.[80] As the New York Times asked about a gap
between the United States of America's strategic and ideological goals in relation to its
support for Meles' government, it quoted HRW researcher Leslie Lefkow as saying: "There
is an opportunity here. If donors are shrewd, they will use the opportunity that this presents
to push a much stronger and bolder human rights stance and need for reform." Author Dan
Connell, who had interviewed Meles in June, said that "he seemed focused [then] on
wrapping up a number of major projects as if he were aware the end was near. Meles knew
his days were numbered."[90] The Committee to Protect Journalistscited and criticised the
secrecy around Meles' death.[91] The Washington Post said that the "circumstances of his
death remained laced with intrigue."[92]
Regional groups responded with the Ogaden National Liberation Front saying it hoped his
death "may usher [in] a new era of stability and peace" and Al Shabaab that it was
celebrating the "uplifting news."[80]
Personal life[edit]
This section
requires expansion.(June 2013)
Meles acquired an MBA (Master of Business Administration) from the Open University of the
United Kingdom in 1995 and a masters of science in economics from the Erasmus
University of the Netherlands in 2004.[93] In July 2002, Meles received an honorary doctoral
degree in political science from the Hannam University in South Korea.[94]
Meles was married to Azeb Mesfin, a former rebel fighter in TPLF and, as of 2013, a
Member of Parliament.[95][96] Meles was the father of three children.
International accolades[edit]
Awards[edit]
Prime Minister Meles received various international awards for setting up a good foundation
for the development of Ethiopia. Even though Ethiopia remains one of the poorest countries
in the world, the near double-digit annual economic growth rate recently is seen as the
beginning of Ethiopia's long marathon struggle to eliminate poverty. Acknowledging the
rapid GDP growth of the country, the UK newspaper The Economist said in December 2007
that "Ethiopia's economy has been growing at record speed in recent years."[97] In 2008,
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) described the speed of Ethiopia's economic growth in
recent years as the "fastest for a non-oil exporting country in Sub-Saharan Africa",[98] with
Ethiopia ranked as the second-most attractive African country for investors.[99]
Although many opposition parties and parliamentarian critics disagree, some Ethiopians also
portray the arrival date of Meles' government, 28 May 1991 (Ginbot 20), as the "birth of
democracy" in Ethiopia, while diplomats and analysts say the country is slowly moving
towards democracy.[100][101][102]
Before he joined the Medical Faculty of Addis Ababa University, Prime Minister Meles
was awarded the Haile Selassie I Prize Trust, a highly selective award given only to the
most outstanding graduating students.[103][104]
The Rwanda government awarded Meles Rwandas National Liberation Medal, the
"Uruti," in July 2009 for helping to liberate Rwanda and end the genocide in the country.
Alongside two other African leaders, Meles was also given Rwanda's highest accolade,
the "Umurinzi" medal, Rwandas Campaign Against Genocide Medal.[105][106]
PM Meles Zenawi was awarded the World Peace Prize for his contributions to global
peace and his effort to stabilize the Horn of Africa through cooperation with InterGovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD).[107]
Tabor 100, an African American entrepreneurs organization, honored PM Meles for his
contribution toward economic and social transformation in Africa with its prestigious
Crystal Eagle International Leadership Award in April 2005.[108] Tabor 100, a U.S.-based
nongovernmental organization, calling Meles Zenawi "international leader of the year
2005", also honored the efforts of the Ethiopian government in general for its war on
poverty and backwardness.[109]
PM Meles was awarded the Good Governance Award of the Global Coalition for Africa
for leading Ethiopia along a democratic path during the challenging period of
transition.[110][111] He was selected for the good governance award by the USbased Corporate Council on Africa.[112]
PM Meles received the Norway-based 2005 Yara Prize for Green Revolution (Yara) for
initiating a good foundation for economic progress in Ethiopia, particularly in the
agricultural sector, where the poor country has doubled its food production. During the
award ceremony held in the Norwegian capital of Oslo on 3 September, the director of
the UN project for Africa said, "With our support, Ethiopia can lift itself from poverty and
hunger. Under Prime Minister Meles the country has created the grass roots structure to
enable this to happen."[113]
Meles was given the Africa Political Leadership Award of 2008 by the US-based
newspaper, Africa Times. Previous winners of the award include Desmond Tutu, Nelson
Mandela and others.[114]
Ethiopias military honored Prime Minister Meles for his leadership during the 1998
2000 war with its northern neighbour when Eritrea invaded Ethiopia in 1998.[22][115]
Residents of the historic and ancient UNESCO town of Axum in Ethiopia honored Prime
Minister Meles for his political and diplomatic leadership role in the return and reerection of the Obelisk of Axum after a 68-year stay in Rome, Italy.[116]
Meles received a Gold Order of Merit award from the Confederation of African Football
(CAF) in February 2007. PM Meles was given the CAF organisation's highest award for
his services in advancing the progress of African football. Ethiopia was one of the
founding countries of the CAF (1957) and the organization, with the dedication of AU
leaders like Meles, was celebrating the International Year of African Football in 2007.[117]
Positions[edit]
Meles was a Co-Chairperson of the Global Coalition for Africa (GCA.)[118] The Global
Coailition for Africa brings together senior African policy makers and their partners to
deepen dialogue and build consensus on Africa's priority development issues.
The Prime Minister was the co-chairperson of the Beijing Summit of the Forum on
China-Africa Cooperation (Nov.2006) Ethiopia is the Forum's co-chair country.[119] It led
to the adoption of the Beijing Action Plan (20072009) for partnership for economic
progress and cultural exchanges. It also stated to support Africa's "development [of]
international political, economic, trade and financial systems."
In 2004, Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom appointed Meles as one of the
commissioners taking part in the Commission for Africa.[93]
Prime Minister Meles served as the Chairman of the Organization for African
Unity (OAU, now the African Union AU) from June 1995 to June 1996.
In 2007, the African Union elected Meles to chair the executive committee of the
NEPAD (the New Partnership for Africa's Development)
Meles was chosen to represent Africa at the G8 Summit and the G20 summit in
London.[120][121][122]
The African Union selected Meles to lead an African Delegation to the Global
Conference on Climate Change at Copenhagen in 2009
In February 2010, the UN named Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles as co-chair of the
Advisory Group on Climate Change Financing, a new high-level U.N. advisory group on
climate change financing.[123]
Milestones[edit]
Several social, economic, religious and political developments and systems were
established for the first time in Ethiopia under Meles' rule.[124]
Foundation[edit]
Meles was given the Green Revolution award and a financial prize of 200,000 dollars by the
Norwegian Yara Foundation in September 2005 "in recognition of past accomplishments
and encouragement to achieve economic development for the people of Ethiopia."
Meles donated his $200,000 financial award to a foundation called "FreAddis Ethiopia
Women Fund" (Fre-Addis Ethiopia Yesetoch Merja Mahiber).[125] The Fre-Addis Ethiopia
Women Fund has an objective "to empower girls through providing educational
opportunities" and it currently supports 514 needy and orphan rural girls to pursue their
education throughout the country.
Bibliography[edit]
Media appearances[edit]
See also[edit]
Ethiopian Orthodox
Azeb Mesfin
Girma Wolde-Giorgis
Haile Selassie
Yohannes III
Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD-IV), 2008.
Blanco Chivite, Manuel. Diario de Etiopa, Madrid, Vosa Ediciones, 1991
Quotations[edit]
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the Transwiki process.
"They dont want to see a developed Africa. They want us to remain backward to serve their
tourists as a museum" - in response to critics of hydro dam and other development projects
"I regret the deaths but these were not normal demonstrations. You don't see hand
grenades thrown at normal demonstrations"on post election issue
"Africa's downfall has always been the cult of the personality. And their names always
seem to begin with M. We've had Mobutu and Mengistu and I'm not going to add Meles
to the list."Dimbleby questioning Meles on his exposure to the people.
"We have taken measures and beefed up our defense capabilities around the border
since December to prevent any miscalculation by the other side," post-EritreanEthiopian war complications
"..countries pretend their foreign policy is based on democratisation when this is clearly
not the case. For all the challenges in Zimbabwe, for example, it is a bit of a stretch to
say it is less democratic than some of the sheikhdoms of the Gulf. But none of the
sheikdoms has a problem visiting Europe."- Meles Zenawi's response about European
sanctions and travel ban on Zimbabwe's Mugabe
"If it is presumed that the Kenyans will democratise in order to eat the peanuts of
development assistance from the European Union... it would be a big mistake"- Meles
Zenawi's reaction to European threat of sanctions on Kenya.
"Democracy is the expression of a sovereign people. To impose it from outside is
inherently undemocratic."- Meles interviewed by The Guardian
"It's true we have our disagreements on border issues, we have disagreements on trade
and related issues, but you don't go invading a country whenever you have a dispute on
trade issues, ... We have more civilized mechanisms on resolving such problems."
after Eritrea's attack on Mekele, Ethiopia
"America didnt give us any money because of Somalia intervention. This doesnt mean
America hasnt given us food aid or money for HIV prevention before. It certainly has.
But we arent going to fight Somalia using Condoms." Meless reply to MP Bulcha
Demeksas teasing question on whether America gave financial support to Ethiopia for
the Somalia intervention.
"This is not your run-of-the-mill demonstration. This is an Orange Revolution gone
wrong" PM Meles accusing opposition parties for the violence.
"I have never heard of any convincing reason as to why we should privatize land at this
stage." Part of PM Meles' controversial reply to Dr. Abdul Mejid Hussien.
"The violence has marred the image of Ethiopia,... The worst is clearly behind us and
we do not expect any such violence in the near future."on post-election events
"Even when we obey international laws after exhausting all peaceful means, some
countries might not support our move to defend Ethiopia because of their own national
interests or diplomatic rationale. So what do we do? Two choices: either we seat &
welcome our enemies to invade our homes or we stand up for ourselves. I hope
parliament chooses the second option...we dont need the blessing of other nations to
defend our country."Meles speaking to parliament about Somali Islamic courts. (from
amharic translation)
"I am proud to be an Ethiopian. I am proud to be a part of that history."Meles speaking
to American intellectuals about Ethiopia and its history.
"When they (Somali Jihadists) control the whole of Somalia it would be very naive to
assume that they will mend their ways, cease to be terrorists and become very civilized
and very tame pussycats."Interview with AP on Somali extremists.
"As we respond to the assault of our enemy and defend our country, we must never
break international laws. Crime can not be solved by more crime." Meles Zenawi
speaking to Parliament 23 November 2006. (from Amharic translation)
"We believe the problem between ourselves and Eritrea will have to be resolved through
dialogue, but it takes two to tango"on border dispute with Eritrea
"The rest of the contextual factors have no relevance whatsoever to the investigative
process. Indeed, they remind me of the famous Tina Turner song. 'Whats love got to do
with it?'"Meles Zenawi's response to EU-EOM implying Mrs. Ana Gomez's alleged
contradicting accusations.[126]
"So why don't you give them additional concessions?' We said, 'What concessions?
Concessions from our sovereignty? That has never been done by any government in
Ethiopia in 3,000 years.' That is the only thing of great value what we have inherited
from our past, our unflinching determination to keep our...country independent even if
we are dying of hunger."Response to EU's demands for Eritrea
"While they are entitled to their own opinion, this government and this country are
incapable, unwilling and unable to be run like some banana republic from Capitol Hill. It
is very worrisome that some of these individuals appear to have entertained such
views."In response Rep. Donald Payne's pressure for Hailu Shawel & Co.