Augustus and The Greek World PDF

G.W.
B O W E R S O C K
AUGUSTUS
A N D THE
GREEK
WORLD
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
T H E principal theme of this work is

the process of consolidation of the
Graeco-Roman world under the em
peror Augustus. The book is the
first to examine in detail the relations
between Rome and the Greek-speak
ing peoples at this pivotal point in
Roman history. Attention is paid to
links with republican patterns of dip
lomacy as well as to adumbrations
of the second-century empire. No
attempt has been made to furnish a
narrative account of familiar
material.
AUGUSTUS
AND THE
GREEK
WORLD
Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. i

GLASGOW
N E W YORK
TORONTO
CAPE TOWN
SALISBURY
I BAD A N
BOMBAY
CALCUTTA
MADRAS
KUALA LUMPUR
MELBOURNE
NAIROBI
KARACHI
HONG KONG
WELLINGTON
LUSAKA
LAHORE
TOKYO
ADDIS ABABA
DACCA
AUGUSTUS
AND T H E G R E E K WORLD
G. W. B O W E R S O C K
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON
PRESS
Oxford University Press 1965

FIRST PUBLISHED I965
REPRINTED LITHOGRAPHICALLY IN GREAT BRITAIN
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I966
MANIBUS
ET
PATRIS
MATRI
PREFACE
O R its day
(1890) The Greek World under Roman Sway
by
Professor Mahaffy was admirable; and Ludwig Hahn's

Rom und Romanismus im griechisch-romischen Osten, pub
lished early in this century, made valuable contributions to the

understanding of Rome and the East generally. But these
books were never adequate for an appreciation of any closely
defined period of Roman history, especially one so crucial as
the Augustan Principate. Now they are also out of date. New
evidence is still appearing, and the brilliant researches of
Conrad Cichorius, Louis Robert, Michael Rostovtzeff, and
Sir Ronald Syme have revealed the importance of applying
new techniques to the study of Roman relations with the
Greek-speaking peoples. The studies of these four men are the
foundation of this book.
The principal theme of the following pages is the process of
consolidation of the Graeco-Roman world under the first Princeps. The subject has been approached along lines relatively
unexplored for this period. No attempt has been made to
furnish a narrative account of familiar history, since the reign
of Augustus is too well known. There is no examination here of
the Augustan East province by province; nor have Rome's
dealings with Parthia and Armenia been deemed relevant:
so extensive and difficult a subject, though connected with
the present one, requires independent treatment. In general,
topicshowever fascinating and importantwhich do not
somehow illuminate the main theme for the period under study
have perforce been omitted.
A great many scholars have helped me at various times.
Above all, I am indebted to Professor Syme for encourage
ment and guidance; his prodigious and profound under
standing of the Roman Empire has been a constant inspiration.
I am also grateful to my friend and teacher, Mr. Russell
Meiggs, for continuing interest. Among others in Oxford
who have assisted me in matters of substance I should like
viii
PREFACE
particularly to thank Mr. E . W. Gray, Mrs, M . I. Henderson,

Dr. B. M . Levick, and Dr. F. G. B. Millar. I have had
valuable information from Athens through the courtesy of
Mr. H. IS. Robinson and Mr. E . Vanderpool. In America the
late Professor A. D. Nock of Harvard discussed several com
plex topics with me. Mr. C. P. Jones has unselfishly aided me
throughout. Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to the
Master and Fellows of Balliol College, Oxford, as well as to
the Department of the Classics at Harvard and the Master of
Eliot House, for providing comfortable and congenial environ
ments for the preparation of this work.
G. W. B.
Eliot House
December 1964
CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS
I.
II.
THE
LATE
xi
REPUBLICAN
R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S IN T H E A U G U S T A N
III.
G R E E K S IN
THE
IV.
KINGS
DYNASTS
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
BACKGROUND
AND
EASTERN
ROMANS
THE
IMPERIAL
AND
THE
14
30
62
HELLENIC
LIFE
CITIES
IMPERIAL
EAST
42
COLONIES
73
85
OPPOSITION AMONG
THE
SERVICE
THE
GREEKS
CULT
GREEK LITERATURE
101
112
UNDER
NOVUS STATUS
AUGUSTUS
122
140
APPENDIXES
1. Cults of Roman Magistrates

2. Triumviral Thracian Kings
150
152
3. Suetonius, Tiberius 8
157
BIBLIOGRAPHY
162
INDEX
169
ABBREVIATIONS
AE
AJP
Ant, Class.
Arch. Eph.
Ath. Mitt.
BCH
BMC
Broughton, MRR
CAH
Cichorius, RS
CIG
CIL
CP
ca
CR
EE
E-J*
VAnnie epigraphique
American Journal of Philology
UAntiquiti classique
%
ApX(L1>o\oyiK7l
E(f}7)lJLpLS
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts,

Athenische Abteilung
Bulletin de correspondance hellenique
Catalogue of Coins in the British Museum
T. R. S. Broughton, Magistrates of the Roman
Republic ( 1 9 5 1 )
Cambridge Ancient History
C. Cichorius, Rbmische Studien ( 1 9 2 2 )
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
Classical Philology
Classical Quarterly
Classical Review
Ephemeris Epigraphica
Ehrenberg and Jones, Documents illustrating the
Reigns of Augustus and Tiberius (Second Edition,
1955).
FGH
Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker
Grant, FIT A
HSCP
Head, HN
M . Grant, From Imperium to Auctoritas (1946)

Hafvard Studies in Classical Philology
B. V . Head, Historia Numorum (Second Edition,
191O
Hesperia
Historia
Inscriptions Graecae
Inscriptions Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes
Dessau, Inscriptions Latinae Selectae
Journal of Hellenic Studies
A. H. M . Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman
Provinces ( 1 9 3 7 )
A. H. M.Jones, The Greek City (1940)
Hesp.
Hist.
IG
IGR
ILS
JHS
Jones, CERP
Jones, GC
xii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
JRS
Journal of Roman Studies
Magie, RRAM
D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (1950)
MAMA
OGIS
PBSA
PBSR
PIR
Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua

Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptions Selectae
Papers of the British School at Athens
Papers of the British School at Rome
Prosopographia Imperii Romani (PIR? referring to
available volumes of the Second Edition)

Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Real-Encyclopddie
P-W
REA
Revue des itudes anciennes

Revue des itudes grecques
Revue archiologique
M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the
Hellenistic World (1941)
M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the
REG
Rev. Arch.
Rostovtzeff, SEHHW
1
Rostovtzeff, SEHRE
Roman Empire (Second Edition, ed. P. M. Fraser,

1957)
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum
SEG
SIG*
(Third Edition)
Transactions of the American Philological Association
Le BasWaddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines
TAPA
Waddington
vol. 3
2
Waddington, Recueil Waddington-Babelon-Reinach, Recueil general

des monnaies grecques d*Asie Mineure (Second
Edition, 1925)
All other abbreviations, including those for excavation reports (e.g.
Corinth, Sardis), should be clear enough without further expansion
I
THE LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
HE last decades of the Republic were a time of oppression
and revolt in the East. Historical authors, ancient and
modern, unfold a tale of Roman ambition and rapacity.
Prophecies of Rome's doom fell on receptive ears ; improve
ment and reform, though attempted, met with insuperable
obstacles. The military exploits of Sulla, Lucullus, and Pompey
dominated the age, until the Republic spent itself in violence
in alien partsat Pharsalus, Philippi, and Actium. It is not
difficult to understand why the peoples of Asia massacred
some eighty thousand Roman citizens in one day at the bidding
of Mithridates Eupator ; it is less clear why such horrors were
not repeated. Only a fresh approach to the subject will yield
an answer: the familiar stories of strategy, campaigning, and
imperialist design must be set aside for a time. Mutual inter
ests between men of the East and West were the solid and
genuine foundation of Rome's eastern empire, and Augustus
was well aware of that fact.
Orac. Sibyll.y Book I I I : on the date and character of these anti-Roman

documents, H . Fuchs, Der geistige Widerstand gegen Rom in der antiken Welt (1938),
pp. 3 0 - 3 6 . Cf. Cicero (in oratory) on the unpopularity of Rome in the provinces:
de Imp. Pomp. 65, Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus apud exteras
nationes . . . ; / / Verr. 3 . 207, Lugent omnes provinciae, queruntur omnes liberi
populi, regna denique omnia de nostris cupiditatibus et iniuriis expostulant.
Memnon, FGH iii. B. 434, 2 2 . gr; V a l . Max. 9. 2. ext. 3 . Plut. Sull. 24. 4
gives a figure of 150,000 massacred, doubtless an exaggeration from Sulla's
memoirs.
See the judicious remarks of E. W. Gray in his review of Magie, RRAM,
JRS 42 (1952), 1 2 3 : 'One would welcome a fresh approach from an angle
which M . largely ignoresa social-political study of Asia provincia, an examina
tion of the relations between members of the local aristocracies in the Greek
cities and the Roman governing class, the informal workings of the patronusclientela relationship, the open conspiracy in which Greek and Roman aristo
cracies found a bond of sympathy and material interest.... In 'this matter there
is unbroken development through Republic and Principate/
2
814250
THE LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
The movement of Roman armies across the East, on their

way against the forces of Pontus or against one another,
brought hardship and fear to the native population; money,
food, supplies, sometimes ships had to be provided, and local
citizens had to house an itinerant soldiery whose propensities
in wartime were only too well known. Meanwhile, in the
intervals of relative peace, the Roman tax-collectors went
about their work with a greed and inhumanity bred of the
hope of personal profit. Roman pro-magistrates, however well
intentioned some may have been, served in their provinces for
too short a time to effect any substantial improvements in
organization and administration. But a network of personal
connexions between influential Greeks and eminent Romans
imparted stability to the empire by providing advantages to
both sides. Provincials could secure relief from oppression
through diplomatic intercession, and Rome could cultivate
loyalty in the provinces. This pattern of personal relationships
was the secret of Roman rule in the East, no less under the
Principate than the Republic.
The Principate inevitably brought certain modifications in
the diplomatic system, but the principle remained the same. It
was simply that under dynastic rule it was easier to see with
whom connexions had to be established. Previously, during the
civil struggles of the dying Republic, the shifts in allegiance
among various Roman patrons had created an almost in
soluble problem for many Greeks. Those who espoused the
cause of patrons who lost could expect to suffer for it. The
dilemma was exemplified at Rhodes after the murder ofJulius
Caesar, when that island remained faithful to the heirs in the
face of the fugitive tyrannicides and was obliged to send to
Cassius his old teacher Archelaus to plead for its survival.
The end of civil war and the establishment of a ruling house
removed such obstructions to smooth diplomacy.
Education and culture distinguished the Greeks who were
close to great Romans of the late Republic. Polybius had set
the example by his intimacy with Scipio Aemilianus. The
1
On all this: Rostovtzeff, SEHHW

pro Flacc. 14. 3 3 .
Cf. Catullus 6 2 , 1 . 24.
2
iii. 1 5 6 1 . Ships: Cic. II Verr. 1. 8 9 ;

3
App. BC 4. 65-67.
THE LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND
philosopher Panaetius, from an eminent and wealthy Rhodian

family, was later to be found in the circle of Scipio. And
Panaetius' pupil, the prolific Poseidonius, became a friend of
Pompey the Great. These three Greek men of letters in
augurated that gradual but inevitable cultural fusion of East
and West which transformed the character of the Roman
empire. They were admirers and supporters of the old Roman
aristocracy; and if they perceived a decline in Roman affairs,
it was precisely because of their devotion to the conservatism
of the Roman upper class. Poseidonius witnessed the chaotic
last century of the Republic: his sympathy was not with the
Gracchi or with the slaves who revolted. The growth and
balance of a Graeco-Roman world depended upon ties like
those between Polybius and Scipio or Poseidonius and Pom
pey. The same ties also brought Greeks into the civil struggles
of late republican Rome; that was why, by contrast, diplomacy
under the Principate seemed much easier.
Many of the first-century imperatores acquired on their
campaigns cultured easterners whom they maintained in posi
tions of trust throughout their careers. Such was the freedman
of Sulla, Cornelius Epicadus, who assisted in the augural
games and subsequently added the final book to his master's
unfinished autobiography. The confidant of Pompey was an
historian, Theophanes of Mytilene. Marcus Cato took back
with him to Rome the chief librarian of Pergamum, while L .
Calpurnius Piso, the consul of 58 B.C., was accompanied during
his governorship of Macedonia by a former teacher, the great
Epicurean Philodemus. Lucullus had as his intimate friend
the founder of the Fifth Academy and teacher of Cicero and
1
On Panaetius' family, cf. Strabo 655 and SIG 725a. On Poseidonius:

Reinhardt, P-W 22., 558 ff., and below, p. 5.
Poseidonius on the Gracchi, esp. Diod. 34. 7. 3 and 34/35. 2 5 . 1. On the
slaves, FGH ii. A . 87. F . 108. Tiberius Gracchus himself is said to have fallen
under Greek influence of a liberal kind: Plut. Tib. Gracch. 8 ; Cic. Brut. 104. And
Tiberius had his own eastern clients, inherited from his father: Badian, Foreign
Clienteles (1958), pp. 1 7 3 - 4 . On die sources of Greek opposition to Roman rule,
cf. chapter V I I I below.
3 Suet, de Gramm. 1 2 .
FGH ii. B. 188.
Strabo 6 7 4 ; Plut. Cat. Min. 16.
Cic. in Pis. 6 8 ; Anth. Pal. vi. 349. The inference was made by Cichorius,
RS pp. 295 f.; it is questioned by R . G . M . Nisbet, edition of the in Pisonem
( 1 9 6 1 ) , p. 1 8 3 .
2
THE LATE
REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
Brutus, Antiochus of Ascalon. Favoured and learned Greeks

of this kind could instruct a Roman in the habits and predilec
tions of the East, prevent them from making disastrous errors,
and guide them in influencing local opinions.
Beside furnishing advice, these men were valuable chroniclers
of the deeds of their patrons for the Greek public; in other
words, they were useful instruments of propaganda. The Greek
Archias narrated the campaigns of Lucullus, and Theophanes
and Poseidonius recorded the exploits of Pompey. Diodotus
the Stoic wanted to write a history of Julius Caesar in Greek;
Empylus of Rhodes, the intimate of Brutus, produced an ac
count of Caesar's assassination in time for Cicero to read it
before he died. There were also eminent Romans who had
been educated under Greek professors and did not hesitate
themselves to write for Greek readers about Roman affairs.
Lucullus' history of the Marsic War was in Greek, though that
general took care to insert a few barbarisms to show that he was
really a Roman.* Cicero refused to do such a thing when he
produced a Greek account of his own consulship. It will be
seen that Augustus, too, perceived the importance of providing,
for the Greek public, literature concerning both Rome and
himself.
But most of the cultivated Greeks who appeared regularly in
the retinues of Roman luminaries did not use their good
offices in the interests of particular Greek communities. Theo
phanes of Mytilene was an exception: he secured freedom for
his city from Pompey, despite its record of stout resistance to
Rome in the eighties. Mytilene was grateful to its influential
citizen, and deified him. But even if the other confidants and
panegyrists did not secure favours for individual cities, theirs
was a vital role: they offered guidance in respect to peoples
they understood and made known among them the ways of
2
Plut. Lucull. 28. 7 ; Cic. Acad. Pr. 2. 61 (where Syria is perhaps an error for
Mesopotamia: Magie, RRAMii.
1217).
Cic. pro Arch. 2 1 ; cf. adAtt. 1 . 1 6 . 1 5 (Archias). FGH ii. B. 188 (Theophanes).
Strabo 492 (Poseidonius).
s FGH ii. B. 1 9 1 .
Cic. ad Att. i. 1 9 . 10. Rutilius Rufus also wrote a Roman history in Greek
(Athenaeus I68E), but he was living as an embittered exile in the East, at
Mytilene and then at Smyrna (Dio fr. 97. 3 - 4 ) .
* T a c . Ann. 6. 1 8 . SIG* 7 5 3 . Head, HN 563.
2
the conqueror. These Greeks of the late Republic carried on the

task which Polybius had begun with signal success and with
out compromising himself overmuch. In so far as the Greek
world ever came to accept the rule of Rome, these learned
confidants must receive a portion of the credit.
However, the allegiance and sympathy of Greeks residing in
the East were still more important than the undoubted fidelity
of those who had been uprooted. There had to be Roman
partisans among the Greeks themselves. Where it was pos
sible, Rome looked again for help to the educated men of the
East, rhetors and professors. Many of these, by virtue of their
superior knowledge and agile minds, attained a political power
that resembled a benevolent tyranny. Hence the late republi
can East is seen, largely from the pages of Strabo, to have
produced a substantial group of influential persons who were
simultaneously rhetors and politicians, not to say tyrants. Some
were trustworthy, others unscrupulous; but they could not be
ignored. The Maecenas of Cassius Dio is made to warn
Augustus that he should not think all philosophers so politi
cally responsible as those of whom he had already had ex
perience: 'for infinite harm, both to communities and to
individuals, is worked by certain men who use this profession
only as a screen'.
The names of politically active rhetors are preserved from
the time of the Mithridatic Wars. The Stoic Poseidonius was
one: he served as a prytanis at Rhodes and late in the year
87 B.C. went on an embassy to Rome, where he met the ageing
Marius. At Sardis, the distinguished Diodorus Zonas en
couraged resistance against Mithridates and detached cities
from his cause. A younger rhetor of the same family was
a friend of Strabo and the author of historical works and
verses. At Antioch on the Maeander there flourished the
sophist Diotrephes, called by Strabo the greatest rhetor of his
time. This man was the teacher of Hybreas of Mylasa, who
returned from instruction at Antioch to assume at once a
magistracy in his own city. Hybreas was one of two rhetors at
Mylasa; the other was Euthydemus, who came from a wealthy
1
Dio 52. 36. 4.

Strabo 628.
Strabo 3 1 6 (prytanis). Plut. Mar. 4 5 .

Id. 630 and 659.
Id. 659.
5
THE LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
local family. Hybreas' allegiance to Rome was amply dis

played during the invasion of Labienus 'Parthicus', and his
city received praise and favour for resistance. After Euthydemus' death, Hybreas ruled alone; he was awarded the
Roman citizenship and became a high priest of Augustus. At
Laodicea there was another powerful rhetor who held out
against Labienus. He was Zeno, whose son, Polemo, was
destined to become the client king of Pontus and the head
of the most influential and widely dispersed royal house in
the East.
Rome was fortunate in having on her side such learned and
astute men as these. Yet inevitably she failed to secure the sup
port of all the great rhetors: a few, at least, were open partisans
of Mithridates, perhaps opportunists less adept than others at
foretelling the future. Diodorus of Adramyttium, a philosopher
of the Academy, caused the massacre of all the councillors of
his city in deference to Mithridates, while another rhetor of
Adramyttium spoke in the senate at Rome to defend the
province of Asia against the charge of Mithridatism. Two
philosophers brought over the city of Athens to Mithridates in
88 B . C Metrodorus of Scepsis was another politically minded
rhetor who sought advancement from the Pontic king: he
passed, says Strabo, from the philosophic to the political life.
He also wrote history in a new and striking style. For a time
Metrodorus dispensed justice in the service of Mithridates
until he succumbed to the intrigues of enemies at the court.
Although professorial politicians were useful to Rome (as
were some also to Mithridates), there were obviously not
enough of them. Still further support for Rome lay in the
2
Strabo 659.
L . Robert, REG 72 (1959), p. 176, no. 107a. In Hellenica 8 (1950), 95-96, M .
Robert has reported a course of his in Paris on Hybreas. A Hybreas is named
on a coin as a monetary official at Mylasa: A . Akarca, Les Monnaies grecques de
Mylasa (Paris, 1959), p. 28.
Strabo 578 and 660. On Zeno's posterity, see chapter I V , p. 5 1 and p. 5 3 .
Strabo 6 1 4 .
Athenion and Aristion: on the former, Poseidonius, FGH ii. A . 87. F . 3 6 ;
on the latter, Plut. Sull. 1 1 - 1 3 , Paus. 1 . 2 0 . 5 , and other references in GreenidgeClay (rev. Gray), p. 170 and p. 285 (coins). The best account is still Ferguson,
Hellenistic Athens ( 1 9 1 1 ) , pp. 4 4 0 - 5 1 , rejecting the view that Athenion and
Aristion are the same man. Cf. below, p. 1 0 2 , n. 2 , and p. 103. n. 1 .
Strabo 6 0 9 - 1 0 ; Plut. Lucull. 22. FGH ii. B. 184.
2
THE
LATE
REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND
aristocracies of the greater eastern cities where there could be

found men who were both decently cultivated and affluent,
constituting a natural extension of that class of rhetors which
included the wealthy Euthydemus of Mylasa. Nor should it be
forgotten that the leading citizen of Laodicea before Zeno was
a certain Hieron who bequeathed more than two thousand
talents to his city. It was natural for Rome to favour the upper
classes in view of the aristocratic character of her own govern
ment. There has never been any doubt that it was Roman
policy to encourage oligarchic factions and, when possible, to
establish oligarchic, or at least timocratic, constitutions. When
Cicero defended Flaccus in 59 B.C., he deemed worthless the
testimony of the witnesses against Flaccus on the grounds of
their low estate and sordid origins : Rome did not deal with
such Greeks, nor did they have much love for Rome. After
denigrating the witnesses for the prosecution, Cicero cried out
for Rome's true friends in the East, the Greeks of the upper
classes with money and prestige. 'Where were those Pythodori',
he asked, 'those Archedemi and Epigoni, not only known to us
but nobles among their own people?'
These were the persons on whom Rome relied, with whom
the great imperatores forged personal links for mutual ad
vantage. In securing bastions of Roman sentiment throughout
the East, the generals at the same time enlarged their vital
clientelae. The favoured natives obtained privileges for their
cities and honours for themselves. The system worked, com
monly for several generations in the same families. When
Cicero's Flaccus or Julius Caesar himself arrived in the East,
their names were already familiar there from the activities of
1
Strabo 5 7 8 .
Livy 3 5 . 34. 3 : Inter omnes constabat, in civitatibus principes et optimum
quemque Romanae societatis esse et praesenti statu gaudere, multitudinem et
quorum res non ex sententia ipsorum essent, omnia novare velle. Paus. 7. 1 6 .
9: (o Mofifiios) hrjiMOKparias [icv Karenavc, KaOiararo
8c a/no rifnjfidTcav ras
apxds. Also cf. Livy 34. 5 1 . 6 (Flamininus in Thessaly) and Cic. ad Quint. Frat.
1. 1. 8. 2 5 . Excellent are Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens ( 1 9 1 1 ) , pp. 4 2 7 - 8 , and
Jones, GC, pp. 1 7 0 - 1 on this matter. See chapter V I I I below.
e.g., Cic. pro Flacc. 2 2 . 5 2 : Trallianos Maeandrio causam publicam commisisse, homini egenti, sordido, sine honore, sine existimatione, sine censu. Cf.
ibid. 4. 9.
Ibid. 2 2 . 5 2 . Tralles is under discussion in this passage, and the exact
spelling of the names after Pythodori is uncertain.
2
THE LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
their antecedents. And, on the eastern side, the fortunes of the

family of Pythodorus of Trallesa house invoked by Cicero in
59are a marvel of ever-increasing power and influence.
Chaeremon, the father of Pythodorus, came from Nysa and
was a staunch supporter of Rome at the time of Mithridates.
He offered sixty thousand modii of flour as a gift to the army
of C. Cassius in 88 B.C., and Mithridates himself was moved to
write two letters protesting against the pro-Roman activities
of Chaeremon and his son. Chaeremon's son, Pythodorus,
migrated to Tralles, a larger and more important city, where
he became one of the leading citizens and a friend of Pompey.
He possessed property valued at more than two thousand
talents, which was confiscated by Caesar after Pharsalus. But
the affluent Pythodorus was undaunted: he bought the land
back from Caesar, and his son, perhaps an adherent of
Antony, produced a daughter who married into the house of
Zeno of Laodicea and became queen of Pontus.
Some of Caesar's aristocratic partisans can also be identified.
It can safely be assumed that Priene, and in particular the
family of Crates in that city, were devoted to the name of
Caesar, inasmuch as Crates had secured help from Caesar's
father, when he governed Asia, against the abuses of publi
cans. And another kinsman of Caesar was remembered for
a similar service at Ilium. In 76 B.C. the Milesian Epicrates
supplied funds for Caesar's ransom, in return for which he
became a Roman citizen; his family continued in wealth and
favour into the Principate.? Caesar also had friends at Cnidos:
2
Cic. pro Flacc. 2 3 . 5 5 - 5 6 ( L . Valerius Flaccus, cos. suff. 86 B.C.) ; Inschrift. v.

Magnesia, nos. 1 4 4 - 6 (also Flaccus). IGR 4. 970 = JRS 44 (1954), 67 (M)
from Samos (C. Julius Caesar); Inschrift. v. Priene, no. 1 1 1 (C. Julius Caesar).
OGIS 440 from Ilium (L. Julius Caesar, cos. 90 B . C . ) . See also IGR 4. 194.
SIG* 7 4 1 . Cf. Rostovtzeff, SEHHW ii. 8 2 1 .
Strabo 649.
Id. 5 5 5 - 6 and 649. The view of Mommsen that OGIS 3 7 7 revealed
Antony's own daughter as the bride of the younger Pythodorus must be re
jected: cf. Dessau, EE 9. 691 ff. and Magie, RRAM ii. n 30, n. 60. From the
name of the great rhetor of the second century A.D., M . Antonius Polemo, it
would appear that the Laodicean family into which Pythodorus married had
taken the side of Antony. And one should not overlook Plutarch's contemporary,
Chaeremonianus of Tralles (Plut. Quaest. Conviv. 2. 7 ) .
Inschrift. v. Priene, no. 1 1 1 .
OGIS 440 (L. Caesar, cos. 90).
Polyaen. 8. 2 3 . 1 (Epicrates). On Epicrates' son, C.Julius Apollonius, and
Apollonius' sons, Eucrates and Epicrates: Milet i. 2, pp. 107 ff., nos. 6, 7, and
2
Callistus and the mythologist Theopompus. It was to favour

Theopompus that Caesar granted freedom to Cnidos ; Theo
pompus also interceded with his patron on behalf of Delphi,
Rhodes, and Laodicea. It was not fortuitous that the decree
which honoured Caesar's lieutenant Q,. Fufius Calenus at
Delphi was engraved on the Treasury of the Cnidians. Calenus
was at Delphi in 48, and both Callistus and Theopompus were
honoured there in the same year. If Caesar had heeded the
timely warning of Theopompus' son Artemidorus on the Ides
of March, he might have avoided assassination on that day.
Another Caesarian partisan of no small interest was Mithri
dates of Pergamum, the grandson of a Galatian tetrarch. He
served on embassies to Caesar on behalf of his city and dis
tinguished himself by his loyalty at the time of the Alexandrian
War, when he came to the rescue of his besieged patron.
Mithridates had his reward in the form of the tetrarchate of the
Trocmi and a kingdom in the Crimea. An inscription discloses
the fact that Mithridates had been priest of Dionysus Cathegemon at Pergamum: hence the miracle at Pergamum on the
day of the battle at Pharsalus can be understood, for it was from
the inmost shrine of Dionysus that the sounds of tympana and
cymbals were heard. There were other miracles on the same
day at Elis, Tralles, and Syrian Antioch, for which unnamed
partisans of Caesar in those cities were no doubt responsible.
2
10
1 5 . Apollonius was connected with the first Sebasteion at Miletus (inscrip

tion no. 7).
On Callistus, cf. G . Daux, Delphes au II et au I siecle (1936), p. 408. On
Theopompus: G . Hirschfeld, JHS 7 (1886), 286 ff.
Plut. Caes. 48. See also the treaty between Rome and Cnidos, mentioning
both Theopompus and his son Artemidorus: Milanges Cagnat ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 5 3 .
3 SIG* 761 C (Delphi); IG xii. 1. 90 (Rhodes); BMC iv. 801 (Laodicea).
Calenus at Delphi: Caes. BC 3 . 56. The decree: Fouilles de Delphes iii. 1.
3 1 8 . SIG 761 A and B (Callistus), C (Theopompus). Cf. A . E . Raubitschek,
JRS 44 (1954) 7 4 - 7 5 .
s p i t . Caes. 65.
See especially Hepding, Ath. Mitt. 34 (1909), 329 ff., and Segre, Athenaeum
16 (1938), 1 1 9 ff. Also Rostovtzeff, SEHHW ii. 8 2 1 - 2 .
Bell. Alex. 26 ff.: Dio 42, 4 1 ; Jos. BJ 1. 187 ff., AJ 14. 128 ff.
Bell. Alex. 78. 2 - 3 ; Strabo 6 2 5 ; App. Mithr. 1 2 1 ; Dio 42. 48. 4. See also
Cic. de Div. 1. 27 and 2. 79, Philipp. 2. 94.
The inscription is republished and interpreted in this way by Segre,
Athenaeum 16 (1938), 1 1 9 ff. The report of the Pergamum miracle in Caes. BC 3 .
105 should be preferred to the less precise account in Dio* 4 1 . 6 1 . 3 .
Caes. BC 3 . 105 (the other miracles). For this interpretation, cf. E . W .
Gray, JRS 42 (1952), 1 2 3 .
1
er
1 0
io
THE LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
Antony naturally had his eastern intimates, useful in at

tending to that portion of empire which fell to him under the
Triumvirate. Names can be recovered, as well as professions
which reflect the Hellenic tastes of the patron. Anaxenor,
a lyre-player from Magnesia, collected taxes in Asia; there
were the flute-player Xanthus and the dancer Metrodorus.
A Greek rhetorician introduced Antony to the highly in
fluential Alexas of Laodicea. In Corinth Antony established
a Greek freedman as his agent. But it would be wrong to
conclude that personal interest more than prudence dictated
Antony's diplomatic policy: the whole of his settlement of the
client kingdoms betrays a remarkable understanding of the
East. There was nothing wrong with artistic friends.
Even where relations of patron and client cannot be worked
out in detail from available evidence, the flood of embassies in
the late Republic amply attests the importance of personal
contact between influential provincials and Romans in pre
serving some kind of equilibrium in the East. The successful
intercession of Diodorus Pasparus with Roman magistrates in
the second century brought him high honours in his own city,
Pergamum. In addition to Crates, the city of Priene saw
fit to honour several other citizens for their negotiations with
Romans: Moschion, Herodes, Zosimus, Heracleitus. A cer
tain wealthy citizen of Istros, Aristagoras, was praised for his
benefactions, which included the use of his private funds for
public purposes and numerous embassies on behalf of the city.
Inscriptions from Epidaurus record repeated negotiations, and
the names of affluent envoys like Archelochus and Euanthes.
1
Anaxenor: Plut. Ant. 2 4 ; Strabo 648; SIG 766. Xanthus and Metrodorus:
Plut. Ant. 24.
Plut. Ant. 72 : The rhetorician was Timagenes.
Plut. Ant. 6 7 : Theophilus, father of Antony's freedman Hipparchus (cf.
Plut. Ant. 7 3 ) , was o eV Kopivdw 8101*777-77?.
See chapter I V ; also H . Buchheim, Die Orientpolitik des Triumvirn M.
Antonius (i960).
IGR 4. 292, 293, 294. Cf. L . Robert, Etudes Anat. (1937), 45 ff.
Inschrift v. Priene, nos. 108 (Moschion), 109 (Herodes), 1 1 2 - 1 4 (Zosimus),
1 1 7 (Heracleitus).
SIG 708. Pippidi has dated this document to the second half of the first
century B . C . : Epigraphische Beitrdge zur Geschichte Histrias (1962) 89 ff.
IG iv . 64 (several Epidaurians); IG iv . 63 (Archelochus) and 66 (Euan
thes).
2
THE
LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
About the same time, Iollas of Sardis was accomplishing em

bassies with success and holding various public offices at his
own expense; not surprisingly Iollas was a priest of Rome.
New documents from Thasos have revealed a hitherto un
known Greek diplomat, Dionysodorus the Thasian, an inter
mediary with Roman magistrates on several occasions during
the First Mithridatic War; he used his good offices in the
interests of Assos, Lampsacus, and Rhodes, all of which
honoured him in return. Then there was the rich Acornion of
Dionysopolis, who in the closing decade of the Republic gave
himself unsparingly to embassies for his city, endured danger
without trepidation, and bore much at his own expense.
After Pharsalus it was natural that the traffic in embassies
should be greater than ever, as countless cities and kings sought
to open relations with the victor; many had to atone or to
apologize for allegiance to Pompey, just as later for allegiance
to Antony. Ambassadors streamed to Caesar, from south Rus
sia, from Asia Minor, from distant kingdoms. A rhetor from
Mytilene, the energetic Potamo, led his city's delegation to
Caesar, as he did later in an appeal to Augustus. Eminent
citizens from Pontic Heraclea, seeking favours, are alleged to
have trailed after Caesar across the inhabited world. Caesar
had to be the Greeks' new patron; so Antony after him and
then Augustus.
With remarkable speed and unanimity in the autumn of
48 B.C. honours were voted to Caesar throughout the Greek
world. These were more the outward signs of the new al
legiance of the Greeks; they did not spring from a mere desire
to flatter, but they exhibited adhesion to a great Roman and
anticipated the bestowal of favours in compensation. Greek
1
Sardis vii. 1 , no. 27.

Dunant and Pouilloux, Recherches sur Vhistoire et les cultes de Thasos (1958), ii.
nos. 170 (Assos), 1 7 1 (Lampsacus), and 1 7 2 (Rhodes).
SIG 762, 11. 2 9 - 3 0 : afoiS&s
iavrov
[cWJSiSous els ras rrjs iro\<os TrpcajSiJas ,
2
Kal KLVBVVOVS IT[L]&x6IJLVOS
[O\6KVU)S.
See Rostovtzeff, JRS 7 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 27 ff.

IGR 4. 3 3 . Suidas errs in making Potamo a sophist in Rome under Tiberius.
Cf. Cichorius, Rom undMytilene (1888), p. 6 2 ; also p. 3 5 , n 5, below. It should not
be forgotten that Potamo was an historian and wrote encomia of Brutus and
Augustus: FGH ii. B. 1 4 7 .
Memnon, FGH iii. B. 434, 40. 3 .
A . E . Raubitschek, JRS 44 (1954), 65 ff.
5
12
THE LATE REPUBLICAN
BACKGROUND
honours will have been engineered by affluent and highly

placed friends of Rome, who could use their influence either in
the interest of an acknowledged patron or, in times of crisis and
uncertainty, to secure a patron. And Romans were not un
interested in eastern honours. It is worth recalling the anger of
Cicero when a certain Pelops of Byzantium had neglected to
obtain an honorary decree for him.
1
Graeca adulatio had an important place in the system of
personal relations between Greeks and Romans. Honours

commonly took the form of praise for benefaction, sometimes
actually received and sometimes simply anticipated. A Roman
might be called a city's benefactor, its saviour, or its founder;
or, in more instances than is often realized, he might be as
signed a cult. But benefactor cults were nothing new in the
Hellenistic world and were, in fact, merely a more extravagant
form of honour than the simple title 'benefactor' or 'saviour'
without imputations of divinity. The cults of Roman magis
trates in the East reveal little about the religion of the Greek
peoples but much about diplomacy and clientela. From the
time of Sulla, the word irarpoiv emerges on inscriptions as
a regular conjunct with evepyerrjs and Gwrrjp ; it is a Latin
word thinly disguised as Greek, and it connotes a character
istically Roman institution.
It is left to inquire how the Greeks adapted themselves so
easily to the clientela system. The explanation lies in its
2
Plut. Cic. 24. 7.

See Arist. Rhet. I 3 6 i 2 7 ff. for honours appropriate to benefactors, past or
anticipated. On benefactors, saviours, & c . : Hepding, Klio 20 (1926), 490 f.;
Charlesworth, Harv. Theol. Rev. 28 (1935), 8 ff.; Nock, The Joy of Study: Papers
pres. to F. C. Grant (New York, 1 9 5 1 ) , 1 2 7 ff. For a new and substantially
amplified list of cults of Roman magistrates in the East, see Appendix I below.
Raubitschek, JRS 44 (1954), 7 5 , like Nock (op. cit.), emphasizes that the
titles VpyTT)s and awr-qp do not of themselves necessarily imply divine
honours.
The Greek word irdrptov occurs early in SIG 656 (Abdera, 166 B . C . ) : when
the Thracian king was threatening the Tean colony of Abdera, Teos sent en
voys to Rome in her colony's behalf, and these must have brought back with
them the word patroni to designate those Romans who agreed to support the
Abderites. Cf. the patrons chosen by the Spanish envoys to Rome in 1 7 1 B . C .
(Livy 43. 2 . 4 ) . The Greek word does not become common until after Sulla: e.g.
MAMA 4. 52 (Lucullus), IGR 4. 970 (Julius Caesar's father, mentioned on an
inscription honouring the son), OGIS 448 (L. Antonius),' OGIS452 (L. Sestius),
Arch. Class. 10 (1958), 87 ff. (a Bibulus), OGIS 460 (Potitus Messalla).
2
THE
LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND
13
peculiar similarity to the Greek institution of proxeny. In

earlier centuries in the Greek-speaking world, evepyerrjs /cat
irpoêvos was a standard honorific formula; a benefactor was
not only praised for what he had already done but asked to
continue to render services in the future. With the spread of
benefactor honours and cults, the word evepyeTqs acquired new
and extravagant conjuncts like acoTrjp or KTIGTTJ^ but the
implications of the word will have remained what they had
always been. In fact, a evepyerrjs was, therefore, what the
Romans called a patronus. The Greek concept of benefaction
was consonant with patronage from the start. Hence evepydrrjs
(acoTrjp, KTLGTTJS) K<xl irarpoiv was essentially a first-century
1
variant of evepyerrjs KCU irpo^vos. At least one bilingual in
scription actually offers patronus perpetuus as a translation of

evepyerys
instead of something like benejici ergo. The Greek
and Roman institutions fused together with marvellous ease

and gave added impetus to the diplomatic activity of the
late Republic.
The personal connexions between prominent Greeks and
Romans are fundamental to an understanding of the Roman
East. Tn this matter there is unbroken development through
Republic and Principate.'
3
See A . Wilhelm, Attische Urkunden 5 (1942), 1 1 ff.

Patronus perpetuus: IG xiv. 277 (Lilybaeum). Benejici ergo: SEG 1 1 . 924
(Gytheum). T h e euepycVijs- (TTQO&VOS)-patronus equation underlies Cic., / /
Verr. 2. 1 5 4 : Itaque eum non solum P A T R O N U M illius insulae, sed etiam
S O T E R A inscriptum vidi Syracusis. Cf. P. Monceaux, Les Proxinies* grecques
(1885), PP 3 5 ~ > especially p. 3 1 6 : 'C'est que la prox^nie et le patronat des
villes sont deux institutions tres voisines ou plutot deux faces d'une meme
institution.' Oliver, The Ruling Power (1953), p. 956, likened proxeny to Roman
amicitia.
E . W . G r a y : see p. 1 , n. 3 , above.
2
2 0
II
R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S IN T H E
AUGUSTAN EAST
HE Emperor and members of his household superintended
the East personally from time to time. After the constitu
tional foundation of the Principate, Augustus himself
went to Greece, Asia, and Syria between the years 22 and 1 9 ;
and his vicegerent Agrippa, who had been there before in 23,
carried on the tasks of supervision from 18 to 1 3 . The earlier
stages of Tiberius' mysterious retirement at Rhodes may not
have been wholly unpolitical ; then, as Tiberius' powers ran
out, the young Gaius Caesar was seen in the East. But who
were the magistrates who represented the new government
from year to year in particular positions of authority in the
various provinces? These formed the solid core of the eastern
administration, carrying out the policies of the Princeps and
his family.
The men who served in eastern provinces under Augustus
had in many cases considerable experience of that part of the
world and had either inherited or constructed substantial
eastern clientelae. A few gifted men were freshly groomed for
eastern service under the newly formed Principate. The Em
peror sought administrators who would know something of the
regions to which they were being sent, though his favour did
not fall on all who might lay claim to the requisite knowledge.
Brutus, Cassius, and above all Antony had given experience
of the Orient to many Romans. Some of these people survived
into the Principate but never saw that part of the empire
again: they might have known the provinces too well, or per
haps they were simply unreliable. But there is another and
important group of Antonians who do appear on the eastern
On Augustus' travels in the East; Bowersock, CQ, N . S . 14 (1964) 120 f. For

Agrippa: Magie, CP 3 (1908), 145 ff. and RRAM ii. 1330, n. 1.
* Cf. Dio 5 5 . 9. 4.
R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S IN T H E A U G U S T A N EAST
15
fasti of the Augustan age; their qualifications must have in

cluded acquaintance with the East, and more.
The Sulpicii Galbae and the Valerii Messallae had re
publican traditions of service in the East. Scions of these
houses could have grown up expecting that they would go
there. A Sulpicius under the Emperor Tiberius took his own
life when he was prevented from entering his name in the
sortition which could have given him the proconsulship of
Asia or Africa. The Sulpicii had been in the East since the
days of P. Sulpicius Galba Maximus, who served in Greece
and Macedonia in 211 and 200 B . C
The grandfather of the Emperor Sulpicius Galba was an
historian. In political office he never rose higher than the
praetorship. Possibly he tried to do what was nearly impossible
under the triumvirs, to remain neutral. A greater historian, the
one-time Antonian, Asinius Pollio, took that difficult course;
but Pollio's decision to affect neutrality and become the spoils
of the victor was made only after he had held the consulship.
Galba never aimed so high. However, his son became consul in
5 B . C and was the father of a consular and an emperor. This
man, C. Sulpicius Galba, served as proconsul of Achaea while
a praetorian and as proconsul of Asia while a consular.* Such
a course was appropriate for a Sulpicius Galba. The wife of the
consul of 5 B.C also had connexions with the East: she was
none other than Mummia Achaica, the great-granddaughter
of L. Mummius, who destroyed Corinth in 146 B . C The fasti
of Augustan Achaea show a Mummius as proconsul's legate,
perhaps Achaica's brother. The Emperor's brother, son of
Mummia and the consul of 5 B . C , was also in the East under
Augustus, though late in his reign, as proconsul of Achaea.
1
T a c . Ann. 6. 40; Suet. Galba 3 . 4. The choice of proconsuls for senatorial

provinces, theoretically entrusted to the unprejudiced decision of the lot, was
certainly on occasion an indication of imperial favour.
References in Broughton, MRR i. 272 and 3 2 3 .
Suet. Galba 3 . 3 . SEG 1. 169 was wrongly assigned to this man; it refers to
the consul of 5 B . C , whose praenomen is now known from the Fasti Mag. Vici
to have been G., not Ser. (as in PIR, S 722).
SEG 1. 169 (Achaea; cf. preceding note); SEG 1. 391 (Asia).
Suet. Galba 3 . 3 .
Inschrift. v. Olympia no. 3 3 1 ; IG iii . 4 1 7 0 . Cf. Groag, D'ie romischen Reichsbeamten von Achaia (1939), p. 99.
SEG 3 . 244.
2
16
ROMAN MAGISTRATES
IN T H E A U G U S T A N
EAST
Reaching the consulship in A.D. 22, he looked forward to the

proconsulship of Asia, the post which was denied him by
Tiberius. It is clear that Augustus, at least, recognized the
qualifications of the Sulpicii Galbae for service in the East and
had reason to trust them.
There had been numerous Valerii in the East under the Re
public, although the Messallae who were there must be dated
to the second century. An Augustan Messalla was honoured at
Magnesia at Sipylus as patron and benefactor 81a Trpoyovcov,
from which a clientela of the Valerii Messallae can be inferred.
The Augustan Messallae are a vexing house. There are four,
or possibly five of them who served in the East. That is an
impressive record, maintaining the traditions of the irpoyovoi
and testifying to high favour. M . Valerius Messalla Corvinus,
the consul of 31 B . C , was one of the three young patricians on
the side of Octavian in the Sicilian War. He had previously
been an Antonian, but his early conversion gave Augustus
good reason to value his services. Corvinus went to the East
after the fall of Alexandria and managed the affairs of Syria.
Two other Messallae, probably brothers, may also have been
Antonians. M . Valerius Messalla, consul suffect in 32 B . C , was
the recipient of honours at Pergamum ; a triumviral proconsul
ship of Asia as a praetorian would not be impossible, and there
is scarcely room for him to have held that post in the twenties.
The consul suffect of 29 B . C was called Potitus Valerius Mes
salla. If he is identical with the M . Valerius Messalla Potitus
who was honoured as a patron of Claros while quaestor, his
eastern quaestorship will have fallen squarely in the period of
Antonian supremacy. In the case of the first of these two men,
it is impossible to tell whether he was an Antonian or not, and
this means his presence in Asia cannot be dated. However, the
case of Potitus is clearer: possibly an Antonian, he neverthe
less profited from the favour which Corvinus brought to his
house and the experience which his ancestors had received
in the Orient. Potitus was proconsul of Asia for two years in
succession, acquiring the titles of patron and benefactor in
1
OGIS 460 = IGR 4. 1 3 3 8 .
App. BC 5. 1 0 2 ; 1 0 9 - 1 3 (Sicilian W a r ) . Dio 5 1 . 7. 7 (Syria).
3 IGR 4. 4 3 1 ; cf. Syme, JRS 45 (i955)> 1 5 5 -
JRS 45 (1955), 160.
R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S IN T H E A U G U S T A N E A S T
17
Didyma and Magnesia at Sipylus. A legateship of Syria has

been conjectured, which is not an unlikely post for him to
have held.
The quaestor honoured at Claros might have been a dif
ferent and hitherto unattested man. If that is so, he will have
been a brother of the consul of A.D. 5, L . Valerius Messalla
Volesus, and thus Potitus' son. But nothing could be said of
him except that he turns up precisely where a Valerius Mes
salla might be expectedin the East. About Volesus existence,
however, there can be no doubt. He too went to Asia as a pro
consul under Augustus, although he met with an unhappy end.
He was brought to trial for extortion: the Emperor himself
published an indictment, and the senate under oath voted his
condemnation. Cruelty and rapacity subverted imperial favour
and family tradition.
Other magistrates known to the East through their npoyovoi
came from the complex house of the Calpurnii Pisones. The
son of the philhellene consul of 58 B . C and patron of Philodemus was the consul of 15, distinguished as Piso the Pontifex,
who was himself a philhellene. He was the patron of a poet,
Antipater of Thessalonica, as well as a governor in eastern
provinces, in Pamphylia and Macedonia, and probably also
in Asia and Syria. Another Piso, the consul of 23 B . C , had two
sons, both of whom served in the East: one was the Augur,
consul in 1 B.C. and proconsul of Asia, and the other was the
consul of 7 B . C and sometime later legate of Syria. On a stone
from Mytilene the Augur is hailed as hia npoyovcov evtpyirqs;
two other Augustan inscriptions from Asia honouring a Piso,
who could be either the Augur or the Pontifex, have the same
phrase. A clientela is clear.
2
ILS 8964, on which see A . E . Gordon, Potitus Valerius Messalla (1954). AE

1 9 1 2 . 1 3 5 = Didyma ii, no. 1 4 7 ; OGIS 460 = IGR 4. 1 3 3 8 (Magnesia).
See JRS 4 5 (1955), 160.
3 See Syme, JRS 45 (1955), 156.
T a c . Ann. 3 . 6 8 ; Sen. Contr. 2 1 . 2 2 ; Sen. de Ira 2. 5. 5.
PIR C 289. The Asian proconsulship was proposed on the basis of Anth.
Pal. x. 25 by Cichorius, RS 326 ff. approved by Syme in JRS 50 (i960), 1 7 .
The Syrian legateship: Syme, Klio 27 (1934), 1 2 8 .
2
PIR ,
C 290
(cos. 1 B . C ) , 287 (cos. 7 B . C . ) .
ILS 8 8 1 4 (Mytilene; to honour the Augur). IGR 4. 4 1 0 (Pergamum);

BCH 5 ( 1 8 8 1 ) , 183, n. 5 (Stratoniceia).
814250
18
EAST
Still other families, whose members were sent to the East

under Augustus, are worth noticing for their connexions there,
although their record is not so full as those of the foregoing
houses. A Publius Lepidus, born into the Aemilii though per
haps adopted into another gens, governed Crete for Brutus
and Cassius in 43 B.c. A kinsman of his, Paullus Aemilius
Lepidus, consul in 34, was one of those patricians who turned
to Caesar's heir in time for the Sicilian War. After his consul
ship but presumably before the censorship he held in 22,
Paullus went to the East as a proconsul, possibly in Mace
donia. Another member of the family, Q . Aemilius Lepidus,
was consul in 21, filling the place left vacant for Augustus.
An anecdote in Appian would suggest that Quintus had been
an Antonian to the bitter end at Actium ; but that is not too
surprising, as Paullus' early conversion to Octavian was doubt
less as beneficial to his relatives as Messalla Corvinus' similar
conversion was to his. Nor is it surprising to discover that
Quintus returned to the East at some point in the early
Principate as proconsul of Asia.
L. Marcius Censorinus, praetor urbanus in 43 B.C., joined
Antony at Mutina. During the proscriptions he managed to
acquire Cicero's house on the Palatine. Immediately after
Philippi Antony appointed him proconsul of Macedonia and
Achaea, from which he triumphed in 39 B . C , the year of his
consulship. Lucius himself did not attain further eminence in
the provinces under Augustus, although he lived on in posses
sion of a priesthood. But his son, C. Marcius Censorinus,
reached the consulship in 8 B.C. and acquired considerable
experience of the East in the service of the first Princeps. He
was a legate of Augustus serving in Sinope about the time of
the Bosporan rebellion. As a subordinate to Agrippa, he was
clearly a trusted agent of the Emperor looking after a delicate
1
On Publius in Crete: App. BC 5. 2 ; Grant, FIT A, p. 3 5 . On his probable

adoption (P. not being a praenomen of the Aemilii), cf. R . Syme, CP 50 ( 1 9 5 5 ) ,
1 3 2 . For Paullus: Suet. Aug. 16 (Sicilian W a r ) ; IG iii. 5 7 3 (proconsulship of
Asia or Macedonia; censorship not mentioned).
App. BC 4. 49 (alluding to the consular colleague of a Lollius, presumably
the consul of 21 B.C. : the colleague is called Barbula, an old cognomen of the
gens Aemilia).
IGR 4. 901 (Cibyra) = AE 1950. 2 5 0 ; Waddington 506.
PIR, M 164.
5 CIL 6.32323, 1. 44.
2
ROMAN MAGISTRATES IN T H E AUGUSTAN EAST
19
and dangerous situation. After his consulship he was allotted

the province of Asia, where he died about the year A.D. 2, in
all probability while serving as proconsul. A cult was estab
lished in his honour at Mylasa, the last known cult accorded
by an eastern province to its Roman governor.
Cicero the orator must have acquired an eastern clientela in
the year of his Cilician governorship. His son Marcus, who
had accompanied him at the time, had another opportunity
to learn about the East when he resided at Athens as a student.
At Philippi the young Marcus was a partisan of Brutus, later of
Cassius of Parma and Sextus Pompeius. But he soon had the
foresight to ally himself with Octavian, who presented him
with a priesthood. A suffect consulship followed in 30 B.C.
The younger Cicero then returned to the Orient to hold the
two choicest of its governorships, the proconsulship of Asia
and the legateship of Syria. Both his knowledge and his al
legiance had their rewards.
An equestrian family from Cales rose to great eminence in
the eastern service of the Emperor. The novuskomo, L. Vinicius,
was the first of his house to attain the consulship (suffect in
33 B . C ) . He was a Caesarian tribune of the plebs in 51 B.c.,
after which his history is entirely dark until he emerges in the
bright light of the consulship. A proconsulship of Asia per
haps fell to him in the crucial year 27 B.c. Marcus Vini
cius, probably Lucius' nephew, was the next member of the
family to reach the consulship and to serve in the East. A
tribus Vinicia in Corinth may disclose an Achaean proconsul
ship for this man before he became suffect consul in 19 B.C.
1
See Bowersock, HSCP 68 (1964), 207 ff.

For the evidence, see Appendix I . Cf. T a c . Ann. 3 . 5 5 on the rich nobles in
the decades just after Actium: Nam etiam turn plebem socios regna colere et
coli licitum; ut quisque opibus domo paratu speciosus, per nomen et clientelas
inlustrior habebatur.
3 Cic. ad Att. 5. 9. 3 .
App. BC 4. 5 1 ; 5. 2.
s PIR, T 272.
Tac. Ann. 6. 1 5 .
Cic. ad Fam. 8. 8. 6.
H . W . Pleket, Greek Inscriptions in the Leiden Rijksmuseum (1958), no. 5 7 .
Mrs. Atkinson has recendy suggested that not all of that inscription need be
referred to 27 B.C. : Rev. intern, des droits de Vant. 7 (i960), 258 ff. She therefore
assumes that the Vinicius on that document is not Lucius, but Marcus. Given
her hypothesis (which may be right), I should prefer Publius, consul A.D. 2 ;
a praetorian proconsulship of Asia for Marcus is most unlikely.
9
AE 1 9 1 9 . 2.
2
20
EAST
1
Subsequently he passed to the proconsulship in Asia, which his

uncle may have held not too many years before him. Marcus
Vinicius was an intimate of the Emperor, and although he was
employed in the East according to that tradition which Augus
tus was creating for the Vinicii, his ability and fidelity were
also required on the northern frontiers. Meanwhile, the son of
the consul of 33, also a Lucius, was growing up in the most
distinguished circles. Handsome and elegant, he was one of the
suitors of Augustus' daughter, Julia. That may have been his
undoing, for although he became consul in 5 B.C., he was the
only Vinicius in the early decades of the Principate not to
have held an eastern proconsulship; in fact, he heldso far as
recordedno proconsulship at all. The scandals which shook
the Augustan house soon after Lucius' consulship will explain
his failure to advance thereafter. However, his kinsman P.
Vinicius, son of the consul of 19, avoided danger and went
from strength to strength. He commanded an army in Thrace
or Macedonia a little before A.D. 1, when Velleius Paterculus
served under him as a tribune. After a consulship in A.D. 2 he
returned to the East as proconsul of Asia. Publius was a pro
fessed admirer of the poet Ovid, but he managed to avoid
implication in the mysterious affair which relegated Ovid to
the shores of the Black Sea. Under Tiberius, P. Vinicius be
came celebrated as a fluent and innovatory rhetor. His son
Marcus maintained the family tradition, at least for a while.
He married the daughter of Germanicus and was consul twice,
once under Tiberius and once under Claudius. Between his
consulships and during the reign of the demented intervening
Emperor, M . Vinicius was proconsul of Asia. Messallina's
poison brought his career to an end in A.D. 46, thus termi
nating the imperial favour which had begun three generations
2
10
Rev. Arch. (1935) ii. 1 5 6 - 8 .

Suet. Aug. 7 1 : lusimus geronticos. Surely, therefore, Marcus is the Vinicius
who is Augustus' gaming partner.
3 Ibid. 64.
Veil. 2. 1 0 1 ; AE i960. 378 (Callatis) in which P. Vinicius is called [avrt]arparayos.
SEG 1 2 . 452 (Cnidos); IG xii. 5. 756 (Andros).
Sen. Contr. 3 3 . 2 5 .
Ibid. 4. n ; 20. 1 1 - 1 2 .
Cos. ord. in A.D. 30 and again in 45.
Ephesos iii. 24.
Dio 60. 2 7 . 4.
2
1 9
ROMAN MAGISTRATES
IN T H E A U G U S T A N E A S T
21
previously. Since the beginning of the Principate there had

been five consular Vinicii, of whom four appear to have been
proconsuls of Asia. This pattern was hardly accidental.
Some Augustan Romans became eastern specialists less
because of family connexions than for the fact of their own
individual qualifications. L . Volcacius Tullus was another of
the very early imperial proconsuls of Asia. He knew the Orient
from fighting for Caesar at Dyrrachium in 48 B . C , and a
governorship of Cilicia should probably be assigned to him in
45 B.C. His activities under the triumvirs have not been re
corded, but it would be fair to suppose that he was in the East,
perhaps in the service of Antony for a short while. He reached
1
the consulship as ordinarius in 33 B.c.
Tullus was the uncle of a friend of the poet Propertius, who

reveals how fond the nephew was of life in the East. Pro
pertius' friend went to Asia Minor with his uncle and stayed
there for a long time, untouched by the poet's entreaties to
return to Rome from Cyzicus, where he was living at the time.
There is no word that the young Volcacius ever returned at all.
In the late twenties B.c. the people of Cyzicus, in a factional
dispute, flogged to death a number of Romans. It is unclear
what sort of Romans these were, perhaps some citizens of
Greek origin together with the families of negotiators who had
settled there; conceivably Volcacius himself lost his life in this
outbreak.
M. Titius was an Antonian partisan who deserted to Octavian before Actium in the company of his uncle Munatius
Plancus. He knew the East well from service as quaestor to
Antony on the Parthian expedition, in the year after which
3
Just possibly three, if L . Vinicius is not the proconsul of the Leiden in

scription. Cf. p. 1 9 , n. 8 .
Caesar, BC 3 . 52 (at Dyrrachium); Cic. ad Att. 14. 9. 3 , as interpreted by
R . Syme in Anat. Stud. Buckler, 3 2 1 - 4 (governor of Cilicia). For Tullus' Asian
proconsulship: CR 69 (1955), 2 4 4 ; the Pergamene orator Volcacius Moschus
must have derived his citizenship from Volcacius Tullus (R. Syme, Hist. 11
[1962], 1 5 2 ) .
Prop. i. 6. 1 9 ; iii. 2 2 .
Dio 54. 7. 6. Augustus took away the liberty of the Cyzicenes as a penalty
for this disturbance. For the negotiators at Cyzicus (and the troubles in 2 0 ) :
J . Hatzfeld, Les Trqfiquants italiens dans Vorient hellinique (Paris, 1919), 1 1 4 - 1 6 .
Dio 50. 3 . 1.
Plut. Ant. 4 2 .
2
22
EAST
he was responsible for the execution of Sextus Pompeius at

Miletus. Titius must have advanced soon to the praetorship,
for while still consul designate for the year 3 1 , he held the
proconsulship of Asia in the interest of Antony. His desertion
did not come too late; furthermore, he gave evidence of his
new loyalty by winning over the king of Paphlagonia to the
cause of Caesar's heir before the final battle was joined.
Titius had troubled relations with the King of Cappadocia,
whom the young Tiberius once defended at Rome against the
complaints of the Cappadocian people (it is pretty clear that
Tiberius did not care for Titius). But Augustus put this
former Antonian to the best use. He sent him back to the East,
where the King of Judaea provided his good offices to heal
the breach between Titius and Archelaus. As Augustus' gover
nor in Syria, Titius had the honour of receiving into Roman
control the four children of Phraates, the Parthian monarch.
Titius thus spent much of his life in the East; he deserted in
time for his service to be sought by Caesar's heir. And he
married well; his wife was the sister of Paullus Fabius Maximus, consul in 11 B.C. and subsequently governor of Asia.
Three other Romans gave notable service in the East under
the Augustan Principate. One of these, the ill-fated P. Quinctilius Varus, also governed Africa and died in a celebrated
disaster in Germany. But it is tempting to suppose that Varus
was sent by Augustus to govern Syria (c. 6-4 B . C ) in view of
his eastern experience as quaestor in Asia. Indeed, he may
have been a part of the Emperor's entourage about 22 B.C.
An inscription from Tenos calls him quaestor Augusti, for which
1
Veil. 2. 79. 5.
ILS 891.
Dio 50. 1 3 . 5.
Jos. AJ 16. 270 (bad relations between Archelaus and Titius between 1 3
and 8 B . C . ) . Suet. Tib. 8 and Dio 5 7 . 1 7 . 3 - 4 record Tiberius' defence of
Archelaus; the date of the trial is not clear; cf. Appendix I I I . Velleius, Tiberius'
panegyrist, is significantly hostile to Titius.
5 Jos., ibid.
Strabo 748. L . R. Taylor, JRS 26 (1936), 1 6 1 - f t , argued that Titius was
twice governor of Syria, on the ground that the surrender of the hostages men
tioned by Strabo occurred in 19 B . C But surely this belongs to the same period
as the reference to Titius in Jos. AJ 16. 270 (i.e. 1 3 - 8 B . C ) : Livy, Ep. 141 (10/9
B . C ) must refer to the hostages and the declaration of peace, as the standards
were certainly recovered in 20. Hence, one governorship, c. 10 B . C The ascrip
tion to Titius of the Lapis Tiburtinus is not likely: cf. p. 2 5 , n. 1 , below.
7 IGR 4. 1 7 1 6 .
PIR, Q 2 7 .
4
23
the most plausible explanation is that the Emperor himself

was in the East at the time. Inasmuch as Varus was consul in
13 B.C., a quaestorship in the period of Augustus' eastern tour
is more than likely. So Augustus himself showed the Orient to
Varus. It was sensible to dispatch him to Syria when Herod
was growing senile in Judaea.
M. Lollius and P. Sulpicius Quirinius were the most valued
of Augustus' oriental experts. These were the men to whom the
guidance of the young Gaius Caesar in the East was entrusted
in turn. Secure evidence of Lollius' allegiance before Actium
is lacking, although it may be suspected that an Antonian
official in Crete and Cyrene was related, perhaps closely, to
Marcus. The father of that official must have been Pompey's
legate in the Pirate War in charge of the coast of the eastern
Aegean from the Hellespont to Rhodes. Marcus' own father
is possibly the Lollius who governed Crete and Cyrene early in
the Augustan Principate. Whatever the precise relations of
the first-century Lollii, it would appear that M . Lollius, the
consul of 21 B . C , came from an Antonian family not without
experience and connexions in the East. He naturally spent
much of his time there, but it is ironical that he, like Varus,
also operated in Germany with disastrous results. These two
men, who surely knew the East rather well, both gave their
names to celebrated clades in Germany.
M. Lollius was Augustus' first governor of the new province
of Galatia, which he organized as a praetorian. That was the
beginning of his eastern assignments, and it was remarkable
for its importance. After his consulship in 21, Lollius fought
the Bessi in support of the Thracian king Rhoemetalces at
a time when he was probably consular governor of Mace
donia. Military prowess took him to Germany, the scene of
1
OGIS 4 6 3 ; cf. OGIS 464 (Pergamum). He was honoured at Athens: IG iii.

1. 584a. Cf. W . John, Hermes 86 (1958), 254.
Coins: BMG Cyren. ccxvi; Grant, FIT A 5 5 - 5 8 . Cyrenaican Expeditions
(Manchester, 1959), p. 3 1 .
App. Mithr. 9 5 ; cf. Jos. BJ 1 . 1 2 7 ; AJ 14. 29 (takes Damascus).
A Palicanus on coins of Augustan Cyrene: BMC Cyren. ccvii. Palicanus is
a cognomen of the Lollii: note the tribune of the plebs in 71 B . C and the
monetalis of 47 B.C. The father of the consul of 21 B . C was evidently a Marcus:
AE 1933. 8 5 .
s PIRy L 226.
Dio 54. 20. 3 ; AE 1933. 8 5 .
2
24
EAST
the clades; but it was an overrated disaster. Lollius did not

suffer noticeably for it. When Augustus' grandson and heir,
C. Caesar, went to the East, Lollius was his comes and rector.
He was an understandable choice, for Lollius knew the region
and had demonstrated his fidelity to the Emperor. Moreover,
he had probably taken a wife from the no less faithful Valerii
Messallae, who had connexions in Asia. But something mys
terious occurred. Lollius fell from favour and was soon dead.
The truth may never be known, although it is apparent that
Lollius was an enemy of the exile Tiberius. Rumour went
abroad that he aroused the hostility of the young Gaius against
the exile. There were also reports of intrigue with oriental
kings. Velleius Paterculus, the panegyrist of Tiberius, could
not say whether Lollius took his own life or not, and perhaps
he did not.
He was succeeded in the retinue of Gaius by that other
Augustan authority on the East, P. Sulpicius Quirinius, a man
who had been elevated by Augustus. He was not related to the
patrician family of the Sulpicii but came rather from the
municipium of Lanuvium. His career before his consulship in
12 B.C. is obscure. It is clear that he was a tireless general,
whose military distinctions must have carried him far. In the
year of his consulship his colleague was an Appius Claudius,
who had been adopted by the Valerii Messallae. This man
was probably the brother of Quirinius' wife. There can be
little doubt that Quirinius of Lanuvium had made his way
into high and influential circles. One of his most memorable
achievements in the East as a consular cannot be securely
dated, the Homonadensian War, although it is clear that
it belongs to the period before Gaius' eastern tour. During
Tiberius' residence at Rhodes, Quirinius had followed the
opposite of Lollius' policy and was to profit from it. When the
2
Suet. Aug. 2 3 : maioris infamiae quam detrimenti. Dio 54. 20. 5 ; Veil. 2. 97.
Veil. 2. 102. 1 ; Suet. Tib. 1 2 .
T a c Ann. 1 2 . 2 2 : cf. R . Syme, Tacitus ii. 748.
Veil. 2. 102. 1. Cf. Suet. Tib. 1 2 ; T a c . Ann. 3 . 48.
T a c . Ann. 3 . 48.
A praetorian proconsulship of Crete and Cyrene may be concealed in the
report that he subjugated two tribes in Libya: Florus 2. 3 1 .
CIL6. 15626, cf. 37865.
Strabo 569.
Suet. Tib. 1 2 ; T a c . Ann. 3 . 48.
2
25
exile's detractor was eliminated, his flatterer filled the gap.

The career of Quirinius in this age is obscured by the evidence
1
of the acephalous lapis Tiburtinus.
Certainly Quirinius may
have held more eastern posts than anyone can be sure of, but
this particular epigraphic evidence can provide no satisfaction
as to what they were. Yet it is enough to know that in A.D. 6
Quirinius was again in the East as the governor of Syria,
carrying out the great census of Augustus.
The younger Seneca once observed that Augustus had en
rolled his entire circle of intimates from the camp of his ad
versaries, and enough Antonians have already been adduced
to give substance to such a remark. Yet it must be noted that
there were still more Antonians with excellent claims to eastern
service under Augustus who survived into the Principate but
were never sent out. Some of these became known intimates of
the Emperor at Rome; others are not heard of again. Advanced
age or an early and opportune death may, in some cases, be
suspected as the reason for their failure to reappear con
spicuously under Augustus. But it is implausible that a whole
group of potentially useful Antonians should have reached
senility or died together about 27 B . C Indeed, the survival of
many can be proved. Either because they could best be
watched if the Emperor saw them frequently or because their
services were required in the city, they did not leave Rome.
Seneca named Sallustius, the Cocceii, and the Delhi as
Antonians close to Augustus. Sallustius Crispus,"born an eques
trian and adopted by the historian, is said to have shared the
Emperor's secrets. He had no particular claims to provincial
service of any kind; besides, he could aspire to a high advisory
position at the imperial court. Not that he lacked contact with
Greek culture: Crinagoras addressed a poem to him.
2
ILS 9 1 8 . The lapis Tiburtinus and date of the Homonadensian W a r are

admirably discussed by R . Syme in Klio 27 (1934), 1 3 1 ff. The man in the
inscription may be Piso the Pontifex, consul 15 B . C There is afresh survey of the
Quirinius problem in Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New
Testament (1963), pp. 1 6 2 - 7 1 .
* Jos. AJ 1 7 . 3 5 5 ; Luke ii. 2. Cf. ILS 2683.
Sen. de Clementia 1. 10. 1 : Sallustium et Cocceios et Deillios et totam cohortem primae admissionis ex adversariorum castris conscripsit.
T a c . Ann. 1. 6; 3 . 30.
Anth. Pal. xvi. 40.
3
26
ROMAN MAGISTRATES
IN T H E A U G U S T A N
EAST
The Cocceii had provided two Antonian consuls, C. Balbus

in 39 B.C. and M . Nerva in 36 B . C Nerva knew the East; he
had governed Asia for Antony and was honoured as imperator
at Lagina in Caria. When Octavian made the Cocceii patri
cian by virtue of the Lex Saenia in 30 B . C and welcomed to
his circle the two consulars, as well as perhaps L . Cocceius
Nerva, he may have been trying to still the ambitions which
Antony had aroused. L . Nerva never reached the consulship,
and a man who had governed Asia probably as a praetorian
under Antony never went back to the East as a consular under
Augustus.
The Delhi are puzzling: only one member of that family is
known, the historian noted for changing sides in the civil
wars. Q. Dellius passed at the right moments from the camps
of Dolabella to Cassius, of Cassius to Antony, and of Antony to
Octavian. Such behaviour cannot have been reassuring to the
last of his masters. But few men that survived into the Princi
pate knew the East any better than Dellius. Antony had em
ployed him on a number of confidential missions, including
bringing Cleopatra to Tarsus. Dellius had also accompanied
Antony on his Parthian campaign and had conducted financial
negotiations with the Athenians. But he too never returned
to the East under the Principate.
Other Antonians are discoverable who survived into the
Principate but never used again such knowledge of the Orient
as they acquired under the Triumvirate. They had to be
1
satisfied with belonging to the Emperor's cokors primae admis-
sionis. L . Munatius Plancus had been consul in 42 B . C ; as

a partisan of Antony he had governed the great provinces of
Asia and Syria. His desertion to Octavian came in time, and
he did his best to assure the Princeps of his loyalty by proposing
6
ILS 8780.
T a c . Ann. 1 1 . 25 (Lex Saenia).
Sen. Suas. i. 7, quoting Messalla Corvinus: desultor bellorum civilium.
Dellius is not registered in PIR . The apparent reference to him in Sen. de
Clem. 1. 10. 1 (quoted p. 2 5 , n. 3) implies that he was important under Augustus.
Could the M S S . be concealing Lollios, instead ofDeillios, in the text of Seneca?
After all, the text gives Sallustius in the singular where one person is meant;
but only Quintus Dellius is known to correspond with Deillios. There would
be several Lollii, however, just as there were three Cocceii.
Plut. Ant. 2 5 .
s Dio 49. 39. 2 f.
PIR, M 5 3 4 .
3
1
27
the name Augustus. The censorship came to him in 22 B . C . ,

but he never governed another province. However, he may
have been just too old; Plancus' nephew, M . Titius, deserted
about the same time and later went out to Syria as legate of
the Emperor.
Among the others who survived Actium was C. Sosius, the
consul of 32 B.C., who began his term of office with a harangue
against Caesar's heir. Sosius had been Antony's admiral at
Zacynthus, as well as his governor of Syria between 38 and
36 B . C . Octavian ostentatiously spared this man as evidence
of his clemency, and Sosius emerged as a priest at the secu
lar games in 17 B . C . But he did not go back to the East.
C. Furnius had been the Antonian governor of Asia between
36 and 35 B . C . ; he was also spared after Actium. In 29 B.C., he
was honoured with adlection among the consulars but held
neither consulship nor provincial command under Augustus.
However, his son, bearing the same name, was consul in the
year of the secular games. Previously he had served in the
province of Hither Spain. Q,. Didius was Antony's last gover
nor of Syria and an obscure personage. Yet he was quite will
ing to serve the cause of the victor of Actium by opposing the
Antonian gladiators. Nothing further is heard of him. L .
Pinarius Scarpus, nephew of Julius Caesar, played a similar
role at Cyrene. He was the last Antonian governor in that pro
vince, and Actium convinced him of the wisdom of changing
his allegiance. Scarpus manifested his new loyalty by refusing
to receive Antony after Actium. Nothing further is heard of
him either.
There are traces of other men even more obscure whose
qualifications the Emperor chose to disregard. It is possible
that the Antonian consular L . Flavius lasted into the Principate. He had held his high office in absence in 33 B.C. while
he was in Armenia. Then there is the enigmatic L . Lollius,
Antonian governor of Crete and Cyrene. He cannot be identi
cal with his kinsman who governed the same province later
2
10
11
1 1
Veil. 2. 9 1 ; Suet. Aug. 7.

Dio 50. 2. 3 .
PIR, S 5 5 6 .
Dio 5 1 . 2. 4.
ILS 5050,1. 150.
PIR , F 590.
Dio 5 2 . 42. 4. He outlived his son, consul in 1 7 B . C . : PIR , F 590.
Dio 54. 5. 1 .
9 id. 5 1 . 7 . 1 .
Id. 5 1 . 5. 6; 9. 1 .
49. 44. 3 .
5
1 0
28
EAST
under the name of Palicanus. While M. Lollius rises ever

higher in the imperial service, L . Lollius is never heard of
again. It was not impossible for one member of a family to be
retarded in his career while others advanced; that was also
the fate of L. Vinicius, the consul suffect of 5 B.C. Perhaps the
same thing happened to M. Valerius Messalla, the consul of
32 B.C. If he heldas he may well have donea praetor
ian proconsulship of Asia under Antony, his career stopped
utterly in the Principate. That, of course, need not suggest that
he was excluded from the circle of the Emperor's intimates.
Service in the East ended for an entire family in one notable
instance. Ap. Claudius Pulcher, consul of 38 B.C., was one of
the patricians who appeared on the side of Octavian in the
Sicilian, War. Like Corvinus and Lepidus, Pulcher would
seem to have brought his family over to the winning side in
plenty of time. But apart from the Claudius who had become
a Valerius by adoption (doubtless in the 30's) and died as
consul in 12 B.C., no Claudius Pulcher reached the consulship
in the Augustan age. And with the possible exception of the
consul of 38 in Bithynia-Pontus in 28/27 B . C . , no Claudius
Pulcher is known to have governed an eastern province under
Caesar's heir. Yet the Claudii Pulchri had built up strong
clientelae in the Orient in the late Republic. Ap. Claudius
Pulcher, the consul of 79, had been proconsul in Macedonia
and Thrace; one of the brothers of the turbulent tribune of 58
had governed Asia, while the other had served as proconsul in
both Cilicia and Greece. The two brothers, who were the
offspring of the governor of Asia, had toured as children in the
East with L. Ateius Philologus. Yet the brother of the consul of
38 never became consul, nor did P. Clodius' own son, in whom
Antony had placed the highest hopes.
Perhaps by virtue of his marriage to Livia, Augustus re
garded the clientelae of the Claudii as his own. In any case, an
Ap. Claudius Pulcher who became monetalis under Augustus
2
See above, p. 2 3 , nn. 2 and 4.

App. BC 5. 98.
3 Grant, FIT A, pp. 2 5 5 - 8 ; cf. PIR , G 984 (preferring to identify the pro
consul with the brother of the consul of 38).
Suet, de Gramm. 10.
Gic. ad Att. 14. 1 3 A 2 : P. Glaudium, in optima spe puerum repositum.
2
29
soon sealed his fate by committing adultery with the Em

peror's daughter. Inasmuch as the lovers of Julia may well
have been involved in a political conspiracy, it was no doubt
likely that a representative of a family suppressed by Augustus
would be one of them.
The vicissitudes of men and families in the eastern service of
Augustan Rome reveal that knowledge of the East was not the
sole basis of selection. To have been an Antonian was far from
ruinous. The Emperor wanted experienced men, butmore
importantmen with a substantial clientela, though too much
experience or too large an eastern clientela could be dangerous.
In those days, as Tacitus remarked, it was still permissible
to cultivate friends among the provincials. Many who went
out to the East under Augustus were undoubtedly qualified by
personal achievements and family connexions; so were some
who remained behind. While realizing that a host of Antonians
must inevitably be at the centre of the restored Republic,
Augustus weighed each case. Certain men were suppressed;
some, including Sulpicius Quirinius, were raised up by the
Emperor himself. And many passed without harm from Trium
virate into Principate.
1
PIR , C 985. Probably identical with Julia's lover: Veil. 2. 100. 5.

On the political character of the Julia scandal, note the maiestas charge
in T a c . Ann. 3. 24 and Dio 5 5 . 10. 1 5 , and the plan to assassinate Augustus
alleged in Pliny, NH 7. 149.
T a c . Ann. 3 . $ 5 , quoted on p. 19, n. 2.
2
Ill
G R E E K S IN T H E I M P E R I A L S E R V I C E
HE great men of the late Republic were no strangers to
the culture of the Greeks. Commanders in the East were
disposed to abduct learned men as prisoners of war to be
led to Rome, where a swift manumission awaited them. Some
of these Greeks passed the remainder of their lives in lecturing
to the Romans on grammar or rhetoric, while others joined
the retinue of a noble household and became the confidants
of eminent Romans.
Certain of the favoured Greeks were companions of the
generals of republican Rome in peace and war, watched their
exploits with admiring eyes, supplied advice or consolation,
and composed panegyrics of their patrons. In such relation
ships both Greeks and Romans had much to gain. A Greek,
by virtue of his very intimacy with his patron, had an un
rivalled opportunity to look after the best interests of such
eastern cities as he chose to support, while at the same time he
earned gratitude and honour among those Greeks who ex
perienced his patron's benefactions. His compatriots might
even see fit to enrol him among the gods themselves; such
were the honours accorded to Theophanes of Mytilene. As
for the Roman patron, he was instructed in the ways of the
Hellenes, with whom he forged a close diplomatic link. And
perhaps an Archias or a Theophanes would immortalize him.
It was altogether natural that erudition and politics co
incided in the relationship of Greek confidant and Roman
patron. The educated men of the East regularly put their
minds into the service of their cities and of their Roman
patrons. Not all of these men lived and travelled with the great
Romans of the day, but many, while installed in local office,
remembered Roman interests on the understanding of com
pensatory consideration. The influence and knowledge of
Greek philosophers made them important acquisitions for an
31
imperator, either as his companions or as magistrates and

dynasts of eastern cities. Conversely, those few learned poli
ticians who were not inclined to Rome proved consistently
troublesome.
Greeks who accompanied the great men of republican
Rome on their journeys and campaigns were usually freedmen; several exerted enormous influence over their patrons and
amassed vast wealth. In the retinue of Sulla were Cornelius
Epicadus and the captive Milesian, Alexander Polyhistor; in
the retinue of Pompey were the rich Demetrius of Gadara and
Theophanes.
Greeks in the service of the first Princeps provide a certain
continuity with the Republic: they were literate men, acting
as teachers, advisers, and panegyrists to the imperial court,
while not forgetting the needs of their own friends and cities.
They were also the instruments of a far-reaching innovation
in the administration of the empire, an innovation which was
to lead in due time to the presence of eastern natives in the
senate at Rome and as agents of the Emperor in their home
lands. During the Republic a native holding local office often
maintained an entente cordiale with representatives of Rome.
In the developed Principate, natives were representatives of
Rome. The transition began under Augustus, and there was
no turning back. The essence of the transition, the pivotal
point of the change, was the familiar fusion of erudition and
politics.
In the decade after the fall of Alexandria, five or six peda
gogues of Greek origin were resident in the imperial house
hold. Among them were the teachers of Augustus himself;
these men were retained by their pupil as his counsellors and
friends after the defeat of his rival. Perhaps even Apollodorus
of Pergamum lived to see the child Octavian wage the Civil
Wars as the heir of Caesar and assume the title of Augustus.
While he lived, he was a valued adviser: Octavian took him
from Rome to Apollonia and may well have brought him
back again to Italy at some later date. For although Apollo
dorus was old when he journeyed to Apollonia, he did not die
until the age of eighty-two, and Strabo, a contemporary ob
server of the Augustan Principate, reports that Apollodorus
G R E E K S IN T H E I M P E R I A L
32
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1
profited greatly from the friendship of Caesar Augustus. He

may have died sometime in the twenties while enjoying within
the imperial court the high favour of his former pupil.
Two other of Augustus' teachers were certainly there at that
time. One was a native of Tarsus, the other of Alexandria.
They appear to have held some kind of advisory position in the
household. Both men were honest, able, and influential, des
tined for subsequent service in the provinces. Neither was
used for the education of Marcellus or Tiberius, as were other
of the court Greeks; they were too important to the Emperor
himself.
Athenodorus of Tarsus, the son of Sandon, was, like Apollodorus, already an old man when Alexandria fell. But he too
was to be an octogenarian, and there was still much which he
would do before he died. The son of Sandon was the second
illustrious Stoic named Athenodorus to come to Rome from
Tarsus. In the fashion of the Republic Marcus Cato had
brought back the Tarsian Athenodorus Cordylion, who lived
and died at his side. It is not clear precisely when or how the
teacher of Augustus came to Rome; he was there at least in
44 B.C., so that Octavian may be supposed to have brought
him to the city in that year, much as Cato had brought
Cordylion over a decade before. The son of Sandon seemed
to be just as intimate with his patron as Cordylion had been
with his. To impress upon the Emperor the need for more
stringent security measures, he once arranged for himself to be
brought into the imperial chamber in a roofed litter as if he
were a woman; safely within the room, he leapt from the litter
brandishing a sword and crying to Augustus, 'Are you not
afraid that someone will come in like this and kill you?' This
was not to be the only instance of Athenodorus' vigour in
old age.
2
Suet. Aug. 89. 1 (Octavian took him from Rome to Apollonia); Ps.-Lucian,
Macrobioi 23 (death at the age of eighty-two); Strabo 625 (profit from Augustus'
friendship).
Ps.-Lucian, loc. cit. The report in Eusebius (ed. Helm, p. 170) showing
Athenodorus still alive in A . D . 8 must be inaccurate.
Strabo 674.
Dio 56. 4 3 . 2. On the role of Athenodorus (highly conjectural): P. Grimal,
'Auguste et Ath&iodore', RE A 47 (1945), 261 ff. and 48 (1946), 62 ff.
2
GREEKS
IN T H E I M P E R I A L
SERVICE
33
It was precisely at the fall of Alexandria that Octavian

exhibited to the world the high esteem in which he held
another of his teachers, Areius the Alexandrian. When the
victorious Octavian marched into Alexandria, he was ob
served conversing in public with Areius and giving him his
hand. The Emperor pardoned the city on three accounts: its
founder Alexander the Great, its great beauty and size, and
his friend Areius. The juxtaposition of Alexander and Areius
gives some indication of Octavian's regard for his teacher. It
may be noted further that Octavian announced his clemency
toward the Alexandrians in a speech in Greek. That was
a language in which the future Princeps never achieved pro
ficiency. He was always obliged to write whatever he had to
say in Latin and then have it translated. Octavian's speech
to the Alexandrians may well have been delivered in a transla
tion done by the Alexandrian Areius.
The influence of Areius not only saved the city of Alexandria,
but it also saved a philosopher's life and led to the introduction
of another Greek into the imperial circle. The philosopher
Philostratus had been a supporter of the queen Cleopatra but
a friend of Areius, through whose good offices the victor of
Actium was induced to spare his life. Although Philostratus
was never welcomed into the court of Augustus, he was not
forgotten: when he died far away on the border of Egypt
and Judaea, Augustus' poet laureate composed a poem in his
memory.
Another friend of Areius has no attested record of offence in
the triumviral period. The widely travelled Peripatetic, Xenarchus from Seleuceia on the Calycadnus, had lived in Athens
and Alexandria, and in the latter city he undoubtedly met
Areius. When Xenarchus came to Rome, he entered into
the Emperor's friendship. In high favour he lived and taught
in the city till a ripe old age, enduring blindness and
1
Plut. Ant. 80; Praec. Rei Pub. Ger. 18 (814 D ) ; [Plut.] Apophtheg. 207 B ; Dio
5 1 . 16*. 4 ; Julian, Ep. 5 1 . 4 3 3 D. For the TOTTOI in regard to Alexandria, cf.
P.Oxyrh. xxiv. 2435.
Dio 5 1 . 16. 4.
Suet. Aug. 89. 1.
Plut. Ant. 80. 2 - 3 .
Anth. Pal. vii. 645 (Crinagoras).
Strabo 670.
2
814250
34
SERVICE
ultimately dying of disease. Xenarchus doubtless owed to

Areius his friendship with Augustus.
Areius' position in the imperial household was rather analo
gous to that of Athenodorus. It is probable that Areius, at
least, held some kind of well-defined post, inasmuch as the
name of his successor has been preserved. Both Areius and
Athenodorus were remembered in antiquity as the authors
of essays to two notable imperial women. When Livia was
mourning the death of Drusus in 9 B.C., Areius provided
her with a consolatio in her hour of grief. Athenodorus is
said to have written a book for Augustus' sister, Octavia;
this too must have been a consolatio on the occasion of a son's
death.*
While the Emperor had his own eastern teachers and ad
visers, he saw to it that his heirs did too. Marcellus was
entrusted to the care of two men, one from Tarsus and one
from Cilician Seleuceia. Nestor of Tarsus was an Academic,
who, like several of his contemporary Greeks, lived to a very
advanced age. Indeed, Augustus was fortunate in gather
ing round him so many learned men remarkable for their
longevity and vigour.
Nestor's colleague was Athenaeus, the authority on siegeworks, who composed a treatise for Marcellus setting out to
war. Athenaeus must have been instructing Marcellus at the
time of his departure for Spain with Augustus. Since the
Seleuceian Peripatetic who was called Athenaeus was living
in Rome at precisely this time, there is no difficulty in identify
ing him with the military instructor of Marcellus. The Seleu
ceian was an intimate of Murena, the alleged conspirator, in
2
Strabo 670. Observe the Egyptian KCO/LO/ in P. Oxyrh. x. 1 2 8 5 , 1 . 60 (third

century A.D.), perhaps owing its name to Augustus' friend: 7r<o>uc(iou)
Sevdpxov.
Suidas s.v. &<ov: yeyovcbs r i Avyovarov /nera Apeiov.
3 Sen. ad Marc. 4. 5. 6. 1.
Plut. Public. 1 7 . 8 . Cf. Cichorius, RS279 Hofphilosoph Athenodorus
von Tarsos'.
Strabo 6 7 5 . Ps.-Lucian, Macrob. 21 (death at the age of ninety-two):
erroneous in calling him a Stoic.
Cichorius, RS 271 ff., 'Das Werk des Athenaeus uber Kriegsmaschinen',
has demonstrated that the treatise was composed for Marcellus.
Strabo 670.
2
ff
< D e r
G R E E K S IN T H E IMPERIAL S E R V I C E
the years before he was charged with treacherywhen his

kinship with Maecenas' wife brought him close to the Em
peror. Athenaeus managed to survive the fall of Murena,
although he fled when the conspiracy was uncovered. Augustus
discovered that Murena's friend was innocent, and Athenaeus
was spared. He returned to Seleuceia with the opening words
of Euripides' Hecuba appropriately on his lips. But he lived
only a little while longer: one night the house in which he
was living collapsed and crushed him.
The irreproachable Nestor, Athenaeus' colleague in the
tuition of Marcellus, probably went on to instruct the young
Tiberius for a short time. But Tiberius' more famous teacher
was another oriental, the freedman Theodorus of Gadara.
The parents of this man were probably brought to Rome as
prisoners at the time of the Mithridatic Wars. Since one of
his posterity bore the name Antonius, Theodorus may have
1
Ibid. Athenaeus* association with Varro Murena the conspirator led Mrs.
Atkinson (Hist. 9 [i960], 469) to connect the mysterious Varro who governed
Syria (Jos., BJ 1. 3 9 8 ; AJ 1 5 . 345) with the conspirator and to postulate an
acquaintance with Athenaeus in the East. That cannot be: Athenaeus, as the
author of the treatise on siege-works (cf. p. 34, n. 6), must already have been
in Rome in 27, whereas Varro was in Syria later, c. 2 5 (cf. P-W, 2te Reihe
I5-4I5)2
Strabo quotes Euripides: TJKCD vctcpwv KcvOfiwva Kal OKOTOV irvXas Xmwv. A n
old textual crux in this passage of Strabo (670) can now be resolved by the
Vatican Palimpsest of c. A . D . 500 (W. Aly, De Strabonis codice rescripto cuius
reliquiae in codicibus Vaticanis Vat. Gr. 2306 et 2061 A servatae sunt [1956], p. 1 1 2 ,
fol. 369 I I , line 38). For els *P(ii\vr\v read CK *Pa>fj.rjs: cf. Bowersock, CR N.S.
14 (1964) 12 f.
Strabo 670.
Ps.-Lucian, Macrob. 2 1 . .
Suidas registers two men under the name Qeohmpos:
a poet who wrote an
epic to Cleopatra and a freedman Gadarene who taught Tiberius. The
treacherous tutor of Antyllus (Plut. Ant. 8 1 ) must be identical with the author
of the epic to Cleopatra; he was crucified (Plut. ibid.). A son of the Gadarene is
said in Suidas to have been a senator under Hadrian, which is impossible, but
the person's name is given as Antonius; it may well have belonged in the family
of the Gadarene, who was perhaps an Antonian for a while. Quintilian (3. 1 .
17 ff.) says that Tiberius heard Theodorus of Gadara on Rhodes: Tiberius
cannot have met him on the notorious secessus, as Theodorus engaged in a
rhetorical contest at Rome with Potamo of Mytilene (Suidas, loc. cit.). Potamo
would have been far too old for a contest after A . D . 4, when he was probably
already dead anyway. Theodorus is also mentioned in Strabo 759 and Suet.
Tib. 5 7 ; and on an inscribed statue base from the Athenian Agora, AJP 80
(1959), 368. For Theodorus and his origins in the late Republic: Cichorius,
Rom und Mytilene (1888), p. 6 3 .
3
36
SERVICE
deserted to Octavian from Antony, like another Theodoras,

the tutor of Antony's son by Cleopatra.
Another Greek in the service of Augustus at Rome was the
son of the great Theophanes and an eques. The Mytilenean
Pompeius Macer was put in charge of organizing the imperial
library. It will be seen how he and his family rose still higher
in the Emperor's service.
The household of Augustus could boast its own Greek poet
to provide occasional verse. Such a poet had republican pre
cedents, not to mention Antipater of Thessalonica in the
retinue of Augustus' contemporary, Piso the Pontifex. But
inasmuch as a monarchy was taking shape in Rome, the court
versifier resembled most of all a poet laureate. This was the
role of another Mytilenean, Crinagoras, the son of Callippus.
Crinagoras met Augustus for the first time at Tarraco in Spain
in 26 B . C as an ambassador from his city in Lesbos. Some
twenty years previously he had gone to Rome on a similar
mission to confront Caesar the Dictator. In those troubled
times Crinagoras had reaped no personal profit apart from the
inevitable gratitude of Mytilene for his part in a successful
embassy, but in Spain he found favour with the creator of the
Pax Augusta and never went home again. Resident in Rome
but a companion of the Emperor on his travels, Crinagoras
turned out a steady stream of short poems commemorating the
vicissitudes of Augustus' relatives and friends. The poet sang
of the boy Marcellus returning a man from the West, of the
marriage of the King of Mauretania with the offspring of the
Queen of Egypt, of Antonia's last birthday before her marriage
to Drusus. Moreover, the poet also exercised his Muse on
certain well-known events of the day: the desecration of the
tomb of an eastern tyrant, who had once been a teacher in
the city of Rome and a friend of many Romans though not of
1
Suet. Jul. 56. 7.

See, for example, Anth. Pal. vi. 2 4 1 , 249, 3 3 5 ; ix. 93, 5 4 1 , 5 5 2 ; x. 2 5 ; xvi.
184.
3
IGR 4. 3 3 ; cf. 4. 38 (cV TappaKutvi

rrjs *I^[plas
. . .]). The embassy of 26
B . C may provide the context for Anth. Pal. ix. 559.
IGR 4. 3 3 . On the date of the embassy to Julius Caesar, see Sherk, Greek,
Roman, and Byzantine Studies 4 (1963), 1 1 5 ff.
Anth. Pal. ix. 2 2 4 ; 4 1 9 .
Ibid. vi. 161 (Marcellus); ix. 2 3 5 (Cleopatra Selene and J u b a I I ) ; vi.
345 (Antonia's birthday).
4
GREEKS
IN T H E I M P E R I A L
SERVICE
37
Augustus. A few lines are addressed to Philostratus, the friend

of Areius who died in the East. The mishap of M. Lollius in
Germany is cleared of disgrace. The lament of a nameless
mother Over the transposed fortunes of two sons is surely an
allusion to the sons of Adiatorix, whose fortitude earned the
admiration of the Emperor.
Augustus did not shrink from employing educated Greek
freedmen in his house any more than did the great men of the
late Republic. Both C. Julius Marathus and C. Julius Asclepiades appear to have recorded the wonders of Augustus'
birth, and their gentilicia suggest ample compensation. To the
freedman, M . Verrius Flaccus, was entrusted the education of
Gaius and Lucius Caesar ; he may be presumed to be a man
of Greek origin, though proof is lacking. While freedmen
served the Emperor in diverse ways, the Emperor refused
such intimacy with them as he accorded to certain other men.
No freedman was privileged to dine with him, with the sole
exception of that expert traitor, Menas, after he had been
declared free-born.
As the Principate took shape, the Augustan circle of Greeks
did not remain quite the same. Death removed the trusted
Areius, but his place was filled by another Alexandrian, the
Stoic Theon. While evfdence for this man is far less abundant
than it is for his predecessor, he appears to have been favoured
almost as highly. That would be implied by his position alone,
but there are two other valuable items on record. His name
was C. Julius Theon, which means that the citizenship was
granted to him either by Caesar or Caesar's heir. The latter
is more likely, for a papyrus has revealed that Augustus pre
sented Theon with large estates in Egypt out of his royal land.
2
Ibid. ix. 81 (Nicias of Gos).

Ibid. vii. 645.
Ibid. vii. 7 4 1 . Cichorius, RS, pp. 3 1 2 - 1 3 , is right in referring this to
Lollius. Varus' disaster is out of the question because of its late date.
Anth. Pal. vii. 638. See Bowersock, Hermes 92 (1964) 255 f.
Suet. Aug. 94 (cf. 79) on Marathus; Suet. Aug. 94 (Asclepiades).
Id. de Gramm. 1 7 .
Id. Aug. 74.
Suid. s.v. &cov.
P. Oxyrh. xii. 1434. Theon made his land over to Isis, but subsequently
requested that C . Julius Aquila, the prefect of Egypt, turn it over to his son
Theon. On Theon and his family, see especially H. A . Musurillo, Acts of the
Pagan Martyrs, p. 103.
3
38
G R E E K S IN T H E IMPERIAL
SERVICE
The citizenship and the succession to Areius can be connected

plausibly with the imperial favour revealed in a substantial
land grant.
The sons of Areius, Nicanor and Dionysius, went on to
assist Augustus with his Greek studies after their father's
death; in particular they were probably responsible for draft
ing Latin texts into Greek for promulgation among the Greekspeaking peoples. In Augustan Athens there appeared a C.
Julius Nicanor: as his father's name was Areius and his origins
were Alexandrian, it is more than likely that he was the philo
sopher's son looking after Augustan interests in Greece.
Supervision of the imperial libraries passed from the hands
of the eminent knight Pompeius Macer into the care of C.
Julius Hyginus, a freedman. He was a Spaniard according to
some, but others said he was an Alexandrian brought to Rome
by Julius Caesar. Augustus already employed several Alexan
drians, and he may have added still another.
Macer's translation to a new post was a matter of some im
portance. He was not the only Greek who left the domestic
service of the Emperor for employment elsewhere. Augustus
appears quite deliberately to have sent out those Greeks who
had proved themselves in his service at Rome to serve as his
agents in organizing and administering the Greek-speaking
portions of his empire. Inevitably from the nature of the Greek
circle in the Roman court, these agents were men of con
siderable literacy and diplomatic experience; several were
philosophers and therefore acquainted with the political arts.
This policy of using Greeks as imperial agents in Greek
nations determined the character of the Principate for the
generations to follow.
Pompeius Macer was sent to Asia, whence he had come.
There he held the equestrian office of procurator. The retinue
of Macer may have included two literary celebrities: the poet
Ovid and Nemesis, the aptly named otjject of Tibullus' affec
tions. Macer's employment among Greeks did not cease with
1
Suet. Aug. 89. i.

See chapter V I I , p. 96, n. 5, below.
Suet, de Gramm. 20.
Strabo 6 1 8 ; cf. JRS 51 (1961), 1 1 6 - 1 7 , n. 4 2 .
Ovid, Pont. ii. 10. 2 1 ; Tibullus I I . 6.
39
his term in Asia. He appears to have moved on, at some later

date, to a post in Sicily. At least he acted as a guide for Ovid
when the poet visited the island some time before his banish
ment.
Athenodorus may also have seen something of Sicily as
a representative of Augustus. The evidence is obscure on this
point. But there can be no doubt of a far more vital mission
of Athenodorus. He was sent back to his native city of Tarsus,
which was both economically and strategically important and
boasting the most stimulating intellectual life in the Near East.
The Emperor bestowed upon his teacher and friend a special
authority by which he was to remove the Antonian tyrant
there and to reorganize the constitution of the city. Here was
Augustus interferingnot for the first nor for the last time
wilfully and manifestly in the affairs of a free city, but he could
not afford to leave Tarsus to an untrustworthy and demagogic
Antonian. It was a wise move to use one of the city's most
distinguished citizens to make the necessary adjustments. Al
though he was an old man, Athenodorus lacked neither energy
nor repartee; coarse insults could not keep him from ac
complishing his task. The tyrant Boethus and his men were
driven from the city, whereupon Athenodorus took his place
as the political leader of Tarsus.
Another Tarsian was still at Rome; this was Nestor, the
Academic and the teacher of Marcellus. When Athenodorus
died, the affairs of the free city of Tarsus could still not be left
quite to themselves. Nestor was dispatched there, an able suc
cessor to his aged fellow citizen. Thus the teacher of Augustus'
heirs followed the teacher of Augustus himself in managing
the political life of the city in which both pedagogues had
been born.
The Alexandrian Areius, like his colleagues at Rome, was
1
P-W
2
Ibid. ii. 10. 21 ff. Perhaps Macer was acting in a purely private capacity:
2 1 . 2.
2276/1
[Plut.] Apophtheg. 207 B , on which see Cichorius, RS, pp. 280 ff. The text
reads Theodorus, for which Cichorius prefers Athenodorus. One is left to
wonder when or why Athenodorus was in Petra: Strabo 779.
3 Id. 6 7 4 - 5 .
Ibid. Athenodorus dealt wittily with his opponents, who were commenting:
epya vimv,
flovXal
8c fieacov, 7ropBal 8e yepovratv.
Cf. Ps.-Lucian, Macrob. 2 1 .
Strabo 6 7 5 .
4
SERVICE
destined for service in the Greek-speaking provinces. He was

sent to Sicily to serve as imperial procurator in succession to
a Greek whom he had known at the court at Rome. His pre
decessor may have been the Gadarene Theodorus or perhaps
the Tarsian Athenodorus before his return to the East ; exact
identification in this case is of no great consequence. A Greek
succeeded a Greek. In time Areius was offered another post
abroad, significantly in the land of his birth. Augustus pro
posed to make him ZTTITPOTTOS of Egypt, but Areius declined
this office. If Areius' reason for refusing is obscure, Augustus'
policy in asking is not.
It would be satisfying to know more exactly the appoint
ment which was offered to Areius, because there may be
parallels in the history of Augustan Egypt. Other Greek agents,
who did not refuse the Emperor's offer, can be discovered
there. Eros, a Greek freedman with a taste for quail, is
described as 6 ra iv Alyvirrco SLOIKWVS A regular official called
8IOLK7]rri9 does not emerge in imperial Egypt until the second
century A.D., nor is he included in Strabo's account of the
administration of that province under Augustus. Eros was per
haps the LSLOS \6yos.
C. Julius Theon, who had received large estates in Egypt
from the Emperor, was high priest of Alexandria and all
Egypt; not many years later the incumbent of this office can
be shown to be identical with the LSLOS \6yos. Perhaps Theon
too was both magistrates in one. Similarly C. Julius Asclepiades, who can easily be the Augustan panegyrist and authority
on Egypt, was also DPX^pevs,
therefore probably tSios \6yos
as well.
1
[Plut.] Apophtheg. 207 B .

See p. 39, n. 2 ; Theodorus, pace Gjchorius, is plausible.
Julian, Epist. ad Themist. 343 f. (Hertlein).
[.Plut.] Apophtheg. 207 B : Augustus is said to have nailed the man to a ship's
mast for having eaten a quail which had been undefeated in combat. Cf.
Suet.-Donat. Vita Verg. 34.
Bell, CAHx. 289. Cf. P. M . Meyer, 'ALOLK^GIS und tSios X6yos\ Festschriftf.
Hirschfeld (1903), 1 3 1 ff. esp. 1 3 5 - 4 8 . There is one isolated 8101*07x17? from the
first century (under Nero), but clearly he is a person of much lower rank than
the official familiar from the second century: P. Fouad i (1939), no. 2 1 .
Cf. Hirschfeld, Verwalt. 359, n. 2.
7 P-Wg. 9 0 0 - 1 .
P. Rainer 1 7 2 ; PIR , A 1 1 9 9 .
2
GREEKS
IN T H E IMPERIAL
SERVICE
41
Now it is clear that Areius was offered an l-mrpo-m) of

Egypt. In the age to which this evidence for Areius belongs,
the office of the Ihios Xoyos in that province was regularly
described as rj rod Ihlov Xoyov ITTITPOTTT) and the official himself
was designated 6 IRRIRPOTROS Alyvrrrov ISiov Xoyov. The Em
peror Julian alluded to Areius' rejected office as
KPANAROV
reXos : the papyri reveal the terminology 6 KPANAROS
irpos ra>
ISio) Xoycp and 6 KPARIAROS
dpx^pevs for its conjunct. Accord
ingly it may safely be conjectured that Augustus proposed to
make Areius an 1810s Xoyos. It becomes even more probable
that the other Greek agents in Egypt also held that office. In
particular, C. Julius Theon, as Areius' successor at Rome,
was doubtless given the same opportunity in his homeland as
Areius himself. Theon evidently accepted.
Among the possible 1S101 Xoyoi of Augustan Egypt, two were
dispatched from the educated imperial circle of Greeks at
Rome, and a third was apparently a favoured freedman;
there would have been a fourth, had he not refused his
appointment.
It is clear that Augustus was well aware of the value of
intelligent and loyal Greeks both in his court at Rome and
in the Greek-speaking portions of the empire. The names of
many of the Greeks in his service testify to the Emperor's
bestowal of the Roman citizenship, and it is only fair to conjec
ture that men known to posterity merely as Athenodorus or
Areius received no less an honour. An even closer assimilation
of Greeks to the Roman imperial system lay still in the future;
but Q. Pompeius Macer, son of the Augustan procurator of
Asia and grandson of the freedman Theophanes, was a fore
runner of what was to come. He was a senator.
1
t o
Julian, loc. cit.

P-W 9, loc. cit.
Julian, loc. cit.
* P-W 9, loc. cit.
T w o other tSiot Xoyoi are known from the Augustan period: Q,. Attius
Fronto in A . D . 1 2 - 1 3 (P. Oxyrh. ix. 1188) and C . Seppius Rufus in A . D . 1 4 - 1 6
(P. Oxyrh. iv. 721 ; 835). The nomen of the latter is Oscan.
It is worth remembering that Julius Caesar bestowed the citizenship on all
physicians and teachers of the liberal arts at Rome (Suet. Jul. 42. 1 ) .
Praetor in A.D. 1 5 : T a c . Ann. 1. 7 2 ; 6. 1 8 ; ILS 9349. On Tacitus' mistake
in the generations involved: Syme, Tacitus ii. 748-9 and Bowersock, JRS 5 1
(1961). 1 1 6 - 1 7 . n. 42.
5
IV
KINGS AND DYNASTS
HE administration of the East required men who knew
the East and its peoples. Certain Romans, with exten
sive service in that part of the Mediterranean, inevitably
became instruments of the Augustan government, unless they
had incurred suspicion of hostility or treachery. Certain Greeks
passed from intimacy with the Emperor into his service among
the nations from which they had come.
Not all the Greek-speaking nations and principalities were
included in the provinces of official Roman magistrates, but they
could not on that account be neglected. Pompey had perceived
the economic and strategic importance of Roman influence
where outright subjection was lacking. Kings and dynasts
were a useful means of control, especially in the more remote
and barbaric regions, provided that the political sentiments of
those rulers could be assured. For native dynasts understood
their people and their country better than the average Roman
republican governor his province. Moreover, upon such natives
devolved the costly and burdensome work of organizing the
territory over which they ruled. The Roman treasury was
spared further expense. In a generation or two a king would
have sufficiently civilized his regions so that they could then be
incorporated as a Roman province with minimum difficulty.
Nor was the native going to lose anything from dependence on
Rome. His position against rivals and enemies, inside and
outside his kingdom, was secured. As a faithful client, he could
look forward to territorial expansion as a reward for his
loyalty. Although the client princes of the late Republic had
no knowledge of it at the time, the favours which they enjoyed
were to find their natural outcome in the emergence of their
posterity in the senate of Rome.
Antony understood the convenience of Pompey's system.
And the kings and princes whom Antony sanctioned or elevated
KINGS AND DYNASTS
43
realized that their rule would be stabilized and perhaps en

larged by allegiance to Rome's general. A settlement of the
East was impossible without advantages on both sides. But
a lasting settlement was difficult in any case because of the
difficulties in maintaining devotion to one party or one man.
If a republican or triumviral imperator were regarded as the
representative of Rome, then allegiance to that man meant
allegiance to Rome. The theory was admirable, but useless
when Rome was rent by civil strife. A man whom Antony had
raised up in an Eastern city or principality had good reason to
fear Antony's conqueror, for favour from one man could entail
hostility or ruin at the hands of his victorious enemy. Abstract
fidelity to Rome in such an age was not only insufficient: it was
impossible. The princes who sought Rome's favour during the
civil wars could only do so by pledging themselves to the man
of the moment. To be sure, in the early years of the Trium
virate they could regard themselves as attached to a single
party which included both Octavian and Antony, but the
breach between the two triumvirs forced a choice. Antony was
present in the East, and there, naturally enough, he was the
favoured man.
With the fall of Alexandria, Octavian found himself the
heir to an empire. Both within it and at its borders in the East
were the men whom Antony had elevated to power or sup
ported in a power they already held. A few of these, observing
before the final blow that they were espousing a losing cause,
deserted to the camp of Octavian. The brigand lord of Gordioucome in Mysia and the King of Paphlagonia continued to
be held in honour by virtue of their treachery at Actium. The
King of Galatia may have secured his position for the future
by covert intrigue before the battle was joined. But desertions
play an insignificant role in the policy of Octavian toward the
kings and dynasts of the East. Antony's conqueror might have
been expected to uproot the eastern Antonians from high
position, to honour the deserters, and to raise up new client
rulers, if he did not intend directly to annex a region stripped
1
Strabo 5 7 4 (Cleon of Gordioucome); Dio 50. 1 3 . 5 (Philadelphus of

Paphlagonia).
Dio 50. 1 3 . 8. Gf. Plut. Ant. 63. 3 .
2
44
KINGS AND
DYNASTS
of its king. But Octavian was too shrewd. He knew that un

relenting Antonians could not Be tolerated in his empire;
they would be sources of discontent and turbulence. And some
Antonian favourites would have to fall together with the man
who favoured them simply in proof of the victor's newly won
authority. However, there was an abundance of petty prince
lings who could easily be sacrificed without disrupting the
major arrangements of Antony. Octavian recognized that the
system of client kingship rested upon a foundation of mutual
advantage, and to a Roman just entering upon the possession
of a vast empire that system was indispensable for maintaining
an equilibrium in the periphery of the eastern provinces. In
the larger kingdoms Antony's arrangements were eminently
satisfactory. If Octavian was willing to overlook their past and
favour them as his own clients, the kings and tyrants had much
to gain from transferring their allegiance and nothing to lose;
they would shine the more resplendently for not having be
trayed their previous patron at a time of crisis. It was clear
how to perpetuate Antony's eastern settlement, and in broad
outline that is what Octavian chose to do.
First, however, a conqueror must uncover and remove his
enemy's supporters: conquerors are expected to do that, if
they are not to be thought weak and lacking in initiative.
A succession of local dynasts would suffice for Octavian's vic
tims. A few had to be eliminated anyway because they were
courageous enough to remain loyal to a man defeated and dead.
On the southern shore of the Black Sea two tyrants fell, one
at Amisus and another at Heraclea Pontica. Antony had given
Amisus over to kings; in 30 B.C. a tyrant, Strato by name, was
deposed by Octavian. Strato will have been one of Antony's
men and perhaps a member of another Antonian dynasty, the
Tarcondimotids of Hierapolis-Castabala. At Heraclea Pon
tica, where Julius Caesar had planted a Roman colony, Antony
had put Adiatorix in charge of the Heracleot division of the
city. But Adiatorix, seeing an opportunity for the East in the
civil wars of Rome, recalled the Mithridatic massacre; shortly
before Actium, he rose up against the Romans of Heraclea and
1
Strabo 547. Note a Ilvir at Pisidian Antioch, C . Julius Straton, regis

Tarcondimoti Philopatoris f.: JRS 2 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 108.
KINGS AND DYNASTS
45
slaughtered them. On no account could Octavian spare so

murderous a traitor. Adiatorix and his elder son were ex
hibited in a triumph at Rome and condemned to die. But
Galatian heroism altered fate-: Adiatorix' younger son offered
himself in place of his brother and so died with his father. The
Emperor was amazed: men of such mettle could not be wasted.
Adiatorix' elder son, Dyteutus, the man who nearly died, was
soon given a priestly tyranny in Pontus.
On the island of Cos the tyrant Nicias was finally overthrown
with the elevation of Octavian. Nicias belonged to the grand
republican tradition of well-educated dynasts, like Zeno of
Laodicea and Hybreas of Mylasa, who knew the value of
Roman friends. Politics and literacy mingled successfully in
that age. Nicias' career was more spectacular than most. He
had been taken to Rome in 62 B.C. by Pompey in the company
of Lucretius' patron, C. Memmius, and as a teacher in the city
had enjoyed the friendship of men of no less stature than
Cicero, Brutus, Cassius, and Dolabella. He evidently in
curred the wrath of Pompey and was compelled to leave
Rome, but after Pharsalus a man whom Pompey had punished
could look forward to a new era of favour. The literate and
well-connected Nicias stood on the right side of the tyranni
cides and of the Antonians, with the result that he attained to
a moderate tyranny in Cos with the support of Antony. His
rule lasted for at least eight years. But Nicias had neglected to
include the youthful heir of Caesar among his Roman friends;
indeed, Octavius had been a small child when Nicias was at
Rome. Besides, the tyrant's friendship with Antony could not,
in the end, have won him the enthusiastic support of the Coan
people. In the year before Actium an Antonian admiral is
sued an order to cut down the sacred cypress trees of Asclepius
on Cos to build ships. Therefore Nicias could hope for little
1
Strabo 5 4 3 , 5 5 8 - 9 . The subject of Anth. Pal. vii. 638 (Crinagoras): see

Bowersock, Hermes 92 (1964), 255C
Suet, de Gramm. 14 (Memmius, Cicero, Dolabella). On his connexion with
Brutus and Cassius: F . Munzer, Rom. Adelsp., p. 3 5 7 , n. 2, nos. 1 2 - 1 3 .
He carried a note de stupro from Memmius to Pompey's wife, the daughter
of Metellus Scipio, who betrayed him (Suet, de Gramm. 14).
The evidence is numismatic: BMC Caria 2 1 3 .
Dio 5 1 . 8. 3 . On the sacred cypresses: Val. Max. 1. 1. 19.
2
KINGS AND DYNASTS
favour in 30 B.C. either from the people of his island or from

Octavian. His chances would only have been better if he had
ruled a larger and more important region. The dynast of Cos
was uprooted, but the island's tribute was reduced in return
for a painting of Venus. Nicias went to the grave soon after
ward, although not even there was he secure. The body of the
man whom Cos once had honoured as a son of the people was
torn from the tomb and desecrated.
Certain minor dynasties of the East exhibit a remarkable
similarity in their history at this time. Each was ruled by an
Antonian, and each was deprived of its ruler by Antony's
rival. These were to be in areas which would pay the price of
supporting the wrong side, for Octavian had seen the least risk
in sacrificing the minor princes. But he miscalculated; it was
not long before he appreciated Antony's sagacity in provid
ing dynasts for these places. In three instances Augustus was
obliged to re-establish the Antonian houses he had over
thrown ; in a fourth he installed an Antonian prince whom he
had removed from power elsewhere. And in a fifth he provided
his own tyrant.
One of these dynasties was centred in Hierapolis-Castabala
in Level Cilicia. Tarcondimotus Philantonius was king in the
triumviral period and gave his life while fighting for Antony at
Actium. His son, Tarcondimotus Philopator, acceded to the
throne, but his reign was brief. Octavian deposed him in
30 B . C Yet ten years later Caesar Augustus reverted to the
arrangement of Antony. The Tarcondimotids were reinstated
at Hierapolis-Castabala, and Philopator received all his father's
kingdom with the exception of certain coastal districts which
were assigned to the Cappadocian king. In the next year
Philopator caused Anazarbus to adopt a new name as an
1
Strabo 657. Augustus dedicated the painting in the shrine of Julius Caesar
and possibly uttered some Greek verses on the occasion; the piece was imper
fect and replaced by Nero (Pliny, NH 3 5 . 9 1 ) .
Anth. Pal. ix. 81 (Crinagoras), revealing that Nicias is dead in 30 B.C, He is
called 'son of the people' on inscriptions: Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos
(Oxford, 1 8 9 1 ) , nos. 76-80. Four unpublished: P-W 17. 334. On Nicias, see
the excellent account of R . Syme, JRS 51 (1961), 2 5 - 2 8 .
Plut. Ant. 6 1 . 1 . Cf. Dio 5 1 . 2. 2. The name Philantonius is attested on
coins: Head, HN 735. Cf. Jones, CERP, pp. 4 3 6 - 7 , nos. 1 8 - 2 1 .
Dio 5 1 . 2 . 2 .
Dio 54. 9. 2 .
2
KINGS AND DYNASTS
47
expression of his indebtedness to the Princeps; henceforth it was

to be known as Caesarea-by-Anazarbus. The client dynasty
of Tarcondimotus Philopator spanned the remainder of the
Augustan Principate and was doubtless a comfort in the period
of the Homonadensian war.
The Tarcondimotids were further confirmed in their de
pendence upon the Roman emperor at an unknown date by
a grant of citizenship. Augustus knew the usefulness of the
citizenship as a means of binding his client kings closer to
himself; Tarcondimotus was hardly the only one upon whom
he bestowed it, although there is irony in the son of a Philantonius with the name G. Julius.
In the kingdom of Emesa in Syria, Antony had watched
after the interests of the house of Iamblichus. Alarmed by re
ports and threats of treachery in the last desperate hours before
Actium, Antony had the king put to death and granted the
succession to Iamblichus' brother, Alexander, whose fidelity
was assured by the manner of his elevation. But his reign was
swiftly terminated by the victorious Octavian. Emesa was
presumably incorporated into the province of Syria. However,
a decade later, in the year of the Tarcondimotid restoration,
Augustus re-established the house of Iamblichus at Emesa.
The ancestral dominion was assigned to Iamblichus, son of the
Antonian of the same name. That was a wise choice: a father's
murder on Antony's order was not quickly forgotten. Iambli
chus' debt to the Emperor was enlarged by the gift of citizen
ship. Some of his posterity were to bear conjointly the names of
a Pompeian potentate and the first Princeps, C. Julius Samsigeramus.
Antony had allowed an inferior poet, Boethus, to manage
the affairs of Tarsus. Octavian left the man in control of the
1
Head, HN 7 1 6 - 1 7 . Cf. Pliny, NH 5. 93.

Jahresh. Oest. Inst. 18 ( 1 9 1 5 ) , Beiblatt, p. 5 8 : paaiXis 'IovXCa vewripa
(Anazarbus).
Dio 50. 1 3 . 7 (murder of the elder Iamblichus); Dio 5 1 . 2. 2 (Octavian's
deposition of Alexander). H . Buchheim, Die Orientpolitik des Triumvirn M.
Antonius (i960), p. 22, infers that there had been 'keine sehr guten Beziehungen'.
Dio 54. 9. 2.
IGR 3 . 1023 (C. Julius Samsigeramus). His son, G. Julius Sohaemus:
/ I S 8958.
2
48
KINGS AND DYNASTS

1
city for a few years, but he was apparently not satisfactory.

Early in the Principate, Athenodorus the Tarsian was dis
patched from Rome with special powers given him by the
Emperor to settle the affairs of Tarsus. In effect, Athenodorus
replaced Boethus as lord of the city and guided its opinion into
support of the Emperor. Nestor, another Augustan Tarsian,
was sent back to succeed Athenodorus after his death. Augus
tus found it too dangerous to leave a loyal Antonian in control
of Tarsus, but the city needed someone to run it. Accordingly
a client tyrant was displaced by a member of the imperial
court invested with special powers. Athenodorus and Nestor
symbolize the close link in policy between the support of client
princes and the employment of natives directly in the im
perial service.
Caesar had installed Lycomedes the priest as dynast of
Pontic Comana, and Antony had left him there. Octavian
made a change. He deposed Lycomedes and assigned his
principality to the traitorous robber, Cleon of Gordioucome,
honoured for his timely desertion from Antony. But Cleon
was an impious glutton, no fit man for the priesthood of
Comana; his contravention of a local taboo was alleged to
have brought him a swift death. He was succeeded by the
Galatian Dyteutus, the elder son of Adiatorix. Thus the
Augustan dynast of the priest-state of Pontic Comana was none
other than the son of an Antonian partisan who had murdered
the Roman colonists of Heraclea Pontica. Yet Dyteutus owed
his position to Augustus and, so far as is known, was faithful.
Olba in Rough Cilicia had fallen into the hands of pirates,
but the old priestly dynasty of Olban Teucrids survived none
the less. Aba, the favourite of Antony and Cleopatra, was the
daughter of a robber baron, but she and her father had been
sufficiently discreet to ensure her marriage into the ancient
2
Strabo 6 7 4 :
Borjdov,
KCIKOV fxkv iroirjTov KCLKOV be
iroXlrov,
3
Ibid. Cf. above, p. 39.

Strabo 675.
< Id. 558. Cf. Dio 5 1 . 2. 3 .
Strabo 5 7 4 - 5 (Cleon). T o be sure, Strabo was not without prejudice in re
gard to the priests of Comana: a relative of his had been one earlier in the
century (Strabo 5 5 7 ) . Dio 5 1 . 2. 3 says that a certain Medeius succeeded
Lycomedes. Medeius must be identical with Cleon: Jones, CERP, p. 427, n. 4 3 .
Strabo 5 5 8 - 9 .
5
KINGS AND DYNASTS
49
house of Teucer. The victorious Octavian saw fit to dissolve

the tyranny of Aba, an inconsequential Antonian. She was
not a great loss, nor can Octavian's displeasure have been
much more than nominal. He subsequently entrusted Olba
to the rule of Teucrid priests who were Aba's own descendants.
They were obviously the best qualified to govern that remote
little principality.
Almost in spite of himself, the heir of Caesar was unable to
do away with the petty tyrannies of Hierapolis-Castabala,
Emesa, Tarsus, Pontic Comana, and Olba. In one instance he
allowed a tyranny to continue, controlled by the offspring of
a lady he deposed; in two instances a hiatus of ten years con
vinced him of the need to reinstate the tyrannies. He found
himself obliged to rely in four principalities upon dynastic
houses which had once enjoyed the favour of Antony. The
removal of dynasts after Actium was only a small part of the
eastern arrangements of Octavian. Augustus realized that it
ought to have been even smaller.
As it was, Octavian had left several petty tyrannies un
disturbed. One was that of Cleon, the brigand chieftain, who
had betrayed Antony before Actium and received the priest
hood of Pontic Comana among the rewards he had so little
time to enjoy. His own territory in Mysia was enlarged, and he
was presented with the priesthood of Zeus Abrettene. A traitor
once might be a traitor twice, as Octavian intimated to Herod
of Judaea ; but that worry never led to the dishonour of a man
who went over to the winning side. Cleon acknowledged his
closeness to the Emperor by giving Gordioucome the new
name of Juliopolis. Perhaps the Emperor, on his part, had
augmented Cleon's name through a bestowal of the citizen
ship.
To the east of Juliopolis, in Caranitis and Amaseia, two
other petty Antonian dynasties were left intact, though granted
1
Strabo 6 7 2 : 7rei0' 17 fiev KareXvOr], rots 8 ' dno TOV ycvovs bip.ivv 17 dpxi*
Jones-, CERP, p. 209, has misunderstood what happened: 'Antony confirmed
Aba in the principality, but on her death it reverted to the old line.'
Strabo 672 (quoted in the foregoing note).
Id. 574.
Josephus, B J 1. 391 : aios yap ct rroAAaiv dpxtv ovra> <fn\ias npolaTdfievos.
7TLpU> 8e Kal TOIS VTVXOTpOLS St,afXVLV 7tiotos, <*>S y(Oy Xa/lTTpOTaTaS V
TOV GOV <l>povrjfiaTos eXmbas câ).
Strabo 574.
814250
KINGS AND DYNASTS
50
no additional honours. Caranitis was in the hands of the

Galatian Ateporix, while Amaseia was ruled by kings un
named. However, when these dynasties died out, they were
not perpetuated. In 3 B . C . Caranitis was annexed and its
capital, Carana, renamed Sebastopolis. In the following year,
Amaseia regained its status as a city and was incorporated in
the Pontic province. It mattered little how these regions were
governed provided that they caused no trouble to the rest of
Pontus.
The petty tyrannies reveal the modest attempts of a victor to
expel his rival's partisans, but they also reveal a remarkable
satisfaction with the arrangements he inherited. The final
Augustan settlement of the minor dynasts is distinguished by
its similarities to the Antonian, not only in the distribution of
dynasties but in the dynastic houses themselves. The history of
the larger client kingdoms provides even more conclusive
evidence of Augustus' satisfaction with the triumviral pat
tern. The greater kings were too important and too useful to
be sacrificed to Antony's conqueror, as a few smaller rulers
had been.
Augustus maintained precisely six of the major kings who
had ruled under Antony. Of these, five had been active An
tonian partisans. Octavian deposed only two of the greater
triumviral kings, and one of them was a man whose un
reliability had given Antony himself good reason to depose
him.
A cluster of major client kings occupied the north-east corner
of the empire. Their histories are interwoven. In the kingdom
of the Bosporus on the northern shore of the Black Sea lay
the source of food for Asia Minor and a protection against
the barbarian hordes farther north. If that region were ill
disposed toward Rome, a severe economic crisis for the north
eastern provinces would inevitably ensue. A devastating in
vasion might follow. In Caesar's day the Bosporan kingdom
had passed into the power of Asander, a former general of
Pharnaces and the conqueror of the Caesarian Mithridates of
1
1
2
3
Strabo 560 (Caranitis), 561 (Amaseia).

See Anderson, Anat. Studies pres. to Ramsay (1923), p. 8.
Head, HN 496. Cf. also Anderson, loc. cit., and Jones, CERP, p. 170.
2
KINGS AND DYNASTS
5i
1
Pergamum. Asander ruled as king for some twenty-five years.

He abstained from the civil wars of the Romans and was left
undisturbed both by Antony and by his successful rival. Asan
der enlarged his kingdom to the north and strengthened his
barriers against the Scythians.
Meanwhile, Antony had raised up kings in Pontus, Paphlagonia, Galatia, and Cappadocia. In 39 B.C. the son of Phar
naces was given the kingdom of Pontus, bît two years later
death or a dissatisfied Antony removed him from the throne,
which passed to the son of Zeno, the celebrated rhetor and
dynast of Laodicea. Literacy, power, and influence with
Rome characterized the house of Polemo, the new king of
Pontus. The man belonged to the finest tradition of eastern
politicians. Subsequently Polemo's kingdom was enlarged when
Antony presented him with Armenia Minor. Octavian de
prived Polemo of that accretion, not to punish him for his past
but rather to bestow it upon another Antonian, the former
king of Media who lacked a kingdom.
In 40 B . C Antony had honoured a certain Castor with the
kingdoms of Paphlagonia and Galatia, but Castor died in 37.5
The two kingdoms were separated. Paphlagonia passed to
Castor's son, Deiotarus Philadelphus, who deserted to Octa
vian before Actium. Antony bestowed Galatia upon Amyntas, secretary to the former King Deiotarus; part or possibly
all of Pamphylia was included in Amyntas' portion. So was
2
Dio 4 2 . 46. 4 (Pharnaces' general). Id. 4 2 . 48. 4 ; Strabo 625 (killed

Mithridates of Pergamum). The coins of Asander show that he ruled for at
least twenty-nine years and that he had assumed the title of king by the fourth
year of rule: cf. PIR A 1 1 9 7 . A coin of Dynamis, his wife, to whom he be
queathed his kingdom, dates from 1 7 / 1 6 B . C , whence it is inferred that Asander
was already dead in that year. He thus will have come to power c. 47. PseudoLucian, Macrobioi 1 7 , records that Augustus bestowed the title of king upon
Asander, but this has to be rejected in view of the numismatic evidence.
Strabo 495 (his power extended to the Tanais), 3 1 1 (barriers against the
Scythians).
App. BC 5. 75 (Darius, son of Pharnaces); Dio 49. 25. 4 (Polemo already
king in 36 B . C ) ; Strabo 5 7 8 (Zeno), 660 (Zeno's resistance to Labienus
Parthicus). Cf. Buchheim, Die Orientpolitik des Antonius, pp. 5 0 - 5 2 .
Dio 49. 3 3 . 2 and 44. 3 (gift of Armenia Minor to Polemo). In 20 B.C.
Augustus gave Armenia Minor to Archelaus of Cappadocia, because the Mede,
who had previously ruled that kingdom, was dead: Dio 54. 9. 2.
s Id. 48. 3 3 . 5.
Id. 50. 1 3 . 5 ; Plut. Ant. 6 1 . 1 ; Strabo 5 6 2 ; Head, HN *>o.
2
52
KINGS AND DYNASTS

1
Rough Cilicia. In adjacent Cappadocia Antony set up Arche

laus, son of the temptress Glaphyra, as king and a few years
later killed Archelaus' only rival for the throne. All these
arrangements passed without change into the Augustan em
pire. Neither Octavian nor the kings had much to lose from
a preservation of the status quo on condition of a transference of
allegiance.
Client kings might look after themselves for a while but not
for ever. Death would overtake each of them. In 25 B . C .
Amyntas was killed by the Homonadensians, and Galatia
ceased to be a client kingdom. Here, as elsewhere, the kings
had unknowingly prepared their regions for incorporation into
the empire. Galatia was now ready for organization as a new
province and need not be entrusted to an untried king. Central
Asia Minor was thereby committed irrevocably to Rome. At
Pisidian Antioch, Amyntas' death meant an end of power for
the affluent dynasty of priests in the service of Men Arkaios.
Roman colonists assumed the reins of government there, but
not because it was Augustus' policy to dissolve priestly tyran
niesa policy he never had; the colonists, strategically situated
in Pisidia, would naturally rule themselves, and they needed
land, which the priests had held. The unmanageable territory
of Rough Cilicia was omitted from the new province and trans
ferred to the realm of Archelaus.
In 6 B.C. another of the north-eastern kings died, Deiotarus
Philadelphus of Paphlagonia. There, as in Galatia, the work
of the kings was done, and incorporation was at hand. Paphla
gonia was added to the province of Galatia.
After the death of Asander, trouble arose in the Bosporan
2
Dio 49. 3 2 . 3 ; Strabo 671 (Rough Cilicia). Amyntas coined at Side:

Galat. xvii; Head, HN 747.
Dio 49. 3 2 . 3 ; App. BC 5. 7 ; Strabo 5 4 0 ; Val. Max. 9. 1 5 . ext. 2. Cf.
Buchheim, op. cit., p. 56.
Strabo 567; Dio 53. 26. 3 ; Strabo 569 (Homonadensians).
Id. 577. Miss B. M. Levick, 'Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor'
(unpublished Oxford D.Phil, thesis, 1958), pp. 1 1 3 - 1 5 , thinks that the ad
ministration of the Men temple was handed over to colonial officials. Not
necessarily: cf. the observations of T. R. S. Broughton on temple estates in
Asia Minor, Studies in Honour of A. C. Johnson (Princeton, 1 9 5 1 ) , 236 ff.
s Dio 54. 9. 2.
Strabo 562. The Paphlagonian era began in 6 B . C . : Head, HN 506-7 and
IGR 3 . - 1 3 7 (Oath of Gangra).
BMC
KINGS AND DYNASTS
53
kingdom. An obscure man with the name Scribonius stirred up

revolt, strengthening his position by marrying Asander's widow,
Dynamis. Agrippa, in the East at that time, attempted to put
one of the client kings to good use; he ordered Polemo to pro
ceed against the rebel. Polemo was singularly ineffective, but
the presence of Agrippa in the Black Sea sufficed to remind the
Bosporan peoples of their folly. They murdered Scribonius
themselves. Although Polemo had himself done little to sup
press the revolt, he had the virtues of intelligence, fidelity, and
knowledge of the region, for which Augustus presented him
with the Bosporan kingdom. Polemo knew his duty toward
Rome; moreover, he doubtless hankered to preserve the large
kingdom which now was his. He went to war against a con
tender for the Bosporan throne, a certain Aspurgus, whose sup
porters were styled Aspurgiani. But Polemo was cut down in the
year 8 B . C . The damage to Rome was not very great, however.
Aspurgus proved himself a reliable husband to Dynamis; he
was later to receive the citizenship from Tiberius Caesar.
Polemo died in the Bosporan kingdom, and his original
kingdom in the Pontus passed into the hands of his widow. He
had married into the wealthy family of Pythodorus of Tralles,
which had enjoyed the friendship and favour of several of the
great Romans of the first century. The brother of his wife was
perhaps the envoy from Tralles who sought the Emperor in
Spain after an earthquake in 26 B . C . The foremost house of
Laodicea was united in Pontus with the foremost house of
Tralles. In time to come, offspring of that distinguished mar
riage would accede to the royal house of Thrace, the kingship
of Armenia, and the priestly dynasty of Olba, while Pythodoris
herself, the client Queen of Pontus, married Archelaus, King
of Cappadocia. The network of Antony's appointments in the
1
Dio 54. 24. 4.

Id. 54. 24. 5.
Strabo 495 (Aspurgiani), 556 (Polemo's death). Cf. CAHx. 269.
IGR 1. 880, cf. 879.
Strabo 649 (house of Pythodorus); cf. Cic. pro Flacc. 2 2 . 5 2 . OGIS 3 7 7
(Antonia, grandmother of Pythodoris* son). Cf. Chapter I above, p. 8.
Agathias 2. 1 7 .
Antonia Tryphaena, wife of King Cotys in Thrace: IGR 4. 1 4 4 ; Strabo
556. Zeno, king of Armenia: Tac. Ann. 2. 5 6 ; Strabo 556. Olba: Dio 60. 8.
2 ; Head, HN 726-7 (Marcus Antonius Polemo). Pythodoris' marriage to
Archelaus: Strabo 556.
3
6
7
54
KINGS AND DYNASTS
north-eastern kingdoms grew tighter after his death by an

evolution which Augustus had made possible. It was the
studied policy of the first Princeps to unite his client dynasts by
the mutual bonds of intermarriage.
It was to be a long time before Archelaus of Cappadocia
would die, thereby precipitating the annexation of his king
dom. His was not an untroubled reign. In the first decade of
Augustus' Principate the people of Cappadocia levelled accusa
tions at their king, who obtained the aid of the young Tiberius
in pleading his case in the court of the Princeps. Archelaus
will have been acquitted, his discontented subjects somehow
satisfied. Nor did Archelaus keep quiet after his trial: at one
point his instability compelled Augustus to install a guardian
over the realm. And he was on bad terms with a governor of
Syria whose enmity he may have incurred through his cultiva
tion of Tiberius. However, the client system can claim the end
of Archelaus' hostility to M* Titius as one of the early proofs of
its efficacy. Herod, King of Judaea, whose son had married
a daughter of Archelaus, undertook to reconcile the Cappadocian monarch with the Syrian governor and succeeded.
This was a moment of strength for the Cappadocian-Judaean
axis, just before the treachery of a petty dynast from Sparta
and the death of Herod himself destroyed it. And although
Archelaus could hardly have known at the time, his reconcilia
tion with Titius adumbrated his slight to Tiberius, exiled at
Rhodes; for Tiberius was no friend of Titius. When the exile
ultimately became emperor, Archelaus was shown how unwise
he was to have forsaken his former advocate.
Herod of Judaea was ultimately Antony's man. In 40 he
had received the title of king with the manifest good will of
both triumvirs; as a protege of Julius Caesar, he belonged
naturally to the Caesarian party in so far as it was represented
jointly by Octavian and Antony. But when the split inevitably
1
Suet. Aug. 4 8 : Reges socios etiam inter semet ipsos necessitudinibus mutuis
iunxit, promptissimus affinitatis cuiusque atque amicitiae conciliator et fautor.
Suet. Tib. 8 ; Dio 57. 17. 3 - 4 .
Jos. AJ 16. 270.
Tiberius' panegyrist, Velleius, treats him harshly: ii. 79. 6.
Tac. Ann. 2. 4 2 ; Dio 57. 17. 3 - 4 .
See Buchheim, Die Orientpolitik des Antonius, p. 66.
2
3
KINGS AND DYNASTS
55
came between those two men, Herodlike so many others

had to choose, and he chose Antony. But he had been in
Arabia when Actium was fought, so that it was relatively simple
to transfer his allegiance to Octavian if Octavian would have
him. Herod established his new loyalty in opposing the Anto
nian gladiators. If inference can be made from his dealings
with other kingdoms, the victor of Actium would have wanted
to support Herod anyway; it was comforting to see how well
Herod understood the folly of loyalty to the dead. Nor indeed
was he troubled by turning his back on the living: he put away
his first wife, for she was only a common woman, and perhaps
he also eliminated his elderly rival, Hyrcanus, though he was
too civilized to admit the deed outright. Octavian planned
Herod's future on the island of Rhodes in 30 B . C . ; Herod's
loyalty to Antony till the last was a credit to him. He deserved
to rule over many peoples after showing such loyalty to a friend.
Herod and Octavian both understood client kingship.
The King of Judaea was an admirer of the Hellenes. The
Greek world was full of his benefactions. Cos, Rhodes, Pergamum, Athens, Sparta, Augustus' own Nicopolis had known
Herod's generosity. In Judaea itself there arose monuments
testifying to the greatness of Herod's patron. City after city
erected temples to the Emperor; an old city was transformed,
endowed with a tower in honour of Augustus' stepson, and
renamed Caesarea. A new city arose in Samaria with the
meaningful name Sebaste.
Such culture did not go without its reward. Octavian had
left Zenodorus to rule over the land east of the Jordan and
leased to him Abilene in the north, but Zenodorus was a failure
as a ruler. His realm was given over to Herod in two stages.
Zenodorus had furnished aid to the Ituraean bandits in the
1
Jos. BJ 1. 3 9 2 ; AJ 1 5 . 195.
* Id. BJ 1. 432-ff.; AJ 1 5 . 164 ff.
Id. BJ 1. 3 8 7 - 9 2 ; AJ 1 5 . 1 8 7 - 9 3 . I* appropriate that Herod's sons
stayed in Rome with a certain Pollio (id. AJ 1 5 . 343), perhaps the notorious
Vedius Pollio, friend of Augustus: see R. Syme, JRS 51 (1961), 30 addendum.
Jos. BJ 1 . 4 2 3 - 5 . He even settled a debt which some Chians owed to
Augustus' procurators: AJ 16. 26.
s Id. BJ 1. 403; AJ 1 5 . 292 ff.
6 Id. BJ 1 . 398 ff; AJ 1 5 . 344 ff. Strabo 756.
3
1S
KINGS AND DYNASTS
56
mountains south-east of Chalcis, and when he died Herod

acquired at last his entire kingdom.
The ties which bound Augustus and Herod were soon to
break apart. No client king could be left wholly to his own
devices. The household of Herod was stricken by ambition,
jealousy, and murder, and at Rome was the Emperor, to
whom flowed all complaints. Herod travelled to Rome to ac
cuse his own son before the Emperor, who was called upon
a few years later to sanction the wilful assassination of Herod's
son by his father. The tumult in the house of Herod shook the
kingdom of Cappadocia, whose king was connected with
Herod through the marriage of his daughter to a son of the
Jew. The dynast of Sparta, whom the heir of Caesar had
elevated from a disreputable obscurity, journeyed to the Near
East and turned all things to his own gain. This much was
bad enough: the client kings, established to relieve the Em
peror of worry and expense, had plunged the East into com
motion.
What was worse was Herod's invasion of Arabia. Syllaeus,
a treacherous general of the Nabataean king, had lent support
to rebels in Trachonitis, which had passed into Herod's king
dom from the portion of Zenodorus. Obodas of Arabia was
recently dead, and Syllaeus was ambitious. Herod retaliated,
not without the approval of certain Roman officials in Syria,
but Syllaeus went to Rome to explain his position to Augustus.
The Emperor was enraged. He wrote to Herod that he had
long treated him as a friend but henceforth would treat him
as a subject. The diplomatic Damascene, Nicolaus, managed
to effect a reconciliation with Augustus; Syllaeus was con
demned to die as a token of that reconciliation. He was al
leged to have caused the disasters of Aelius Gallus' expedition
into Arabia Felix twenty years earlier.
Yet the kingdom of Judaea saw no change from blood and
chaos. In 4 B.C. Herod died, and Augustus was compelled to
weigh the arguments of Archelaus and Antipas, rival claimants
1
Jos. BJ 1. 399-400; AJ 1 5 . 345-60. Dio 54. 9. 3 .
Jos. B J 1. 5 3 6 - 7 . Cf. Macrob. Sat. 9. 4. 1 1 .

Id. BJ 1. 5 1 3 ff.; AJ 16. 301
ff.
Id. AJ 16. 290.
Id. AJ 16. 271 ff.
Strabo 7 8 2 ; not known to Josephus.
3
5
KINGS AND DYNASTS
57
1
to the throne. A partition resulted, which did not suffice.

Archelaus the ethnarch was brutal and murderous; he had to
be removed, and he was removed far awayto Vienne in
Narbonese Gaul. Further distributions of the Judaean princi
palities were not necessitated. Octavian had chosen the simple
solution in retaining Antony's king in Judaea, but the house
of Herod brought with it perhaps more trouble than it was
worth. In A.D. 6 the procuratorial province of Judaea was
created.
The home of Syllaeus was one of the two major kingdoms,
which (unlike Egypt) nevertheless survived as kingdoms, where
Octavian did not preserve the Antonian ruler. Malchus, King
of the Nabataean Arabs during the Triumvirate, was an un
reliable man anyhow. Ventidius had fined him in 40 B.C. for
supporting the Parthians, and Antony himself had deprived
him of part of his kingdom. Furthermore, if Herod was to
be retained in Judaea, Malchus would have to be replaced
in Arabia, for Herod and Malchus were acknowledged foes.
Octavian placed Obodas I I , from an old Arabian royal family,
on the throne of the Nabataeans.
In Commagene, between Cappadocia and Syria to the west
of the Euphrates, Octavian displaced another of Antony's men.
For a certain Mithridates lent support to Antony at Actium,
but the King of Commagene who was executed at the order of
Octavian in 29 B.C. was called Antiochus. Manifestly the
Antonian nominee had been deposed, making way for Octavian's chosen successor, whose brief career was another re
minder to the youthful victor of the wisdom of his enemy's
settlement. Internal dynastic rivalries were a constant threat
to the client system: Antiochus tried to secure his own power
by forcibly preventing a hearing at Rome for an embassy
from his dissentient brother. An envoy was murdered. With
'Jos. BJ 2. 93ff.;47 17. 3 1 7 ff.
* Id. BJ2. i n ; 47 17. 3442
3 Id. B J 2. 1 1 7 (territory of Archelaus under the knight Coponius); AJ

18. 2. Dio 5 5 . 27. 6.
4
Id. 48. 4 1 . 5 (fine); 49. 32. 5 (deprived of territory by Antony). Plut.

Ant. 61 (Antonian in 3 1 ) .
Jos. B J 1 . 365 ff. AJ 15. no ff. (war between Herod and Malchus). Id.
B J 1. 487; AJ 16. 220 (Obodas).
Plut. Ant. 61 (Mithridates II). Dio 52. 43. 1 (Antiochus II).
5
58
KINGS AND D Y N A S T S
markable swiftness Octavian struck down the man he must

have elevated two years earlier. Antiochus was tried before the
senate and condemned. The name of the man who succeeded
the executed monarch has not been recorded, but he too mur
dered a royal rival. Accordingly, in 20 B . C Augustus deposed
his second failure in Commagene and put upon the throne
a son of the very one whose murder had occasioned the latest
deposition.
At the western and eastern extremities of the client orbit,
the history was either chaotic at the time or confounded in the
subsequent tradition. Armenia lay outside the world of Greek
culture and hence strictly outside this inquiry; yet Augustus
hoped for a dynasty there as elsewhere to favour the interest of
Rome. But his hopes, temporarily aroused, were shattered.
The missions of Tiberius and Gaius ultimately bore no fruit,
and when Augustus died, the natives had four times declared
their unwillingness to endure a client king. Indeed, the fact
was that, apart from the reign of Tigranes I I , Armenia under
Augustus was not a client kingdom at all.
In Thrace, far to the west, an Augustan dynasty emerges
from the tantalizing obscurity of the ancient evidence. The
first Princeps left to his successor latent hostilities which were
to lead inevitably to annexation; but, while he lived, this
westernmost of the Greek kingdoms was superficially as suc
cessful as the easternmost was a failure. It would occasion no
surprise to discover that Augustus adopted without change an
Antonian settlement of Thrace. Certainty on this point is out of
reach. However, Antony's supporters before Actium included
representatives of each of the two royal houses of Thrace. In
42 B.C. the Sapaean line was domiciled in Macedonia, but
under Augustus it was installed at Bizye, the royal citadel of
the Odrysian branch. The union of these two houses was
secured through a marriage whose date is plausibly triumviral.
Before it was too late in 31 B . C , Antony's Sapaean partisan,
Rhoemetalces, deserted to Octavian. The Sapaeans, linked by
marriage with the Odrysians, were confirmed in their rule
by the customary grant of the Roman citizenship. Cotys, an
1
1
4
Dio 5 2 . 43. 1 .
See Appendix II,
Id. 54. 9. 3 .
3 CAHx.
260-5; 273-9.
KINGS AND DYNASTS
59
Odrysian, ruled at the opening of the Principate, but at his

death a Sapaean was made regent for his children. The
Odrysians may have seized this opportunity to rebel against
a house which had been based not long before in Macedonia
but was not secure in its power at Bizye. Marcus Primus fought
the Odrysians in the period in which Gotys died, and after
that there was never again an Odrysian king of Thrace.
At first the Sapaeans reaped all the profit from the new
arrangement. Primus was only the first of the Romans to de
fend their Thracian clients. M . Lollius subjugated the Bessi to
aid Rhoemetalces, uncle and guardian of Cotys' children, and
L . Tarius Rufus thrust the Sarmatians across the Danube for
the same reason. A few years later a priest of Dionysus from
the Bessi initiated the Bellum Thracicum, in which a son of
Gotys was killed and his uncle fled to the Chersonese. But
L . Piso the Pontifex brought victory, and Rhoemetalces and
his brother, Rhescuporis, were charged to keep the peace for
Rome. The balance now inclined the other way, and the
clients succoured their patrons in the Pannonian Rebellion.
The seeds of discord were sown by Augustus when the old
king Rhoemetalces died. Thrace was partitioned betw een his
son, Cotys, and his brother and former collaborator, Rhescu
poris. A link with other dynasties was ensured by the mar
riage of Cotys to the daughter of Polemo and Pythodoris of
Pontus. But the elder partner was only waiting for Augustus'
death before invading his nephew's realm and murdering him.
In the Peloponnese to the south, Augustus had established
a local dynast of his own. A pirate's son called Eurycles had
given vigorous support to the winning cause at Actium, and his
reward was the citizenship and control of Sparta. A devoted
partisan in that city might have been no less desirable than
those petty tyrants whom Augustus supported elsewhere. But
1
Dio 54. 3 . 2 . Gf. Appendix II.

Id. 54. 20. 3 (Lollius and Tarius). For AOVKIOS rd'Cos read AOVKIOS Tdpios
on the strength of AE 1936. 1 8 , confirming Ritterling's conjecture in P-W
1 2 . 1229.
3 Dio 54. 34. 5 - 7 .
Id. 5 5 . 30. 3 , 6 ; Veil. 2 . 1 1 2 . 4.
Tac. Ann. 2. 64.
Strabo 5 5 6 ; IGR 4. 144.
Tac. Ann. 2. 6 5 ; 3 . 38.
Plut. Ant. 67. On the career of Eurycles, see JRS 51 (1961), 1 1 2 - 1 8 .
2
7
8
6o
KINGS AND DYNASTS
the choice of Eurycles was a disaster and the chaotic end of his
rule illustrated simultaneously almost all the dangers of the
client system. Eurycles travelled to Judaea and Cappadocia for
his own financial gain; he visited the client kings of those
nations and by treachery undermined the security of both.
Augustus had taken care to strengthen the ties between the
monarchs of his empire, and he cannot have been pleased to
see his work sabotaged by a petty tyrant from the Peloponnese.
Meanwhile, Eurycles returned enriched to his own city: there
and throughout the province of Achaea he stirred up civil
disturbance. Twice his opponents in Sparta brought him to
trial before the Emperor himself, who was ultimately com
pelled to drive his nominee into banishment.
It is ironic that a contribution of Augustus' own to the circle
of client rulers should have failed so miserably; but it is typical
that the traces of this failure should nearly have disappeared
from historical record. Were it not for a report in Josephus and
an anecdote in Plutarch, no one would know how Eurycles
confounded two kingdoms and provoked tumult in Greece.
He was rehabilitated posthumously; a cult was established in
his honour, and his son resumed the dynasty.
In north-western Africa, another ruler established by Augus
tus turned out, however, to be a success in a surprising way.
This was King Juba I I of Mauretania, who deserves mention
in this contextdespite the westerly location of his realmfor
being one of the most eminent philhellenes of the Augustan
age. As a child he had been exhibited in Caesar's quadruple
triumph in 46 ; but his life was spared and he received his
education in Italy. To Octavian he was a loyal partisan,
participating in campaigns and accompanying him on jour
neys. His reward was the Roman citizenship and, at first,
restoration to the Numidian kingdom of his father, but after
1
Jos. BJ 1. 5 1 3 ff.; AJ 16. 301 ff.

Id. BJ 1. 5 3 1 ; AJ 16. 3 1 0 . [Plut.] Reg. et Imp'. Apophtheg. 207 F .
AE 1929,99 ( 1 1 . 1 9 - 2 0 ) . Cf. article cited on p. 59, n. 8. A statue-base from
Corinth with the top line of an inscription C. IULIO C. F. has been identified
with Eurycles* son or (better) grandson: Hesp. 3 1 (1962), 1 1 6 . Sir Ronald
Syme (in conversation) has advised caution; the man might be Caesar the
Dictator, founder of Roman Corinth, or some other Julius.
Plut. Caes. 5 5 ; App. BC 2. 1 0 1 .
Dio 5 1 . 1 5 . 6.
2
KINGS AND DYNASTS
61
the Cantabrian War he was displaced westward to Mauretania, where he settled on the coast at Iol, renamed Caesarea
in honour of the Princeps. His first bride was Cleopatra
Selene, the offspring of Antony and Cleopatra, and their
marriage was commemorated by Augustus' poet Crinagoras.
At Iol-Caesarea, Juba presided over what was virtually an
Hellenistic court; endowed with a taste for theatre and works
of art, he wrote voluminously and eruditely in the Greek
language. Later in life he married into the Cappadocian royal
family. Augustus' encouragement of such a client monarch
in the western part of the empire is not without significance for
his attitude toward Greek culture.
To sum up, in spite of the dangers inherent in the client
system, Augustus, like Antony, needed it and knew that he
needed it. This is apparent from the extent to which he main-^
tained Antony's arrangements. It is equally apparent from his
considered policy of linking the dynastic houses to one another
by marriage. Moreover, time and again the rulers themselves
are seen in possession of the Roman citizenship: where specific
evidence is lackingas also in the case of Greeks in the im
perial servicethat honour must surely be assumed. It was
a reward for fidelity in the past or a guarantee for the future;
often it was both. Purpose and pattern are the hallmarks of
Augustus' policy toward the client kings of the Greek world.
1
Ibid., together with Dio 5 3 . 26. 2 and Strabo 8 3 1 ; also PIR I. 48. It is
noteworthy that Juba held two duovirates in Spain, at Gades and New Car
thage. On his reputation at Athens (and generally), cf. W. Thieling, Der
Hellenismus in Kleinafrika ( 1 9 1 1 ) , p. 20.
Anth. Pal. ix. 235.
Cf. Chapter X below, p. 138. See also Athen. 8. 343c (an actor) and Pliny,
NH 13. 92 (hanging tables of citrus-wood).
His second wife was Glaphyra, daughter of King Archelaus: Jos., BJ 2.
1 1 5 ; AJ 17. 350.
2
V
EASTERN COLONIES
H E colonial policies of Julius Caesar and Augustus in the
East must be examined conjointly before the Augustan
colonies can be understood. Doubt has long prevailed as
to the correct dating of most of the eastern foundations, so
that it is currently possible on one reckoning to marvel at the
large number of Augustus' colonies in the East and on another
to declare that Augustus sent few colonies there altogether.
Then there are the intermediate positions according to which
the colonies are distributed between Caesar, Antony, and
Augustus, with some holding the view that the plan which was
carried out was Caesar's. In fact, that age which embraces to
gether the civil wars, Triumvirate, and nascent Principate is
the right unit for a study of colonial policy. It was an age of
common dilemmas. The precise attribution of a colony to one
or another imperator makes little difference. It is otiose to
speculate about the plans of Caesar. Who can tell? If there
had been no plans, Antony or Augustus would not have done
much differently.
However, for convenience in analysis, some acceptable view
of the colonial foundations must be discovered. Caesar's colonies
in old Greece are undisputed, namely Buthrotum, Dyme, and
Corinth. But the Asian foundations cause trouble. The date of
the deduction to Heraclea Pontica can be fixed with certainty
to the period before Actium, since shortly before that battle
Adiatorix annihilated the resident Romans. Strabo's account
For a full discussion of divergent hypotheses, see especially F . Vittinghoff,

'Romische Kolonisation und Biirgerrechtspolitik unter Caesar und Augustus'
(1952), published originally in AbhandL Akad. Wiss. Mainz, 1 4 ( 1 9 5 1 ) .
Buthrotum: Strabo 324. Augustus sent new colonists there after Actium:
Head, HN 320, Grant FIT A 269 ff. Dyme: Strabo 3 8 7 ; 665. Pompey
had settled pirates there: A p p . Mithr. 96. Corinth: Strabo 3 8 1 . Cf. Grant
FIT A 266.
3 Strabo 5 4 2 - 3 .
2
EASTERN COLONIES
63
of the fate of Heraclea is such as to imply a pre-Antonian

deduction, thus a Caesarian date. Possibly the Romans at
Heraclea formed only a settlement and not a genuine colony,
inasmuch as there is no evidence for a colony apart from
Strabo. But that is not very surprising, as there were no
colonists left after the massacre. Sinope is another colony whose
date is reasonably secure. The era of the colonial coinage of
Sinope is dated from 46/45 B . C . throughout the following
century.
1
For Apamea Myrleia a terminus post quern of 45 B.C. has been

2
established ; it is unlikely to be a colony of Augustus, since the

Res Gestae omits any mention of a colony in Bithynia. Further
precision is impossible, although the name, Colonia Julia
Concordia, suggests a date in the late forties. Apamea must
have been one of several foundations of that period bearing
the name Concordia, whose splendour was enhanced by the
senate's decree for a temple at Rome in 44 B . C . If Apamea was
an Antonian colony, it appears nevertheless to have been sup
plied with additional colonists by Augustus: a colonial coin
with the legend C I C and a portrait of Augustus surely
originated in Apamea.
Parium is the most difficult of all the pre-Augustan Asian
colonies about which to say anything definite. Second-century
coins of that colony bear a portrait of Julius Caesar; it would
be natural to assume that he was the founder. The occurrence
of C(olonia) G(emella or -emina) I(ulia) P(ariana) on coins
from Augustus onwards need mean nothing more than an
increment in veteran colonists, perhaps from a different legion
3
Id. 546. Coins with the legend C(olonia) I(ulia) F(elix): Waddington,
Recueil 1 p. 201 * f. The colony appears to have been organized separately along
side the Greek community: cf. Strabo's remark, loc. cit.: vwl 8c #cal 'Pw/ialtnv
aTTOiKiav ScSe/crat, KOI fxepos rijs iroAeats teal TTJS x^pas KLVCDV tori. Cf. Adiatorix
receiving from Antony the ficpos o KCLTCIXOV oi *HpaK\iwrai (Strabo 543). Cf.
also Rev. Arch. 3 (1916), 338, no. 5 , and IGR 3. 94. On this, see Magie, RRAM
ii. 1267-8.
Terminus given by a coin of C. Vibius Pansa: see the discussion and cita
tions in Magie, RRAM ii. 1270, n. 40.
The name of the colony appears, for example, in ILS 3 1 4 ; the Concordia
temple at Rome is mentioned in Dio 44. 4. 5.
Grant FITA 255 f.
Grant, FITA 248. VittinghofF, p. 130, n. 7, argues that Caesar's portrait
proves nothing; cf. Grant, Emerita 20 (1952), 4, n. 3 .
2
EASTERN COLONIES
from that of the first colonists, sometime in the Augustan

Principate.
There was also at least one non-colonial settlement of Roman
citizens under Julius Caesar, and that was at Lampsacus. When
Sextus Pompeius took the city by treachery, it contained many
Italians fj TTOIKL<J0)S rdtov Kalaapos. Lampsacus is never
thereafter attested as a colonia, although the colonial popula
tion there was not extirpated as it was at Heraclea. Appian
appears to have chosen his word 7TOLKLGLS with care in place
of arroiKia,
his usual word for colony.
Two other non-colonial settlements appeared along the
northern coast of Asia Minor. They are first attested under
Augustus, but perhaps the settlements were coincidental with
the Caesarian colonial foundations in those regions. The cities
concerned were Cyzicus and Amisus. The first of these was the
city of which a friend of Propertius was so enamoured; yet the
Cyzicenes temporarily lost their liberty for flogging certain of
the Romans in their midst. The other city, far to the east,
reveals on an inscription ol GV[JLITO\ITV6IAVOI
'POD/JLCLLOI.
1
BMC Mysia 102 f.; Grant FIT A 248. See the following note.
App. BC 5. 137. Coins bearing the legend C(olonia) G(emina, -emella)
I(ulia) with Caesar's portrait are discussed by Grant FIT A 246. There is no
need to assign those to Lampsacus as a supposedly sister colony of Parium.
The coins will belong to Parium itself. (See the remarks in the text on Parium.)
The title Gemina or Gemella does not require a sister foundation; it merely
implies a single unit made out of two components. Cf. Caes. BC 3. 4. 1 on Legio
Gemella, one legion made out of two; the VII Galbiana became part of the VII
Gemina (Birley, JRS 18 [1928], 56 ff.). Cf. Pliny, NH 3. 22 (Emporia); also
NH 3. 12 (Castra Gemina). In regard to Parium, Broughton, AJP 62 (1941),
107, suggests that G(emina, -emella) alludes to a combination of Caesarian
and Augustan colonists there, i.e. two deductions. Vittinghoff, p. 88, n. 1, dis
cusses various interpretations of the expressions Gemina and Gemella. It should
perhaps be noted that Lystra, which is called Julia Felix Gemina Lustra in
CIL iii. 6786 (cf. BMC Lycaonia, p. 10, n. 1 ) , honoured Antioch as TTJV
Xafi.7rpordTr}v AVTIOXCCOV KOXODVICLV . . . TTJV dSeXîjv: J . R. S. Sterrett, The Wolfe
Expedition to Asia Minor (Papers Amer. School Class. Stud. Athens, vol. iii) (Boston,
1888), pp. 2 1 8 - 1 9 , n. 352. But Levick, 'Roman Colonies' (unpublished Oxford
D.Phil, thesis, 1958), p. 59, has shown that dSeAî} has only honorific signifi
cance, nothing more.
Dio 54. 7. 6 ; 57. 24. 6 ; Prop. iii. 22 (Cyzicus). IGR 4. 3 1 4 (Amisus) men
tions 'Pajfiatoi avfiiroXtrcvofjievoi..
Other non-colonial settlements of uncertain
date are discoverable elsewhere: Magie, RRAM ii. 1 6 1 5 - 1 6 . There was
evidently one in the Augustan period at Attaleia: SEG vi. 646. Similarly, prob
ably, at Tralles: Agathias 2. 17, where dnoiKia is literally impossible, but plau
sible as a non-colonial settlement. On this, cf. Broughton, TAP A 66 (1935), 21 f.
2
EASTERN COLONIES
65
With a pre-Augustan date for the foregoing colonies and

settlements, the work of Augustus is relatively plain. In Greece,
certainty prevails in regard to Patrae, Dyrrachium, and
Dium. Byllis may also be an Augustan foundation; Cassandreia was colonized by Brutus, and Philippi by Antony,
but both were clearly refounded by Augustus. Pella was
probably another Augustan foundation, although Grant re
gards that colony as Antonian. Pliny's designations of Actium
and Megara as colonies are erroneous.
In Asia Minor, Augustus planted a colony at Alexandria in
the Troad and a nest of colonies in Pisidia. Of the Pisidian
group, Antioch, Olbasa, Comama, Cremna, Parlais, and Lystra
are indisputably Augustan. The colonies at Ninica and Germa
have been variously dated to Augustus, Nero, and Domitian;
yet they belong most plausibly to the network of south central
Asia Minor: each is called Colonia Julia Augusta Felix. Some
of the earliest coinage of Ninica shows an eagle between two
military standards, as on the coins of Olbasa and Antioch.
The same colony also used the type of the founder ploughing,
which appears in Asia Minor only on the coins of Caesar and
Augustus.
Augustus planted one colony on Crete and two in Syria.
The colony at Cnossus is omitted from the Res Gestae, pre
sumably because it was not a military foundation. However,
1
Broughton has missed BCH 1 1 (1887), 67, which suggests a non-colonial settle
ment at Isaura: *Iaavpewv 1} jSouA^ #cai 6 Brjfios 01 re avfnroXiTv6ij.voi 'Pca/iatot.
Strabo 3 8 7 ; Paus. 7. 18. 7 (Patrae). Dio 5 1 . 4 . 6 (Dyrrachium). Pliny, NH
4. 3 5 (Dium).
Pliny, NH 4. 3 5 ; CIL iii. 600. See Jones, GC, p. 6 1 .
Cassandreia: Zeitschr.f. Numism. 36 (1926), 1 3 9 ; Vittinghoff, p. 127, n. 6.
Cf. Grant, FIT A 272 (against an Augustan refoundation). Philippi: Zeitschr.f.
Numism. 39 (1929), 2 6 1 . 1 : A(ntoni) I(ussu) C(olonia) V(ictrix) P(hilippensium); Dio 5 1 . 4. 6 (30 B . C . ) ; Grant, FIT A 2 7 5 : IVSSV AVG.
Grant, FIT A 2 8 1 .
Pliny, NH 4. 5 (Actium), 23 (Megara). Cf. Jones, GC 3 1 2 , n. 80.
Pliny, NH 5. 124 (Alexandria Troas). On the Pisidian colonies, Res Gestae
2 8 ; above all, see now Levick, 'Roman Colonies' (unpublished Oxford D.Phil,
thesis^ 1958).
Magie, RRAM ii. 1328, n. 46, comparing issues of Ninica with those of
Antioch and Olbasa. Jones, CERP 123 and 2 1 1 , dated these colonies to the reign
of Domitian, Levick, op. cit., p. 5 1 , to NeroÔn the location of Parlais, cf.
L. Robert, Villes d'Asie Mineure (1962), p. 284/n. 1.
T. R. S. Broughton, AJP 62 (1941); 107.
Dio 49. 14. 5 ; Veil. ii. 8 1 . 2. Head, HN*4&$.^
1
814250
66
EASTERN COLONIES
the two in Syria are recalled on that document. No one has

ever doubted that Berytus was an Augustan colony, but the
date of the colony at Heliopolis has been called into question
because, unlike Berytus, it minted no coins until the reign of
Septimius Severus. Yet it bears the same name as Berytus,
Colonia Iulia Augusta Felix. An inscription from Heliopolis
honours the king of Emesa under Nero, C.Julius Sohaemus, as
patronus coloniae. The colonia must be Heliopolis, notas Jones
thoughtBerytus incorporating Heliopolis in a vast territorium. A recently published inscription has been reported to
confirm that Heliopolis was a colony of Augustus.
Such were the colonies of Caesar, Antony, and Augustus.
The reasons for these foundations are far more important than
their precise dates. If Caesar did not send a colony to Apamea
Myrleia, Antony or Augustus could be expected to have done
so, not because they were carrying out the plans of Caesar but
simply because it was a sensible thing to do. There were men
to be disposed of: the problem was how to dispose of them
most efficiently on available land. If a colony happened to
cause the neighbouring natives to adopt certain Roman cus
toms or learn a little Latin, no Roman emperor would object.
But that was hardly the reason for colonial foundations, at
least in the East. There were not enough of them. Anyway,
most of the natives went on being as Greek (or as native) as
they ever had been; if they ended up a few centuries later by
calling themselves 'PcofMaiou that did not mean that they were
thoroughly romanized, but rather that they were Greeks under
a different name. Ultimately, the natives did not absorb the
colonists' Latin. It was the colonists who absorbed the natives'
Greek.
1
Strabo 7 5 6 : Agrippa settled veterans there; CIL iii. 161 ff. Colonized by
veterans of V Mac. and VIII Aug.: Goodfellow, Roman Citizenship (Diss. Bryn
Mawr, 1935), p. 86.
See Jones, GC, p. 465, n. 86, assuming a Severan date for the colony. Not
so, Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (1939), p. 174, opting for Augustus.
ILS 8958. Jones, op. cit., loc. cit.
Bull. Musie Beyrouth 16 (1961), 1 1 1 - 1 2 .
The development is traced by J . Palm, Rom, Rdmertum und Imperium in der
griechischen Literatur der Kaiserzeit (Lund, 1959).
See especially Levick on the decline of Latin at Pisidian Antioch: pp. 1 7 1 9 1 . Also at Comama (pp. 199-202), Cremna (pp. 202-8), Lystra (pp. 2 0 8 - 1 1 ) ,
2
3
4
EASTERN COLONIES
67
Effective disposal of men and families on available land was

the primary purpose of colonization in the age of Caesar and
Augustus. The colonists derived from one or more of three
groups: the urban population of Rome, the dispossessed Italians,
and veterans. It was Caesar alone at this time who concerned
himself with relieving the overcrowded condition of the city of
Rome. Buthrotum was colonized with emigrants from Rome,
doubtless of the lower classes, and Strabo says explicitly that
the Caesarian colonists at Corinth came from the city and
consisted largely of freedmen. The dictator could hardly have
had romanization in mind when he sent so many Greeks back
to their old environment. The Graeculi of Rome could not
have been regarded as importers of the Roman way of life in
the country from which they had emerged. Caesar's colony at
Dyme may also have been composed of emigrants from Rome.
The first Princeps founded no colonies for such people
which is worth emphasizing. Augustus was concerned chiefly
with the disposal of veterans.
When veterans were planted in Italy both by Caesar and by
Augustus, Italians were, on occasion, inevitably dispossessed of
land so that certain of the choicest plots might go to the more
deserving and faithful soldiers. It was probably such dis
possessed that Appian meant by the Italian settlers at Lampsacus; the colonists at Heraclea may have been of the same
kind. At any rate, Adiatorix must have regarded them as
singularly easy victims, therefore perhaps not veterans. Augus
tus too was obliged to resettle those Italians whom he had
dispossessed for his own veterans. Two of his eastern colonies,
indeed the only two which were patently not veteran colonies,
were filled by the dispossessed, namely Dyrrachium and
Cnossus. But colonies consisting of Italians, who were alto
gether inexperienced in war, were weak and served no other
1
and Olbasa (pp. 2 1 2 - 1 5 ) . Parlais was never much romanized: p.. 2 1 6 . On the
persistence of Hellenism in the East, note the admirable lecture of N. H. Baynes,
'Hellenistic Civilisation and East Rome', in Byzantine Studies (1955), pp. 1 ff.
Buthrotum: Strabo 324. Cf. Vittinghoff, p. 85, a colony for 'Umsiedler der
Hauptstadt'. Corinth: Strabo 3 8 1 .
Ibid. 3 8 7 ; 665. Cf. Vittinghoff, p. 85.
See p. 65, n. 1 and n. g. However, other colonies also accommodated
dispossessed persons, notably Philippi: cf. Dio 5 1 . 4. 6.
1
EASTERN COLONIES
68
function than to settle the homeless. Augustus was too shrewd

to send out many colonies of that kind; he did not even care to
acknowledge them in the ostentatious and magniloquent Res
Gestae. Dio Cassius reveals that the remainder of the Italian
dispossessed, for whom Augustus had to make some arrange
ments, were dispersed amid the veteran colonies.
Caesar was feeling his way in the technique of eastern
colonization. He realized that colonies could be much more
than merely a means of relieving his obligations to masses of
Roman citizens. Corinth was a manifest stimulus to the stag
nant economy of Greece. An imposing chain of colonies and
settlements along the southern coast of the Propontis and the
Black Sea represents effective garrisoning of those regions; on
the present system of dating Caesar may be held responsible
for the Romans at Lampsacus, Parium, Cyzicus, Heraclea,
Sinope, and Amisus. Antony soon strengthened the chain with
a link at Apamea Myrleia. Possibly Caesar had envisaged that
colony; even if he had not, it was a sensible and natural move
for another commander. The series of Black Sea colonies can
not have been fortuitous. They constituted a quasi-military
investment of a crucial area hitherto lacking detachments of
legionaries. Caesar's scheme had its weaknesses, for not all the
Romans there were veterans. Some were inexperienced Italians,
ill prepared for defence.
Augustus was interested, above all, in the veteran colony: in
that lay strength. He perceived the inadequacy of non-veteran
settlements in strategic positions and therefore with two excep
tions incorporated the Italian dispossessed in veteran settle
ments. The colony chain of Caesar on the Black Sea was
imitatedit makes little difference whether consciously or
notby the chain of Augustan colonies along the coast of
Mauretania. Those were veteran colonies, protecting com
munications on the north African coast.
Augustus, like Caesar, knew that a colony could serve to
revive the East's flagging economy. In economic importance
1
Dio 5 1 . 4. 6.
S. Gsell, Histoire ancienne de VAfrique du Nord (Paris, 1928), viii. 199-205. On
veteran colonies, see generally J . C. Mann, The Settlement of Veterans in the Roman
Empire (unpublished London Ph.D. thesis, 1956).
2
EASTERN COLONIES
69
Patrae matched Corinth; Alexandria Troas was a focus for

the traffic of Thrace, Bithynia, and Asia. But it is well to ob
serve that both Patrae and Alexandria were colonized by
veterans. The new Corinthians had been freedmen from Rome.
Augustus took no chances.
Proponents of romanization as a colonial policy point to the
organization of the colonists. Colonial institutions are initially
Roman in character, but it would be very surprising indeed
if they were not. Gellius refers to colonies quasi effigies parvae
simulacraque of Rome. The colony at Pisidian Antioch was
divided into vici which bore the names of districts at Rome.
Moreover, each colony boasted its duoviri and aediles. Yet
when a Roman commander settled Roman citizens, he could
hardly be expected to organize them otherwise than on
Roman constitutional lines. Evidence for deliberately trying
to influence the customs and speech of natives, at least in the
East, is still to seek. In the colonies at Heraclea and Sinope
the colonists were rigorously distinguished from the natives and
had their own separate polity. Integration seemed utterly out
of the question.
The colonies are satisfactorily explained in terms of the
disposal of men and families. It has appeared that Augustus
concerned himself primarily with veteran colonies precisely
because they constituted at once ad hoc garrisons. This is not to
deny that he understood the economic role of certain founda
tions. Augustus, like Caesar, realized that a colony could be
made to perform several functions at the same time. The first
Princeps did not worry about removing segments, especially
Greek segments, of Rome's urban population, as the dictator
did; but both men knew that it was not enough merely to
settle the veterans and the dispossessed wherever there hap
pened to be available land.
Literary texts and colonial inscriptions show that the role of
colonies as ad hoc garrisons was well known to the Romans.
2
U. Kahrstedt, Das wirtschaftliche Gesicht Griechenlands in der Kaiserzeit (Bern,

1954)Gellius, Noct. Att. 1 6 . 1 3 . 9.
Levick, chapter V I I . Magie, RRAM ii. 1320, n. 3 2 .
Strabo 542 (Heraclea) uses the same language as he does for Sinope, on
which see p. 63, n. 1 .
2
3
EASTERN COLONIES
7o
Cicero, calling Narbo Martius a specula populi Romani, goes

on to declare the colony a bulwark against hostile nations.
Elsewhere, Cicero alludes to his hearers' ancestors, qui colonias
sic idoneis in locis contra suspicionem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non
oppida Italiae, sed propugnacula imperii viderentur. Appian ob
served that Sulla settled veterans in Italy <Ls ea>v <f>povpta /card
1
rrjs 'IraXlas. And the Emperor Claudius once alluded to the

reliance of a weary realm on colonies of veteran legionaries
dispersed throughout the world. Their function is plain. Once
established in colonies, the veterans were organized and drilled
in case their services should one day be needed. An inscrip
tion from Pisidian Antioch reveals a prefect of the veterans in
that colony ; in other places a quaestor of veterans and a cen
turion of veterans are attested. Possibly the drilling of young
recruits devolved upon resident veterans: a praefectus tironibus is
attested in Narbonensian Gaul. The veterans were associated
locally in collegia whose military character is suggested in
a dedication to a knight at Aries from the Collegium Honoris
et Virtutis: at Rome the temple of Honos and Virtus was in the
immediate vicinity of the temple of Mars before the Porta
Capena, and it was from that temple that the equestrian
3
transvectio began.
The Augustan colonies in Pisidia have long been regarded as

particularly clear examples of garrison colonies, installed be
cause of the threat of the Homonadensian War. These founda
tions have been connected hitherto with a special emergency,
although there has always been some difficulty in explaining
why the colonies were not founded until two decades after the
death of Amyntas, who had been killed by the Homonadensians. Recent analysis has yielded satisfying results: not only
Antioch but also two of the lesser Pisidian colonies were sent
out in the mid-20's B . C . Hence the Homonadensian War could
8
Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 73.

App. BC i. 96.
Tac. Ann. 1 1 . 24.
* JRS 14 (1924), 201.
ILS 2466 (quaestor veteranorum; Virunum); 2467 (centurio veteranorum;
Scardona).
ILS 2691.
AE 1954. 104 (Aries). For location of the temple at Rome: Livy 29. 1 1 .
1 3 , and on the transvectio see P-W 8. 2293. On collegia veteranorum: P-W 4.
399/-400.
Antioch's foundation . 2 5 B.C. is fixed by Strabo 577 (colony sent there
5
EASTERN COLONIES
71
not have been an enterprise of nearly so great a magnitude as

used to be thought. The garrison colonies represent prophy
lactic rather than emergency measures. They are not to be too
sharply distinguished in function from the Black Sea founda
tions of Caesar and the Mauretanian foundations of Augustus,
nor from Berytus and Heliopolis in Syria. Sherwin-White was
unable to discover any military function for the Syrian colonies ;
yet the Ituraeans were notorious brigands, like the Homonadensians. Augustus' two colonies split the Ituraean territory in
two. The military strength of Berytus is nowhere more obvious
than in Josephus' report that Quinctilius Varus paused there
as governor to pick up fifteen hundred soldiers. Nor should it
be forgotten that Berytus was a focus for Near Eastern com
merce. Augustus' colony at Alexandria Troas, also an economic
centre, completed to the south-west the chain of colonies along
the Propontis and Black Sea. Augustus managed to pay off
his veterans by garrisoning his empire and encouraging its
trade. Whether the eastern Greeks went on speaking Greek or
changed over to Latin was doubtless a matter of indifference
to him.
Nor can the majority of the colonists in the East have ob
jected to being sent there. Nearly all the legionary colonists
had served in that part of the world, and there were good pre
cedents for settling veterans in regions which they knew well.
Furthermore, an indeterminate number of them were easterners
anyway. Of Caesar's colonists from Rome, many were Greeks
returning home, while it is likely that many of the dispossessed
Italians from Campania had had Greek ancestors. Finally, in
cases where there was no Greek ancestry, an opportunity to
become influential local dignitaries in Roman colonies was
offered to men who were destined to be nobodies in Italy. The
Italian backgrounds of the distinguished colonial families of
l
after Amyntas' death) together with Pliny, NH 5. 94, which names Antioch as
a colonia but none of the other Pisidian colonies. Levick has now demonstrated
from numismatic evidence that Cremna (pp. 5 3 - 5 5 ) and Lystra (pp. 60-61)
were also both founded in 25 B.C. The view of Grant, FIT A 238-44, that Lystra
was founded in 43 B . C has been adequately refuted by Levick.
Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship, p. 174.
Cf. for a similar analysis A. H. M. Jones, JRS 21 ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 265 ff. on 'The
Urbanization of the Ituraean Principality'.
Jos. BJ 2. 67.
1
EASTERN COLONIES
72
the East are in many cases so obscure as to be quite un

identifiable.
Romanization is an unnecessary postulate for eastern coloni
zation of this age. It is chiefly a word which describes what
subsequently happened in certain areas of the western em
pire, and what did not happen in the East. For the eastern
provinces it could never have constituted premeditated policy.
The colonies there were widely scattered, but not without
purpose. By a series of strategic deductions men were com
pensated for service, economies were revived, and the empire
was garrisoned.
1
e.g. the Caristanii (JRS 3 [ 1 9 1 3 ] , 253 ff.) and the Flavonii (JRS 48 [1958],
74 ff.) of Pisidian Antioch.
VI
ROMANS AND T H E HELLENIC
LIFE
E N had been going east from Italy for several genera

tions. The attraction of the Greek world was multi
form: opportunities for trade and commerce had
already drawn off Romans and Italians in the second century.
They left their traces on inscriptions at the centres of inter
national traffic. Greek culture had lured other Romans, men
of family or ambition, to absorb the wisdom of the Greeks at
its sources. Philosophers, rhetoricians, and grammarians were
widely scattered throughout the East, although there were
concentrations of them in cities like Athens and Rhodes. But
commerce and education did not account for all the Romans
who penetrated the Greek East. Some went there as soldiers,
while others found refuge there to live out their lives as political
exiles from Rome. When Mithridates Eupator, the Pontic
king, rose up against the Romans of the East in 88 B.C., there
were more than enough to provide one of history's most
spectacular, calculated slaughters.
Constant intercourse, cultural and diplomatic, between
Rome and the East made the Hellenic way of life known
among the Romans. Provincial governors with their extrava
gant entourages passed regularly from Italy to the East and
back again. Meanwhile the eastern cities dispatched successions
of literate Greeks to advance their interests at Rome. Certain
professors emigrated from their Greek environments to teach
the barbarians of Italy. And the Roman generals of the late
Republic often provided the city of Rome with cultural gifts
from the East in the form of learned prisoners of war, who
were subsequently freed in order to instruct their conquerors in
the liberal arts. Outside Rome but still in Italy, three cities,
See J . Hatzfeld, Les Trqfiquants italiens dans Vorient hellinique (Paris, 1919).
References are conveniently collected in Greenidge-Clay, Sources for Roman
History 133-70 B.C., revised by E . W. Gray (Oxford, i960), pp. 168-9.
Cf. Chapter I.
2
74
ROMANS AND T H E H E L L E N I C LIFE
founded by Hellenes long ago, preserved their vestigial poli

ties. A wealthy Roman adolescent could spend a holiday at
Neapolis, speaking Greek and even wearing Greek garments.
Cicero objected to such behaviour, which was obviously in
vogue.
Romans who could afford it had acquired a liking for Greek
art. Sallust claimed that the depraved fondness for objets d'art
(as well as heavy drinking) was the direct result of Sulla's
taking an army to the luxurious stews of Asia ; but in fact it
had begun long before. In the second century Aemilius Paullus
had commissioned the Athenian Metrodorus to do the paint
ings for his Macedonian triumph, and Greek artisans or their
works had been imported for the Porticus Metelli. Affluence
and culture among upper-class Romans found expression in
architecture, sculpture, paintings, and mosaics, and there was
no denying the pre-eminence of Greeks in such matters; as
Virgil observed, Rome's task was to rule, while others shaped
objects of beauty.
The first century witnessed a great revival of the old Attic
style in sculpture, precisely because that was what Romans
demanded. Some paid for their works of art; others, like
Verres and Piso, stole them. Neither Antony nor Octavian
was averse to helping himself to objects which pleased the
1
Tarentum, Rhegium, and Neapolis: Strabo 2 5 3 . Also pp. 80-84 of this

chapter.
Cic, pro Rab. Post. 10. 2 6 - 2 7 : Deliciarum causa et voluptatis non modo
notos civis Romanos, sed et nobilis adulescentis et quosdam etiam senatores
summo loco natos non in hortis aut suburbanis suis, sed Neapoli, in celeberrimo
oppido, in tunica pulla saepe vidi, ibidem multi viderunt chlamydatum ilium
L. Sullam imperatorem.
3 Sail. Cat. 1 1 . 5 - 6 .
Plin. NH 3 5 . 1 3 5 (Metrodorus). Vitruv. 3. 2. 5 ; Plin. NH 36. 3 4 - 3 5
(Porticus Metelli).
Virg. Aen. vi. 8 4 7 - 8 : Excudent alii spirantia mollius aera, / credo equidem,
vivos ducent de marmore vultus . . .: / tu regere imperio populos, Romane,
memento / (hae tibi erunt artes). On Roman interest in the arts, note the salu
tary warning of R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia (i960), p. 4 3 1 : Tew features point the
contrast between the ancient and modern world more sharply than the wealth
of sculpture, painting, and mosaics from Roman sites. The contrast is in part
misleading. Much of the painting should be compared with the work of the in
ternal decorator rather than the original artist; changing tastes have replaced
mosaics by carpets.'
Cf. P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek Art (1926), p. 279.
2
ROMANS AND T H E H E L L E N I C L I F E
75
eye. But thefts had no effect on the lively commerce in art,

nor on the regular employment of Greek artistsarchitects,
sculptors, mosaicistsby well-to-do Romans in Italy itself.
The sculptor and engraver C. Avianius Evander, whom An
tony had brought to Alexandria, went on to Rome to find
work; a certain Diogenes of Athens was used to decorate
Agrippa's Pantheon. Roman patronage may be held re
sponsible for Greek neo-Atticismand not only in the fine
arts: Dionysius of Halicarnassus hailed the Attic revival in
Greek literary style and attributed it to the refined taste of
Roman aristocrats.
Variously encountering things Greek, Rome conceived of the
Hellene as literate, leisurely, worldly, and somewhat effemin
ate. The core of a Roman's view of Greek life was mollitia and
otium. This view by no means denied the vast erudition which
Greeks brought to the Romans; indeed, erudition was nour
ished in an atmosphere of luxury and leisure, time to savour
experience and then to reflect upon it. The young Marcus
Cicero discovered that a Greek centre of learning offered more
than purely academic instruction. But it was notably in Asia,
as distinct from old Greece, that a loose and immoral life was
to be found, rejuvenating and refreshing for a Roman tourist.
2
On Verres, Cic. 77 Verr. 4 passim; for Cicero's private interest in Greek art,
not acknowledged in a public speech, cf., for example, ad Att. 1. 8. 2. On Piso,
Cic. de Prov. Cons. 6 - 7 ; pro Sest. 94: Nisbet, Comm. on Cic, In Pisonem (1961),
p. 1 7 5 , suggests there may not be much exaggeration here. On Antony and
Octavian, see below Chapter V I I , p. 86.
Cf. J . M. C. Toynbee, Some Notes on Artists in the Roman World ( 1 9 5 1 ) .
Evander: Hor. Sat. 1. 3 . 91 and Porphyr. Schol. ad loc.; Plin., NH36. 3 2 .
Diogenes: Plin., NH 36. 38.
Dion. Hal. de Orat. Ant. 3.
Prop. i. 6. 3 1 on mollis Ionia. Sallust (Cat. 1 1 . 5) says of Sulla's soldiers in
Asia: loca amoena, voluptaria facile in otio ferocis militum animos molliverant.
Observe Silius, Pun. 1 2 . 3 1 - 3 2 on Naples: Nunc molles urbi ritus atque hospita
Musis / otia et exemptum curis gravioribus aevum. Also Statius, Silv. 3 . 5. 8 5 8 6 : Pax secura locis et desidis otia vitae / et numquam turbata quies somnique
peracti. See, p. 76, n. 2, Horace and Ovid on otiosa Neapolis.
Cf. Cic. ad Att. 14. 16. 3 with ad Fam. 16. 2 1 . 2.
Hor., Odes 3. 6. 21 ff.: Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos / matura virgo et
fingitur artibus / iam nunc et incestos amores / de tenero meditatur ungui. Cic.
pro Flacc. 2. 5 (the fragment of the Schol. Bob.): Sed si neque Asiae luxuries
infirmissimum tempus aetatis.... For old Greece, on the other hand, cf. Cic.
ibid. 26. 6 2 - 6 3 ; ad Quint, frat. 1 . 1 . 1 6 . See also R. Syme, Proceedings of the
Massachusetts Historical Society 72 (1963), 8.
2
6
7
76
ROMANS AND T H E HELLENIC LIFE
However, it might not be thought quite right for an impres

sionable youth. Ionian dances were notorious, as Horace re
veals ; a fragment of a speech of Cicero warns against Asiae
1
luxuries at an infirmissimum tempus aetatis. Greek culture could
be acquired with less mollitia and more otium, not to mention

reduced expense, in the more easily accessible city of Naples.
Otiosa Neapolis was Horace's phrase, confirmed by Ovid's re
mark that the spot was created for leisure.
However, the extent of travel, far and near, depended upon
taste and wealth. The Romans liked to have a change; they
hankered after a Greek holiday. The passionate Epicurean
Lucretius observed in sonorous hexameters the urge to get
away, to find new sights and new sensations; it was all selfdeception ; men were only trying to escape from themselves,
and they were doomed to fail in the attempt. A century later
the younger Seneca reflected upon mental tranquillity and re
called the words of Lucretius to mark the exodus from Rome.
Restless Romans went to the nearest Greek settlements to
forget the squalor of their city. A loose and soft existence a la
2
grecque was one of the current fashions: Nunc Campaniam
petamus* Lucretius and Seneca described a genuine malaise,

although not every restless Roman was trying to flee from
himself. Some people found it expedient or desirable to flee
from the Principate. Republican Rome had provided the pre
cedent. When a man turned his back on Rome and his
political enemies, he looked to the Greeks to receive him.
1
See above, p. 75. n. 7.

Hor. Ep. 1. 5 . 43. Ovid, Met. 15. 7 1 1 - 1 2 : in otia natam / Parthenopen
( = Neapolin, Strabo 246).
Lucretius, de Rerum Natura, iii. 1057 ff.: . . . ut nunc plerumque videmus /
quid sibi quisque velit nescire et quaerere semper / commutare locum quasi
onus deponere possit. LI. 1068-9: Hoc se quisque modo fugitat, quern scilicet,
ut fit, / effugere haud potis est. Similarly, Hor. Odes 3. 16. 18-20.
Sen. de Tranquill. Animi 2. 1 3 : Inde peregrinationes suscipiuntur vagae et
litora pererrantur et modo mari se, modo terra experitur semper praesentibus
infesta levitas. Nunc Campaniam petamus. Iam delicata fastidio sunt. Inculta
videantur: Bruttios et Lucaniae saltus persequamur. Aliquid tamen inter
deserta amoeni requiratur, in quo luxuriosi oculi longo locorum horrentium
squalore releventur: Tarentum petatur laudatusque portus et hiberna caeli
mitioris regio vel antiquae satis opulenta turbae. Iam flectamus cursum ad
urbem . . . 14. Aliud ex alio iter suscipitur et spectacula spectaculis mutantur.
Ut ait Lucretius: Hoc se quisque modo semper fugit.
2
77
Thus had Rutilius Rufus and Marcus Marcellus withdrawn to

Mytilene; T. Pomponius Atticus, fleeing from the regime of
Cinna, went to Athens and liked it so much that he stayed
there for twenty years.
The young Tiberius retired to Rhodes in 6 B.C. Officially
but euphemistically a legate of the emperor, he was called 'the
exile'. Rhodes had been the home of many another political
refugee from Rome in earlier days. Later accounts of the exile
of a future emperor were palliated by comparison with the
presence of the favoured Agrippa on Mytilene in the fateful
year 23 B.C. Tiberius' activities at Rhodes are revealing: the
cast-off Roman became Greek. Living modestly in the Rhodian
countryside, he occasionally strolled unaccompanied in the
gymnasium and mingled with the Greek natives prope ex aequo.
He was constantly in attendance at the lectures of the local
professors of philosophy. As the years passed and Tiberius
became more and more of an exile, he took to wearing the
Greek cloak and slippers, which constituted his dress for the
final two years of his sojourn on Rhodes. He contributed
chariots for the races at Olympia and Thespiae. Tiberius'
experience of the Greek way of life was the product of bitter
necessity; yet he was fond of that life and brought back with
him to Rome a living and influential memorial of his Greek
tastes, the astrologer Thrasyllus.
Tiberius was perhaps the most celebrated of the Romans
who went to reside in the East under the Augustan Principate,
but he was not the only one. To be sure, there were numerous
governors and officials, but they are irrelevant to this discus
sion ; there was no doubt about their connexions with Rome.
Private Romans in the East furnish the greater interest. If they
were not traders, their presence there, coupled with their
political inactivity, may have some significance. The Greek
world had much to offer: education, antiquities, leisure, and
1
Dio frag. 97. 2 (Rutilius). Cic. Brut. 2 5 0 ; Sen. ad Helv. 9. 4 (Marcellus).

Nepos, Att. 2 - 4 (Atticus).
Suet. Tib. 1 2 . 1 ; 1 3 . 1 .
Ibid. 10. 1 .
Ibid. 1 1 . 1 ; 1 3 . 1. SIG 782 (Olympia); AE i960. 307 (Thespiae).
Suet. Tib. 14. 4. Cf. Cichorius, RS, p. 396. Thrasyllus married a princess of
Commagene: Hermes 59 (1924), 477 f. On Tiberius' Greek tastes, cf. Chapter
X below, pp. 1 3 3 - 4 .
2
78
titillations of the most diverse kinds. Athens entertained vast

crowds drawn by the fame of the ceremonies of initiation into
the mysteries. Even the Greek Crinagoras said it was some
thing not to be missed. Augustus himself was an initiate, and
doubtless so too were many Romans whose names have not
been recorded.
The initiation ceremony did not make a man any less of
a Roman. It could not be said that a well-hellenized youth,
who had been sent to the East for his education, would not
subsequently prove his loyalty and devotion to Rome, perhaps
even by service in the very parts where he had been taught.
Education, initiations, Greek tours all merely satisfied the
craving for the Hellenic life that so many Augustan Romans
had.
But ties with the fatherland were sometimes severed. If it
were admitted that the Hellenes provided a desirable comple
ment to the Roman way of life, it was only a short step to the
discovery that the Hellenic life was preferable to the Roman.
There is no evidence as to the numbers which made this dis
covery; that was, after all, a personal matter. Horace and
Propertius have left traces of renunciations of Rome in the
early decades of the Augustan Peace. Not every one cared to
attend the birth of the restored Republic.
Horace directed one of his epistles to an unidentifiable
friend, Bullatius, who had gone to the East and intended to
remain there. The poet tried to dissuade him by the philo
sophical commonplace that what Bullatius really wanted could
be found anywhere at all provided that it was accompanied
by peace of mind.
1
Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 4. 1 7 ; cf. Strabo 7 1 9 - 2 0 and Dio 54. 9. 9 - 1 0 on the

Indian Zamarus, who immolated himself after being initiated.
2
Anth. Pal. xi. 42.
Dio 5 1 . 4 . 1. Graindor, Athenes sous Auguste, pp. 20-22, is wrong in thinking

that Dio 54. 9. 10 records a second initiation of Augustus in 20 B.C.
Some Romans, apparently, were not very eager to witness the death of the
Republic either: a law of Julius Caesar provided that no citizen between the
ages of twenty and forty should be absent from Italy for more than three suc
cessive years unless he were serving in the army and no senator's son should go
abroad except in the company of a magistrate (Suet. Jul. 42. 1 ) .
s Hor. Ep. 1. 1 1 .
Ibid. 2 5 - 2 7 : Nam si ratio et prudentia curas, / non locus efFusi late maris
arbiter aufert, / caelum, non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt.
4
79
Bullatius' sentiments found an echo in the nephew of the

consular Volcacius Tullus (consul suffect in 33 B.C.). His
uncle took him as a member of his staff when he went out
to govern the province of Asia. A friend of the poet Propertius, the proconsul's nephew, as mentioned in a previous
chapter, did not return to Rome but lived for many years
in Cyzicus. Propertius tried to bring him back by assuring
him that there was no need to be ashamed of Rome's past
when compared with the traditions of Greece. In the present
all great things had been arrogated by Rome; there was no
need to go abroad. Tullus was apparently not persuaded. In
Cyzicus itself there was another poet who was sympathetic to
the feelings of the expatriate: that was Erucius the Cyzicene,
a versifier in Greek and the son of another expatriate. The
father Erucius had served in the eastern campaigns of Sulla and
later married an Athenian woman, with whom he appears to
have settled at Cyzicus.
The expatriate class of any nation is full of diversity. Some
Romans created for themselves tiny Roman worlds in the
midst of the Hellenes, but such people were not numerous:
traders perhaps, and certain colonists. Even for a patriotic
Roman the Hellenic life was too attractive not to be sampled
when there was an opportunity. A sojourn in the East might
even extinguish flagging patriotism. That some became volun
tary expatriates was not surprising, but it was slightly alarm
ing. Even an opulent man of commerce could forsake Rome
for the world in which he made his money. Horace urged
Numicius not to be like Ulysses' lotus-eating crew,
1
cui potior patria fait interdicta voluptas.
However, at least one Roman philhellene did not abandon

his loyalty to Rome though he abandoned the Latin language.
Q. Sextius Niger was a learned Roman professor of philosophy
who chose to speak and write in the language of the great
1
Prop. i. 6. 19-20 and 34. Despite learned commentaries, the situation is

clear. The proconsulship of Volcacius Tullus is epigraphically attested: CR 69
(1955), 244. Cf. R. Syme, Hist. 11 (1962), 152, citing also the Pergamene orator
Volcacius Moschus. Above, Chapter II.
Prop. iii. 22. 1 7 - 1 8 .
On Erucius: Cichorius, RS, pp. 304-6.
Cf. Hatzfeld, Trqfiquants italiens and Chapter V above.
Hor., Ep. 1. 6. 64.
2
8o
ROMANS AND T H E HELLENIC LIFE

1
philosophers of antiquity. Seneca described him as a sharpwitted man with all the virtues of a Roman: virum acrem,
2
Graecis verbis, Romanis moribus philosophantem.
Not
only that,
for he was a man of political promise, ita natus ut rem publicam
deberet capessere. Julius Caesar offered him the latus clavus, but
he refused. Sextius knew what could be given and what could
be taken away. Small wonder that he turned his energies to
philosophy and lectured in Greek in the city of Socrates while
Augustus was Princeps at Rome.
The numerous Romans who were not prepared to take the
initiative of a Bullatius, a Tullus, or a Sextius nevertheless
took ample advantage of those innocuous opportunities for
temporary participation in the Hellenic life such as would not
provoke a patriotic appeal from any Augustan poet. Naturally
the sons of the better Roman families would receive a Greek
education; there was no opprobrium attached to that. On the
contrary, it brought prestige, so long as it was not prolonged
unreasonably. Young Romans could sit at the feet of Greek
lecturers in the city itself or perhaps study in Athens under the
supervision of their compatriot Sextius. In the Augustan Age
the most fashionable Greek city of learning was Marseilles.
Despite its location in the West, that outpost of Greek culture
could boast political exiles, luxury, leisure, and philosophy no
less distinguished than the best of the eastern cities. The
Hellenic life was not to be found only in the East.
The three cities in Italy which, according to Strabo, had not
lost their Greek character even by his day were Tarentum,
Rhegium, and Neapolis. It -was no accident, therefore, that
they were precisely the cities which had conferred their citizen
ship upon the Greek Archias in the age of Cicero. Even in the
early second century these appear to have been the leading
3
PIR S 474.
Sen. Ep. 59. 7.
Sen. Ep. 98. 13.
Above all, Strabo 181 : irdvrs yap 01 xapiwres irpos TO Xeyeiv rpeirovr at Kal
ffciXooofclv, a>o0* T7-7roAtj fiiKpov fiev rrporcpov rotsfiapfidpocsdvctro iraihevrrjpiov,
Kal tfriXeXXajvas KaTaKva^ rovs TaXdras wore Kal ra ovfifioXaia eXXrjviorl
ypd<f>iv iv 8 e ru> napovri Kal rovs yvcapificurdrovs ' P t o / L t a u o v 7t4ttikv dvrl rrjs
ds Adrjvas d7rohrjij.Las Kio <f>oirav <f>i\ofia0ts ovras. Milo went into exile there
and found the mullets delectable (Dio 40. 54. 3 ) .
Strabo 2 5 3 .
Cic. pro Arch. 3 . 5 ; 5. 10.
3
81
Greek cities of the West. Unless Livy is here guilty of anachro

nism, an orator in the year 193 B . C could ask, 'How are men
of Smyrna and Lampsacus any more Greek than the peoples
of Neapolis, Rhegium, and Tarentum?'
Tarentum and Rhegium have left scanty traces of their
Greek civilization. Tarentum was obviously a pleasant spot in
the late Republic and early Empire. It received a colony of
C. Gracchus and was thereafter much better off than before,
according to Strabo. City-weary Romans would find Taren
tum a peaceful, rural retreat with a relaxing Greek atmosphere.
1
Horace called it Lacedaemonium Tarentum in an ode, imbelle

3
Tarentum in an epistle. Seneca noted that the man who flees

from himself often makes Tarentum his destination. How
ever, its charms soon deteriorated. Veterans were sent there
in A.D. 60, and Dio of Prusa was able to remark that Taren
tum was among those cities once flourishing but now entirely
empty.
A few more Greek inscriptions have survived from Rhegium
than from Tarentum, but the evidence is still slight. Rhegium's
population was swollen with Roman settlers sent by Octavian
after the Sicilian War. Her constitution looks suspiciously
Roman, in spite of Greek terms for the various municipal
offices. An Hellenic veneer remained, but that was about all.
If Rhegium could claim a gymnasiarchy, she had also to admit
a quattuorvirate.
Neapolis was different, a city defiantly Greek. After the
Social War she was loath to receive the Roman citizenship,
4
Livy 3 5 . 16. 3 .
Strabo 2 8 1 .
3 Hor. Odes 3 . 5. 5 6 ; Ep. 1. 7. 45. Cf. Odes 2. 6. 9 ff.
Sen. de Tranq. Animi 2. 1 3 ; quoted on p. 76, n. 4.
Tac. Ann. 14. 2% (veterans in A.D. 60). Dio Prus. Orat. 3 3 . 2 5 .
IG xiv. 6 1 2 ff. (Rhegium), with IG xiv. 668 ff. (Tarentum).
Strabo 2 5 8 - 9 .
IG xiv. 6 1 6 (gymnasiarch); CIL x. 6 (Hllvir). The irpvravis c* rod ihiov
KOX dpx<ov TTCvTaerrfPLKOS and his three avfinpvTdvcLS (IG xiv. 6 1 7 - 1 9 ) are surely
IIHviri quinquennales. So Mommsen in CIL x, p. 4. It may seem surprising
that Heraclea does not rank as a Greek city in Italy in the time of Augustus;
many in that city had, with the Neapolitans, preferred not to accept the Roman
civitas in the Social War (Cic. pro Balb. 8. 2 1 ) . But Strabo is explicit (p. 2 5 3 ) :
vvvi hk TTA^V Tdpavros KCU *PT\yiov KOX NcairoXecas KppapPapa>odai diravra (i.e.
of Magna Graecia). Heraclea must by now have lost its Greek character.
Cic. pro Balb. 8 . 2 1 . Cf. preceding note.
4
7
8
814250
82
lest her Greek heritage be obliterated. She clung to the Greek

language with an unparalleled tenacity for that part of the
world. A bulk of Greek inscriptions survives, dating well into
the Empire. Tacitus labelled Neapolis a Graeca urbs. But
Neapolis will not have had to struggle very hard to retain her
Hellenic individuality, as the city was a favoured centre of
Roman recreation. To have romanized the city would have
meant the elimination of a delightful resort. Emigration to the
East and sacrifice of country brought an interdicta voluptas, as
Horace informed Numicius. But no harm could come from
1
a vacation in near-by Neapolis deliciarum causa et voluptatis.*
Cicero had complained that Roman citizens, noble youths,

and even certain senators (quosdam etiam senatores) were given
to Greek leisure in Greek costume at Neapolis, but by the
time of Caesar Augustus the city seems to have been regarded
as an unobjectionable outlet for the desires of a young Tullus
or a Bullatius.
Strabo provides a vivid picture of Neapolis in the Augustan
era. The Hellenic life was better preserved there than any
where else in Italy. There were gymnasia, ephebia, and phratries; inscriptions testify to these institutions, as they do to the
use of the Greek language generally. The chief Neapolitan
magistrate was still called demarch in the reign of Hadrian.
The city had hot springs and excellent baths, not at all inferior
4
/Gxiv. 7 1 4 - 8 2 8 .
Tac. Ann. 15. 33. But Naples was a municipium: Cic. ad Fam. 13. 30. 1 ; cf.
ad Att. 10. 1 3 . 1.
3 Hor. Ep. 1. 6. 64.
2
Cic. pro Rab. Post. 10. 26.

Strabo 2 4 6 : TrXelora 8' tx V V *EXXr)viKr}s dyoayrjs ivravda aco^crcu, yvfivdv
oid TC Kal <f}rjîa Kal <f>parpLai Kal ovofiara
'EXXrjviKa KaCnep OVTCDV *P<ap.aio}v.
Also Dio 55. 10. 9, quoted on p. 83, n. 4. Cf., for example, IG xiv. 719, 7 2 1 ,
722, 723, 724, 728, 729. No. 719 is a cursus inscription, entirely in Greek, of one
M. Opsius Navius Fannianus: he was Xvir stl. iud., trib. leg. V Mac, quaestor
Pont, et Bith., aed., praef. frum. dandi ex s. c , praetor. Is he not the prae
torian M. Opsius in Tac. Ann. 4. 68 and 71 ?
SHA, Hadrian 19. 1. Roman municipal organization appears in imperial
Naples, but the old language is nevertheless tenaciously maintained: IG xiv.
6
745 apavTa [rrjv] rtoodpuiv
dvbpwv
( = Hllvirum). Observe especially the
mixture of Greek and Roman in CIL x. 1 4 9 1 : C. Herbacio Maec. Romano,

demarchisanti, Ilvir. alimentorum quaest. cur. sacrae pecun., cur. II frum.
compar., se Vibo fecit qui ob promiss. venat. phetris divisit quina mil. num.
On Neapolitan constitutional irregularities, see Mommsen, CILx, p. 172. The
Neapolitan XavKeXapxla is still obscure: IG xiv, pp. 1 9 1 - 2 .
83
to those at Baiae and far less crowded. Visitors who came

from Rome to experience 7) iv NearroXeL Staywyr) r) 'EXXrjVLKTJ did so for a diversity of reasons; some sought peace and
quiet (rjavxla), others in old age or infirmity wanted to live
without effort. Cicero once admirably caught the essence of
Neapolis when he described it as a city 'itself suited rather
for calming men's passions than for rekindling the animosities
of men in trouble'. It was to Augustus' advantage to encour
age the prosperity of a place like that.
In A.D. 2 Neapolis instituted quinquennial sacred games in
honour of the Emperor. Such an institution was nothing new
for Augustus; he had himself established the Actia in Greece
several decades before. But the Italica Romaea Sebasta Isolympia were the first of their kind to be held on Italian soil,
and a century was to pass before they received a rival in
Italy. The Neapolis games, both musical and gymnastic,
were ranked next to the four great games of Greece and the
Actia: this is quite clear from the order in which the achieve
ments of professional athletes have been recorded on stone.
Manifestly, athletes were drawn from Greece and Asia to com
pete at Neapolis. They will have brought a breath of the East
Greek world into Greek Italy. The magistrates of Neapolis
did their best to publicize their games among the Greeks who
2
Strabo 2 4 6 : ex 8k Kal r) NedrroXis depfiwv vbdrtav cV/foAdy Kal KaraoKCvds

Xovrpcov ov x p S & * Baiais, rroXv 8k TO> nXÔet Xenroficvas.
Ibid.: imretvovoL 8k rrjv iv NearroXei 8t,ayct)yr)v rrjv 'EXXrjviKrjv oi cVc rrjs
'Ptofirjs avax<*>povvres 8evpo r)ovxlas X<*P * TratScta? ipyaoap.4v<i)v r) Kal
dXXajv bid yrjpas r) dodivciav rrodovvratv iv dviaei rjv. Cf. the Tarentines, ibid.
LV
v<
7r
2 8 1 : Ka6* rjavxiav cDcn.

3
Cic. pro Sulla 5 . 1 7 : Hie contra ita quievit ut eo tempore omni Neapoli
fuerit, ubi neque homines fuisse putantur huius adfines suspicionis et locus est
ipse non tarn ad inflammandos calamitosorum animos quam ad consolandos
accommodatus.
Dio (55. 10. 9) says that a sacred contest was voted to Augustus in Naples
because its inhabitants, alone of the Campanians, tried to imitate the ways of
the Greeks: ra rtov 'EXXrjvcav fiovoi rdv rtpoox&posv rporrov riva itflXovv. Dio's
date is 2 B.C., but this is an error for A.D. 2 : R. M. Geer, 'The Greek Games at
Naples', TAP A 66 (1935), 208 ff., esp. 2 1 6 . [Hence Strabo's notice of the games
(246) will have been a later addition: cf. Chapter X, p. 1 3 4 . ]
Dio 5 1 . 1. 2 ; Strabo 3 2 5 .
The Euscbeia were established at Puteoli in A.D. 1 3 8 : Frederiksen in P-W
23. 2. 2052.
Examples in Geer, op. cit, p. 2 1 3 ; n. 24.
4
84
ROMANS AND THE HELLENIC LIFE
attended other games. A notable inscription, discovered at

Olympia, reveals the efforts of the Neapolitan council to
attract the Olympic spectators to the isolympic Sebasta.
Augustus sympathized with Neapolitan Hellenism. A little
of what the Romans fancied did them good. He not only al
lowed himself to be honoured by the city's Greek games; he
himself attended them when they were celebrated in the last
year of his life. The Emperor even saw fit to provide for his
own Hellenic relaxation on the island of Capri. That island
had been the property of the city of Neapolis and was, like
Neapolis, itself Greek in character. In the year 29 B.c. the
founder of the Actia took Capri for himself. He provided some
compensation in the form of Ischia, which passed into the
Neapolitan domain. Augustus made no effort to romanize his
new island. In A.D. 14 ephebes were still being trained there ex
vetere institute. At that time the aged Princeps was a regular
spectator of their exercises.
It is remarkable that shortly before his death Caesar Augus
tus should have spent so much time in the Hellenic centres of
Italy, watching the ephebic training at Capri and the con
tests at Neapolis. The first of the Romans had a craving for the
Hellenic life no less than his compatriots. While he lingered at
Capri in the fateful year A.D. 14, Augustus did a thing which
would have roused the indignation of Cicero. He distributed
Greek clothing to Romans and Roman clothing to Greeks,
and stipulated that each should wear the other's characteristic
dress and speak the other's language. Whether or not this was
an act of senility or of policy, it reveals much about Augustus
and the Romans of the restored Republic.
1
Inschrift. v. Olympia, no. 56.

Note Velleius' comment (i. 4) on Naples: eximia semper in Romanos
fides.
3 Ibid. ii. 1 2 3 ; Suet. Aug. 98. 5 ; Dio 56. 29. 2.
Strabo 248; Suet. Aug. 92. 2 ; Dio 52. 4 3 . 2.
Suet. Aug. 98. 3.
Ibid. Note that Claudius lived like a Greek at Naples: Dio 60. 6. 2.
2
VII
THE
CITIES
HE triumphant Octavian had found the East in unparal

leled weakness. The exactions of governors and publicans
in the late Republic had been followed by the cruel
demands of the tyrannicides and Antony. The kingdom of the
Ptolemies was defunct; Asia was bankrupt. Pausanias ob
served that the fortunes of Greece reached their nadir between
the fall of Corinth and the reign of Nero. In the year 45 B . C
Servius Sulpicius sailed from Aegina to Megara and saw
desolation on every side. The cities had been drained of
money and resources, and food was short. After Actium Octa
vian attended to his new allies by distributing surplus corn
from the war to various destitute cities. But the practical
course with which the future Princeps inaugurated his policy
for the East was a general remission of debts. The economic
strain was relieved, and the Greeks of Asia realized that the
victory of Caesar's heir had opened a new era of peace.
The Greek peoples rejoiced to hear that their triumviral
patron had been conquered. This was not paradoxical, for
their support of Antony had been a matter of necessity; he had
been the man of the moment. But Antony's defeat, no less than
his victory, would mean an end to privation, and Octavian
knew this. While it was fitting for him to display a certain
displeasure toward Antonian partisans, they, like the client
dynasts, had no compunction about joining his clientela, now
that he was master of the world. Therefore, there was little
point in stirring up unnecessary trouble. Octavian was offi
cially angry. A rumour went up that he was abolishing the
Paus. 7. 1 7 . 1.
Cic. ad Fam. 4. 5. 4.
Plut. Ant. 68. 4 - 5 . On the tesserae used in the distributions at Athens:
Rostovtzeff, Festschr. f. Hirschfeld (1903), 3 0 5 - 1 1 , and Graindor, Athenes sous
Auguste (1927), p. 37, n. 2 ; p. 1 1 8 .
* Dio Prus. OraU 3 1 . 66.
3
THE CITIES
86
rights of city assemblies, but there is no evidence that he ever

did so. That can only have been a threat, an appropriate
demonstration of wrath.
The conqueror allowed himself to confiscate a few masterworks of art. He* stole from Greece a statue of Athena by
Endoeus and the teeth of the Calydonian Boar, which he
exhibited publicly in Rome. Sometimes he offered compensa
tion : one hundred talents of the tribute of Cos were remitted
as payment for a painting of Aphrodite Anadyomene, re
moved from the island and dedicated at Rome to Julius
Caesar. Antony had stolen three enormous works of Myron
which had stood on a single base on Samos, and one of these
was attractive to Augustus, who took it to the Capitol in Rome.
As compensation the other two pieces were returned to the
Samians. In Egypt Augustus discovered a statue of Ajax
which Antony had taken from Rhoeteum; Strabo noted that
it was returned. The Emperor was shrewd in that he showed
his regard for the East by his restitution of stolen art works, but
as a conqueror he was privileged to take what he wanted for
himself.
No less than the late Republic, the Augustan Principate re
veals great diplomatic activity. The cities presented their cases
to the Emperor through their most intelligent and wealthy
citizens. The distinguished Potamo of Mytilene, who had
twice served as ambassador to Julius Caesar, served again on
an embassy to Augustus in 26 B . C . In the years which fol
lowed, the interests of that city were to be well cared for at
Rome: Potamo's fellow envoy, the poet Crinagoras, remained
in the imperial court; and Pompeius Macer, from the family
of Pompey's Mytilenean intimate, Theophanes, entered the
imperial service, leaving a son to become praetor in A.D. 1 5 .
At Miletus C. Julius Apollonius, the son of Caesar's slave,
lived long enough to associate himself with the first temple to
2
Dio 5 1 . 2. 1 .
Paus. 8. 46. 1 and 4. On art, cf. Chapter V I above, pp. 7 4 - 7 5 .
Strabo 6 5 7 ; Pliny, NH 3 5 . 9 1 . The painting deteriorated and was replaced
by Nero (Pliny, ibid.).
* Strabo 637.
5 ibid. 595.
.
On Crinagoras, see Chapter III, pp. 3 6 - 3 7 . For Pompeius Macer, JRS 5 1
2
3
( 1 9 6 1 ) , 1 1 6 - 1 7 , n. 42.
3 3 #
THE CITIES
87
Augustus in his city. An offspring of that opulent citizen was

highly honoured for his diplomatic successes on behalf of
Miletus. The family of Iollas of Sardis, active in diplomacy
with Romans of the Republic, was represented in embassies to
Augustus. Tralles too sent envoys to the Emperor; the city
was noted for the number of wealthy men it contained. The
leading ambassador, Chaeremon, was the son of the rich Pompeian, Pythodorus, whose daughter became Queen of Pontus.
Embassies made their way to Rome from other places of the
East, from Cnidos, Chios, Eresos, Cyrene, Alexandria, Athens,
Sparta, and Thessaly.
Augustus knew that the strength of Rome in the East de
pended upon the support of those very men who represented
their cities in embassies to his court. Roman nourishment of
the upper classes had begun long before, and Augustus con
tinued it. The cities, in the hands of the right persons, were
crucial, and could be made to do much of Rome's work, like
the client kings outside the provinces. Augustus was obliged to
reconcile astute diplomatic support of a certain class in each
city with the maintenance of smoothly functioning local con
stitutions which would permit that class to predominate. The
Emperor could not introduce into Greek VOXCLS Roman con
stitutions which the Hellenes would not tolerate. But changes
had already taken place in the Republic, and Augustus had
rather to provide the economic stability necessary for effective
local administration.
The Greek city council was originally a body whose member
ship changed at frequent and regular intervals. It became clear
in the days of the Republic that a council of that kind was
incompatible with the predominance of the upper class and
2
Milet i. 2, no. 7 ; cf. above p. 8, n. 7.

Milet, ibid.; also nos. 6 and 15.
Sardis vii. 1, no. 8. The man is mentioned on another inscription from
Sardis as giving a donation to the city: Hellenica 9 (1950), 8. The republican
Iollas: Sardis vii. 1, no. 2 7 ; cf. p. 11 above.
Strabo 649 (wealthy men in Tralles). Agathias 2. 17 (embassy of Chaere
mon to Augustus in Spain, on which cf. Appendix III, p. 157).
Cf. preceding note and p. 8, n. 4 above.
Eresos: IGR 4. 7. The inscription is too fragmentary to reveal much. The
other embassies are discussed below: cf. pp. 88 (Cnidos), 88 (Chios), 88-89
(Cyrene), 90 (Alexandria), 95 (Athens), 92 (Sparta), 104 (Thessaly).
2
THE
88
CITIES
especially of certain wealthy and educated members of it. Not

surprisingly, the /3ov\r] was gradually transformed into a per
manent body, with life membership. A parallel with the
Roman senate is inescapable. By the beginning of the imperial
age most Greek cities of Asia had permanent councils. There
was no need for Augustus to make changes.
However, the Emperor interfered on occasion for purposes
of enlightened amendment or clarification. He defined the
limits of asylum in the sacred territory of Artemis at Ephesus ;
at Cyme he provided for the return of dedications to the deity
to whom they were vowed. A delicate judicial case was re
ferred to him from Cnidos, and he did not hesitate to settle the
matter despite the free status of the city. In the cities of
Bithynia he revised the law of Pompey by lowering the mini
mum age for admission to local magistracies. At Chios he con
firmed certain privileges granted by Sulla: the island was
declared free, and Romans there were to be subject to the
laws of the Chians. That was an extraordinary judicial ar
rangement, without parallel anywhere else.
The edicts from Cyrene show the Emperor again busy with
amendment and clarification. As was natural, these documents
were the result of diplomatic overtures from the Cyrenaeans.
In capital and non-capital trials the Greeks of Cyrene were
suffering injustice at the hands of jurors who were Roman
citizens; Augustus made fresh and fairer provisions. A new
system was announced for facilitating provincial prosecutions
of rapacious Roman governors. The effectiveness and the
1
See Jones, GC, p. 1 7 1 and p. 338, n. 29.

Strabo 641.
H. W. Pleket, Greek Inscriptions in the Rijksmuseum at Leyden (1958), no. 5 7 ,
reprinted with alterations by Mrs. K. M. T. Atkinson in Rev. intern, des droits
de rant. 7 (i960), 231 ff.
SIG 780. Free status was little more than an honorific tide: observe
Augustus' interference in Athens, Sparta, Thessaly, Cyzicus, Tyre, and Sidon,
all of which were free at the beginning of the Principate. These cases are con
sidered in the present and following chapters. At Cnidos a slight formality in
deference to its free status is noticeable: Augustus remarks that he instructed his
'friend* Asinius Gallus to investigate the situation. In fact, Gallus was proconsul
of Asia.
s Pliny, Ep. 10. 79. 2. Cf. Dio 54. 7. 5.
SIG 785, with L. Robert, REG 65 (1952), 128.
Cyrene Edicts, i and iv: E-J , no. 3 1 1 .
2
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89
duration of this system are alike dubious, but it appeared, at

any rate, to be in the interest of the provincials.
The third edict was an important affirmation of local
authority. Pompey, Caesar, Antony, and Octavian had been
accustomed to reward their faithful adherents with the Roman
citizenship. Evidently certain Cyrenaeans, and undoubtedly
citizens of other cities of the Greek East, had claimed exemp
tion from local liturgies by virtue of their citizenship. This was
bound to lead to trouble in the cities, inasmuch as the very
people who had been honoured with the citizenship will have
been in most cases the wealthiest. Therefore their claim to ex
emption meant a serious financial loss to the local administra
tion. Both Julius Caesar and Augustus perceived the difficulties
and enunciated that Roman citizenship did not exempt any
native Greek from undertaking local liturgies in his own city.
Caesar addressed himself to Mytilene, Augustus to Cyrene.
These pronouncements were designed to correct an abuse.
They were clarification, not a change in policy or tradition.
Bestowals of the civitas had never entailed local immunitas. In
surviving instances, a grant of dvetaôpia is always specifically
added to TroAtrcta, if it is intended at all. Caesar and Augustus
merely pointed out, doubtless to the immense satisfaction of
certain city magistrates, that dvia<f>opta was not to be arro
gated where it had not been bestowed. There is no reason to
think that Augustus, unlike Caesar, established by the third
edict a class of Roman citizens with minor rights, distinct from
those who were citizens at birth. The edict explicitly deals
with those who have been honoured with the citizenship, and
that was because they were the only Roman citizens in Cyrene
who mattered.
1
Senatus Consultum Calvisianum: Cyrene Edict, v. For the view that the
system of extortion trials established in that document neither lasted long nor
was very effective, P. A. Brunt, Hist. 10 (1961), 199 ff.
IGR 4. 3 3 (col. b); 45 (Caesar). Cyrene Edict, iii (Augustus).
Cf. the SC de Asclepiade &c. (Bruns, Fontes, no. 4 1 ) in which immunitas is
granted without the civitas; in Octavian's edict concerning Seleucus of Rhosus
(E-J , no. 301) immunitas and civitas are both explicitly granted.
The class of Roman citizens with minor rights was an invention of Rostovtzeff, SEHRE ii. 559, n. 6.
P. Romanelli, La Cirenaica romana (1943), p. 84: 'L'immigrazione diretta di
elementi romani dall'Italia e stata certamente finora nulla o quasi nulla.'
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In regard to the Greeks in Egypt, Augustus was prepared to

alter the existing arrangements, as elsewhere, only to ensure
smooth and reliable local administration. Of the four Greek
cities in Egypt, Alexandria alone engaged the Emperor's at
tention. It was a city with a great Hellenistic past and citizens
resentful of the Roman yoke; it lacked that quintessential
Greek institution, the JSouAt}, even in a Roman guise. A large
admixture of Jews in the population was a potential source
of trouble. Although Augustus received Alexandrian envoys,
the fiovXr] was not restored. Augustus could not be sure of the
proud Greeks of that city.
Outside the four Greek cities of Egypt it was difficult in so
mixed a population to distinguish Greek from non-Greek, but
the distinction had to be made for the simple reason that
Greeks were superior to Egyptians and were preferred in
positions of authority. The problem was solved in A.D. 4/5 by
the creation of a new hellenized aristocracy consisting of two
groups: those in the chora with satisfactory claims to Greek
education and origin (who became known as ol diro yviAvaaiov) and the hellenized residents of the metropoleis. Although
these persons were less privileged than ordinary Greeks in
paying a poll-tax like Egyptians, they were superior to other
Egyptians in paying at a reduced rate. The emperors were to
make use of this new class of Greek Egyptians in the lower
grades of the civil service.
Augustus liked to leave Greek affairs in the hands of Greeks.
His plan emerges in detail in old Greece, which was a country
1
Naucratis, Alexandria, Ptolemais, Paraetonium: see Jones, CERP, pp.

302 ff.
H. A. Musurillo, Acts of the Pagan Martyrs (1954), pp. 1 - 2 (Boule Papyrus)
and pp. 84-88. P. Oxyrh., xxv (1959), no. 2435 verso records an Alexandrian
embassy to Augustus in A.D. I 3 ; lines 56-58 imply that the subject of the em
bassy was the restoration of the flovXtf. Augustus, however, need not be held
responsible for having abolished it in the first place. It was restored at last by
Septimius Severus: Dio 5 1 . 1 7 . 2 - 3 ; SHA> Sept. Sev. 17. On anti-Roman Greeks
at Alexandria, see below, Chapter VIII, p. 105.
The first imicpuns was inferred by Van Groningen, Gymnasiarque, pp. 39-40,
to have been in A.D. 4 - 5 ; that coincides with the earliest recorded metropolitan
exegete in P. Osl. 26. (Cf. Jones, CERP, p. 475, n. 26.) The arrangements of
A.D. 4 - 5 are described with great lucidity by V. Tcherikover in Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (1957), i. 59.
* Jones, CERP, p. 3 1 6 .
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learning how to be a museum; cultivated Romans admired

Greece romantically for what she had been. The multiplicity
of independent cities, which had once brought glory and
disaster, was rapidly disappearing. The descendants of free
citizens were becoming the tenants of great estates. To many
of the smaller cities nothing remained but their names. Al
ready in the Hellenistic age cities which hoped to survive had
sought longevity in alliances and leagues, whereby they might
collectively enjoy a greater power and economic stability.
Augustus saw at once what his policy should be, here as
throughout the East: to provide impetus and direction to
what had been happening for some time before.
He encouraged the leagues. In a minor province they were
more convenient units than individual cities, and they belonged
to the evolution of Roman Greece. It should be emphasized
that their development has nothing whatever to do with the
imperial cult, which appears in none of the leagues in Greece
before the reign of Claudius. A few great cities flourished
under imperial patronage, serving as focal points in the coun
try's economy.
In Laconia the League of the Lacaedemonians had been
formed in the time of Nabis under the tyranny of Sparta.
Augustus liberated the league from Spartan rule, and the
twenty-four cities assumed a new name: the League of Free
Laconians. It was bound together by a mutual interest in the
marble and purple trade. In Sparta Augustus installed his
1
See esp. Cic. pro Flacc. 26. 62-63 on the ancient glories of Athens and
Sparta in comparison with 'iam fractum prope ac debilitatum Graeciae
nomen'. Cf. also above, Chapter V I .
U. Kahrstedt, Das wirtschaftliche Gesicht Griechenlands in der Kaiserzeit (1954),
passim.
The earliest traces of the cult: Corinth viii. 2, no. 68; IG ii . 3538 (both con
cerning C.Julius Spartiaticus). On the whole matter of the secular character of
the leagues in Greece at the beginning of the Principate, see Larsen, Representa
tive Government in Greek and Roman History (1955), pp. 1 1 2 - 1 3 .
Strabo 366 (formation of the league under Nabis); Paus. 3 . 2 1 . 6 - 7
(Augustus' liberation of the league and its twenty-four cities). On pre-Augustan
inscriptions (e.g. IGv. 1. 1226, 1227) the league is called KOIVOV
rwv AaKcoaifiovCcov; IG v. 1. 1 1 6 1 , 1 1 6 7 , 1 1 7 7 , 1243 (imperial) give KOLVOU rdv 'EXcvOcpoAaKOJVOJV.
Cf. Bowersock, JRS 5 1 (1961), 1 1 6 . Kornemann, P-W Suppl. 4. 929 is
confused, perhaps misled by Paus. 7. 16. 9 - 1 0 (asserting falsely that all Greek
leagues were dissolved in 146 B . C . ) .
Kahrstedt, op. cit., p. 203.
2
92
THE CITIES
over-ambitious partisan, C. Julius Eurycles, and the city was

presented with Cythera, Cardamyle, and Thuria as gifts.
Some time between 7 and 2 B.C. Eurycles will have attempted
to reassert Spartan control over the league cities, without suc
cess. But there was no denying that the cities continued to be
linked economically to Sparta, which held a complete monopoly
over Laconian coinage until the Severan age. An inscription
from Gytheum, the arsenal of Sparta, reveals that Eurycles
and his son Laco assisted the Free Laconians in some memor
able way. * Asopus, another member of the league, received oil
from Sparta.
The Achaean League had also existed in the late Republic;
its headquarters were at Olympia. The participation of Elis
demonstrates that the league was not confined merely to the
territory of Achaea. The first Princeps maintained the organ
ization he inherited but shifted its centre of gravity. About
14 B.C. Patrae was chosen to be its guardian city: it was ad
mirably located for trade at the western end of the Gulf of
Corinth, but it lacked inhabitants and size. Hence the Em
peror established a Roman colony on the site and incorporated
adjacent Greek villages in a grand synoecism. The earlier
colony of Dyme was swallowed up in the new foundation.
Augustus went on to extend the territory of Patrae across the
Gulf. Calydon and the Aetolian land to the east were ab
sorbed, as well as Naupactus and Oeanthea in Ozolian Locris.
The Emperor accorded freedom to his chosen city, the only one
in Achaea to which he gave that honour.
1
See Bowersock, op. cit., p. 1 1 3 and n. 1 1 .

Ibid., p. 1 1 6 . It has been suggested to me that the league was still under
Spartan domination at this time and was freed as a result of the condemnation
of Eurycles. This is unlikely: Augustus would hardly have satisfied the angry
family of Brasidas, which brought Eurycles to trial, by depriving Sparta of her
league. Note also that Strabo refers without comment (p. 366) to Eleutherolaconians. This would be surprising if they had become free just before he was
writing: the passage was written between 7 and 2 B.C. and cannot be a Tiberian
addition (JRS 51 [1961], 1 1 5 ) . The liberation of the cities must have happened
soon after Actium.
See Head, HN 4 3 3 - 6 .
AE 1929. 99, 11. 19-20. Gytheum as a league member: Paus. 3 . 2 1 . 7.
Strabo 343 and 363 calls the city TO rrjs SfrdprJis eiriveiov.
IGv. 1. 970. Cf. Paus. 3 . 2 1 . 7.
Inschr. v. Olympia, nos. 328, 3 3 3 , 367, 401, 4 1 5 , 420. No. 4 1 5 reveals the
participation of Elis.
Strabo 387 (veteran colony); Paus. 7. 18. 7 (synoecism of Greek cities);
2
THE
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93
Patrae was noted for the abundance and charm of its

women, most of whom were textile workers. The traffic in
flax, especially the transparent Elean byssos, had bound the old
Achaean League economically together. As Augustus surely
planned, these materials made their way to the new city for
processing. The finished products could be conveniently dis
patched from Patrae and exported all over the Mediterranean
world.
Prospering, the Achaean League incorporated other leagues.
There had once been an independent Argolid koinon, which
emerges, late in the reign of Tiberius, as a member of the
Achaean League, although it may have joined under Augus
tus. By the accession of Gaius a huge amalgamation had taken
place. The former koinon of Boeotians, Euboeans, Locrians,
Phocians, and Dorians now belonged to a common organiza
tion with members of the Achaean League. The new group
styled itself variously: the Achaeans and Panhellenes, more
succinctly the Panhellenes, or the Panachaeans. Although
Augustus would have approved of the Panhellenes or Pana
chaeans, it is erroneous to think they were united in his life
time. The union occurred in his successor's old age.
In north-western Greece Augustus caused another synoecism
and founded a free city. Nicopolis arose from the camp of the
victorious Octavian as an enduring monument of his conquest
of Antony. In the late Republic both the Acarnanians and the
Aetolians had organized themselves into leagues; Nicopolis
1
Paus. 7. 17. 5 (Dyme); Paus. 10. 38. 9 (Ozolian Locris, except Amphissa);
Paus. 7. 1 8 . 7 (freedom). On all this, U. Kahrstedt, 'Die Territorien von
Patrai und Nikopolis in der Kaiserzeit', Historia 1 (1950), 549 ff., rejecting
Pausanias' Augustan date for Dyme and Locris because Strabo is ignorant of
these annexations. This argument has no weight, since Strabo was not writing
between 2 B . C and 14 A.D. On relations between Athens and Patrae, see
the new inscription in Hesp. 28 (1959), 280, with new fragment in Hesp. 29
(i960), 83.
Paus. 7. 2 1 . 14.
IG iv . 665 (Epidaurus). On the Argolid KOLVOV: BCH 33 (1909), 1 7 6 - 7 .
. SIG , 767 (Athens; 34/33 B . C ) . The large KOLVOV was confirmed by Gaius:
IG vii. 2 7 1 1 , 1. 29. SIG , 796A used to be mentioned in this context, but
Momigliano, JRS 34 (1944), 1 1 5 - 1 6 , dates it rightly to Nero instead of
Tiberius.
Cf. Gaius' action cited in the preceding note. See also U. Kahrstedt, 'Das
Koinon der Achaier', Symbolae Osloenses, 28 (1950), 7 0 - 7 5 .
1
94
THE CITIES
1
replaced them. For practical purposes a synoecism hardly

differed from a league, but it was a striking reminder of
Actium. Nicopolis gathered into its territory such distant
places as Ambracia, Amphilochian Argos, and Alyzia. Anactorium was its commercial centre. Almost every Aetolian was
uprooted: those who did not become Nicopolitans fled into
Locris to Amphissa.
Nicopolis was a thoroughly Greek city. Romanization was
far from Augustus' thoughts. The city's coin legends were all
Greek, and so were its inscriptions. The form of its local
government was Greek. Even the games with which Octavian
celebrated his victory were Greek: the Actia, which were
quinquennial, modelled on the Olympics, and supervised by
Greeks. And these games were not something new. They had,
in fact, been held previously; Octavian only gave them new
distinction.
To the east lay two more great cities of Greece, Corinth and
Athens. Corinth was Julius Caesar's Patrae. He resurrected
a dead city at a commercially vital point by establishing
a Roman colony. His obligations to displaced Romans were
fulfilled, and the economy of Greece was given some hope of
revival. Corinth prospered, growing on the fruits of trade and
banking. Undoubtedly it formed a commercial centre for
eastern Achaea; a century and a half after Augustus' death it
was head of the entire Achaean province, the confluence of
trade from Patrae, Athens, and Thessalonica. But Corinth
was not a free city, and therein Augustus' plan was made clear.
He encouraged another city to head the Achaean province.
Caesar's Corinthians had an evil reputation when the Princi
pate was born: the colonists were grave-robbers, and every
Roman of fashion knew about the trade in Necrocorinthia.
2
Acarnanians and Aetolians: Kornemann, P-W Suppl. 4. 9 2 1 , 923. Nico

polis: Suet. Aug. 1 8 ; Pliny, NH 4. 5 ; Paus. 10. 38. 4 ; Strabo 3 2 4 - 5 and 450.
See references in the preceding note, but above all Kahrstedt, Historia>.i
(1950), 5 4 9 - 6 Ibid., 559-60.
Ibid. The Latin inscription from Nicopolis, AE 1928. 1 5 , does not confirm
reports of a colony at Actium (Tac. Ann. 5. 1 0 ; Pliny, NH 4. 5 ) : Kahrstedt,
560, denying that there was a colony.
Strabo 3 2 5 .
Ibid.; P-W 1. 1 2 1 3 .
Aristides, Orat. 46. 2 3 Keil.
Strabo 3 8 1 .
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THE
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95
1
Augustus' poet lamented the shame. Patrae was the Em

peror's answer to Corinth.
Athens, that venerable home of antiquities and pedagogues,
was not neglected. Recent excavations now permit remark
able detail and precision about Roman Athens. The so-called
Market of Caesar and Augustus, begun through the munifi
cence of the Dictator, was brought to completion after a suc
cessful embassy to the Princeps. A temple of Rome and
Augustus was constructed on the Acropolis, while in the centre
of the agora a vast music-hall was built in commemoration of
M. Vipsanius Agrippa, then touring the East with proconsular
imperium. Roman architects appear to have been sent to
Athens to collaborate with the Greeks. Another extraordinary
building appeared: a fifth-century temple of Ares was sys
tematically removed from some unknown site and re-erected in
the agora under Augustus not surprisingly, however, since
Ares was the Greek counterpart of the Roman Mars, for whom
the Emperor had special regard. And with the emphasis ac
corded to a fifth-century temple can be compared a revival of
fifth-century lettering on inscriptions. The influence of Augus
tus and the efforts of local partisans may be inferred in these
matters, and in others.
Like a few cities in Asia Minor, Athens has bequeathed the
names of certain of her eminent philo-Romans by virtue of
their tenure of sacred and secular magistracies. When the old
Pythais was abolished after Actium, a more modest theoria to
Delphi, the Dodecais, supplanted it. The priest, herald, and
2
Crinagoras, Anth. Pal. ix. 284.

IG iii . 3 1 7 5 , on the gateway to the Roman Forum at Athens.
3 H. A. Thompson, Hesp. 19 (1950), 90 ff.
W. B. Dinsmoor, Hesp. 9 (1940), 1 ff.; M. H. McAllister, Hesp. 28 (1959),
1 ff., especially 48 ff.
Temple of Mars Ultor at Rome: Res Gestae 2 1 , Dio 54. 8. 3 and 5 5 . 1 0 .
1 - 6 . At Nicopolis: Suet. Aug. 18, AE 1928. 1 5 (ul[tor]).
IG ii . 1040 is the best example of Augustan epigraphical archaism; cf.
Raubitschek and Jeffery, Dedications from the Athenian Acropolis (1949), p. 149.
e.g. the coinage: cf. Chapter VIII below, pp. 105-6. Professor S. Dow has
kindly informed me of his view, based on IG ii . 1 7 3 2 - 3 , that there was an
Augustan reform of the Athenian courts. The Augustan revival of the Peiraeus, proposed by Day, An Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination
(1942), pp. 145 ff., rests on the dubious ascription of IG ii . 1035 to the reign of
Augustus.
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THE
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CITIES
exegetes in the five occurrences of the Dodecais under Augus

tus were the same. These men, in several attested cases, also
served as hoplite general or archon. Eucles, for example, was
a son of Herod of Marathon and a member of the distinguished
and affluent family which subsequently produced the great
Herod Atticus. He assumed from his father the position of over
seer of the construction of the Market of Caesar and Augus
tus, and it was he who went on an embassy to the Emperor
to secure the necessary funds for finishing it. He was archon,
hoplite general, and five times priest of Pythian Apollo.
Of the important Athenians of this period one is particularly
memorable and at the same time mystifying. C.Julius Nicanor
came to Athens from Hierapolis in Syria and was a man of
enormous wealth. He bought the island of Salamis, which the
Athenians had sold after the sack of Sulla, and gave it back to
Athens. It was presumably for this act of generosity that he
was hailed as the 'New Themistocles'. He was also the 'New
Homer', clearly a man of culture. A century later Dio of Prusa
recalled the extravagant honours accorded to Nicanor, though
he did not mention the strange damnatio which the memory of
that eminent citizen suffered at an unknown date.
1
Graindor, Athines sous Auguste (1927), pp. 144 ff. Cf. also J . Day, An
Economic History of Athens under Roman Domination (1942), pp. 1 7 4 - 5 .
e.g. EucJes, five times priest of Pythian Apollo, was both hoplite general
and archon (Graindor, pp. 1 4 2 - 3 ) ; Polycharmus, five times exegete (Graindor,
p. 143), was archon and so was his son (Graindor, Chronol., p. 5 7 ) ; Diotimus,
son of Diodorus and five times exegete (Graindor, Athenes, p. 143), was archon
(Graindor, ChronoL, p. 30 and IG ii . 1096).
IG iii . 3 1 7 5 .
See n. 2 above. On Eucles and other eminent Athenians: Day, op. cit.,
pp. 1 7 2 - 4 .
L. Robert reported in Hellenica, 8 (1950), 91 that he had made a study of
Nicanor; Attic inscriptions of the Augustan period mentioning Julius Nicanor
must be divided between two persons, an Alexandrian and a Syrian. The
Alexandrian was doubtless the son of the philosopher, Areius of Alexandria:
Suet. Aug. 89. 1, cf. above, Chapter III. The man who bought the island of
Salamis came from Hierapolis in Syria (Steph. Byz. s.v.).
Strabo 394; Dio Prus. Orat. 3 1 . 1 1 6 ; Steph. Byz. s.v.
IG ii . 3786-9 (statue bases). The view of A. E. Raubitschek in Hesp. 23
(1954), 3 1 7 ff. is demonstrably untenable: cf. J . and L. Robert, REG 68
0955)> 210, n. 79.
See the statue bases in the foregoing note and the inscription considered by
Raubitschek in the article cited there.
In IG ii . 3786, 3787, and 3789 'New Homer' and 'New Themistocles'
have been erased.
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The Augustan system of leagues stretched northward. There

had been a league of Thessalians since the fourth century.
When Macedonia was humbled, the old league was gradually
swollen through incorporation of the regions which encom
passed it. Thessalian control spread across Dolopia and pene
trated through Phthiotic Achaea as far as the southern confines
of Aeniania and Malis. In the east the smaller Magnesian
League became a part of the greater Thessalian. In the north
Perrhaebia passed from Macedonian to Thessalian domina
tion.
Perhaps because of tumult Augustus sawfitto revoke the free
dom which Julius Caesar had granted to the Thessalians, but he
did not alter the territory of the confederacy. Its political centre
was Larissa. An inscription reveals how a Roman governor
could lighten his work by referring internal disagreements to
the league authorities. It illustrates the recurrent emphasis on
local administration in the arrangements of Augustus.
Further north, in Macedonia, the first Princeps accepted the
strange political system which had been operating there since
167 B.C. The country had been divided into four parts, a divi
sion which lasted at least into the Flavian era. But it was
probably Augustus who brought Macedonia into conformity
with the rest of Greece: a Macedonian league emerged under
the Principate and united the four divisions in a federal state.
The political seat was Beroea, which lay inland, but the
economic centre was the port of Thessalonica, a free city.
To consolidate the network of leagues and cities in Greece,
1
Paus. 10. 8. 3 . Cf. C. Kip, Thessalische Studien (1910), pp. 109, 1 1 3 , and 129.
Grant of freedom from Julius Caesar: App. BC 2. 8 8 ; Plut., Caes. 48.
Pliny, however, only lists Pharsalus as free (JV//4. 29). On Augustus' action in
Thessaly, see Chapter VIII, p. 104 below, and also Appendix III, pp. 1 6 0 - 1 .
Above all, Bowersock, Rheinisches Museum, 108 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 'Zur Geschichte des
rdmischen Thessaliens.'
IG ix. 2. 261 = EJ , no. 3 2 1 , line 1 2 : iv ra> V[ary)Kon GeaaaXwv rcov ?
iv Aa]plor) avvchpCu).
The document cited in the preceding note concerns a boundary dispute
which C. Poppaeus Sabinus referred to the Thessalian League.
Acts xvi. 1 2 ; AE 1900. 130, altered in CP 44 (1949), 89.
J . M. R. Cormack, 'High Priests and Macedoniarchs from Beroea', JRS
33 (*943)> 39 ff-; for Macedoniarchs in Thessalonica, p. 4 3 . Cf. Larsen,
Representative Government (1955), p. 2 2 1 , n. 24, on Thessalonica. It was free:
Pliny, NH 4. 36.
2
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THE
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Augustus revived the old Delphic Amphictyony. The Augustan

Amphictyons were thirty in number, of which the three largest
members provided eighteen: the free city of Nicopolis, the
Thessalian League, and the Macedonian League each sent six
delegates. The scheme permitted the maximum consolidation
of the Greeks with the minimum threat to Rome. The plan
was masterful: all thirty Amphictyons were never to assemble
together at any one time. Not all of the three largest members
sent delegates to every session. Athens with one delegate,
Delphi with two, and Augustus' city of victory with six were
the only members of the Amphictyony who could be repre
sented at every meeting. The rest sent delegates in turn at
regular intervals. The imperial Amphictyony testifies to Augus
tus' political acumen.
Outside Greece there were at least two leagues already in
existence when Augustus became Princeps, and again he en
couraged a natural evolution. Traces of a union of cities in
Asia early in the first century B.C. become by the time of
Antony an organized koinon. This body was swift in devoting
itself to worship of the Emperor and belongs, therefore, to
a history of the imperial cult. It gave the lead to other pro
vinces ; koina of a similar kind mushroomed in the East without
any directive from the Emperor. Meanwhile, Lycia, not yet
a province under Augustus, looked after itself by means of
a league of twenty-three cities which had been joined together
for over a century. In effect, the league did the work of
a client king. The usefulness of leagues for local government
was demonstrated once more. And the fact that certain of the
eastern koina occupied themselves particularly with the cult of
the Emperor obviously did not preclude their being useful in
the same way as the Greek and Lycian koina.
It has often been pointed out that the corporate organiza
tion of eastern cities in leagues facilitated the bringing of com
plaints against Roman rule. Inevitably it did, though not to
1
Paus. 10. 8. 4. Cf. Larsen, 'The Policy of Augustus in Greece', Acta Classica
(Proc. Class. Ass. South Africa, 1959), 123 ff.
Paus. 10. 8. 4.
Traces in earlyfirstcentury B.C. : OGIS 4 3 9 ; IGR 4. 1 8 8 ; Cic. pro Flacc. 2 3 .
5 5 - 5 6 . The koinon under Antony (either 42/41 or 3 3 / 3 2 ) : Preisigke, Sammelbuch,
4224 = E-J , no. 300. Cf. Brandis, Hermes 32 (1897), 5 1 2 ff.
Strabo 664-5. Cf. G. Fougeres, de Lyciorum Communi (1898).
2
THE
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99
the extent some have imagined. What must always be re

membered is that the leagues were things of the East, not
created and introduced by Augustus as policy. He inherited
many, and allowed others to develop.
Augustus' policy was to create a situation in which the
Greek cities would be able to look after themselves as much as
possible. He had, of course, to assure himself that the political
units were workable and that the right kind of provincials
were in control. When he interfered it was to keep the pro
vincial machinery running smoothly. He had begun well with
a remission of debts; he then gave the empire the greatest of
all possible boonspeace. A succession of earthquakes was the
only persistent impediment to recovery, and in response to
appeals the Emperor furnished financial aid. Tralles, Lao
dicea, Thyatira, and Chios all were stricken early in the
Principate. In 12 B.C. there were widespread tremors. At that
time, the Emperor paid from his own funds the tribute of the
province of Asia.
The cities of the East could discern a gentle revival of pros
perity. The textile industry at Patrae was flourishing, trade at
Corinth was good, and Athens was reaping the benefits of
being a centre of Old World culture. Strabo observed that
Ephesus, by virtue of its favourable location for Asian com
merce, was growing more prosperous every day. Second only
to Ephesus was Apamea, the former Celaenae, through which
passed merchandise from Italy and Greece. Laodicea on the
Lycus produced excellent wool, and the exceptionally rich
country in the vicinity of Sardis was made to yield despite
frequent earthquakes. Cyzicus grew in size and beauty to
rival the leading cities of Asia. Tyre in Syria did a thriving
business in purple, while the establishment of quinquennial
games at Syrian Antioch marked the beginning of its rise to
2
P. A. Brunt, Hist. 10 (1961), 2 1 2 ff.

Agathias 2. 17 (Tralles); Suet. Tib. 8 (Laodicea, Thyatira, Chios). Cf.
Appendix III below, pp. 157 and 160.
3 Dio 54. 30. 3 .
Above, pp. 93 (Patrae), 94 (Corinth), 95 (Athens). On the revival of
prosperity at Athens, cf. Day, Economic History of Athens under Roman domination
(1942), pp. 1 6 7 - 7 1 .
s Strabo 641.
Ibid. 577.
* Ibid. 578.
Ibid. 5 7 5 .
2
THE
100
CITIES
greatness in the empire. Cities, old and new, with names like
Caesarea, Sebaste, or Sebastopolis blossomed all over the
East. New roads were put through.
By nourishing the life of the cities and entrusting a sub
stantial amount of administrative work to them, Augustus con
tinued the republican tradition of personal dependence on
provincials of the upper class. By avoiding a policy of cen
tralization, he eased the strain on Rome; the provincials were
profitably occupied with institutions familiar to them. As
a patron of the Greek way of life, the Emperor maintained
indirectly his own personal pre-eminence, as strong in sena
torial provinces as it was in his own. Yet it was precisely be
cause so little was innovatory about Augustus' treatment of the
Eastern cities that the hostility and opposition which surged up
occasionally in the Republic did so again in his own day. There
were still many who hated Rome.
2
Strabo 757 (Tyre). Malalas 9. V 9 5 B (0291) on Antioch: cf. G. Downey,

A History of Antioch in Syria (1961), p. 168. The games were included in the
bequest of an Antiochene companion of Augustus.
New foundations under Augustus (page references to Jones, CERP):
Caesarea, later Caesarea Germanice, in Bithynia ( 1 6 3 - 4 ) ; Sebaste in Asia
(72); Caesarea Paneas in Syria (283); perhaps Caesarea Trocetta in Asia (8p)
and Caesarea of the Proseilemmenitae in Paphlagonia (169). New names for
old cities: Caesarea for Tralles (78), Anazarbus (205), and Strata's Tower
( 2 7 3 ) ; Sebaste for Pontic Diospolis (170), Paphlagonian Pompeiopolis (169),
Elaeussa (207), and Samaria (273); Sebastopolis for Carana(i7o), Dioscurias
( 1 7 3 ) , Myrrina (398, n. 86), and probably Larba (77). Megalopolis in Polemoniac Pontus may have taken the name Sebasteia under Augustus ( 1 7 1 ) : cf.
Anderson, Anat. Studies pres. to Ramsay (1923), 8 - 1 0 .
E . Gren attributes to Augustus the beginnings of the great road system of
Asia Minor: Kleinasien und der Ostbalkan in der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der
romischen Kaiserzeit (1941), p. 44. On the Via Sebaste through Pisidia, which
belongs somehow in the context of the Homonadensian War, see R. Syme,
Klio 27 (1934), 1 3 5 ff. On northern roads, D. R. Wilson, 'Historical Geography
of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus' (unpublished Oxford B.Litt. thesis,
i960), chapter IV.
2
VIII
OPPOSITION AMONG THE GREEKS
T was hardly a secret that Rome had a policy of encour
aging the aristocracies of eastern cities and supporting the
establishment of oligarchies. The wealthier provincials had
much to gain from the Roman domination; new avenues of
favour and advancement were open to them. But it was not
surprising that the lower strata of eastern society, which en
dured Roman rapacity and war without hope of palpable
compensation, were the core of discontent and sedition.
In the century before Augustus, the revolt of Aristonicus and
the Mithridatic Wars show most vividly the sources of op
position to Rome. The Citizens of the Sun, who rallied round
Aristonicus, comprised the dregs of Asia, the destitute and
enslaved. Rome had nothing to offer them, no land redistri
bution nor debt cancellation nor liberation of slaves. A few
decades later, however, Mithridates tried to win over dis
contented Greeks by making precisely those liberal promises
which Rome normally withheld.
In Athens there was a democratic revolution. At the end of
the second century a series of constitutional changes, favoured
by Rome, had led to the supremacy of a small oligarchic fac
tion. Unprecedented things were happening: one man held
the archonship for two years in succession, another for three.
Strabo 646; Diod. 34. 2. 26.

App. Mithr. 4 8 ; 62. Cf. Plut. SulL 18. 5. Note also the efforts of Ephesus to
recover the loyalty of the lower classes: SIG 742, on which cf. Oliver, AJP 60
(*939)> 468 ff. and Rostovtzeff, SEHHW, p. 943.
Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 42 7-40 is still authoritative, although the
view there reproduced from Klio 4 (1904), 1 - 1 7 that an oligarchic revolution
took place at Athens in 103/102 b.c. cannot stand. The rise of the narrow
oligarchy and Roman support of it are well documented in Accame, // Dominio
Romano in Grecia (1946), 1 6 5 - 9 .
Argeios was archon in 98/97 and 97/96 b.c. ; Medeios was archon in 91/90,
90/89, and 89/88. Cf. Dinsmoor, Archons of Athens ( 1 9 3 1 ) , p. 280.
2
102

1
The hoplite general acquired extraordinary powers. By the

early eighties the situation was growing intolerable. Struck by
the initial successes of Mithridates, the Athenian people saw
an opportunity to shake off the tyranny of the pro-Roman
oligarchs. Under the leadership of politically minded philoso
phers and with the support of an officer of Mithridates, the
demos of Athensthe most unruly part of it, says Pausanias
rose against Rome and declared for the Pontic king. Athens'
resistance was strong, but the forces of Sulla were stronger. The
siege and sack of 86 B.C. were bitter reminders of Roman
omnipotence.
The conflict between partisans and enemies of Rome could
thus, as at Athens, erupt in civil strife between the upper and
lower classes. But it would be naive to suppose that the Greek
opposition was located exclusively in the lower classes; the
matter is more complex.
Plutarch's general analysis of stasis provides guidance in this
inquiry. Although by no means all civil disturbances had antiRoman elements, patterns of social cleavage recur. Stasis, says
Plutarch, breaks out in one of three situations: when members
of the ruling class dispute with one another, when members
of the lower classes are envious of those who rank above them,
and when members of the upper classes abuse those who are
beneath them. These three possibilities resolve themselves
into two: a conflict between factions within the same class
(inevitably the upper), and a conflict between the classes
themselves. Those who are neither conspicuously aristocratic
nor impoverished will, on occasion, attach themselves to one
of the two extremes or perhaps remain inert in disputes which
do not concern them; sometimes the mass of citizens will unite
with one upper-class faction against another.
2
Ferguson, Klio 4 (1904), 7 - 8 .

Paus. 1. 20. 5 : (o Apiartiov) dvcVctac Sc ov irdvras, dXX* oaov hrjfios Kai
hr/fjiov TO Tapax<58cs. Other evidence for the revolt is conveniently assembled in
Greenidge-Clay-Gray , Sources for Roman History (i960), p. 170. It seems best to
distinguish two successive rebel leaders, Athenion and Aristion, even though the
former is mentioned only in Poseidonius, FGH ii. A. 87. F. 3 6 : see Ferguson,
Hellenistic Athens, pp. 4 4 0 - 5 1 , and Accame, Dominio Romano, pp. 1 6 8 - 7 1 . Ob
serve that Plutarch, in Praec. rei pub. ger. 1 4 (809 E ) , links together Aristion,
Nabis, and Catiline.
Plut. Praec. rei pub. ger. 20 (816 B ) .
2
103
Anyhow, Plutarch's observations show the necessity of con

sidering divergent interests not only within individual cities
but even within a single class of citizens: it is a mistake to re
gard provincial cities as units, with a single allegiance or
unanimity of interest. Outbreaks of stasis, in which internal
dissension becomes visible for a moment, deserve careful atten
tion, especially in the East where the cities were particularly
prone to such behaviour. It has already been noted that stasis
could arise from conflicting attitudes toward Roman domina
tion; there were naturally other causes too, personal feuds
and local economic crises. Plutarch and Dio of Prusa reveal
much about riots over issues of that kind. But in the late
Republic and early Principate, when the fixity and permanence
of Roman rule were not altogether assured, civil strife itself
born of incompatible views about Rome ought to be expected.
Certain Athenians in 88 B.C. still had hopes that Rome would
be crushed.
Under the Pax Augusta eastern cities had their share of
stasis, and anti-Roman agitation may have had some part in it.
At any rate, in Cyzicus some Roman citizens (perhaps local
magnates) were flogged and executed in factious riots; the
Emperor, present in the East at the time, deprived the city of its
precarious free status for a five-year period. In the following
year, when Augustus was in Syria, he found the free cities of
Tyre and Sidon confounded by stasis; details are wanting, but
the fact that he cancelled the freedom of those two cities sug
gests that more Roman citizens may have suffered, as at
Cyzicus; possibly undesirable factions were in the ascendant.
At an unknown date there was also trouble in Cyprus, and
1
The anti-Roman sentiments of the democratic rebels in 88 can be seen in

the speech of Athenion apud Poseid., FGH ii. A. 87. F. 36, pp. 2 4 5 - 6 ; the
anarchy, for which the Roman senate is said to have been responsible (p. 246,
11. 1 5 - 1 7 ) , must refer to the oligarchy of the 9o's; it cannot correspond with the
anarchy on the archon list (IG ii . 1 7 1 3 ) for 88/87, since Athenion's speech
belongs in early 88. It is worth noting that in Smyrna there was less confidence
that Rome would be defeated: rebel issues of gold staters lacked a magistrate's
name (Robinson, Num. Chron. 16 [1936], 1876.). Aristion did not shrink
from having his name on Athenian staters in gold: Greenidge-Clay-Gray ,
Sources, p. 285. [M. Thompson, The New Style Silver Coinage of Athens (1961),
i. 4 1 6 - 2 4 , re-dates the BAEIAE MI0PAAATHZ-APISTIQN
coins to c. 1 2 1
instead of 87/86wrongly according to D. M. Lewis, CR, N.S., 1 2 (1962),
290 ff.]
Dio 54. 7. 6.
ibid.
2
104
a certain Paquius Scaeva was dispatched to deal with it on the

authority of Augustus and by senatorial decree. More telling
was the widespread outbreak of civil commotion throughout
the cities of the empire in A.D. 6, when proconsuls were chosen
extra sortem to cope with the emergency. These troubles were
undoubtedly attempts on the part of Rome's enemies to ex
ploit her weakness at the time of the great Pannonian rebellion
and an economic crisis in the city. It is clear that the em
pire at large did not rally to the support of the Principate.
The elder Pliny preserves a report that Augustus contemplated
suicide.
In Thessaly a man called Petraeus was burned alive, a
sensational event which Plutarch recalled a hundred years
afterward. The father of this Petraeus was doubtless the loyal
Caesarian, L. Cassius Petraeus, who led a Thessalian faction in
support of the Dictator against the faction of Hegesaretus. In
the year after Caesar's assassination, the elder Petraeus was
beheaded. It is not too much to assume that the lurid death of
his son was similarly the result of factional rivalry. There was
undoubtedly trouble in Thessaly even before Petraeus' death:
Augustus presided over an obscure trial of Thessalians, and
himself appointed one of the eponymous generals of the Thes
salian League. It is difficult to see precisely what sort of dis
content provoked the murder of Petraeus and the trial, but it
looks as if his enemies were chafing at his leadership of the
league. These must have been disappointed aristocrats. The
removal of a leading Roman partisan was a serious offence; it
was perhaps the reason why the Thessalians were deprived of
the freedom which Julius Caesar had granted to them. It was
hard to encourage an aristocracy, when the aristocracy was
divided within itself.
1
ILS 9 1 5 .
Dio 55. 28. 2.
Pliny, NH 7. 149.
Plut. Praec. rei pub. ger. 19 (815 D ) .
Cf. the full discussion in Bowersock, Rheinisches Museum, loc. cit. See also
Appendix III below, p. 1 6 1 . On the name nerpatos in Thessaly, cf. L. Robert,
Hellenica 1 (1940), 121 ff.
Cic. Phil. 1 3 . 3 3 . E. W. Gray has suggested (privately) that Brutus may
have ordered the execution.
See Appendix III, pp. 1 6 0 - 1 .
Caesar's grant: App. BC 2. 8 8 ; Plut. Caes. 48. Not mentioned by the elder
Pliny.
4
105
Alexandria may have presented to Augustus a dilemma of

the same kind. At any rate, the so-called Acts of the Pagan
Martyrs presuppose a divided Alexandrian aristocracy under
later emperors. Against the violently anti-Roman Isidore and
Hermaiscus were balanced the friends of Rome, C. Julius
Dionysius, Ti. Claudius Balbillus, and Theon the exegete
(evidently murdered by the rival faction). Since the flovXrj
which the Alexandrian nobility so much desired was as absent
under Augustus as it was under his successors down to Septimius Severus, Alexandrian hostility to Rome must have existed
from the beginning of the Principate.
Augustan Sparta provided a clear instance of a dissentient
aristocracy, one which caused the Emperor no small embar
rassment. C. Julius Eurycles, dynast of Sparta and Augustus'
own nominee, abused the Emperor's friendship by using illgot moneys to stir up internal strife in the cities of the pro
vince Achaea. In the free city of Sparta his tyranny was
especially resented, and he was brought to trial before Augus
tus, who was compelled to send his friend into banishment.
An anecdote in Plutarch reveals that the opposition to Eurycles
came from the old Spartan nobility: one of his accusers was
a descendant of Brasidas, who invoked at the trial Thucydides'
account of his great ancestor. Eurycles' father had been
a pirate. An old and overlooked aristocracy was protesting
against the new.
Athens, with a long but broken tradition of democracy,
could be expected to preserve a lingering hostility to Roman
rule. Augustus had his friends in that city, and he had re
moved certain of the more obviously oligarchic features in the
constitution which the Athenians received from Antony; he
had even granted the Athenians the exceptional privilege of
1
Cf. H. A. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs (1954), p. 276. Theon the
exegete: ibid., p. 19, line 19 (Acta Isidori).
See p. 90 above, n. 2, citing, among other things, the new Oxyrhynchus
fragment concerning an Alexandrian embassy to Augustus precisely in A.D. 1 3 .
3 Jos. BJ 1. 5 3 1 . Cf. Bowersock, JRS 51 (1961), 1 1 2 ff.
Ibid. Also AJ 16. 3 1 0 ; [Plut.] Reg. et Imp. Apophtheg. 207 F .
Plut., ibid. The accuser refers to the seventh book of Thucydides: the
scholia to that author reveal that in the thirteen-book edition book seven began
at the present 4. 78 and ended at 4. 1 3 5 . D. M. Lewis kindly pointed this out
to me.
Plut. Ant. 67.
2
io6

1
issuing coins without the Emperor's head. But the people

cannot have forgotten or forgiven the repeated Roman tam
pering with their constitution; the revolution of 88 B.C. and
the sack of Sulla had not happened so long ago. In Athens, if
anywhere, the bitter class struggle of 88 over the matter of
fidelity to Rome might have been renewed under Augustus.
Certainly, Augustus did not always find the Athenians com
pliant. When he went to Greece in the winter of 22/21 B.C.,
a statue of Athena on the Acropolis turned round and spat
blood: if Rome's partisans could engineer miracles in 48 B.C.,
her enemies might have done the same on the occasion of
Augustus' visit. The Emperor was angry and did not wish the
fact to escape the Athenians' notice; he refused to spend the
winter in Athens and resided on Aegina instead. That island
and Eretria were released from paying tribute to Athens, and
the city was forbidden to sell its citizenship for money.
Plutarch says that Augustus' anger was due to misbehaviour
2
of the Athenian demos.
Once it is seen that relations between Augustus and Athens

were not always so cordial as some have supposed, it becomes
easier to credit reports of a revolt at Athens toward the end of
Augustus' life. This revolt deserves attention, although it has
not yet had much. The literary evidence is uniformly late and
Christian, perhaps all derived from Julius Africanus; but he is
not an author to be despised. It is true that the late Christian
writers would have been only too glad to preserve reports of
7
Accame, Dominio Romano, pp. 1 7 8 - 9 . For the coinage: Shear, Hesp. 5

(1936), 287-8.
In 86, 44/43, 39/38, and after Actium: Accame, ibid., pp. 1 7 1 - 9 . App.
Mithr. 39 is still a puzzle: it alludes to laws at Athens laid down by Rome in
the period before Sulla; Strabo 398 seems to get in the way, although Appian
may be referring to Roman support of the oligarchy of the go's (cf. above,
p. 103, n. 1 ) .
Dio 54. 7. 3 . On miracles, see above, p. 9.
[Plut.] Reg. et Imp. Apophtheg. 207 E . For the date: Bowersock, CQ,, N.S. 1 4
(1964) I20f. Note that Stamires, Hesp. 26 (1959), 260 ff., has redated IG ii .
1 0 7 1 , in which Augustus' birthday is associated with Apollo, to 21 B . C . (but
reckoning on the old dating of Augustus' travels).
Dio 54. 7. 2.
[Plut.], ibid.
Cf. P. Graindor, Atkines sous Auguste (Cairo, 1927), p. 42. On Africanus
Kroll in P-W 10. 1 1 6 ff., esp. 1 1 7 .
2
6
7
107
rebellion against Rome, but it would be wrong simply to as

sume that they fabricated them.
Jerome's Eusebius asserts that the Athenians were guilty of
res novae and that the leaders of the sedition were put to death;
a date of A.D. 9/11 is provided. The Armenian version, giving
a date of A.D. 13/14, also mentions revolt and punishment.
Jerome is less reliable than the Armenian text; Syncellus, writ
ing in Greek, gives a precise date of A.D. 13 and uses the verb
GTaaid&w
to describe what happened. Orosius says that the
doors of Janus, closed in 2 B.C., were opened again twelve years
later because of sedition at Athens and commotion among the
Dacians. The reference to the doors of Janus provides a date
of A.D. 1 1 , which perhaps derives from Jerome inasmuch as the
other testimony converges on the year 1 3 ; it is reasonable to
assume that the doors were opened because of the Dacian distur
bance and that the troubles at Athens were subsequent and not
simultaneous. Therefore, the revolt can be dated about A.D.
1 3 , possibly just before or just after that year, certainly before
Augustus died. The leaders were executed; the affair is de
scribed variously as res novae, stasis, and seditio. These descrip
tions are perfectly compatible: when an anti-Roman faction
gains the upper hand, stasis becomes revolt.
Repercussions can be conjectured. A mysterious legate in
Athens about this time may have been sent there specially by
the Emperor to deal with the crisis. Certain coins, apparently
deriving from dies on which the name of Augustus was erased
1
Euseb. (Helm), p. 170, 396 1. 1 6 ; Karst, p. 2 1 2 .

Oros. 6. 2 2 . 2, repeated by Paul the Deacon in Misc. Hist. 7. 2 5 .
According to Ehrenberg's interpretation ofE-J
Si a: Studies pres. to D. M.
Robinson (1953), ii. 942. See Bowersock, HSCP 68 (1964), 209. In a paper read
to the Oxford branch of the Classical Association on 25 May 1961, I invoked
R. Scranton, Hesp. 12 (1933), 362-6, in connexion with the Augustan revolt at
Athens: Scranton reported archaeological evidence for destruction and siege at
several points in the city, and he deduced partly from lamps in building fill
a date in the earlyfirstcentury A.D. But Mr. E. Vanderpool, of the American
School of Classical Studies in Athens, has written to me that lamps of the type
found by Scranton are now believed to be characteristic of the second century
A.D., though they may begin as early as A . D . 5 0 : cf. H. S. Robinson, The
Athenian Agora (1959), 5. p. 49, nos. H 2 1 and H 2 2 . Vanderpool also suggests
that the 'destruction* noted by Scranton may be due merely to neglect: rotten
wood and metal sockets may have survived when the allegedly burnt gateway
was finally removed.
2
io8

1
or partially erased, imply a time of revolt. And the incorpora

tion of Achaea and Macedonia into the imperial province of
Moesia may have been provoked in part by the Athenian out
break. In connexion with this move, Tacitus observed that
people in Achaea and Macedonia had been complaining of
burdens; doubtless some of the complaints were made at
Athens.
The kind of Greek opposition which confronted Augustus
did not cease at his death, and it is salutary to compare the
troubles which broke out under his immediate successors. Cyzi
cus was again inflamed and again deprived of an almost
meaningless freedom: certain Romans had been thrown into
prison. Meanwhile, in Sparta, the son of Eurycles, C. Julius
Laco, was expelled from the tyranny he held there after the
rehabilitation of his father's memory; it is tempting to think
that the old aristocracy resisted once more, for peace came at
last when the Emperor Claudius presented the Roman citizen
ship to the family of Brasidas. In Lycia there were riots in
which Romans were murdered, and the same thing hap
pened on Rhodes; the result was annexation to Rome in both
cases.
Together with agitation in the provinces must be set the
Greek literary opposition. In the time of Mithridates Eupator
there were Greeks doing for that king what many were doing
for Romewriting panegyrics for Greek audiences in their
own language. Two Greeks living at the Pontic court, Metro
dorus from Scepsis and Aesopus, wrote encomia of Mithridates;
Heracleides of Magnesia and Teucrus .of Cyzicus recorded
his exploits, presumably with a favourable bias.
Although of the Greek men of letters who stood against the
2
The suggestion was made by Mrs. Shear in Hesp. 5 (1936), 294.

Tac. Ann. 1. 76. Tacitus does not here or anywhere else (e.g. in his account
of Piso's tirade against Athens in 18 A.D.) mention a revolt in Athens, but his
silence is inconclusive.
Tac. Ann. 4. 3 6 ; Suet. Tib. 3 7 ; Dio 57. 24. 6. The year was A.D. 2 5 .
Tac. Ann. 6. 18. Cf. JRS 51 (1961), 1 1 7 .
JRS 21 ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 205 on Ti. Claudius Brasidas.
Dio 60. 1 7 . 3 (A.D. 43) on Lycia. Cf. Suet. Claud. 2 5 ; also R. Syme, Klio
30 (1937), 228. On Rhodes: Dio 60. 24. 4 (A.D. 44).
Metrodorus: FGH ii. B. 184 (note especially Strabo 609). Aesopus: FGH
ii. B. 187a. Heracleides: FGH ii. B. 187. Teucrus: FGH iii. A. 274.
2
109
Augustan principate only one can be named, a passage in

Livy suggests that neither he nor his nameless sympathizers
should be forgotten. In the ninth book of his history Livy
took the trouble to compose a long excursus on Alexander the
Great. He had often asked himself how Rome would have
fared against that great conqueror, had he turned his energies
to the West. This was not a purely academic question which
Livy imported from the schools of rhetoric: he was trying to
combat the subversive views of certain Greeks who were main
taining that Rome would have yielded to Alexander. These
Greeks were disposed to denigrate Rome in favour of the
Parthians. They had to be answered, and Livy emphasized
that Alexander would have been decisively repulsed. Alexan
der was a mere youth when he died, and he had flaws of
character that would have grown worse; he was no match for
the solid and ancient might of Rome.
One of the Greeks whom Livy had in mind was Timagenes
of Alexandria, felicitati urbis inimicusA This man had been cap
tured by Aulus Gabinius in 55 B.C. and brought to Rome,
where he was freed. Being a cultivated Greek, he established
himself at Rome as a professor of rhetoric and became a mem
ber of that artistic circle of Greeks friendly to Antony; Tima
genes introduced his patron to the highly influential Alexas
of Laodicea. But in time Timagenes, like so many others,
1
Livy 9. 1 6 . 1 9 - 1 9 . 1 7 . This excursus is the starting-point for a book by

P. Treves: II Mito di Alessandro e la Roma d'Augusto (1953).
Livy 9. 1 8 . 6: Id vero periculum erat, quod levissimi ex Graecis qui
Parthorum quoque contra nomen Romanum gloriae favent dictitare solent, ne
maiestatem nominis Alexandri, quern ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror
fuisse, sustinere non potuerit populus Romanus. Some scholars (e.g. H. Fuchs,
Der geistige Widerstand [1938], p. 40) haye asserted that levissimi ex Graecis refers
only to one man, such as Timagenes. But there is no reason why this should
not be a genuine plural, alluding to writers like Metrodorus (against these
Dionysius of Halicarnassus inveighs, AR 1 . 4 ) as well as to Timagenes. Cf.
Tacitus' outburst against the still unidentified Graecorum annates, qui sua tantum mirantur (Tac. Ann. 2. 8 8 ) : 'If Tacitus is hinting at the Parallel Lives of
Plutarch, his censure is not well-aimed' (R. Syme, Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. 72
2
[1963], 14)3 Livy 9. 1 8 . 1 ff.

Sen., Ep. 9 1 . 1 3 .
Suid. s.v: Tifiayevrjs.
Ibid.; Seneca's account of Timagenes' early career, ex captivo cocus, ex coco
lecticarius (Controv. 10. 5. 22), can be rejected as slander. On Antony and
Alexas: Plut. Ant. 7 2 .
4
no

1
transferred his allegiance to the future Augustus. Then there

was a quarrel: Augustus broke with Timagenes and banned
him from his house. If the Emperor had hoped that he would
recount his exploits for the edification of the Greek-speaking
world, his hopes were crushed. It was true that Timagenes had
written a history of Augustus' acta, but after the breach he con
signed this work to the flames. His acid tongue was turned
against the Principate; he used to say that fires at Rome grieved
him for one reason only: he knew that any new buildings
would be superior to those that had been destroyed. Tima
genes lived out the remainder of his life in the house of
another historian, the sober Asinius Pollio, who will have
understood his guest's point of view. One day Timagenes
choked and died, but the Greeks did not forget him. An his
torian of Lindos on Rhodes wrote his biography.
Apart from scant quotations from Timagenes, no Augustan
text from the Greek opposition has survived. But it is fair to
suspect that apocalyptic prophecies of Rome's fall, couched in
Greek hexameters, were circulating in the East no less at the
beginning of the Principate than they were in the late Re
public and again in the reign of Tiberius. Such literature
would have found a warm reception among the discontented
segments of the Greek population of the Empire. There was
much dissatisfaction with imperial control, and redress was
difficult, requiring persistent litigation or open rebellion. It is
salutary to observe an inscription from Augustan Mantinea
2
Sen. Controv. 10. 5. 2 2 : usque in amicitiam Caesaris enixus. No reason to

doubt this, and it fits with the rest of Timagenes' activity: he wrote an account
of the deeds of Augustus.
Ibid, also Sen., de Ira 3 . 23. 4 - 5 .
Ibid. 3. 23. 6.
Sen. Ep. 9 1 . 1 3 .
Id. de Ira 3 . 2 3 . 5 ; Suid. s.v. TTcoAiW (if, as seems likely, the consul of 40
B.c. is there confused with Asinius Pollio of Tralles).
Suid. s.v. Evayopas Alvhios.
The attempt of D. Marin to connect Dionysius of Halicarnassus with the
Augustan opposition by making him the author of the treatise De Sublimitate
does not convince: 'L'Opposizione sotto Augusto e la Datazione del Saggio sul
Sublime', Studiin Onore di Calderini e Paribeni (1956), i. 157 ff. Nor can the views
of H. Hill in 'Dionysius of Halicarnassus and the Origins of Rome' (JRS 51
[ 1 9 6 1 ] , 88 ff.) be accepted: anti-Augustan traces are alleged in the Roman
Antiquities. Cf. below, p. 1 3 1 .
On the dating of the Sibylline Oracles, see H. Fuchs, Der geistige Widerstand (1938), pp. 30-36. An oracle under Tiberius is recorded in Dio 57. 18. 5.
2
6
7
in
which describes an envoy to the Roman senate JJLTJ KOfil^wv

Karrjyopiav av[dv]7rdT(ov aX\* eTrawov, clearly a welcome change.
Though many men looked to Rome for prestige, power, and
advancement, history occasionally reveals those who protested,
for one reason or another and often in vain, against the Roman
domination.
1
SIG 783, 11. 29-30. On trouble in Augustan Arcadia, cf. A. J . Gossage,

P&SA 49 (1954), 5 1 ff.: SIG 800, formerly dated to A.D. 42, is there assigned
convincingly to A.D. 1/2.
3
IX
THE IMPERIAL CULT
HE East had grown accustomed to the worship of men and
women. Hellenistic monarchs and rich benefactors had
been accorded cults as tokens of gratitude and of political
adhesion. There were many forms and titles of honour, and
not all of them carried imputations of divinity: a saviour or
a founder was a greater man than a simple benefactor, but
he might still lack a cult. The highest honour was worship,
disclosing little about the religious life of the Hellenic peoples
but much about their ways of diplomacy. A benefactor could
be encouraged, by appropriate indications of esteem, to pro
vide further benefactions; similarly a prospective benefactor
might be secured. It was hardly an accident that benefactors
and proxenoi often coincided in the Greek world, nor should it
occasion surprise when Roman benefactors emerge as patrons
there. Mutual interest buttressed the system of honours, and
therefore underlay the worship of benefactors, magistrates, and
kings.
Eastern cults were multiform. Some were purely local, the
creations of individual cities; others were imposed by a ruling
monarch or resulted from a co-operative effort on the part of
cities in a province. Cults of local benefactors flourished along
side those of ruling dynasties; both the living and the dead
were worshipped. A man who had received a cult in his own
lifetime might be honoured for generations to come, provided
that there was no offence to later kings or patrons. Titus
Flamininus was worshipped three centuries after his death, but
On all this, see Chapter I above, pp. 1 2 - 1 3 .

Cf. Wilcken, Sitzungsberichte d. preuss. Akad. (Ph.-Hist. KX), 1938, 298 ff.;
Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Stddte (1956); Bikerman, Institutions des
Sileucides (1938), 236 ff. On the cult imposed by Antiochus III, note Welles,
Royal Correspondence of the Hellenistic Period (1934), no. 36. For cults established
co-operatively by provincial cities in the Republic, cf. above, p. 98, n. 3 .
2
THE IMPERIAL CULT
113
1
the cult of Sulla at Athens lasted only a few years. The wor
ship of a god might be combined conveniently with honours to
a man: disrespect did not accrue to either. It had always been
possible to celebrate more than one benefactor at once by
merely including him on the list of those being remembered;
there was nothing to prevent the joint worship of a benefactor
and a god, oras it turned outa benefactor and a city. For
it was as easy and as politically desirable to establish cults of
an influential city as of an influential person. So, at Smyrna in
195 B.C. there arose a temple to the Goddess Roma.
In the early stages, the worship of men may have been
a spontaneous expression of gratitude; such, perhaps, was the
cult of Demetrius the Besieger at Athens. But the motive of
political adhesion, doubtless present from the start, became
increasingly conspicuous. Apart from worship established by
ruling dynasties, the initiative will have come from the politi
cally alert segments of municipal or provincial society and
inevitably from those who could afford to pay the expenses of
games and priesthoods. Under the Roman protectorate these
segments of society coalesced. As the democratic constitutions
of the Greek cities were gradually modified in an oligarchic
direction, cults of Romans proliferated. The story of Roman
influence in the East forms a coherent unity; Rome's partisans
acquired greater and more permanent power and were thereby
enabled to manipulate the Greek system of honours in the
interest of confirmed or prospective patrons. After Sulla's sack
of Athens in 86 B.C., the philo-Roman aristocracy against
which the mob had rebelled was reinstated; not surprisingly
2
Plut. Flam. 1 6 (Flamininus). IG ii . 1039; SEG 1 3 . 279 (Sulla), on which

cf. Raubitschek, Studies in Honour of A. C. Johnson (1951), 29 ff.
Note ol aA[Ao]t Upets TCJV cvepyerwv in the provisions for a priest of Diodorus Pasparus at Pergamum (IGR 4. 292, 11. 3 8 - 3 9 ) ; also the games at Lete
in Macedonia in honour of M. Annius, to be held orav Kal rots dXXots evepyerais
ol dyajves iirneXwvTai (SIG 700). Evcpyeota are mentioned in IGR 4. 2 9 1 . The
cult of Mucius Scaevola was conjoined with ZcorfpLa: OGIS 4 3 9 ; IGR 4. 188.
The worship of Servilius Isauricus was linked with that of Roma, and the wor
ship of Paullus Fabius Maximus with that of Apollo: see Appendix I.
Tac. Ann. 4. 56. Other cults of Roma are listed in Magie, RRAM ii. 1 6 1 3 .
Cf. the remarkable hymn to Demetrius in Athenaeus 6. 2 5 3 .
On the constitutional alterations, see above, pp. 87-88. An amplified list
of cults of Roman magistrates is provided in Appendix I.
2
4
5
814250
THE
H4
IMPERIAL CULT
1
a cult of Sulla suddenly appeared there. Later, when

honours, both divine and secular, were accorded to Julius
Caesar throughout the East in 48 B . C , the efforts of Theo
pompus, a friend from Cnidus, could be traced. Honours,
though common, were not voted without the initiative of
someone or some group of citizens; at least one eminent
Roman, the orator Cicero, was disappointed in a wish for
Greek adulation. And it is instructive to recall that while the
younger Flaccus was accused by hostile representatives of the
lower classes of Asia, the cities of that province had earlier
contributed funds for a cult in honour of his father. The
friends of the elder Flaccus were presumably the people whom
Cicero invoked at the trial, namely the cultivated eastern
nobles who supported Rome with their influence and their
money. For cults were costly affairs: it was precisely the
Roman partisans who could both obtain the honours and
underwrite their expenses.
It is worth noticing M . Tullius Cratippus of Pergamum,
whose father must have been the philosopher friend of Cicero
and counsellor of the orator's son. The elder Cratippus ac
quired the Roman citizenship at the hands of Julius Caesar,
though he took the name and tribe of Cicero himself. Cratip
pus was an intimate of other great Romans, notably Pompey,
the exile Marcellus, and Brutus. An inscription revealed that
his son, bearing the nomen of Cicero, was a high priest of
Roma and Salus at Pergamum sometime before 29 B . C .
2
See p. 1 1 3 , n. I above.
Raubitschek, JRS 44 (1954), 65 ff. Cf. p. 9 above.
Plut. Cic. 24. 7. Cf. p. 12 above.
Cic. pro Flacc. 5 5 (pecunia . . . a civitatibus); cf. 56 (pecunia a tota Asia ad
honores L. Flacci). Cf. Hermes 32 (1897), 5 1 2 ff. and above, p. 98, n. 3 . Observe
that Cicero says the best men of Asia were not at the trial: Sed sunt in illo
numero multi boni, docti, pudentes, qui ad hoc iudicium deducti non sunt,
multi impudentes, illiterati, leves, quos variis de causis video concitatos (pro
Flacc. 9).
Ibid. 5 2 : Ubi erant illi Pythodori, Archidemi, Epigoni, ceteri homines
apud nos noti, inter suos nobiles, ubi ilia magnifica et gloriosa ostentatio
civitatis ? Spoken with reference to Tralles.
Cic.Brutus250;deOff. 1. 1;adFam. 1 2 . 1 6 , 1 6 . 2, 2 1 . 3. See O'Brien-Moore,
Tale Classical Studies 8 (1942), 25 ff.
7 Plut. Cic. 24. Cf. CIL 3 . 399.
Plut. Pomp. 75 (Pompey); Cic. Brut. 250 (Marcellus); Plut. Brut. 24
(Brutus).
* CIL 3 . 399.
2
THE
IMPERIAL CULT
115
Wealth in the family may be inferred from the sacred office

he held, the financial burdens of which were never slight; and
his Roman connexions also point to affluence.
The late republican cults were thus integrally tied to the
diplomatic relations between Rome and the East. They were
another manifestation of the system of reciprocal personal
support by which Roman rule and the eastern aristocracies
simultaneously acquired stability. Augustus was the heir to
this polymorphous system, and he took care to preserve it.
There was no need for him to institute a new policy for the East.
Actium was a sufficient signal to the friends of Rome to ac
claim Octavian as their new benefactor, saviour, and patron.
They worshipped him not because they were spiritually in
sensitive but rather because they wanted to establish those
diplomatic ties which had worked so well in the Republic.
The first Princeps cannot have failed to perceive all this; where
cult was concerned, what happened was undoubtedly what he
wished, but there was nothing he had to do to make it happen,
except to defeat Antony.
The Emperor was not obliged to set up new provincial
organizations for the management of his cult. The founda
tion of koina was the work of the Greek peoples: there were
several koina already in existence before Augustus, and more
appeared naturally in the course of time. They were estab
lished for various reasons of convenience and economy. Those
in old Greece were purely secular and remained so under
Augustus. This did not mean that the corporate energy of
a province's cities could not sometimes be applied to provincial
1
See the lists in L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 270 ff.
Cf. also K. Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte (i960), 3 1 2 ff., rightly finding the
origins of the eastern imperial cult in republican worship of Roman magistrates
and Dea Roma.
Kornemann, P-W, Suppl. 4 . 9 3 0 - 5 ; cf. above, pp. 91-99. Before Augustus
there were koina at least in Greece, Asia, Lycia, and Cyprus. On this subject,
cf. also Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (1939), pp. 2 3 6 - 4 1 . It is instruc
tive to recall the old dogma of Hardy (Studies in Roman History [1910], p. 2 4 8 ) :
'The system of provincial assemblies was introduced by Augustus and was
applied by him both in the eastern and western parts of the empire.' This is not
even true of the West, where the Three Gauls would appear to be the only
case in point; the concilia in Narbonensis, Baetica, and Africa are now all
known to be Vespasianic.
See above, p. 9 1 , n. 3 .
2
THE
u6
IMPERIAL CULT
cults; that had occurred under the Republic. The worship of

the upright Q,. Mucius Scaevola and of the elder Flaccus in
Asia was evidently a provincial rather than a local matter,
presumably the concern of the koinon which is explicitly at
tested for Asia under Antony. By the time of Claudius even
the koina in Greece celebrated the Emperor's divinity. But the
koina were not established for reasons of cult, nor can Augustus
be held responsible for establishing them. The Greeks dis
covered for themselves that those organizations could be con
veniently adapted to cult observances. In 29 B.C., when the
natives of Asia and Bithynia, whom Octavian liked to call
Hellenes, asked permission to dedicate sacred precincts to
him at Nicomedia and Pergamum, he had only to consent.
He must have consented gladly, although Greek zeal had to
be tempered, since formal recognition of excessive eastern
adulation could be suspect among Romans. The Emperor
stipulated that his cult must be shared with that of the God
dess Roma ; a joint cult seemed more modest and provided
no difficulty to the Hellenes. Roma was an old goddess in the
East by then and had shared her worship before. About
municipal cults, however, the Emperor was not so particular,
and cults of himself alone flourished unsuppressed in certain
eastern cities.
Resident Romans in the civilized portions of Asia Minor
could not be expected to collaborate with the Hellenes in
a cult of the Princeps and his city, and in the beginning they
did not. This emerges plausibly from an order to the resident
Romans of Ephesus and Nicaea to honour Roma and the
divine Julius in special precincts granted for this purpose.
1
Cf. below, p. 150. The koinon under Antony is mentioned in E-J 300.
Corinth viii. 2. no. 6 8 ; IG ii . 3538.
Dio 5 1 . 20. 7. Dio's verb is lirirpsty*; cf. irpoaira^ in respect to the arrange
ments for Romans in the same passage.
Suet. Aug. 5 2 . Cf. Tac. Ann. 4. 3 7 : Cum divus Augustus sibi atque urbi
Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non prohibuisset. . . . On the Augustan
formula for polite refusal, see Charlesworth, PBSR 1 5 (1939), 1 ff.
See the list in Magie, RRAM ii. 1 6 1 3 . She had shared her worship with
Servilius Isauricus (Appendix I bejow). Cf. Cic. ad Quint. Frat. 1. 1. 26.
Magie, RRAM ii. 1294, n. 52, and the list on 1614.
Dio 5 1 . 20. 6. These Romans were principally businessmen (certainly
not natives in possession of the citizenship): note Dio's words, rots 'Potatoes
rots Trap* avrots CTTOIKOVOI. Ephesus and Nicaea were the headquarters of the
2
THE IMPERIAL CULT
117
But by 3 B.C. when Paphlagonia was incorporated in the

Roman provincia, the resident Romans in that outpost of em
pire were required to swear an oath at the altar of Augustus.
The Emperor had no illusions about romanizing the East; and
if Romans could worship his father, those who lived among
Greeks might as well join their neighbours in worshipping him.
Like the cults of the late Republic, the imperial cult re
flected the influence of the philo-Roman aristocracies of the
East. The wealthy friends of Rome once again exhibited their
allegiance; their funds paid for the elaborate games in honour
of the Emperor, and their names adorned the lists of high
priests. Their service in the cult conferred added prestige; the
koina provided opportunities for them to become provincial,
as well as merely local, magnates. Such evidence as there is
available would suggest that the high priests of the Asian
koinon should be identified with the prominent men called
Asiarchs. The identification is valuable because Strabo ob
served of the Asiarchs at Tralles that they were the leading
men of the province and very rich. St. Paul met some in
Ephesus. Naturally enough, the kind of men on whom Rome
relied in eastern diplomacy happened also to be the men who
presided over the imperial cult. Rome's eastern partisans were
easily recognizablewealthy, cultivated, often endowed with
Roman citizenship; many were rhetors. The high priests were
precisely men of this description.
The surviving names of high priests from the time of Augus
tus are telling: M . Antonius Lepidus, C. Julius Lepidus, C.
Julius Xenon, C. Julius M[
] . The Roman citizenship was
1
publicans; cf. Hatzfeld, Trafiquants italiens (1919), pp. 1 0 1 - 3 and 160 (Ephesus),
134 and 1 7 2 (Nicaea).
ILS 8781 = E-J 3 1 5 (Gangra). Again Roman businessmen: 01 irpayiiaTVOfJLVOl 7Tdp* CLVTOIS 'Ptofiaiol.
Larsen, Representative Government in Greek and Roman History (1955), pp. 1 1 8 19 and 222, n. 3 3 , arguing cogently against Magie, RRAM ii. 1 2 9 8 - 1 3 0 1 . Dig.
27. 1 . 6. 14 is nearly decisive: cdvovs itpapxla, oiov Aaiapxla, BiOvvapxia-) KanirahoKapxia, irapex^ dXeirovpynoLav dno imrpoTrcjv, T O U T ' eanv <os dv dpxj)*
Most recently on Asiarchs, Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the
New Testament (1963), pp. 89-90.
Strabo 649.
Acts xix. 3 1 .
Sardis vii. 8. no. 10 (Antonius Lepidus); E-J 3 5 3 (Julius Lepidus); Keilvon Premerstein, Denkschr. Wien 54, ii ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 41 f. (Xenon); E-J 98a (Julius
M[-~]).
1
THE
u8
IMPERIAL CULT
received from Caesar, Antony, or Augustus. And if one surveys

the list of priests who served under later emperors, much more
can be seen: repeated instances of rhetors and persons of
affluence. There is the sophist Scopelian, for example, and
representatives of three generations of the great houses of Ti.
Claudius Polemo and Antonius Apollodorus. It is men like
these whose families ultimately produce knights and senators.
The cult, with its roots deep in the Republic, was another
means by which the favourites of Rome could rise to prestige
and power, and eventually penetrate the senate of the capital
city.
While allowing a natural and desirable evolution in the
growth of the cult in the East, the Emperor had nevertheless
to be vigilant because of a peculiar fact: the emergence of the
imperial cult had meant the reappearance of a dynastic cult.
Worship of a dynasty was in no way foreign to the Hellenistic
East and had coexisted with municipal and provincial wor
ship of individual benefactors. But the cult of Augustus, which
had its origins in non-dynastic cults of Roman magistrates and
worship of the Goddess Roma, was now being transformed
into worship of the house of Augustus, in short into a cult of
a dynasty. Inevitably, highly placed members of Augustus'
family travelling in the East received the usual honours,
some divine; even the young Tiberius had acquired a cult
before his retirement to Rhodes. That was to be expected
1
The evidence is admirably assembled by A. Stein, *Zur sozialen Stellung

der provinzialen Oberpriester', in Epitymbion H. Swoboda dargebracht (1927),
PP- 303-4.
Ibid., pp. 3 0 5 - 1 1 . Cf. Q,. Licinius Silvanus Granianus of Tarraco (ILS'
2 7 1 4 ) , priest of Rome and Augustus and procurator Augusti in Hither Spain.
His son was consul in A.D. 106.
See the list of honours to, e.g., Agrippa, Julia, Gaius, and Lucius in Taylor,
The Divinity of the Roman Emperor (1931), 270 ff. Note the societies in honour of
Agrippa in Sparta, the Agrippiastae (IG v. 1. 374), and in a city of Asia
(? Smyrna), ot ^tAayptWat au/xjSiairai (SEG 18. 5 1 8 ) . In Hist. 7 (1958), 474-6,
Oliver has suggested plausibly that Agrippa encouraged the Argive gerousia
(E-J
308) and probably also the one at Ephesus to make them useful for the
imperial cult and strengthening of loyalty.
One would like to know more about Livia's dedication of a golden epsilon at
Delphi: Plut., De E Delphico 385 F.
SIG 7 8 1 , 11. 7 - 8 : a priest at Nysa in 1 B.C. The cult must have been
established when Tiberius was more in favour, unless the people of Nysa were
singularly ill informed about court affairs. Such a faux pas is not impossible:
2
THE
IMPERIAL CULT
119
inasmuch as these people were avenues to the great patron

himself, the Princeps. But a dynastic cult developing from
a tradition of magistrate worship was in serious danger of
being obscured by new cults of magistrates from outside the
imperial house. And here Augustus had to intercede, lest the
worship of the dynasty be stifled at the start.
In A.D. 1 1 Augustus forbade honours to governors in the
provinces both during their term of office and for a sixty-day
period afterward; corruption was alleged as a result of nego
tiating testimonials and eulogies. That was a good reason for
Augustus' measure, but it cannot have been the only one.
Competition with the imperial house in the receipt of honours
had to be controlled. The East was in the habit of voting cults
to governors and went on doing so for a time even under
Augustus. Cults are attested for M . Vinicius (consul 19 B.C.),
Paullus Fabius Maximus (consul 1 1 B.C.), and C. Marcius
Censorinus (consul 8 B.C.), but after Censorinus no cult of
a Roman governor in his own province is attested. And curbs
were imposed also on the more extravagant secular honours
which the Hellenic world had been inclined to bestow upon
eminent Romans. The words 'saviour' and 'founder' dis
appear under Augustus from honorific inscriptions of magis
trates sent out from Rome, and they rarely reappear. The
title 'benefactor' was allowed; it was sufficiently modest and
often literally accurate, but with very few exceptions the only
Romans for whom the other epithets were deemed suitable
were the Emperor and his family.
The suppression of extravagant honours did not, however,
apply to easterners themselves, and this strongly suggests that
the suppression was calculated policy where Romans were
1
cf. AE 1959, 24, an inscription from Amisus in honour of Nero, Poppaea, and
Britannicus! Poppaea is called Augusta, a title which she received in A.D. 63
(Tac. Ann. 1 5 . 2 3 ) .
Dio 56. 2 5 . 6.
Cf. Tac. Ann. 3 . 5 5 : Nam etiam turn plebem socios regna colere et coli
licitum.
See Appendix I. The author of the new P-W article on the consul of 19
(2te Reihe, ix. A. 116) assigns the Vinicius cult to the consul of A.D. 30. This is
most unlikely: Robert's attribution should stand (Rev. Arch. [ 1 9 3 5 ] , ii. 1 5 6 - 8 ) .
The last instances appear to be Sex. Appuleius (ILS 8783), Q,. Lepidus (AE
*95> 250), and C. Censorinus (SEG 2. 549).
1
THE
120
IMPERIAL CULT
concerned. At Gytheum the Spartan, C. Julius Eurycles, re

ceived a cult in the latter part of the Augustan Principate, and
at Thyatira the high priest, C. Julius Xenon, had a cult of his
own. By contrast, the city of Cyme under Augustus voted
certain honours, including the titles evepyerrjs and KTLGTTJS, to
a private Roman benefactor, L . Vaccius Labeo, who rejected
KTL<JT7)S
as excessive while allowing himself to be called evep1
Particularly interesting are the honours accorded to Greeks

in the Roman civil service; these were the local citizens of
whom a city was most proud. Early in the Principate, but
after Augustus, a cult was established in honour of a prefect
of Egypt who had risen to his high office from a priesthood and
procuratorship of Asia: the man was Cn. Vergilius Capito,
a resident of Miletus. Yet even the worship of an eastern
Roman threatened the imperial cult, for his is the last at
tested cult of a Roman official of any kind other than an
Emperor.
But in dedications to important easterners the more honorific
epithets were allowed to persist. Aspurgus, King of the Bos
porus under Augustus and Tiberius, was a saviour and bene
factor. Somewhat later those great eastern senators Celsus
Poiemaeanus and Julius Quadratus were hailed as saviours in
their native provinces ; if these men did not receive a cult,
they still had more than virtually any genuine Roman outside
the dynasty.
3
AE 1929, 99, 11. 19-20 (Eurycles). For Xenon, see p. 1 1 7 , n. 5 above.

IGR 4. 1302. Cf. Germanicus' rejection of eirfydovot, Kal laoOeoi eV^cuvijaet?
in E-J 320 (b). For the probable derivation of these limited refusals from re
plies of Augustus himself, cf. Charlesworth, op. cit., pp. 3 - 6 .
Didyma ii. 192, no. 278. Cf. L. Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949), 206-9.
* IGR 1. 879.
Sardis vii. 1, no. 45 (Celsus). IGR 3 . 520 and 4. 383 (Quadratus). These
and later examples of Roman imperial magistrates as awrrjpcs are collected in
Nock, The Joy of Study: Papers pres. to Grant (New York, 1 9 5 1 ) , pp. 1 4 2 - 3 . Nock
missed L. Calpurnius Proculus (IGR 3 . 180; Ancyra), probably from Pisidian
Antioch (JRS 2 [ 1 9 1 2 ] , 99): note that a descendant of L. Servenius Cornutus
(from Acmonia in Phrygia, ILS 8817) is married to a second-century senator
called P. Calpurnius Proculus (PIR , C 305).
Exceptions to the rule of restricted honours are very rare: two from Lycia
for governors there: Baebius Italicus, KTiarrjs under Domitian (ILS8818), and
Mettius Modestus, aajryp under Trajan (IGR 3. 5 2 3 ) , neither of whom can have
been easterners. Two other examples occur much later in the second century:
2
THE
IMPERIAL CULT
121
Provision was thus made to prevent the imperial cult from

being choked by a plethora of separate honours. This very
caution emphasized the fact that the cult was fundamentally
an extension of a diplomatic system which had developed
under the Republic. The dynastic element was new in relations
between Rome and the East, but, of course, by no means
foreign to the Greeks. The imperial cult belongs to that
natural evolution which Augustus encouraged in GraecoRoman affairs. Initiative from Rome was not required, only
modification and adjustment.
MAMA 6. 103 (wrongly dated there) from Heracleia Pontica and ILS 8830
from Ephesus. Marriages into eastern families may underlie these apparent
anomalies. T. Licinius Mucianus, owryp in Galatia c. A.D. 1 7 7 (SEG 6. 1 4 ;
cf. Magie, RRAM ii. 1597), came undoubtedly from Lycia and derived his
name from Vespasian's agent, who was once governor of the province LyciaPamphylia (IM 8816 with ^ 1 9 1 5 , 48).
X
GREEK L I T E R A T U R E UNDER
AUGUSTUS
H E N the struggle between Octavian and Antony was
decided at Actium, no one knew that a monarchy
would come into being and put down roots lasting: for
more than a thousand years. The fall of Alexandria and an end
of strife, at least for the moment, closed that gap between East
and West which had been opened by the triumviral partition
of the empire. Octavian made it easy for the partisans of
Antony to transfer their allegiance without undue embarrass
ment or discomfort, and the republican system of personal
ties among Greeks and Romans reasserted itself. In previous
decades literate men of the East had used their talents as poli
ticians both in their own cities and as envoys to the great men
of Rome; further, they recorded in Greek the exploits of their
Roman patrons, devoting themselves to full-scale histories of
the Roman protectorate or chronicling the deeds of particular
men. Polybius had set the example, and Poseidonius followed
it with a continuation of Polybius in fifty-two books. Mono
graphs on great Romans were popular: Pompey was especially
fortunate in having both Poseidonius and the Mytilenaean
Theophanes to write his career. Poseidonius refused to do as
much for Cicero. Some authors required a large perspective:
the Sicilian Diodorus, with moderate intelligence and im
mense industry, related the whole history of the inhabited
world down to his own day. Certain of these cultivated Greeks
1
FGHiu B. 188 (Theophanes); Strabo 492 (Poseidonius). Cic. adAtt. 2. 1. 2

(Poseidonius' refusal).
T h e terminal date of Diodorus' history belongs after Caesar's British
expeditions, which were certainly included: see 3 . 38. 2 - 3 and 5 . 2 1 . 2 and
22. 2 . But the expeditions do not themselves provide the terminus, as Schwarz
thought (P-W 5. 665). Diod. 1 . 5 . 1 announces a terminal date of 46/45 B.C.,
and there is no reason to reject this; Diodorus might well have wished to avoid
the awkward and fateful year 44. The latest allusion in the surviving parts of
2
GREEK LITERATURE UNDER AUGUSTUS
123
were active politicians and pedagogues in the East; such was

Poseidonius, professor, Rhodian prytanis, and ambassador.
Others travelled in the suites of the imperatores, as Polybius
with Scipio Aemilianus, Antiochus with Lucullus, and Theophanes with Pompey. Still others settled at Rome in the
households of generals or as lecturers on rhetoric.
This intercourse between Greeks and Romans not only af
fected the course of Greek literature and rhetoric; it unified
East and West. Gradually and imperceptibly a Graeco-Roman
world was emerging. The elder Cato would have been sur
prised. The war between Antony and Octavian had threatened
to destroy this new world, but the victory at Actium allowed
it to survive and to flourish. The way was open for philhellenes
like Nero and Hadrian, and for Greeks, like Aelius Aristides,
who styled themselves Romans. It was not an accident that in
30 B.C. Dionysius of Halicarnassus came to Rome to teach and
to write, and that in the following year Strabo also made his
way there to assemble his universal history in forty-seven
books. The historian and ethnographer Timagenes must
already have been there, and within a few years two Mytilenaean litterateurs, Potamo and Crinagoras, were to come
to Rome (not for the first time) on an embassy to the Em
peror. When Octavian had himself arrived from the East,
the learned Athenodorus and Areius were probably to be found
in his entourage; his Greek doctor, Artorius Asclepiades, was
coming independently but perished in a shipwreck. The flow
of Greeks to Rome after Antony's defeat illustrates an impor
tant fact: Actium saved Graeco-Roman culture. It brought
1
his work is to Octavian's colony at Tauromenium, best assigned to 36 B.C.

(not 2 1 ) : Vittinghoff, Romische Kolonisation und Biirgerrechtspolitik (1952), p. 120,
citing O. Cuntz, Klio 6 (1906), 467. Diodorus cannot be considered an Augustan
author.
On Aristides and his successors, cf. J . Palm, Rom, Romertum und Imperium in
der griechischen Literatur der Kaiserzeit (Lund, 1959).
Arrival dates are deduced from Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 7 and Strabo 485.
Strabo's history: FGH'n. A. 9 1 .
IGR 4. 3 3 ; 38 (cf. Anth. Pal. ix. 559). The envoys sought out Augustus in
Spain in 26, and in the following year the senate at Rome issued a decree con
cerning Mytilene. Crinagoras stayed in Rome.
On Athenodorus and Areius, see above, Chapter III. For Artorius Asclepi
ades, PIR , A 1 1 8 3 .
1
GREEK L I T E R A T U R E UNDER AUGUSTUS
an end to that anti-eastern propaganda which the war with

Antony had forced upon Octavian.
The greater Greek writers of the Augustan age were Tima
genes, Dionysius, Strabo, and Nicolaus of Damascus. There
were lesser men like Dionysius' friend at Rome, the rhetor
Caecilius, and the poet Parthenius, who also collected erotic
tales in Greek for versification in Latin by his friend (and
Virgil's), Cornelius Gallus, first prefect of Egypt. And there
were other Greek poets, above all the court versifier, Crina
goras, as well as Strabo's friend, the younger Diodorus of
Sardis, and Antipater of Thessalonica, the intimate of Piso the
Pontifex. Then there was the Roman senator Tuticanus Gallus,
who was known to Ovid and whose Greek erotic verses found
their way into the Palatine Anthology.
It would be surprising if these men failed to encounter one
another at Rome, yet allusions to one another in their works
are not common. Parthenius wrote a book entitled Crinagoras,
but nothing is known of it. Strabo is more communicative
than most: he used Timagenes as a source and acknowledges
the existence of Dionysius, Nicolaus, and Crinagoras. How
ever, he gives no hint that he knew any of these men per
sonally; and they do not even mention him. But it would
perhaps have been superfluous for them to write about one
another in works of history or in court poetry. The convic
tion persists that they will, at least, have met at Rome, since
all of them worked there for extended periods with the sole
exception of Nicolaus. And even he was in the city on at least
three separate occasions.
1
Dion. Hal. ad Pomp. Gem. 3 . This man has rightly been identified with
Caecilius of Caleacte, as recently by G. P. Goold in TAP A 92 (1961), 169. Q,.
Caecilius Epirota (Suet, de Gramm. 16) might also be mentioned: he was a friend
of Cornelius Gallus, through whom he could have encountered Parthenius (cf.
below, n. 2) and Crinagoras (below, n. 4), also, therefore, Dionysius (see the
argument in the text for Dionysius' circle). Another rhetor in Rome about this
time and worth noting was the anti-Ciceronian L. Cestius Pius (from Smyrna),
who taught in Latin (PIR , C 694).
Cf. Parthenius, Erot., praef.; also Virg. Eel. 10. On the hitherto neglected
importance of Parthenius in the literary history of the late Republic, see now
W. V. Clausen, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 5 (1964).
Anth. Pal. v. 49. The authorship was unravelled by Cichorius, RS, pp. 3 2 3 5. Cf. Ovid, Pont. iv. 12 and 14.Etym. Mag. s.v. apnvs.
Strabo 656 (Dionysius), 7 1 9 (Nicolaus), 6 1 7 (Crinagoras).
2
125
An examination of the lives and works of certain of these

Greek authors can uncover a common milieu in which all of
them moved. Now, as under the Republic, literate Greeks
associated themselves with the Roman aristocracy; Dionysius
settled in Rome, Strabo travelled with his patron, and Nicolaus diplomatic successes were the result of the trust which
Augustus placed in him. It was an old and familiar pattern.
But it was due precisely to Actium that several Greek writers
happened to be in Rome in the early twenties. And others
followed later: Nicolaus on his embassies and Antipater of
Thessalonica in the company of Piso the Pontifex.
When Alexandria fell, Timagenes was already in Romd. He
had been captured by Gabinius and taken there, where he re
ceived his freedom and established a school of rhetoric. He
became a friend of Antony and introduced him to certain
influential easterners of his acquaintance. But as Actium drew
near, Timagenes managed to transfer his allegiance to Octa
vian, and he remained at Rome until that disastrous quarrel
with the Emperor which led to a retirement in the house of
Asinius Pollio. Timagenes had a sharp tongue and refused to
restrain it; he was also a prolific writer. His interest in geo
graphy and ethnology left their traces in his history, a work of
unknown length, perhaps arranged according to the reigns of
certain eastern monarchs and spanning a period from the wars
of Alexander's successors at least down to Pompey the Great.
The work was outspoken in its criticism of Rome. It is in
doubt whether Timagenes carried his history down to 30 B.C.
or even further. He had certainly written an account of the
deeds of the Princeps; for it was this that he burned after
his breach with him, but as it was patently a panegyric deriving
from the days of their friendship (and thus was burned), it was
probably a work distinct from and earlier than the history.
5
Siiid. s.v. Tifiaycvqs.

Cf. above, pp. 1 0 9 - 1 0 .
Plut. Ant. 72 (an introduction to Alexas of Laodicea). Cf. Jos. AJ 15. 1 9 7 ;
* 393Sen. de Ira 3 . 2 3 .
FGH ii. A. 88. F. 1 - 1 2 .
Ibid., F. 9 (Plut. Pomp. 49, alleging that Theophanes persuaded Ptolemy
Auletes to leave Egypt in order to provide Pompey with a" pretext for a new
command). Strabo (apud Jos. AJ 15. 9) on Antony's execution of Antigonus the
Jew may also derive from Timagenes.
2
Sen. Controv. 10. 5. 2 2 ; Sen. de Ira 3 . 2 3 .
i 6
2
Much of his history must have been available by 29 B.C.,

when Strabo came to Rome and used the work of Timagenes
in preparing his outline of universal history. Strabo's history
in forty-seven books, of which all but four were devoted to
the period after Polybius, was probably not begun before he
reached Rome; the Triumvirate was not an auspicious age in
which to inaugurate such a history. Yet the forty-seven books
were written hastily and finished by the mid-twenties. Hence,
Timagenes' history was largely ready when Strabo arrived.
It could be asked why Timagenes wrote history at all, but
a better question would be why he should not. Cultivated
Greeks, especially professors, regularly did that sort of thing.
Besides, Timagenes had two novelties to offer: though a friend
of great Romans, he refused to write a panegyric of Rome,
andmore remarkablyhe chronicled his material by the
reigns of kings. The kings of Egypt might have provided
a structure for his account; after all, he came from Alexan
dria, and extant fragments of the work conveniently arrange
themselves into a period embracing the foundation and col
lapse of the kingdom of the Ptolemies. His view of Roman
intervention in Egypt in the age of Pompey was not at all
sympathetic.
Strabo, already perhaps contemplating his Geography may
have seen Timagenes at Rome in the forties. Strabo must have
been there then, for he observes that he saw that living monu
ment, Servilius Isauricus, before his death at an advanced age
in 44 B.c. and heard the grammarian Tyrannio, who had been
in Rome for two decades; Strabo himself cannot have been
over twenty years old when he was there. Timagenes will
have been lecturing, and writing his History. When Strabo
returned to the city from the East in 29, it was natural for him
1
Strabo 5 1 5 . For Timagenes as Strabo's source: FGH ii. A. 91. F. 1 0 , 1 1 , 1 2 ,

and (?) 1 8 .
P-W 2te Reihe, 4. 90 (Honigmann, opting for completion by 25 B.C). The
work was called vnoiivyfiaTa: this was Cicero's word for the outline he sent to
Poseidonius for more elaborate treatment (ad Att. 2. 1. 2 ) .
See Plut. Pomp. 49, mentioned above, p. 125, n. 5.
Strabo 568 (Isauricus, on whose death see Dio 4 5 . 16. 1 ) . Strabo 548
(Tyrannio, captured by Lucullus and brought to Rome [Suid. s.v.] and alive
in 46 [Cic. ad Att. 12. 2. 2.]). Strabo was born about 6 4 : P-W 2te Reihe, 4.
2
76-77.
127
to turn to a history. It could be brought triumphantly down to

Octavian's capture of Alexandria, a good moment for begin
ning to write and a good subject with which to terminate.
Timagenes' work was to hand for ready reference; and in re
telling the events which Poseidonius had related in his con
tinuation of Polybius, Strabo introduced something new. His
grandparents had been partisans of the Pontic king.
Strabo came from Amaseia in Pontus, where his ancestors
were clearly wealthy and influential. A great-great-grand
father was a distinguished general in the service of Mithridates
Euergetes, and the general's nephew was priest of Comana.
His grandfather had served under Eupator in the war against
Rome; but when Lucullus was in the East and the king
ordered two of Strabo's cousins to be executed, his grand
parent rebelled and secured fifteen forts for Lucullus. How
ever, a partisan of Lucullus fared badly under Pompey, for
promises given were never fulfilled. Strabo, who had been born
about 64, went with his family to Nysa, where he studied under
the rhetorician Aristodemus. He must then have proceeded to
Rome. How long he stayed there is unknown, perhaps into
the middle thirties: he saw in Rome a Sicilian pirate torn
apart by the beasts, and that could have happened only after
the close of the Sicilian War. Strabo claimed to have travelled
widely, from the Euxine to Ethiopia, from Armenia to Etruria ;
his journeys cannot all be dated, and they were not perhaps so
very extensive. One obvious place, Athens, he appears never
to have visited. Paris of the East he will have seen in his
childhood, and Egypt he explored later with a prefect. So
much is certain. Possibly he travelled during the Triumvirate,
1
R. Syme, in HSCP 64 (1959), 65, assumes that Strabo's history ended

with the fall of Alexandria, not 27 B.C.
Strabo 4 7 7 and 5 5 7 (Dorylaus the general), and again 5 5 7 on Dorylaus
the priest.
Strabo 5 5 7 - 8 .
On Strabo's birth date, see p. 126, n. 5 above. For Aristodemus of Nysa:
Strabo 650; also L. Robert, Hellenica 1 (1940), 148 (on Aristodemus' doctrine
that Homer was a Roman).
Strabo 2 7 3 .
Ibid. 1 1 7 , but he confesses considerable and necessary reliance on the
reports of others.
e.g. ibid. 816. L. Waddy, AJA 67 (1963) 29 ff., thinks Strabo did visit
Athens, but evidence is still lacking.
2
128
inasmuch as he was making his way westward across the

Aegean in 29.
With so distinguished a background and a career not want
ing in interesting vicissitudes, Strabo composed his History,
he then devoted himself entirely to the Geography, a work not
unlike the History in purpose, and designed to complement it.
Both were written to be useful to men of affairs in high office;
his philosophical workshistory and geography ranked as
suchwere essentially political, and he took care to stress that
by TTOXLTLKOS he did not mean any uneducated member of
a TTOXIS but precisely the cultured and superior men who
managed the affairs of state. These were the Roman aristo^
crats. Thus the writings of Strabo take their place in that
honoured tradition of Greek compositions for the education
and laudation of Roman patrons. Strabo's Roman patron
cannot be missed, nor should he be underestimated: he was
Aelius Gallus, second prefect of Egypt, who took Strabo with
him on service there, even on his abortive campaign into
Arabia Felix. It is fair to infer a close relationship with Strabo
from their travels together in Egypt ; the pattern of Greek
adviser and Roman imperator was familiar.
Now Aelius Gallus was, in all probability, the man who
adopted Sejanus. The natural father of Sejanus became a pre
fect of Egypt early under Tiberius, and his name was Seius
Strabo. The suspicion arises, therefore, that the geographer
may have acquired his name from the father of Sejanus. The
1
Strabo 485.
Ibid. 1 3 : A conep i)p.ets TrcTroirfKores vnofiv^fiara
loropiKa
xprjoifia,
cos
vnoXafipdvofxev,
els r)0u<r)v Kal 7roXiriKr)v <f>i\ooo<f>Lav, eyvcvfiev irpoaOetvai
Kal rrjvbe
rr\v ovvrat-w 6p.Oibr)s yap Kal avrrj, Kal rrpos rovs avrovs dvbpas, Kal fidXiara
rovs cV rats vncpoxats.
See the passage quoted in the preceding note. Also (ibid.): KaKct be 7 T O A I T I 2
KOV Xeyofiev
ovxl
TOV rtavraTraaiv
drraibevrov
. . . .
* Aelius Gallus: PIR , A 179.

So Borghesi conjectured from the Aelius Gallus who is a partisan of Sejanus
in Tac. Ann. 5. 8 : recte fortasse, PIR , A 2 5 5 , though the Fasti Ost. for A.D. 3 1
show that this Gallus cannot have been a son of Sejanus. The reconstruction of
F. Adams in AJP 76 (1955), 70 ff., accepted by R. Sealey in Phoenix 1 5 (1961),
102-3,
d
makes Sejanus* consular brothers simultaneously his
unclesnot impossible but unlikely. Borghesi still seems right about L. Aelius
Sejanus.
PIR, S 246.
An alternative explanation of Strabo's name (P-W 2te Reihe, 4. 79-80) is
suggested by the fact that he saw the old Servilius Isauricus (Strabo 568); and
5
129
cognomen Strabo had appeared occasionally in the Republic,

but it was not normally inherited in a family. The situation
was different with the house of Seius Strabo, whose grandson
also bore the cognomen. It is not excessive to suppose that the
geographer received the citizenship from his patron, Aelius
Gallus, but took his cognomen from the family of his patron's
adopted son. Thus his name will have been Aelius Strabo. The
taking of names from two families has such triumviral parallels
as Antonius Lepidus and Julius Lepidus, each recalling by
nomen and cognomen two of the three triumvirs; and, further
more, the borrowed cognomen of Aelius Strabo should be
compared with the name of a close kinsman of Sejanus, pre
sumably his brother: L . Seius Tubero, consul in A.D. 1 8 .
Tubero was the cognomen of a great patrician branch of the
Aelii, which is well represented in the reign of Augustus. The
historian and jurisconsult, Q. Aelius Tubero, had two sons,
one consul in 1 1 B.C. and the other in A.D. 4. It seems hardly
accidental that in this period the protege of an Aelius bears the
cognomen of a Seius and that a Seius bears the cognomen of an
Aelius-^-this in addition to the clear evidence of an adoption in
the name L . Aelius Sejanus. The relation between the Aelii
Tuberones and Aelius Gallus is beyond detection, but the two
branches were connected somehow. The geographer moved
in a circle that included a Roman historian, future consuls, and
Sejanus; moreover, Sejanus was a great-nephew of Maecenas.
1
there is evidence for a Servilius Strabo in the vicinity of Nysa in 51 B.C. (Cic.
ad Fam. 13. 64. 1 ; cf. Jos. AJ 14. 239). But Strabo's remark that he saw Isauricus
carries little weight: after all, a man of Strabo's age might easily have missed
seeing a great man of the previous generation, and therefore it was worth
recording that he had, in fact, seen him.
One can recall from the late Republic C. Julius Caesar Strabo, Cn.
Pompeius Strabo, and P. Servilius Strabo (cf. preceding note). But Sejanus had
a son named Strabo: Fasti Ost. for A.D. 3 1 . Badian, Hist. 1 2 (1963), 142, n. 1 8 ,
is therefore not quite accurate when he asserts that the cognomen Strabo did not
pass to descendants.
For Antonius Lepidus and Julius Lepidus, see above, p. 1 1 7 , n. 5. On
Sejanus' consular brothers: Veil. 2. 127. 3 . Against identifying Seius Tubero
with one of them: F. Adams, AJP 76 (1955), 70 ff. (unconvincing: cf. above,
p. 128, n. 5 ) .
3 On the Aelii: Val. Max. 4. 4. 8.
On the identification of historian, jurisconsult, and father of two consuls:
P-W 1. 5 3 7 - 8 and PIR , A 274. Fragments of Tubero's histories appear in
H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum Reliquiae (1870), i. 3 1 1 - 1 5 .
s ZLS 8996 (Volsinii). Cf. R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1939), p. 358.
1
814250
130
Dionysius of Halicarnassus should be added to this select

company. He was under the patronage of no less a person than
Q. Tubero the historian, who was the recipient of a treatise
on Thucydides; appropriately enough, for it would appear
that he tried to introduce Thucydidean overtones into his own
history. There were eastern connexions in his family, notably
a father who was legate in Asia under Q. Cicero and an an
cestor farther back to whom the philosopher Panaetius had
dedicated several essays. Dionysius was as clear as Strabo
about his position among the aristocrats of Rome: in the pre
face to his Roman Antiquities he stated explicitly that he wrote
for the benefit of those who were descendants of Rome's
greatest families. He wished to provide noble Romans of the
present with instructive examples of ancient Roman virtue in
the past. And furthermore Dionysius credited the Roman
nobility of his own day with the recent revival of Attic style in
1
Dion. Hal. de Thucyd. i and 5 5 ; ad Amm. ii. 1 . Cf. Ant Rom. 1. 80 on

Tubero: Setvo? avijp Kal trepl TTJV ovvayatyrjv rrjs tar op las impLcArjs. A descendant
of Dionysius of Halicarnassus bore the name Aelius Dionysius (PIR , A 1 6 9 ) ;
as he was a grammarian active under Hadrian, it is possible that he received his
gentilicium from that emperor. But it is no less possible that he inherited it
from the Augustan historian.
Dion. Hal. de Thucyd. 25, addressed to Tubero: 'I wish to describe the
style of Thucydides in all its aspects that need discussion, for the special bene
fit of would-be imitators of that writer.' Cf. ibid. 5 5 : *I could have written
more to your liking but not more truthfully.' Dionysius was not an admirer of
Thucydides' style. PIR , D 102, claiming the historian's son as the addressee
of Dionysius, must be rejected; PIR , A 274 gets the matter right, as did
W. R. Roberts in CR 1 4 (1900), 441 (although he thought that the his
torian was identical with the consul of 11 [sic]). There are a number of
Thucydidean reminiscences in Livy (e.g. i. 49. 2, 58. 5 , 59. 9; iii. 20. 5, 27.
6, 7 1 . 1 , 7 1 . 3 ; iv. 57. 4, &c.): Livy was himself not fond of Thucydides'
style (Sen. Controv. 9. 1. 14), but Q,. Tubero was one of his sources (cf. Livy 4.
2
23- 1 ) .
3
The legate was L. Aelius Tubero (Cic. pro Plane. 100), who also wrote his
tory if the first letter to Quintus be considered genuine (ad Quint. Frat. 1. 1. 10,
in which a forger might have confused Q,. Tubero with L. Tubero). On Q,.
Aelius Tubero, the friend of Panaetius and perhaps a tribune of the plebs (Cic.
Brut. 1 1 7 ) : Cic. de Fin. 4. 2 3 ; Tusc. 4. 4.
4
Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 6. 4. It should be said here that two of Dionysius'
friends who might be Romans, Ammaeus and Pompeius Geminus, cannot be
identified. And Geminus may be a Greek: cf. Richards, CQ,32 (1938), 133 f.
However, Richards's notion, revived by Goold, TAP A 92 (1961), 172, that
Geminus is the author of the de Sublimitate has little to recommend it. Goold's
attempt to prove that the de Subl. must precede Manilius is unconvincing.
131
Greek; Romans of breeding and culture had good judgement,

an opinion held also by Strabo.
There can be no doubt that Dionysius' history of early Rome
was, like the history and geography of Strabo, designed in the
first instance for upper-class Roman readers; patrons' names
have already suggested that the audiences at which both
writers aimed were virtually the same. Dionysius liked to ob
serve in his history symptoms of decline in the modern Roman
world when compared with earlier ages ; yet he was hardly
the first to notice this falling-off in Roman virtues. Polybius,
Panaetius, and Poseidonius had done the same. The theme of
decline is no indication of hostility toward Rome nor of con
cern with a Greek public; on the contrary, the theme is ex
pounded precisely to show the need for a resurgent rule of the
old aristocracy. The decline was attributed to the growing
influence of new and pernicious elements in society. Dionysius,
no less than his predecessors, was philo-Roman; the notion of
decline served to encourage and to flatter the very class of
Romans to which he adhered.
Yet an author who wrote in Greek cannot have neglected
his Greek readers. It was useful to Dionysius to explain his
Roman sympathies by proving in his history that Rome was, in
fact, a Greek city in origin, indeed that nearly everything great
about Rome derived from Greece. Dionysius' perpetuation of
the old contrast between barbarians and Hellenes does not
show him in an anti-Roman mood : just the opposite, for
Romans were to be numbered among the Hellenes. Dionysius
1
Dion. Hal. de Orat. Ant. 3 . Cf. Strabo 1 3 : ovhe yap dv ovre t/teyciv hvvairo
Ka\a>s O U T ' inawetv, ovhk KpLvtiv Sua fivrjfnis dia r(av yeyovorwv, ora> firjbcv
cfxcXrjoev dperrjs Kal </>povrja0)s Kal rd>v cis ravra \6ya>v.
Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4. 2 4 ; 10. 17. 6.
Cf. Palm, Rom. Rb'mertum und Imperium, p. 13.
On Dionysius' Greek audience, note Ant. Rom. 16. 4. 1. On the Greek
origins of Rome and the Romans, especially Ant. Rom. 1. 89. 1 - 2 . Cf. Palm,
op. cit., pp. 1 3 - 1 6 . It was not new to claim Rome as a Greek city: Gabba,
Rivista Storica Italiana 71 (1959), 365-9.
See Hill, JRS 51 (1961), 89 with n. 7, but his interpretation of Dionysius as
an opposition writer cannot stand. See above, p. no, n. 7. Nor, on the other
hand, can the view of Gabba stand, op. cit., p. 365, that Dionysius is combating
the anti-Roman history of Timagenes: Ant. Rom. 1. 4. 2 is an objection only to
historians like Metrodorus, who lived in the courts- of barbarian kings. This
point was rightly stressed by Jacoby, FGH ii. C. 224.
2
i 2
gave expression to the fusion of cultures which characterized

the Graeco-Roman world. Strabo viewed the situation some
what differently when he used the word cVjSc/JapjSap&aflai to
describe the de-hellenization of Magna Graecia. The twofold
nature of the Roman empire is admirably exemplified in these
writers, whose works in the Greek language were designed for
both Romans and Greeks, though above all for the ruling
class of Romans. It is instructive to notice Metilius Rufus,
a pupil of Dionysius and the son of a close friend of his:
Metilius was proconsul of Achaea under Augustus and pos
sibly a legate of Galatia.
Strabo returned to Italy after his sojourn in Alexandria and
probably spent the remainder of his life, which was to be
a long one, in the vicinity of Rome, perhaps at Naples.
Dionysius was in Rome at least until 7 B . C , when his history
was at last complete. So both men would have had an op
portunity of meeting the excellent Greek poet, Antipater of
Thessalonica, who returned from the East in the company of
Piso the Pontifex about 1 1 B.c. Piso came from a cultivated
family with a taste for Greek literature; his father, the consul
of 58 B.C., had been the patron of Philodemus of Gadara.
Antipater wrote occasional verse about places and objects he
had seen or journeys he had made; he may have accompanied
1
Strabo 2 5 3 . Cf. Athen. 14. 632 A for another instance of this verb with
the same sense.
Dion. Hal. de Comp. Verb. I : u> *Pov<j> Meri'Aic irarpos dyaOov xra/xot TI/a>rdrov <J>IXODV. [fieriXic FP: ftcAtrte MV.] The identification with the proconsul
attested in IG iii . 4 1 5 2 and 4238 was made by Groag, Reichsbeamten von Achaia
(1939), p. 14. The name Metilius appears also on the Sebasteion at Ancyra,
perhaps indicating a Galatian governor of that name: E-J 109, 1. 20. (Cf.
R. K. Sherk, The Legates of Galatia [ 1 9 5 1 ] , 26 ff.). Goold, op. cit., unaccountably
perpetuates the false reading 'Melitius'.
An interesting discrepancy between Dionysius (Ant. Rom. 3 . 29. 7) and Livy
(1. 30. 2), pointed out to me by Mr. R. M. Ogilvie, is now understandable: the
list of Alban principes whom Tullus Hostilius made senators is the same in both
authors (apart from an obvious MSS. corruption in Livy) with one exception
Dionysius names the Metilii and Livy does not.
Strabo lingered for some time in Alexandria (101 ij/xcfs emhrjfiovvres rfj
AXcgavSpetq. iroXvv xpdvov). On his peculiar knowledge of Naples and its en
virons : P-W 2te Reihe, 4. 84-85.
Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1. 7.
Cichorius, RS, p. 327.
See above, p. 3 with n. 6.
2
5
6
133
the Pontifex during a proconsulship of Asia. A poem that is

plausibly assigned to Antipater, concerning the removal of
animals from Africa for exhibition in Rome, is a metrical ver
sion of a passage in Strabo written before 19 B.C. This is not
without interest, because Strabo derived his information about
Africa, as he expressly states, from a Cn. Piso, clearly the man
who fought against Julius Caesar in Africa and was consul in
23 B.C. Hence, the milieu of Strabo embraced Pisones and,
therefore, the poet of Piso the Pontifex.
There were other Greek poets, also writers of occasional
verse. The court poet, Crinagoras of Mytilene, commemorated
such events of the Augustan age as Marcellus' return from
Spain or the marriage of Juba I I to Cleopatra. Strabo notes
the origin of the poet, though he does not admit to personal
acquaintance; yet he must have seen Crinagoras at Rome.
The younger Diodorus of Sardis, however, was the geographer's
acknowledged friend; this man was a son of the great Dio
dorus Zonas and an historian as well as a poet. He lived in
Rome under Augustus, where Strabo will have known him.
Only a few poems survive: one celebrates the young Tiberius
and another his brother Drusus.
The Roman circle of Greek writers and their patrons has
a particularly remarkable feature: the preponderance of per
sons who subsequently emerge among the intimate adherents
of the Emperor Tiberius. A review of names and facts will
suffice to make this plain: Seius Strabo, Sejanus, Seius Tubero,
and Piso the Pontifex, all known to have been Tiberius' trusted
friends ; an Aelius Gallus, manifestly descended from the pre
fect, appears later as a partisan of Sejanus; Diodorus of Sardis.
2
Cichorius, RS, p. 328. The Asian proconsulship is deemed plausible by

R. Syme, JRS 50 (i960), 1 7 .
Anth. Pal. vii. 626; Strabo 1 3 1 . Cf. Cichorius, RS, pp. 3 3 2 - 4 .
Strabo 130, a passage which knows nothing of Balbus' march to the land
of the Garamantes, for which he triumphed in 19 B.C. On Cn. Piso, cf. Tac.
Ann. 2. 43 and the Bell. Afr. 3 . 1 ; 18. 1.
Anth. Pal. vi. 1 6 1 ; ix. 2 3 5 . See above, Chapter III, pp. 3 6 - 3 7 .
Strabo 6 1 7 .
Anth. Pal. ix. 2 1 9 (to Tiberius) and 405 (to Drusus). Cf. Cichorius, RS,
pp. 298-302.
These men are well known. Cf. Tac. Ann. 4. 29, calling Seius Tubero an
intimus amicus of Tiberius, and Ann. 6. 11 on Piso's twenty-year prefecture of the
city.
2
134
is remembered largely for his poems to Tiberius and his

brother; and a son of Q,. Aelius Tubero the historian held the
consulship precisely in the year of Tiberius' adoption by
Augustus. Parthenius, author of the Crinagoras, is known to
have been one of Tiberius' favourite authors. Cumulatively,
the evidence is compelling. It has been noticed earlier that
Tiberius was something of a philhellene; during his sojourn on
Rhodes he lived like a Greek and competed at Olympia and
Thespiae. It was then that he took to himself the astrologer
Thrasyllus and added the poet Apollonides of Nicaea to his
literary acquaintances. Perhaps it will, therefore, come as no
surprise to find him in a circle of Greeks and philhellenes at
Rome. Strabo ceased to work on his geography about 3/2 B.C.,
but soon after the accession of Tiberius he began his labours
again, making additions and corrections. There is no need to
wonder why the accession moved him to new activity in his
old age.
Nicolaus the Damascene was the only great Augustan author
of works in Greek who did not spend a substantial part of his
life in Rome. Three times he visited the city and perhaps met
such men as Strabo, Dionysius, or Crinagoras, though sur
viving fragments of his books give no hint of this. Nicolaus was
an influential diplomat and a voluminous writer. He belonged
to the grand tradition of internationally minded Greek philo
sophers. His parents were wealthy and cultivated citizens of
Syrian Damascus; his father, Antipater, had held numerous
magistracies in his own city and served repeatedly on em
bassies. Nicolaus, born about the same time as Strabo, received
1
The younger Aelius Gallus: Tac. Ann. 5. 8. See p. 1 3 3 , n. 6 above on

Diodorus. Sex. Aelius Gatus, son of Q,. Aelius Tubero, was consul in A.D. 4.
Suet. Tib. 70. 2 ; cf. p. 124, n. 4 above.
3 Suet. Tib. 1 3 . 1 ; SIG 782 (Olympia); AE i960. 307 (Thespiae). Cf.
Chapter V I above.
Suet. Tib. 14. 4 (Thrasyllus). On Apollonides, see Anth. Pal. ix. 287 (on
Tiberius), with which cf. Cichorius, RS, p. 3 3 5 (establishing Apollonides'
provenance as Nicaea, not Smyrna).
On the composition of the Geography, see Anderson, Anat. Studies pres. to
Ramsay (1923), 1 ff., revising E. Pais, Ancient Italy (Chicago, 1908), 379 ff. The
latest allusion in Strabo (828) is to the death of Juba II, probably in A.D. 2 3 :
Anderson, op. cit., p. 1 .
Suid. s.v. AvTLnarpos. Antipater was at some time in Rome for a rhetorical
competition: Suid. s.v. IIoTdpcjv; cf. Cichorius, Rom undMytilene (1888), p. 6 3 .
2
135
a full and formal Greek education, culminating in those philo

sophical studies whose virtues he explained to King Herod of
Judaea. For Nicolaus became the intimate counsellor and
agent of the Jewish king. The date of his admission to Herod's
inmost circle is unknown, but during the Triumvirate he was
tutor of the offspring of Antony and Cleopatra. As Herod was
a partisan of Antony, it is likely that even in the thirties
Nicolaus had taken his place at the side of the king.
Herod transferred his allegiance to the future Princeps in
30 B.C., and so must Nicolaus have done. Although he dis
appears from history for a time, it is recorded that in 20 B.C.
Nicolaus saw at Antioch a human freak which envoys from
India were bearing to Augustus. In 14 he is discovered
travelling with Herod along the coast of Asia Minor and
negotiating successfully with Greeks on behalf of the Jews. In
the years between 30 and 14 the philosopher may have en
couraged the king in that ardent philhellenism which marked
his reign. And perhaps he assisted in domestic crises as well as
affairs of state; such, at least, was his role subsequently.
Herod was the father of children by two women, one of
common origin and one a princess; the rivalry between Anti
pater, the commoner's son, and the two sons of Mariamne the
princess produced a long series of upheavals in the royal house
hold. Nicolaus opposed Antipater, and he journeyed with
Herod to Rome in 12 B.C. to assist in ordering the domestic
troubles of the king before the Emperor himself; and again in
5 B.C. before Quinctilius Varus, the governor of Syria, Nicolaus
exposed the treachery of Antipater, who had by then scored
a temporary victory through terrifying his father into execut
ing the sons of Mariamne. But Antipater was disinherited
before Herod died, and Archelaus was named the successor. It
1
Suid. s.v. NiKoXaos AafiaoKrjvos; FGH ii. A. 90. F. 1 3 5 .

FGH ii. A. 90. T. 2.
Strabo 7 1 9 ; cf. Dio 54. 9. 8. The freak was a boy without arms, a living
herm, which Strabo (ibid.) says that he also saw (presumably at Rome, cf.
Suet. Aug. 4 3 . 4).
FGH ii. A. 90. F. 1 3 4 ; Jos., AJ 12. 125 ff. and 16. 27 ff.
Cf. above, Chapter IV, p. 5 5 .
FGH. ii. A. 90. F. 1 3 5 ; cf. BJ 1. 452 ff., AJ 16. 90 ff. (12 B . C ) . FGH,
ibid., F. 136, 5 - 7 ; Jos., BJ 1. 629 ff., AJ 17. 99 ff. (5 B.C.). The executions: Jos.
BJ 1. 5 5 i 2
136
required the supreme diplomatic arts of the Damascene to

secure that succession. Openly opposing the Jews who con
tested Archelaus' title to rule, Nicolaus travelled again to
Rome and convinced Augustus of the wisdom of Herod's
final choice.
As an intermediary with Rome, Nicolaus carried on the
tradition he inherited from his father. It is clear that Augustus
had a high regard for him, not only from the embassies already
mentioned but also from another and crucial one which took
place in 8 B . C when the king had invaded Arabia. After the
Emperor in anger terminated his friendship with Herod as
the result of the charges of open aggression which Syllaeus the
Arab had levelled against him, Nicolaus was dispatched to
Rome, where he succeeded in reconciling Augustus with Herod,
and, further, in securing the disgrace and execution of Syl
laeus himself. That was no small achievement.
If Nicolaus had never written a word, he would have been
an important Augustan figure; but his writings were vast,
including a biography of the early career of the Princeps,
a collection of ethnological data, a universal history in a hun
dred and forty-four books, and an autobiography. Nicolaus'
life of Augustus is an especially precious document, evidently
derived, in large part, from the Princeps' own autobiography.
The extant fragments conclude with Octavian's journey to
Campania to win over the soldiers of Caesar. At what point
Nicolaus' work terminated is a matter for conjecture. Au
gustus' autobiography extended to the Cantabrian War and
1
FGH ii. A. 90. F. 136, 8 - 1 1 ; Jos., BJ 2. 14ff.,AJ 1 7 . 2 1 9 ff.

FGH ii. A. 90. F. 1 3 6 , 1 ; Jos., BJ 1. 574 ff, AJ 16. 299 ff. See above,
Chapter IV, p. 56.
FGH ii. A. 90. Suidas' eighty books for the history (T. i) cannot be right:
cf. T. 1 1 . See the recent work of B. Z. Wacholder, Nicolaus of Damascus (Berkeley,
1962).
Cf. Blumenthal, Wiener Studien 3 5 ( 1 9 1 3 ) , 123 ff.; Jacoby, FGH ii. C, pp.
2 6 4 - 5 ; P-W 17. 402-3 (Laqueur). The excursus on the murder of Caesar (FGH
ii. A. 90, Vita Augusti, 58-106) has been thought to come from an entirely
different source because the role of the Caesarians on 16 March 44 B . C in 49
is contradicted by that in 1 0 3 : cf. P-W, ibid. This need not be so, as the first
item merely records the report given to Octavian when he landed in Italy. It is
notable that the excursus assumes widespread popular support for Caesar's
monarchy.
2
137
1
accordingly cannot have been completed before 25 B.C. A S

Nicolaus' biography must have been written in the late twen
ties, it followed swiftly on the completion of Augustus' own
account. The speed with which Nicolaus applied himself to the
task is significant: surely it had something to do with Augus
tus' presence in the East, as far as Syria, between 22 and
19 B . C Nicolaus was acting as Augustus' literary agent among
the Greeks; it may be presumed that when Octavian conferred
with Herod on the island of Rhodes in 30 B.C. he met Nicolaus
for the first time and was impressed.
Nicolaus told Herod on their journey to Rome in 12 that
history was instructive for kings and men of state; it was useful.
So, turning to Ephorus and also the recent work of Timagenes,
Nicolaus set about the composition of a universal history. If
Nicolaus' work was begun as a digest for the edification of
Herod, it gradually became something far more. The story was
apparently carried down to the king's death in 4 B . C , and
Nicolaus made use of the memoirs of Herod himself. The
latter part of the history was a vindication and panegyric of
Herod's reign, andto some extentof Nicolaus' life in his
service.
But the universal history was not enough. Adopting a Roman
habit, Nicolaus wrote an autobiography. Here, as in his other
works, he had a Greek public principally in mind; and in this
he differed from his contemporary Greek historians. He had
2
Suet. Aug. 85. 1. The Cantabrian War probably ended in 26 B . C , SO that

the autobiography may have been composed during Augustus' illness in 2 5 :
R. Syme, AJP 5 5 (1934), 30& n. 39, and HSCP 64 (1959), 65. Schulten, Los
Cdntabros y Astures y su guerra con Roma (1943), p. 1 2 3 , dates the end of the
autobiography to 19 B.C.surely wrongly: cf. Schmitthenner, Hist, n (1962),
64, n. 55.
Jacoby, FGH ii. C, p. 263. Laqueur's arguments against this are uncon
vincing: P-W 1 7 . 405-6. Most recently, B. Z. Wacholder, in his Nicolaus of
Damascus (1962), pp. 2 5 - 2 6 , has reaffirmed a date in the late twenties for the
vita.
3 Jos., BJ 1. 3 8 7 - 9 2 ; AJ 1 5 . 1 8 7 - 9 3 .
* FGH ii. A. 90. F. 1 3 5 .
s Cf. Jacoby, FGH ii. C, p. 233.
Jos. AJ 1 5 . 174 on the vnofiv^fiara. See AJ 16. 1 8 3 - 6 on bias and panegyric
in Nicolaus' account of Herod's reign.
See Jacoby, FGH ii. C, pp. 288-9, recalling the autobiographies of Rutilius
Rufus, Catulus, Sulla, and Augustus.
2
138
now to justify and to explain his life. With his worldly success
and immense influence, he was neither pretentious nor pushing
in high social circles. For ambitious Greeks this was hard to
comprehend. Nicolaus had to explain why it was better to
spend on good causes the money which his wealthy friends had
given him, rather than hoard it for himself; he had to answer
charges of consorting with common people at Rome instead
of systematically cultivating the rich and mighty (he had, of
course, no need to do that); and he was accused of being
humane and friendly toward his slaves. The apology of Nico
laus is a revelation: his detractors found modesty and humanity
incompatible with power.
The Augustan empire could exhibit still other Greek authors
with some share of power, but their contributions to literature
are not easily appreciated owing to the paucity of surviving
fragments. In the court of the Emperor, Athenodorus of Tar
sus and Theodorus of Gadara had literary pretensions. Each
composed monographs on his patria; Theodorus also devoted
himself to rhetorical and historical studies. And there were
the geographical advisers of the young Gaius Caesar, Isidore of
Charax and the scholarly King J u b a I I of Mauretania. Both
men undertook to describe certain regions of the East for the
instruction of the prince before his fatal journey.
That, however, was but a small part of the labours of J u b a :
he composed a history of Rome in the Greek language and
earned for himself the remarkable distinction of being more
adept than any other king in the writing of history. In addi
tion, he made a comparative study of cultures, which he pub
lished in a work entitled Similarities; his artistic interests were
1
FGH'u. A. 90. F. 138 and 139.

FGH iii. G. 746 (Athenodorus, on whom cf. above, pp. 3 2 , 39). FGH iii.
G. 850 (Theodorus, on whom above, p. 3 5 ) . On minor writers in Rome at
this time and before: a convenient register is still provided by Hillscher,
'Hominum literatorum Graecorum ante Tiberii mortem in urbe Roma commoratorum historia critica', Jahrb.fur klass. Phil. Supplementband 18 (1892),
355-440.
Pliny, NH6. 141 (Isidore of Charax and Juba II). H. Peter, Die geschichtliche Litteratur iiber die rb'mische Kaiserzeit (1897), i. 4 1 7 , claimed Tiberius as the
recipient of Isidore's observations on the East. But Pliny implies that both
Isidore and Juba wrote for the same person: ad eundem Gaium Caesarem.
* Plut. Sert. 9. 8.
2
139
reflected in his treatise on painting and his history of the

theatre. Mauretania had a learned and prolific monarch.
It could never be said that the reign of Augustus was
deficient in Greek literature; the bulk of it was actually enor
mous. Lacking were imagination and genius; creativityin
drama, mime, fiction, elegy, pastoral, or epicwas utterly
absent. There were historical works in abundance, and oc
casional verse to celebrate persons and events; there were also
the products of the schools, treatises on rhetoric and literary
criticism. The authors themselves, not without interest, are
all distinguished by their dependence upon men of state. The
Emperor, who is reported to have liked Greek literature
(especially the Old Comedy), nevertheless looked in his read
ing chiefly for precepts and examples to instruct his household,
his generals, and his governors. The collapse of the Republic
and the organization of the Principate left no room for the
exercise of the Greek imagination. Diplomacy and the con
solidation of the Graeco-Roman world were too consuming an
occupation. Even an anonymous papyrus scrap of Augustan
Greek poetry betrays the political obsession of the age: the
verses celebrate the victory at Actium and a ship 'heavy laden
with a cargo of good order and prosperity's great riches'.
1
FGH iii. A. 275. F. 1 3 - 1 4 (Similarities), 1 5 - 1 9 (Theatrical History), 2 0 - 2 1

(Painting).
Suet. Aug. 89. 1 - 2 .
D. L. Page, Greek Literary Papyri (1942), i. 470, no. 1 1 3 .
2
3
XI
NOVUS STATUS
A u GUST us proclaimed his hope that the foundations of the
/ \ new regime would survive unshaken after his death,
1 1 . and in recognizing the Graeco-Roman character of his
empire, he provided a guarantee of its survival. The split
between East and West, threatening under Antony, was post
poned for three centuries. The wisdom and the shrewdness of
Augustus were to perpetuate the patterns of diplomacy which
had so effectively held together the empire of the late Repub
lic. Maintaining and strengthening the links between Rome
and the aristocracies of the East, the Emperor could entrust
much to their care, just as kingdoms, large and small, were
left to client dynasts. Augustus' policy towards the Greekspeaking peoples allowed the evolution in Graeco-Roman
affairs to continue, not only in his own lifetime but long after
he was dead.
Certain of the later emperors, by their own ardent philhellenism, gave new strength to the Greek elements in the
empire. Such were Gaius, Nero, and Hadrian. But quite apart
from the extravagances of these men, the mutual dependence
of Greeks and Romans was destined anyhow to become in
creasingly pronounced. Tiberius, the heir of Augustus, had
already appeared as a philhellene at Rome and on Rhodes,
and during his reign he gathered round him a company
1
Suet. Aug. 28. 2. His hope: mansura in vestigio suo fundamenta rei publicae
quae iecero. Suetonius observed: Fecitque ipse se compotem voti nisus omni
modo, ne quern novi status paeniteret.
Evidence is still accumulating to substantiate this interpretation. Professor
Louis Robert has seen an inscription in Mysia, 'honorant le proconsul Cornelius
Scipion (sous Auguste) et manant de gens importants dont la patrie est indiquee': UAnnuaire du ColUge de France 61 ( 1 9 6 1 - 2 ) , 3 1 2 - 1 3 . Cf. IGR 4. 1 2 1 1
(a letter of Scipio; Thyatira) and Grant, FITA, p. 387 (Augustan coin of
Pitane, with Scipio's name and head).
2
NOVUS STATUS
141
of Greeks including poets, grammarians, and the astrologer

Thrasyllus. Meanwhile, Antonia, the widow of the elder
Drusus, was also patronizing Greek men of culture. It was
natural that, when Philip of Thessalonica assembled a garland
of Greek verse in the reign of Gaius, he drew from the works
of poets at the imperial court under Augustus and Tiberius as
under Gaius himself. All three emperors were patrons of Greek
literati. The enchanting poet Mesomedes owed his position in
the court of Hadrian no more to the undoubted Hellenic
tastes of that Emperor than to a tradition that began with
Crinagoras.
Under Augustus Athenodorus of Tarsus had been invested
with special power and dispatched on a mission; the family
of Theophanes of Mytilene could boast a knight and a
senator. These were indications of what was to come. The
equestrian order under Claudius included a doctor from the
island of Cos and an eminent Hellene whose career was to end
with the prefecture of Egypt. A new senator from the East
emerged, M . Calpurnius Rufus of Attaleia, and before long
there appeared yet another, connected with the Attalids
and the royal house of Galatia. The floodgates were open;
down to the reign of Commodus origins in Asia Minor can be
1
Cf. Suet. Tib. 70. 2 - 3 ; Tiberius was the recipient of numerous com
mentaries by learned men on his favourite Greek poets (whom he liked to
imitate), Euphorion, Rhianus, and Parthenius. On Thrasyllus, see especially
Cichorius, RS, pp. 390-8, 'Der Astrologe Thrasyllos und sein Haus'.
Notably Thallus and Honestus: see Cichorius, RS, pp. 3 5 6 - 8 and 3 6 2 - 5 .
On the dating of the Garland of Philip, see Cichorius, RS, pp. 3 4 1 - 5 5 .
Mesomedes: PIR, M 362. The hymns have been included in E. Heitsch,
Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der romischen Kaiserzeit (1961), pp. 2 2 - 3 2 .
Augustan Greeks: Chapter III above. SIG 804 (C. Stertinius Xenophon of
Cos: cf. IGR 4. 1053). On the complex evidence for Ti. Claudius Balbillus: H.
Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs (1954), 1 3 0 - 1 , and most recently
H. G. Pflaum, Les Carrieres procuratoriennes iquestres (i960), 3 4 - 4 1 . Cichorius
maintained that Balbillus was the son of Thrasyllus the astrologer: RS, pp.
393-8M. Calpurnius M. f. Rufus: An inscription from Attaleia published in
Turk Tarih Belleten n (i947)> 94> <>- 10 = 22 (1958) 26, no. 1 1 = SEG 1 7 .
568 shows that he was a legatus pro praetore under Claudius, presumably in
Lycia-Pamphylia (cf. R. Syme, JRS 48 [1958], 3, n. 29). He probably came from
a family of Italian settlers. L. Servenius Cornutus from Phrygian Acmonia:
MAMA 6. 254 and 262 ( = ILS 8817). Note also M. Plancius Varus, from
Perge in Pamphylia: Anadolu 2 (1955), 6 1 . Also probably from a family of
Italian settlers.
2
142
NOVUS STATUS
1
established for sixty-nine senators. That was the remarkable but

nevertheless predictable outcome of Augustus' organization of
the empire. Statistics, however, always demand qualification.
The hellenizing of the senate has received much attention
from modern scholars; the evidence was pressed too far and
made the basis of exaggerated generalization. Now warnings
have been issued: a large number of so-called oriental sena
tors came from Roman colonies or places with Italian settle
ments, and many lack any characteristically Greek names.
This is certainly true, but caution must not be overdone. There
is no need to abandon collective terms such as oriental or
easterner, nor is it legitimate, by way of reaction, to deny
a gradual hellenizing of the senate or indeed of the imperial
civil service generally. It was to be expected that the most
acceptable easterners, to begin with at least, were likely to be
men with Italian ancestry; but such men, being expatriate and
hellenized Italians, are notable on that account. Further,
there were marriages into native families of the upper class,
creating an amalgam of Italian and local Greek. L . Servenius
Cornutus had mixed blood of this kind. Finally, quite enough
undisputed Greeks made their way into the senate to support
a view of continuing consolidation between East and West.
Q. Pompeius Macer under Augustus was one of them, and
three more entered the senate under Vespasian. It has been
rightly noticed that statistics about genuinely Greek senators
are initially suspect, inasmuch as many of those enumerated
were not the first senators in their families: thus Ti. Julius
Aquila Polemaeanus (consul suffect in n o ) , was a son of
Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus (consul suffect in 92), who
had been adlected to aedilician rank under Vespasian, and
2
Cf. most recently Habicht, Istanbuler Mitteilungen 9/10 (1959/60), 1 2 2 .

There is a reference in Plutarch to the desire of Greeks to penetrate the Roman
senate in de Tranq. Anim. 470 C.
Habicht, op. cit., pp. 1 2 2 - 3 . Cf. L. Robert, Hellenica 9 (1950), 5 1 , n. 3 .
See p. 1 4 1 , n. 6 above; also Habicht, op. cit., pp. 1 2 4 - 5 .
On Macer, see above, p. 4 1 , n. 7. The three Vespasianic senators:
Habicht, op. cit., p. 1 2 3 , n. 44. They were C. Antius A. Julius Quadratus (stiff.
94, II ord. 105), Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus (suff. 92), and King Julius
Alexander (cos. under Trajan). A fourth eastern senator under Vespasian, C.
Caristanius Fronto (suff. 90), clearly belongs to a family of Italians settled
in Pisidian Antioch (cf. above, p. 72, n. 1 ) .
2
NOVUS STATUS
143
M. Pompeius Macrinus Theophanes (reaching the consulship

undoubtedly under Trajan) was clearly descended from Pom
peius Macer. But the very fact that Greek senators tended to
belong to certain favoured families only illustrates more vividly
those Graeco-Roman relations which Augustus had inherited
and encouraged. Balance and circumspection are required in in
terpreting the evidence for oriental senators. It would be wrong
to minimize their importance precisely for those reasons which
make them most interesting: they came from hellenized Italian
families, Greeks of the upper class, and mixtures of both.
Some were descendants of kings, an inevitable result of the
annexation of client kingdoms. The dynasts of Augustus had
been given the citizenship and encouraged to intermarry.
When their kingdoms were ripe for annexation, the faithful
ruling houses were stripped of power and honour. Compensa
tion was bound to follow. Thus King Julius Alexander was
a Trajanic consular tracing his descent from the Herods of
Judaea, and C.Julius Antiochus Epiphanes Philopappus (con
sul suffect in 109) represented the royal house of Commagene.
C. Julius Severus (consul suffect c. 138) claimed ancestors
among the Attalids and Galatian princes, while a consul suffect
of 148, M . Antonius Zeno, came from the dynasty of Pontus.
A member of the Spartan family of Eurycles and Laco ap
peared in the senate under Trajan and Hadrian.
In the Republic and in the time of Augustus the cultivated
men of the East were regularly political leaders in their own
cities and repositories of wealth. This potent union of educa
tion, affluence, and political power had been exploited by
Rome; Augustus, like the imperatores, had depended upon it,
and it grew ever more important in the two centuries after the
first Princeps' death. In this matter, as in so many others, con
tinuous evolution is discernible. The house of Polemo of Pontus
provides a particularly instructive example: deriving from
1
Habicht, op. cit., p. 124, n. 45. Pflaum, in Geimania 37 (1959), 1 5 2 , has put
Macrinus* consulship into the period 120/22, without adequate reason.
On King Alexander, cf. Groag, P-W 10. 1 5 1 - 2 ; he may have derived more
immediately from a minor dynasty in Rough Cilicia. For Philopappus, cf.
OGIS 405.
3 C. Julius Severus: OGIS 544. For M. Antonius Zeno, PIR , A 883.
C.Julius Eurycles Heraclanus: cf. JRS 51 (1961), 1 1 8 .
2
144
NOVUS STATUS
Laodicea, the family began its history with the rich and proRoman Zeno, whose son, the rhetor Polemo, became king of
Pontus. Offspring of the rhetor entered two other royal houses
in the East; and a Polemo from the Thracian branch was
educated at Rome, where he composed Greek verses which
found their way into the Garland of Philip in the Palatine
Anthology. This literate prince himself became King of Pontus
under Gaius. A few generations later the family brought forth
one of the great sophists of the second century, M . Antonius
Polemo, a man of political no less than intellectual distinc
tion ; according to Philostratus, he conversed with cities as his
inferiors, emperors as not his superiors, and the gods as his
equals. In the grand tradition he settled factional disputes at
Smyrna, served on the city's embassies to emperors, and ad
ministered the political affairs of Laodicea when he visited his
relatives there. Not surprisingly, another member of the
family attained the consulship under Antoninus Pius. So with
remarkable consistency did the house of Polemo span the
centuries from Republic to high Empire.
There were others who illustrate the persistence of money
and political power among men of culture. Scopelian, like his
ancestors, was a high priest of Asia and a person of wealth.
In accord with a familiar pattern, he served repeatedly on
embassies to the Emperor and had a singular record of suc
cess ; sometimes he represented the city of Smyrna, but on his
most memorable embassy he spoke before Domitian on behalf
of all Asia in protest against that Emperor's edict on the vines.
Lollianus of Ephesus might also be mentioned: both rhetorician
and hoplite general at Athens, he was famed for quelling
a bread-riot. The Athenian sophist Herod Atticus was an
other of the affluent and cultivated men who dominated the
city's political life. Indeed, the family of this man, like that of
1
On republican and Augustan members of this house, see above, pp. 5 1 , 5 3 54. For the versifier and king: Cichorius, RS, pp. 3 5 8 - 9 ; see also the stemma
below, p. 154. .
Philostr! Vit. Soph. i. 5 3 5 (Polemo's conversation); 531 (Smyrna); ibid,
(embassies); 532 (Laodicea).
M. Antonius Zeno, suff. 1 4 8 : see above, p. 143, n. 3 .
Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 5 1 5 .
Ibid. 520. Cf. Suet. Dom. 7. 2 and 14. 2 on the vine edict.
Philostr. Vit. Soph. i. 526.
2
NOVUS STATUS
145
Polemo, can be traced to the late Republic, when Herod of

Marathon interceded with Julius Caesar, and to the Augustan
age, when Eucles served on an embassy to the first Princeps.
Herod Atticus himself was ordinary consul in 143. Again and
again continuity and an old pattern are apparent. The process
is concisely exemplified in an Athenian inscription from the
third century in honour of Q,. Statius Themistocles, keybearer
of Asclepius: he is hailed as <f>i\oa6(f>a)v /cat vnariKiov
/cat
-Mo"[t] apx&v i=Kyovov /cat
diroyovov.
Lucian once described a dream in which two women lec
tured to him about his future career; one was Sculpture, the
other Education, and he followed the counsel of the latter. He
knew what he was talking about when he gave the following
text to Education: 'You will be honoured and lauded, you
will be held in great esteem for the highest qualities and ad
mired by men pre-eminent in lineage and in wealth, you will
wear clothing such as this'she pointed to her own, which was
very splendid'and you will be deemed worthy of office and
precedence.'
Lucian understood the Graeco-Roman world. He knew how
even a charlatan like the frightful Alexander of Abonuteichus
could reach heights of influence and power by virtue of his
forceful personality and the fact that a consular was his son-inlaw. Nor was the desire of Romans for Greek culture and
luxury a secret to the satirist of Samosata, who related in
horrifying detail the life of a hired Greek philosopher in the
house of a great Roman. The custom of keeping Greek men of
learning in one's entourage was rooted in the Republic and
explained the presence of Greeks in the imperial court; Lucian
1
On Herod, cf. especially Philostr., Vit. Soph. ii. 545-66, and other references
in PIR , C 8 0 2 ; also P. Graindor, Un Milliardaire antique (Cairo, 1930). For
Herod of Marathon and Eucles, /G'iii . 3 1 7 5 . The republican Herod was
eponymous archon of Athens in 60/59 - Dinsmoor, Archons of Athens ( 1 9 3 1 ) ,
p. 280.
IG iii . 3704, with Oliver in Hesp. Suppl. 8 (1949), 247.
Lucian, Somnium 1 1 .
Id., Alex., especially 27 (encouraging Severianus' disastrous invasion of
Armenia in A.D. 1 6 1 ) , 48 (influence in the court of Marcus), and 57 (because of
his son-in-law, P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus [suff. 146], Alexander was so
powerful that the governor of Bithynia had to admit he could not punish him
even if he were found guilty after trial). Cf. PIR , A 506.
Lucian, de mercede conductis potentium familiaribus.
2
3
4
814250
146
NOVUS STATUS
took a cynical view of the motives of a Roman patron: 'People

will think him a devoted student of Greek culture and in
general a person of taste in literary matters.'
This habit of acquiring an Hellenic veneer elicited fulminations from Juvenal; even the Italian rustic, he complained,
had taken to wearing Greek slippers. The Hellenic life still
held its fascination. The Emperor Hadrian furnished con
spicuous proof of this: well endowed with Greek culture, he
had imbibed Atheniensium studiasinging, dancing, medicine,
geometry, and the fine arts. Many called him Graeculus, and
in taste and talent he was not far different from the genuine
Graeculus esuriens satirized by Juvenal in Hadrian's own day.
But if a Greek Lucian could lampoon the relations between
Greeks and Romans, he had also to accept them. His remarks
on hired Greek philosophers were so outspoken as to threaten
his career; he was quick to offer an apology when he took up
a post in Egypt and received his salary from the imperial
fiscus. And Lucian was not the only eminent author who
served Rome. New inscriptions have filled out the biography
of the historian and consular, A. Claudius Charax, a native of
Pergamum and governor of Sicily and Cilicia. Nor should
Cassius Dio and Asinius Quadratus be neglected, both his
torians and men of state. Such persons belonged to a tradition
that reached back to Polybius and evolved by way of Strabo,
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and Plutarch, all of whom had
been well connected at Rome. The Greek literary renaissance
1
Lucian, de mercede conductis potentium familiaribus, 2 5 .

Juv. iii. 58 ff. Mr. R. Meiggs pointed out to me that the Greeks to whom
Juvenal is referring are not inferior freedmen or worse but precisely those Greeks
with whom Lucian is dealing in de mere, cond., intellectuals in the houses of
the rich. For hellenizing rustics, cf. Juv. iii. 6 7 : Rusticus ille tuus sumit
trechedipna, Quirine.
Epit. de Caes. 14. 2.
Ibid.; Juv. iii. 78. On Juvenal's time of writing: R. Syme, Tacitus, ii. 776.
Lucian, Apol., esp. 1 2 - 1 3 .
Habicht. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 9/10 (1959/60), 109 ff.
For Cassius Dio, see A Study of Cassius Dio (1964) by F. G. B. Millar. Asinius
Quadratus: FGH ii. A. 97, with SIG 887 (Olympia).
Augustan writers: Chapter X above. On Plutarch's friends at Rome, see
particularly Ziegler, P-W 2 1 . 1. 687-94. Plutarch enunciated explicitly the
well-known fact that easterners needed influential Roman friends: Praec. r.
pub. ger. 18 (814 C).
2
NOVUS STATUS
147
of the second century owed much to long-term Roman sup

port. Even under Augustus Dionysius had observed that ,the
Roman nobility was responsible for the revival of the Attic
style; so, too, Roman tastes had stimulated the Attic revival in
sculpture and doubtless the deliberate archaizing in Athenian
epigraphy.
For about a century wealthy, aristocratic, and cultivated
easterners of one kind or another who entered the service of
Rome were employed principally among the Greek-speaking
peoples. This was essentially just a variant of the old system of
entrusting as far as possible local affairs to natives, and king
doms to client dynasts. The East was the obvious place for
eastern knights and senators. It was not until the revolt of
Avidius Cassius in A.D. 175 that the dangers of this arrange
ment were suddenly appreciated; Cassius was a Syrian by
birth, and it was in Syria that he rose against Rome. In 176 it
became illegal for a man to govern his native province.
The revolt of Cassius was an ominous sign of trouble in the
Graeco-Roman world in that it uncovered a fundamental
weakness in the imperial structure. There were other revolts
and outbreaks, but they were not so serious. The old traditions
were not going to break up from lower-class discontent nor
from incessant stasis in various forms. Greek opposition to
Rome had been making itself felt sporadically ever since
Romans had been in contact with the East, but it had never
been calamitous. It was apparent under Augustus, and riots
and threats under his successors show that it did not die out.
1
Atticism in literature and sculpture: above, pp. 95, 1 3 0 - 1 . Dionysius'

observation appears in de Orat. Ant. 3. Fifth-century lettering in Athenian inscrip
tions of the early Principate: Raubitschek and Jeffery, Dedicationsfrom the Athenian
Acropolis (1949), p. 149.
See Walton, JRS 19 (1929), 38 ff., 'Oriental Senators in the Service of
Rome'; Lambrechts, Ant. Class. 5 (1936), 105 ff. Also R. Syme in Proc. Mass.
Hist. Soc. 72 (1963), 1 ff. Cf. the advice of Apollonius of Tyana to Vespasian in
Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 5. 3 6 : rovrcov ydp rovs p-ev irpoo<f>6povs rots edveoiv, a SieXaxov,
2
<f>r)pX hetv 7T/M7Ttv, cos 6 KXrjpos,
iXXrjvlôvras
fiev 'EXXrjvtKtov
apx*i>v,
pwfiatôvras
8e 6fioyXcorrcDv Kal vpL<f>u>va>v.

3
On Avidius Cassius, PIR A 1402.

Dio 72. 3 1 . 1.
Cf. above, Chapter VIII. There was a revolt in Achaea under Antoninus
Pius: SHA Pius 5. 5 ; Lucianj Peregr. 1 9 ; AE 1929, 2 1 . On labour disputes and
strikes in the second century, cf. Buckler, Anat. Studies pres. to Ramsay (1923),
3
NOVUS STATUS
148
Yet the consolidation process went on. Nor did the everpresent rash of stasis in the East impede the tightening of bonds
with the West. Most of the civil disturbances of the second
century broke out either in trivial contests for honours or as
a result of economic crises. Plutarch rebuked the peoples of
the East for their disputes, but he saw no danger to the fabric
of relations between Greeks and Romans. That seemed quite
secure; Plutarch, like Dio of Prusa, told the Greeks that in fact
they were too submissive to Rome.
However, the system which Augustus had fostered was ulti
mately seen to have carried in itself the germs of its own decay,
and the revolt of Cassius was but one symptom of many. Local
financial burdens were becoming more and more intolerable,
and eastern aristocrats were growing reluctant to undertake
them ; furthermore, the new positions of honour which were
opening up at Rome and were the natural reward for good
service in the provinces effectively reduced the prestige of
holding merely local offices. Thus began in the eastern cities
1
that Spaafjios diro rrjs fiovXfjs of which Libanius complained so

27 ff.; and on class struggles as reflected in the works of Lucian, Baldwin in
Q,55 ( 960> 9 9 ff Aelius Aristides, Orat. 26 Keil (to Rome), 65-66, claimed
that the lower classes rejoiced in Roman rule; an upper-class Greek might like to
have thought that, or at least to have said it in public. But the Roman oration
of Aristides cannot be pressed as an historical document; it is a literary piece with
many antecedents. Cf. Oliver, The Ruling Power (1953), p. 892: 'The historical
and political judgments of Aristides are very superficial.' Rostovtzeff had a dif
ferent opinion: SEHRE i. 1 3 1 .
Plut. Praec. rei p. ger. 8 1 5 A. Plutarch dedicated this treatise probably to a
certain Menemachus of Sardis, who had been banished (de Exilio 600 A ) ; and
he observed continuing strife in that city (Praec. 825 c: opposition between
Pardalas and Tyrrhenus). Cf. also the hortatory addresses of Dio of Prusa and
Aelius Aristides on the theme of ofiovoia.
Plut. Praec. rei p. ger. 814 E ; Dio Prus. Orat. 3 1 . 1 1 1 ; cf. 36. 17 on a Borysthenite whoflatteredthe Romans by being clean-shaven among his bearded
countrymen.
The earliest indication of reluctance may be in Pliny, Ep. 10. 1 1 3 : eos qui
invitifiuntdecuriones. Mr. Sherwin-White has suggested that inviti is a corrup
tion of invitati and his emendation has taken its place in the Oxford text of
Pliny by Sir Roger Mynors. There is no good historical reason for altering the
text here (admittedly corrupt elsewhere): the introduction of special privileges
for decurions under Hadrian (Dig. 48. 19. 1 5 ; p. 149, n. 2 below) makes it
plausible that there was already some reluctance under Trajan. For examples
of expenses borne by local magistrates in the second century, see the citations
in Rostovtzeff, SEHRE ii. 599-602; also W. Liebenam, Stddteverwaltung im
romischen Kaiserreiche (Leipzig, 1900), 164 ff.
J
NOVUS STATUS
*49
bitterly in the fourth century. As early as the reign of the

philhellene Hadrian legislation was introduced offering special
privileges to decurions. This was the start of a legal distinc
tion between honestiores and humiliores, which gathered strength
as local magistracies became increasingly less attractive. How
ever, the new legislation in itself reveals the tenacity of the old
system of relations between East and West; it had been success
ful for so long that every effort was made to perpetuate it.
The Empire finally split in two. Augustus, at a pivotal point
in Roman history, had long ago forestalled that calamity by
encouraging a union of Rome and the East which had begun
under the Republic. The result was an extraordinary con
tinuity from the second century B.C. to the third century A.D.,
and the first Princeps deserves no small share of the credit.
That continuity underlies the Greek renaissance of the second
century and helps to explain the growth and consolidation of
2
empire: TO *PcofjLaTov zivai enovqaart
ov iroXews dXXd
yevovs
Augustus would not have been altogether

surprised to see the role of the Greek-speaking peoples under
Hadrian and the Antonines.
OVO/JLCL KOLVOV
rtvos.
Liban. Orat. 48. 2 3 ; cf. also, for example, 43. 3 ff. or 45. 5 .
Dig. 48. 19. 1 5 : Decurions were not to suffer capital punishment except for
murdering a parent. Note special privileges granted in A.D. I 19 to splendidiores,
among whom were probably certain peregrini such as decurions: Coll. 13. 3 ;
Dig. 47. 2 1 . 2.
See Dig. 48. 5 . 3 8 . 8 and 4 8 . 8 . 1 . 5 (Antoninus Pius). For the whole develop
ment, Cardascia, Rev. hist, de droit frangais et Stranger 28 (1950), 305 ff. and
461 ff., *L'Apparition dans le droit des classes d'honestiores et d'humiliores'.
Aristides, Orat. 26. 63 Keil.
2
APPENDIX I
C U L T S OF R O M A N M A G I S T R A T E S
IN T H E E A S T
SEYRIG'S list inRev.Arch.
2 9 ( 1 9 2 9 ) , 9 5 , n. 4 , has long needed to be
revised and supplemented. K . Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte
( i 9 6 0 ) , 3 1 3 , n. 2 , still relies on it. For the Empire, in the list below,
only magistrates not directly connected by blood with the imperial
house are included. On these cults, cf. Chapter I X above.
Ap. Claudius Pulcher
M. Claudius Marcellus
Cic.
Cic. adFam.
Verr. 2 . 2 . 5 1 .
T. Quinctius Flamininus
Plut. Tit. Flam. 1 6 . AE 1 9 2 9 .
9 9 . Cf. Polyb. 1 8 . 4 6 . 1 2 .
M.' Aquillius
IGR
4. 2 9 2 , 1 . 3 9 ; 2 9 3 , 1 . 2 4 .
M. Annius
SIG*
4. 1 8 8 ; 2 9 1 . OGIS
Cic.
439.
Verr. 2 . 2 . 5 1 .
pro Flacc.
2
13.
Oster.
Inst.
18
SIG*
767.
4. 2 8 .
Cn. Domitius Calvinus

IGR
4. 24.
(1884), 148; 3 4 ( 1 9 1 0 ) ,
Anth.
3. 108.
M. Vipsanius Agrippa
SIG*
1 1 . 1.
9. 9 1 6 . Cf.
Cf. also J . Hatzfeld, Les

Trqfiquants
italiens (Paris,
1
Cn. Pompeius Magnus

69.
149.
254.
1 9 * 9 ) * P- 7 * - *
Verr. 2 . 2 . 5 2 , 1 1 4 , 1 5 4 ;
4 0 1 . Dio
3 ; iii.
3 2 (1907)
(1915), 282.
IG xii.
5 7 . SEG
279-
Pal. ix. 4 0 2 .
1. 1. 26
M. Junius Silanus
L. Licinius Lucullus
Plut. Luc. 2 3 .
C. Verres
BCHS
i. 4 9 , n.
Mitt.
Jahrb.
IGR
55.
L. Cornelius Sulla
IG ii . 1 0 3 9 , 1 .
Cic.
ad Quint. Frat.
(refused).
M. Tullius Cicero
Cic. ad Att. 5. 2 1 . 7 (refused).
P. Servilius Isauricus
C. Julius Caesar
L. Valerius Flaccus
Cic,
Cic.
Ath.
Q,. Mucius Scaevola

IGR
Q. Tullius Cicero
Ephesos
700.
3 . 7 . 2 ; 9. 1 .
1 0 6 5 . Dio
5 4 . 2 4 . 7.
Paullus Fabius Maximus

IGR
4. 2 4 4 .
APPENDIX I
L. Munatius Plancus
BCH 12 (1888), 15, n. 4.
M. Vinicius
Rev. Arch. (1935) ii. 156-8.
C. Marcius Censorinus
SEG 2. 549.
Cn. Vergilius Capito
Hellenica
(1949),
209.
Didyma ii, p. 192, n. 278.
A P P E N D I X II
TRIUMVIRAL THRACIAN KINGS
T H E client dynasty of Thrace is shrouded in obscurity. Augustus
supported many of the great eastern kings raised up by Antony.
A man who knew the East well would not have neglected Thrace;
hence probability counsels an Antonian dynasty there, accepted
and sustained by Antony's conqueror.
Dessau's discussion of the confusing evidence for the Thracian
client kings is still fundamental (EE ix. 696 ff.). Much of what fol
lows is indebted directly to it, but the problems can profitably be
considered again. Since Dessau wrote, some additional inscriptions
have turned up; they serve to augment, rather than to alter, his
conclusions.
Among the supporters of Pompey in 48 B.C. were a certain Cotys
ex Thracia and his son Sadalas (Caesar, BC 3. 4. 3). A Cotys had
been king of Thrace in 57 (Cic. Pis. 34. 84): presumably the later
Pompeian. His son Sadalas will be the man of that name whom
Caesar pardoned after Pharsalus (Dio 41. 63. 1). Now in 42 a cer
tain Thracian Sadalas is reported to have died without progeny
(aVcus, Dio 47. 25. 1). About the same time in the same part of the
world a lady named Polemocratia suffered the death of her hus
band ; she entrusted her young son to Brutus, who turned him over
to the care of the Cyzicenes (App. BC 4. 75). At Bizye, arx regum
Thraciae (Pliny, NH 4. 47), an inscription appeared on which
a King Cotys honoured his parents, who happened to be King
Sadalas and Queen Polemocratia (EE ix. 698). Appian does not
disclose the name of the husband who died about 42, but inasmuch
as his wife's name was Polemocratia and as Dio reveals the death
of a Sadalas then, the husband of Appian's Polemocratia was surely
the Sadalas of Dio and the Bizye inscription. Dio states that he left
no children; evidently the historian was not aware of the small
child who was immediately given over to Brutus and the Cyzicenes.
The Bizye inscription reveals that the child's name was Cotys. If
Polemocratia's husband was the son of the Pompeian Cotys, as he
must be, then her son carriednot surprisinglythe name of his
grandfather. He evidently became a king.
So much for Thracian kings in Thrace, i.e. Odrysians centred in
APPENDIX II
153
Bizye. There was also a line of Thracian princes in Macedonia,

near Philippi. Fighting for Pompey in 48 was a Rhescuporis from
Macedonia (Caesar, BC 3. 4. 3 ) ; Appian (BC 4. 87) notices that
there were Thracians named Rhescuporis and Rhescus, belonging
to the Sapaean house, near Philippi. Two inscriptions reveal the
existence of a King Cotys who was the son of a King Rhescuporis:
EEix. 700, no. 2 (Athens) and PBS A 12 (1905/6), 178 (Bizye). Both
documents reveal that the Sapaeans reached the throne, and the
provenance of the latter shows that they were acknowledged,
probably established, at Bizye, home of the Odrysians. Another
inscription from Athens furnishes the name of King Rhescuporis'
father, namely Cotys (significantly not called King): EE ix. 700,
no. 1.
Thus after 42 there were a Sapaean King Rhescuporis, a Sapaean
King Cotys, and an Odrysian King Cotys. Before Actium Antony
numbered among his partisans a certaiu Sadalas (Plut. Ant. 61) and
a Rhoemetalces who deserted to Octavian (Plut. Mor. 207 A).
Rhoemetalces will have been a Sapaean, for his brother was
a Rhescuporis (Dio 55. 30. 6) and his son is expressly designated
Sapaean by Strabo (556). Sadalas being strictly an Odrysian name,
Antony had, it would appear, conciliated both the Odrysians and
the Sapaeans. The sequence of kings from both houses after 42
confirms this.
Antony's client dynasty appears to have been created through
a marriage. The Augustan Rhoemetalces is described by Dio (54.
20. 3) as uncle and guardian of Cotys' children. This Cotys must
either be the offspring of Sadalas and Polemocratia or of Rhescu
poris. The fact that Dio does not call Rhoemetalces the brother of
Cotys suggests in itself that he was the brother of Cotys' wife. If
Cotys were his blood brother, their joint father would have been
Rhescuporis, for Sadalas, being an Odrysian, would be ruled out.
As it happens, two inscriptions reveal that Rhoemetalces' father
was a King Cotys: PBS A 12 (1905/6), 175 (Bizye), correctly inter
preted in EE ix. 696 and AE 1957. 98 (Hisarlak). Both texts
exhibit the genealogy of Rhoemetalces' homonymous nephew, son
of his known brother. Therefore Cotys, father of Rhoemetalces
and clearly a Sapaean, will be the son of Rhescuporis. The other
Cotys, whose children have Rhoemetalces as their uncle, can only
be the son of Sadalas and an Odrysian, married to the Sapaean
sister of Rhoemetalces.
When the Odrysian Cotys died is unknown, but it must have
occurred before Lollius' governorship of Macedonia in 19 or 18
King Cotys
Saladis
Cotys
Polemocratia
King Rhescuporis
Rhescus
King Cotys
King Cotys =j= Jilia
Rhescuporis
liberi
King Rhoemetalces
King Rhoemetalces
Antonia Tryphaena
Polemo
(King of Pontus)
Cotys
Cotys
(King of Lesser
Armenia)
Dynast/King Rhescuporis = Jilia fratris
wm
Pythodoris
Dynast/King
C . Julius Rhoemetalces
A P P E N D I X II
155
(Dio 54. 20. 3). His death could have provided a suitable occa
sion for an Odrysian attempt to remove the upstart Sapaeans. In
29 B.C. M. Licinius Crassus had conciliated the Odrysians at the
expense of their enemies, the Bessi (Dio 51. 25. 5), and Octavian
had some hereditary ties with them (his father had crushed the
Bessi, Suet. Aug. 3. 2). But the Odrysians cannot have been al
together pleased with the appointment of Rhoemetalces as guar
dian of Cotys' children. The mysterious campaign of Marcus
Primus against the Odrysians c. 23 (Dio 54. 3. 1) ought to be con
nected with the death of Cotys. It is important that none of the
Thracian kings of the Principate is called Sadalas.
The evidence thus encourages the view that Augustus adopted
Antony's arrangements in Thrace. When a breach appeared in the
Antonian union of Odrysian and Sapaean lines, Augustus gave his
support to the house of the Sapaean Rhoemetalces. It was a
Rhoemetalces, perhaps this one, who had deserted to the right
side before Actium.
Opposite is a revised version of Dessau's stemma, consistent with
the foregoing discussion.
Conspectus of epigraphical evidence relevant to the stemma
on page 154
EE ii. 252 = EE ix. 698 (Bizye). King Cotys honours his parents,
who are King Sadalas and Queen Polemocratia.
EE ii. 253, n. 4 = EE ix. 700, no. 2 = CIA iii. 553 (Athens). King
Cotys is son of King Rhescuporis. Set up by Antignotus.
EE ii. 253, n. 6 = EE ix. 700, no. 1 = CIA iii. 552 (Athens). King
Rhescuporis is son of Cotys {not called King). Set up by Anti
gnotus.
EEix. 700 = PBS A 12 (1905/6), 178 (Bizye). King Cotys is son of
King Rhescuporis. Set up by 'Paâfot ol Trpwrcas KaraKXrjddvTcs
LS K7JVG0V.
EE
ix. 696 = PBSA
12 (1905/6), 175 (Bizye). Rhoemetalces,
Swdarqs of Thracians, is vltovos of King Cotys, OvyarpiSovs of King
Rhoemetalces, and son of hwdaTqs

AE
Rhescuporis.
1957. 98 = Bull, de VInst. Arch. Bulg. 19 (1955), 169 =
183
(Hisarlak). Identical genealogy with the foregoing, except that

Rhoemetalces is no longer SvvdGTrjs but paaiXevovTos. However,
fiavikevovTos is cut over an
vrrkp vylas hvvdarov.
erasure of the still distinguishable words
156
APPENDIX II
AE 1912. 213 = Ath.Mitt. 36 (1911), 287 = 37 (1912) 180 (Byzan

tium). King Rhoemetalces. Dated A.D. 1/2.
AE 1933. 84 = BCH 56 (1932), 203 (Philippi). King C. Julius
Rhoemetalces is son of King Rhescuporis.
AE 1937. 168 == Thracica 6 (1935), 305 (vicinity of Neapolis). King
Rhoemetalces is son of Cotys (not King).
APPENDIX III
S U E T O N I U S ; TIBERIUS
8:
T H E T R I A L S OF A R C H E L A U S , T R A L L I A N S
AND T H E S S A L I A N S
Suetonius, Tiberius 8: Civilium officiorum rudimentis regem
Archelaum Trallianos et Thessalos, varia quosque de causa,
Augusto cognoscente defendit
A T some point the young Tiberius defended the King of Cappa

docia, some Trallians, and Thessalians on various charges iri the
court of the Emperor. It would be constitutionally disquieting
should the trials have occurred between 27 and 23 B.C., although
that is the period to which they are normally assigned. If there were
a clear indication of such a date, constitutional niceties would have
no weight. But such an indication is lacking; evidence can be ad
duced in support of a later date, and some details about the trials
can be recovered.
Prevalent opinions must first be cleared away. Gelzer (P-W 10.
480) suggested that the trials occurred in Spain, where Tiberius
had joined Augustus in fighting the Cantabrian War. He gave no
reasons for this view, but they can be inferred from the location of
the notice in Suetonius' biography. Chapter VIII appears at first
sight to record events of the 20's: the trials, pleas for assistance from
three eastern cities stricken in an earthquake, the prosecution of
Caepio the conspirator, Tiberius' cura annonae, and his investigation
of the Italian ergastula. The earthquake, which crippled Laodicea,
Thyatira, and Chios, can be dated to 26 (Euseb. Ckron. Hier. p. 164
Helm); Tralles was also affected (ibid, and Strabo 579) and sent
an embassy to Augustus in Spain to ask for help (Agathias 2. 17).
It might have seemed that because Suetonius mentioned the trials
before the pleas for assistance they were temporally anterior. And
they could not have occurred before Augustus went to Spain, since
Tiberius would have been too young. But it should be noticed that
despite the fact that Tralles sent its appeal to Spain the pleas for the
stricken cities were, in fact, heard in the senate at Rome (Suet.
Tib. 8), therefore after Tiberius' return from Spainin 24 at the
earliest. The trials cannot be left in Spain.
Suetonius' reliability in matters of chronology is difficult to
assess: he prefers to group his material together, often carelessly by
158
APPENDIX III
topics (cf. Aug. 9), but he knows how to indicate temporal relations
when he wants to: observe post hoc, exin, and inde in chapter 9 on
Tiberius' military career. Chapter 8 contains the words inter
haec (i.e. the trials, pleas, and prosecution of Caepio) in respect to
Tiberius' administration of the grain supply and an investigation
of the Italian ergastula. The date of his cura annonae is assigned (Veil.
1 1 . 94. 3) to his quaestorship, which occurred in 23 B.C. (Dio 53.
28. 4), but Velleius says that he was nineteen years old at the time.
Since Tiberius became nineteen some time in the year 23 B.c. and
a severe shortage of grain is recorded for 22 B.C (Dio 54. 1. 2-3),
Tiberius' cura annonae is unlikely to have come at the beginning of
23 and probably did come nearer the end of it. The date of his
investigation of the ergastula is indeterminate.
Accordingly two items, one of which can be dated to late 23, fall
chronologically among certain events which include the trials. Of
these events, the plea for the stricken cities cannot be before 24; the
prosecution of Caepio cannot be before 23, and it may belong to 22,
the year in which Dio (54. 3. 4) puts it. (On the still controversial
question of the year of the Caepio-Murena conspiracy, cf. Balsdon,
Gnomon 33 [1961], 395.) Now if the trials are to be dated to the mid
or early 20's, it would produce the odd result that Suetonius
described something from late 23 as falling inter a set of events of
which the latest belongs itself to 23 or at best (on the alternative
dating of the prosecution of Caepio) to 22, while the next latest
belongs to 24 at the earliest. In view of the date of Tiberius' cura
annonae, Suetonius' inter haec must mean that at least one or more of
the preceding events in his chapter occurred after 23. It is probable
on this approachthat the prosecution of Caepio is such a later
event. There is also a case to be made for a date later than 23 for
the trials, and the case seems worth making.
The Date of the Trial of Archelaus: Dio (57. 17. 3-4) alludes to this
event under the year A . D . I 7. His words are: 'Tiberius' anger was
aroused against Archelaus, the King of Cappadocia, because this
prince, after having once grovelled before him (jrporepov ol VTTOTTCTTTCJKCOS) in order to gain his assistance as advocate when accused
by his subjects in the time of Augustus, had afterwards (/xera TOVTO)
slighted him on the occasion of his visit to Rhodes, yet had paid
court to Gaius when the latter went to Asia.' This passage confirms
what was clear anyway from Suetonius: the trial took place at
least before Tiberius' retirement to Rhodes.
Further on in the same passage (Dio 57. 17. 5) reference is made
to insanity alleged against Archelaus, as a result of which Augustus
APPENDIX III
*59
was obliged at some unknown date to impose an eViT/oo7ros (Latin

procurator) over the king's realm. There is no connexion made or
implied between the imposition of this official and the trial of
Archelaus, and there is thus no justification for assuming that this
action was the outcome of the trial. It is best to assume that it
came later and that the trial was terminated by an acquittal; that is
what one would expect from a royal defence, and it appears to
underlie Tiberius' vexation with Archelaus' ingratitude.
Dio does not reveal when the king grovelled before Tiberius. The
occasion can be surmised. When Tiberius went to Armenia in
20 B.C. to install Tigranes II on the throne, Archelaus, the King of
Gappadocia, went with him (Jos. AJ 15. 105). It was perhaps on
that mission that Archelaus debased himself before Tiberius in
search of legal aid. It was in 20 B.C. (Dio 54. 9. 2) that Augustus
presented Archelaus with Rough Cilicia and Lesser Armenia, and
this indication of imperial favour may have piqued the opposition
to the king at home.
If this date for Tiberius' support of Archelaus is accepted, the
subsequent history of the two men falls into place. For M. Titius
was governor of Syria when the Parthian king handed over his
sons as hostages to the Romans (Strabo 748): that happened in
10/9 B.C. (Livy, Ep. 141, which must refer to the hostages and the
declaration of pax, inasmuch as the standards were recovered in
20 B.C) ; Archelaus and Titius were on bad terms, but Herod of
Judaea succeeded in reconciling the two men while Titius was still
governor of Syria (Jos. AJ 16. 270). This reconciliation will have
been the time of Archelaus' desertion of Tiberius. Titius cannot
have been a friend of Tiberius, in view of the harsh treatment he
receives at the hands of Tiberius' panegyrist, Velleius (2. 79. 6).
Archelaus was an enemy of Titius while he was a friend of Tiberius,
and an enemy of Tiberius after he had contracted a friendship
with Titius. A network of intrigue is exposed by which a king whom
Tiberius had once defended was made to slight him on Rhodes.
Archelaus, then, could have appealed to Tiberius in 20 B.C.
Presumably the trial before Augustus took place in Rome, as the
itineraries of the Emperor and his stepson in the East were not the
same. In 16 B.C. Tiberius went with Augustus to Gaul (Dio 54. 19.
6). Therefore the trial will have occurred between 19 and 16, most
probably c. 18 B.C.
This argument has provided a possible date for one of the trials.
If Archelaus took advantage of Tiberius' presence in the East
to seek his aid in court, others such as the Trallians and the
i6o
APPENDIX III
Thessalians did as well. Tiberius was accessible to embassies from

such peoples: he exhibited his virtues to several provinces of the
East on his way to Armenia (Veil. 2. 94. 2), and on his return he
paused at Rhodes (Suet. Tib. 1 1 ) .
Tralles: Apart from the earthquake, evidence for Augustan
Tralles is slight. Magie (RRAM ii. 1332) connected Tiberius' de
fence of the Trallians with the appeal of Tralles after the earth
quake of 26. This supposition may be quickly dismissed. A plea
for a shattered city can hardly be the same as a defence in court:
the one took place in the senate, the other at a cognitio of Augustus.
The city had been head of a conventus district in the late Repub
lic : Cic. pro Flacc. 29, 7 1 ; Jos. AJ 14. 245; Milet, ii. Bouleuterion
no. 3. It lost this status under Augustus; it appears in Pliny (NH
5. 120) in the conventus of Ephesus under the name of Caesarea.
The date and circumstances of the loss of the conventus headship
and the acquisition of the name Caesarea cannot be discovered;
Pliny's sources for the East are too various to furnish any secure
dating (cf. Jones, CERP, App. I). Therefore, the issues at the trial
of the Trallians, in which Tiberius was involved, cannot be dis
covered. Factional rivalries are most likely. (Cf. Chapter VIII
above, pp. 102-8.)
But Tiberius' activities on behalf of Tralles may be reflected in
an inscription from near-by Nysa, the ancestral seat of the eminent
Trallian house of Chaeremon (cf. p. 8 above). This document (SIG
781) attests a priest of Tiberius in Nysa at precisely the period of his
exile on Rhodes. The cult was undoubtedly established at an earlier
and happier time. Could Tiberius have successfully defended the
family of Chaeremon and Pythodorus against another Trallian
faction ? Whatever the cause, the request for his services in the court
of Augustus fits best into the context of his mission to Armenia.
Thessaly: As in the case of Tralles, miscellaneous scraps of in
formation have survived. The freedom granted to the Thessalians
by Caesar (App. BC 2. 88; Plut. Caes. 48) is thought to have been
revoked by Augustus, because their freedom is not mentioned by
Pliny. There is no good reason to connect a loss of freedom with
the reference in Suetonius, any more than there is any excuse for
bringing in coin legends (Head, HN 312), Augustus' enlargement
of the league (Paus. 10. 8. 3), or his titulary generalship of it in
27/26 B.C. (IG ix. 2. 4156; Arch. Eph. 1917, 149).
However, certain items might be relevant. Two Thessalian
manumission lists of Augustan date mention 6 iviavrds 6 iirl GTparr\yov Ecoadvhpov Kara T O Kaioapos Kpifxa (IG ix. 2. 1042, 11. 21-22;
3
APPENDIX III
x6i
21-22; JHS 33 (1913), 323,11. 3-5). The Kptfia to which this phrase
alludes must be a judgement in a trial, a court decision; it cannot
be the same thing as an edict (imKpifm) or a rescript (StctTay/xa).
The only known trial involving Thessaly in which Augustus was the
judge is the one recorded in Suet. Tib. 8, Augusto cognoscente. It is
clear from the inscriptions that the Emperor's decision included an
extraordinary appointment of an eponymous general of the Thes
salian League for that year.
Contention of rival factions for the supreme magistracy may be
suspected. There were certainly rival factions within the league in
the days of Caesar and Pompey (Caes. BC 3. 35. 2). And sometime
in the reign of Augustus a man called Petraeus was burned alive by
the Thessalians (Plut. Praec. rei pub. ger. 19, 815 D). The leader of
the Caesarian faction in the civil-war period was also a Petraeus
(Caes. BC \oc. cit.); he received the citizenship (Cic. Phil. 13. 33),
probably from Caesar's proconsul, L. Cassius Longinus (cf. the
L. Cassius Petraeus in SIG* 825). The Caesarian Petraeus was
struck down with an axe in 43 B.C. (Cic. Phil. loc. cit.). Hence the
man who was burned alive was probably his son. (On the Cassii
Petraei of Hypata, cf. Bowersock, Rheinisches Museum 108 [1965].)
Nothing further is known of the Pompeian, Hegesaretus (Caes.,
BC loc. cit.), but the violent end of the younger Petraeus at the
hands of his own countrymen suggests that the opposing faction
was still vigorous.
The trial of the Thessalians and the Emperor's appointment of
Sosandrus cannot, however, have been the outcome of the tumults
in which Petraeus was burned; one of the inscriptions reveals that
Petraeus held his second generalship after the extraordinary tenure
of Sosandrus (IGix. 2. 1042,11. 27-28). Therefore, the burning of
Petraeus cannot come before the trial, as Jones thought (GC 324,
n. 63), if the /cpf/ia is to be associated with it. And surely it must.
Nevertheless, factional disturbances will have led to the trial and
the imperial appointment of a league general. As in the case of the
two foregoing trials, Tiberius was. probably approached by Thes
salian envoys during his mission to Armenia. The words TO Kalaapos
Kpifxa need not cause any trouble. Augustus is elsewhere called
Caesar on a contemporary document (OGIS 458, 11. 5, 37, 60).
In conclusion, Tiberius' defence of easterners at the court of
Augustus may belong soon after his return from the East in 19 B.c.
If Archelaus' appeal to Tiberius for help came in 20 B.C., the
appeals of the Trallians and the Thessalians could have reached
him either on his way out to Armenia or on his way back.
#
814250
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INDEX
T H E following index covers the material in the text and notes,
but not in the appendixes. However, the contents of those are
clear from their titles, and cross-references in the notes will guide
the reader to whatever may be relevant there.
Aba, of Olba, 48-49.
Abdera, 12 n.
Abilene, 5 5 .
Acarnanian League, see Leagues.
Achaea, province: strife fomented
there by Eurycles, 60; made part of
Moesia, 108; Metilius Rufus pro
consul there, 1 3 2 .
Achaea, Phthiotic, 97.
Achaean League, see Leagues.
Acornion of Dionysopolis, 1 1 .
Acropolis, at Athens, 95.
Actia, games, 83, 94.
Actium, 65.
Acts of the Pagan Martyrs, 105.
Adiatorix, 37, 4 4 - 4 5 , 62, 63 n., 67.
Aegina, 85, 106.
Aelius Aristides, 1 2 3 .
Sex. Aelius Cams (cos. A.D. 4 ) , 1 2 9 ,
134.
Aelius Dionysius, 130 n.

Aelius Gallus, prefect of Egypt, 56,
128-9.
Alexandria, in Egypt: embassies from,

87; lacking a council, 90, 1 0 5 ;
Strabo there, 1 3 2 .
Alexandria Troas, 65, 69, 7 1 .
Alexas of Laodicea, 10, 109.
Alyzia, 94.
Amaseia (Pontus), 49-50, 1 2 7 .
Ambracia, 94.
Amis us, 44, 64, 68.
Ammaeus, 130 n.
Amphictyony, Delphic, 98.
Amphissa, 94.
Amyntas, king of Galatia, 5 1 , 52, 70.
Anactorium, 94.
Anaxenor, of Magnesia, 10.
Anazarbus, 46-47.
L. Annaeus Seneca, the younger, 2 5 ,
76.
M. Annius (quaest. 1 1 9 B.C.), 1 1 3 n.
Antioch, on the Maeander, 5.

Antioch, in Pisidia, 5 2 , 65, 69, 70,
72 n.
Antioch, in Syria, 9, 99, 100 n.
Antiochus, of Ascalon, 4, 1 2 3 .
Antiochus, of Commagene, 5 7 - 5 8 .
Antipas, claimant to throne in Judaea,
Aelius Gallus, partisan of Sejanus, 1 3 3 .

L. Aelius Sejanus, 128-9, 3 3 .
Q. Aelius Tubero, historian, 129-30.
Q. Aelius Tubero (cos. 1 1 B . C ) , 129,
56.
130 n.
Antipater, son of Herod the Great,
Paullus Aemilius Lepidus (suff. 34
135.
!
B.C), 18.
P. Aemilius Lepidus, governor of

Crete, 18.
Q,. Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 21 B.C.), 18,
ii9n.
L. Aemilius Paullus (cos. II 168 B . C ) ,

74.
Aeniama, 97.
Aesopus, 108.
Aetolia, 92.
Aetolian League, see Leagues.
Africa, 60, 68.
Agrippiastae, n 8 n .
Ajax, statue of, 86.
Alexander, of Abonuteichus, 145.
Alexander, the Great, 3 3 , 109.
Alexander, Polyhistor, 3 1 .
Antipater, of Thessalonica, 1 7 , 1 2 4 - 5 ,
132-3.
Antonia, widow of elder Drusus, 1 4 1 .

L. Antonius, 12 n.
M. Antonius, the triumvir: Greek in
timates, 1 0 ; disposition of kings and
dynasts, Chap. IVpassim', colonies,
62-66; thefts, 86; constitution for
Athens, 1 0 5 ; introduced to Tima
genes, 109.
Antonius Apollodorus, 1 1 8 .
M. Antonius Lepidus, 1 1 7 , 129.
M. Antonius Polemo, 8 n., 144.
M. Antonius Zeno (suff. A.D. 1 4 8 ) ,
143.
Apamea (Celaenae), 99.

Apamea Myrleia, 63, 66, 69.
170
INDEX
Aphrodite Anadyomene, 86.

Apollo, 96.
Apollodorus, of Pergamum, 3 1 .
Apollonides, of Nicaea, 134.
Sex. Appuleius (cos. 29 B . C ) , I 19 n.
Arabia, 56, 136.
Arabia Felix, 56, 128.
Arcadia, 1 1 1 n.
Archaism, see Atticism.
Archelaus, of Rhodes, 2.
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, 2 2 ,
51 n., 5 2 - 5 4 , 56.
Archelaus, Jewish ethnarch, 5 6 - 5 7 ,

*35-6.
Archelochus, of Epidaurus, 10.

Archias, 4, 80.
Areius of Alexandria, 3 3 - 3 4 , 3 9 - 4 1 ,
123.
Ares, temple of, 9 5 .

Argeios, Athenian archon, 101 n.
Argolid League, see Leagues.
Argos, Amphilochian, 94.
Aristagoras, of Istros, 10.
Aristion, 6 n., 102 n., 103 n.
Aristodemus, of Nysa, 1 2 7 .
Aristonicus, 1 0 1 .
Aries, 70.
Armenia, 58.
Art thefts, 7 4 - 7 5 , 86.
Artemidorus, of Cnidos, see Julius
Artemidorus.
M. Artorius Asclepiades, 1 2 3 .
Asander, Bosporan king, 5 0 - 5 1 .
Asia, province, 99.
Asian League, see Leagues.
Asiarchs, 1 1 7 .
C. Asinius Gallus (cos. 8 B.C.), 88 n.
C. Asinius Pollio (cos. 40 B . C ) , 1 5 ,
no, 1 2 5 .
Asinius Pollio, of Tralles, n o n.
Asinius Quadratus, 146.
Asopus, 92.
Aspurgus, Bosporan king, 5 3 , 120.
Assos, 1 1 .
L. Ateius Philologus, 28.
Ateporix, 50.
Athena, statue of, 106.
Athenaeus, of Cilician Seleuceia, 3 4 35- .
Athenion, 6 n., 102 n., 103 n.

Athenodorus Cordylion, of Tarsus,
32.
Athenodorus, son of Sandon, of

Tarsus, 3 2 , 34, 39~40> 48, 1 2 3 , 138,
141.
Athens: benefits from Herod, 5 5 ;

cultural centre, 7 3 , 9 5 ; develop
ments and general situation under
Augustus, 95-96; in Amphictyony,

98; opposition to Rome in late
Republic, 1 0 1 - 2 ; opposition to
Rome under Augustus, 1 0 5 - 8 ; not
visited by Strabo, 127.
Attaleia, 64 n.
Atticism and archaism: in art, 7 5 ,
147; in epigraphy, 95, 1 4 7 ; in
literature, 75, 147.
Q. Attius Fronto, 41 n.
C. Avianius Evander, 75.
C. Avidius Cassius (cos. c. A.D. 162),
147.
P. Baebius Italicus, 120 n.

Baiae, baths at, 83.
Benefactors and benefactor cults, 1 2 1 3 , 1 1 2 - 1 4 , 119-20.
Beroea, 97.
Berytus, 66, 7 1 .
Bessi, 2 3 , 59.
Bithynian League, see Leagues.
Bizye, 58.
Boeotian League, see Leagues.
Boethus, tyrant of Tarsus, 39, 47-48.
Bosporus, 50.
Brasidas, fifth-century general, 1 0 5 ,
108.
Brutus: colonized Cassandreia, 6 5 ;

pupil of Antiochus of Ascalon, 4;
friend of younger Cicero, 19, of
Nicias of Cos, 4 5 , of M. Tullius
Cratippus, 1 1 4 .
Bullatius, in Horace, 78, 79, 80.
Buthrotum, 62, 67.
Byllis, 65.
Caecilius, of Caleacte, 124.
Q,. Caecilius Epirota, 124 n.
Caesarea, cities of that name, 100
and n.
Caesarea-by-Anazarbus, see Anazarbus.
Caesarea, in Judaea, 5 5 .
Cales, 19.
Callistus, of Cnidos, 9.
L. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 58 B . C ) , 3 .
Cn. Calpurnius Piso (suff. 2 3 B.C.), 1 7 ,
133-
Cn. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 7 B . C ) , 1 7 .

L. Calpurnius Piso Augur (cos. 1
B.C), 17.
L. Calpurnius Piso Pontifex (cos. 1 5

B . C ) , 1 7 , 2 5 n., 59, 1 2 4 - 5 ,
32-3-
L. Calpurnius Proculus, 120 n.

P. Calpurnius Proculus, 120 n.
M. Calpurnius Rufus, 141 and n.
Calydon, 92.
INDEX
171
M. Cocceius Nerva (cos. 3 6 B.C.),

Calydonlan Boar, its teeth, 86.
26.
Cantabrian War, 126.
Comama, 65, 66 n.
Cappadocia, 2 2 , 5 1 - 5 2 , 60.
Comana (Pontic), 48-49, 1 2 7 .
Capri, 84.
Commagene, 57.
Carana (Sebastopolis), 50.
Corinth, 62, 67-69, 94-95, 99Caranitis, 49-50.
Cornelius Epicadus, 3 , 3 1 .
Cardamyle, 92.
C. Cornelius Gallus, 124.
Caristanii, 72 n.
C. Caristanius Fronto (suff. A.D. 90), P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus (cos. II 134 B . C ) , 2 - 3 , 1 2 3 .
142 n.
L. Cornelius Sulla Felix, dictator: his
Cassandreia, 65.
autobiography, 3 ; arrangements
C. Cassius (praet. c. 90 B.C.), 8.
for Chios, 8 8 ; sack of Athens, 96,
C. Cassius Longinus (praet. 44 B.C.), 2,
102, 1 1 3 - 1 4 ; cult, 1 1 3 - 1 4 .
45.
Cos, 4 5 - 4 6 , 5 5 , 86.
Cassius Dio Cocceianus (cos. II A.D.
Cotys, Odrysian king, 5 8 - 5 9 .
229), 146.
Cotys, son of Rhoemetalces, 59.
Cassius of Parma, 19.
Crates, of Priene, 8.
(Cassius) Petraeus, Caesarian in
Cremna, 65, 66 n.
Thessaly, 104.
Crete, 65.
(Cassius) Petraeus, burned in Thes
Crinagoras, of Mytilene, poet, 25, 36,
saly, 104.
6 1 , 78, 86, 1 2 3 - 4 , 3 3 Castor, Antonian king of Paphlagonia
Cyme, in Asia Minor, 88, 120.
and Galatia, 5 1 .
Cyprus, 103.
L. Cestius Pius, 124 n.
Cyrene, 87-89.
Chaeremon, of Nysa, 8.
Cythera, 92.
Chaeremon, of Tralles, 87.
Cyzicus, 2 1 , 64, 68, 79, 99, 103, 108.
Chaeremonianus, of Tralles, 8 n.
Chios, 55 n., 87, 88, 99.
Dacia, trouble c. A.D. I I , 107.
Cilicia (Level), 46.
Deiotarus Philadelphus, 5 1 - 5 2 .
Cilicia (Rough), 48, 5 2 .
Q,. Dellius, 26.
Citizens of the Sun, 1 0 1 .
Delphi, 9, 95, u 8 n .
Claros, 1 6 - 1 7 .
Demetrius, the Besieger, 1 1 3 .
Claudius, Emperor, 70, 9 1 , 108, 1 1 6 .
Ti. Claudius Atticus Herodes (cos. Demetrius, of Gadara, 3 1 .
A.D. 143), 96, 144.
Q,. Didius, 27.
Ti. Claudius Balbillus, 105, 141 n.
Dio, of Prusa, 8 1 , 96, 103, 148.
Ti. Claudius Brasidas, 108 n.
Diodorus, of Adramyttium, 6.
A. Claudius Charax, 146.
Diodorus Pasparus, 10, 1 1 3 m
Nero Claudius Drusus, 34.
Diodorus, of Sardis, the younger, 124,
C. Claudius Marcellus, nephew of
33Augustus, 3 4 , 1 3 3 .
Diodorus, of Sicily, 1 2 2 and n.
M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. 51 B . C ) , Diodorus Zonas, 5, 1 3 3 .
Diodotus, the Stoic, 4.
77, " 4 Ti. Claudius Polemo, 1 1 8 .
Diogenes, of Athens, 7 5 .
Ap. Claudius Pulcher (cos. 79 B . C ) , Dionysius, son of Areius, 38.
28.
Dionysius, of Halicarnassus, 75, 1 2 3 Ap. Claudius Pulcher (cos. 38 B . C ) ,
5, 1 3 0 - 2 , 1 3 4 .
28.
Dionysodorus, of Thasos, 1 1 .
Ap. Claudius Pulcher, monetalis and Dionysus Cathegemon, at Pergamum,
adulterer, 28-29.
9.
Cleon, of Gordioucome, 48-49.
Diotrephes, the Sophist, 5.
Cleopatra, 26.
Dium, 65.
Cleopatra Selene, 6 1 , 1 3 3 .
Dodecais, 95-96.
P. Clodius (trib. pleb. 58 B . C ) , 28.
Dolopia, 97.
Cnidos, 8-9, 87-558, 1 1 4 .
Dorylaus, the general, 1 2 7 and n.
Cnossus, 65, 67.
Dorylaus, the priest, 1 2 7 and n.
C. Cocceius Balbus (suff. 39 B.C.), 26. Dyme, 62, 67, 92.
L. Cocceius Nerva (not cos.), 26.
Dynamis, 5 1 n., 5 3 .
x
INDEX
172
Dyrrachium, 2 1 , 65, 67.

Dyteutus, son of Adiatorix, 45, 48.
Earthquakes, 99.
Egypt: imperial property, 3 7 ; ad
ministrative posts, 4 0 - 4 1 ; grades of
Greeks, 90; Strabo there, 1 2 7 - 8 .
Elis, 9, 93.
Embassies, 1 0 - n , 36, 86-87.
Emesa, 47, 49, 66.
Empylus, of Rhodes, 4.
Endoeus, sculptor, 86.
Ephesus, 88, 99, 1 1 6 - 1 7 .
Ephorus, 1 3 7 ;
Epidaurus, 10.
Eresos, 87 and n.
Eretria, 106.
Eros, freedman, 40.
Erucius, of Cyzicus, 79.
Euanthes, of Epidaurus, 10.
Eucles, son of Herod of Marathon,
96, 145-
Eusebeia, games at Puteoli, 83 n.

Eusebius, 107.
Euthydemus, of Mylasa, 5 - 7 .
Paullus Fabius Maximus (cos. 1 1 B . C ) ,
22, 1 1 3 n., 1 1 9 .
L. Flavius (cos. 3 3 B . C [in absence]),
27.
Flavonii, 72 n.
Q.Fufius Calenus (cos. 47 B . C ) , 9.
C. Furnius, 27.
A. Gabinius (cos. 58 B . C ) , 109, 1 2 5 .
Galatia, 43, 5 1 - 5 2 , 1 3 2 .
Gemella, see following entry.
Gemina, 64 n.
Germa, 65.
Glaphyra, courtesan and mother of
Archelaus, 52.
Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus,
61 n.
Gordioucome (Juliopolis), 43, 48-49.
Gytheum, 92, 120.
Hadrian, Emperor, 82, 1 2 3 , 146.
Hegesaretus, Thessalian Pompeian,
104.
Heliopolis (Syria), 66, 7 1 .

Heraclea Pontica, 1 1 , 44, 48, 62-63,
67-69.
Heracleides, of Magnesia, 108.

Heracleitus, of Priene, 10.
C Herbacius Romanus, 82 n.
Hermaiscus, anti-Roman leader, 105.
Herod, king of Judaea, 54"57> 35"7
I
Herod, of Marathon, 96, 145.

Herodes, of Priene, 10.
Hierapolis (Syria), 96.
Hierapolis-Castabala, 44, 46, 49.
Hieron, of Laodicea, 7.
Hipparchus, freedman of Antony,
10 n.
Homer, shown to have been a Roman,
127 n.
Homer, the 'New Homer', 96.
Homonadensians, 5 2 ; Homonadensian War, 24, 47, 7 0 - 7 1 , 100 n.
Horace, poet, 76, 78-79.
Hybreas, of Mylasa, 5-6, 45.
Hyrcanus, 5 5 .
Iamblichus, of Emesa, 47.
Idiologoi, in Egypt, 4 0 - 4 1 .
India, freak from, 1 3 5 .
Iol-Caesarea, 6 1 .
Iollas, of Sardis, 1 1 , 87.
Ischia, 84.
Isidore, anti-Roman leader, 105.
Isidore, of Charax, 138.
Istros, 10.
Italica Romaea Sebasta Isolympia,
83-84.
Ituraeans, 5 5 , 7 1 .
Janus, temple of, 107.
Jerome, St., 107.
Juba II, Mauretanian
monarch,
60-61, 1 3 3 , 138-9.
Judaea, creation of province, 57, 60.

Julia, Augustus' daughter, 29.
Julian, Emperor, 4 1 .
Juliopolis, see Gordioucome.
Sex. Julius Africanus, 106.
King Julius Alexander (cos. under
Trajan), 142 n., 143.
C. Julius Antiochus Epiphanes Philopappus (stiff, A.D. 109), 1 4 3 .
C. Julius Apollonius, of Miletus, 8 n.,
86.
C.Julius Aquila, 37.

Ti. Julius Aquila Polemaeanus (suff.
A.D. no), 142.
Julius Artemidorus, of Cnidos, 9.
C. Julius Asclepiades, 3 7 , 40.
C.Julius Caesar, dictator: his murder,
2, 4; partisans in the East, 9, 12 n.;
embassies to him, 1 1 , 3 6 ; his
colonies, 44, 62-69; on immunitas,
89; dealings with Athens, 9 5 ;
dealings with Thessalians, 97, 104;
citizenship grant for Cratippus,
114.
INDEX
C.Julius Caesar (cos. A.D. I ) , 14, 24,
37, 58, 138.
L. Julius Caesar, 37.

T. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus (suff.
A.D. 92), 120, 142.
C.Julius Dionysius, 105.

C. Julius Epicrates, of Miletus, 8.
C. Julius Eurycles, dynast of Sparta,
59-60, 92, 105, 108, 120.
C. Julius Eurycles Heraclanus, 143.

G. Julius Hyginus, 38.
C.Julius Laco, 92, 108.
C.Julius Lepidus, 1 1 7 , 129.
C. Julius Marathus, 37.
C. Julius Nicanor, of Alexandria, 38,
96 n.
C. Julius Nicanor, of Hierapolis in
Syria, 96 n.
C.Julius Pardalas, of Sardis, 148 n.
C. Antius A. Julius Quadratus (cos.
11 A.D. 105), 142 n.
C. Julius Samsigeramus, 47.
C. Julius Severus (suff. c. A.D. 138),
H3.
C. Julius Sohaemus, 66.

C. Julius Spartiaticus, 9 1 .
C. Julius Theon, Stoic of Alexandria,
37, 40-41.
C. Julius Theopompus, of Cnidos, 9,

114.
C. Julius Xenon, 1 1 7 , 120.

M. Junius Brutus (praet. 44 B.C.), see
Brutus.
Juvenal, poet, 146.
Labienus Parthicus, 6.
Lacedaemonian (or Eleutherolaconian) League, see Leagues.
Lagina (Caria), 26.
Lampsacus, 1 1 , 64, 67, 68.
Lanuvium, 24.
Laodicea, on the Lycus, 7, 9, 5 3 , 99.
Larissa, 97.
Leagues, 9 1 - 9 9 ; Acarnanian, 9 3 ;
Achaean, 9 2 - 9 3 ; Aetolian, 9 3 ;
Argolid, 9 3 ; Asian, 98; Bithynian,
1 1 6 ; Boeotian, 93; Lacedaemonian
(later Eleutherolaconian), 9 1 - 9 2 ;
Lycian, 98; Macedonian, 97-98;
Magnesian, 9 7 ; Thessalian, 97-98,
104.
Lesbos, 36.
Libanius, 148.
L. Licinius Lucullus (cos. 74 B . C ) , 3 , 4 ,
12 n., 1 2 3 , 1 2 7 .
T. Licinius Mucianus, 121 n.
Q. Licinius Silvanus Granianus, 1 1 8 n.
Lindos, no.
173
Livia, 28, 34, 1 1 8 n.

Livy, on Alexander the Great, 109.
Locris, Ozolian, 92.
Lollianus, of Ephesus, 144.
L. Lollius, governor of Crete and
Cyrene, 2 7 - 2 8 .
M. Lollius (cos. 21 B . C ) , 2 3 - 2 4 , 59.
Lollius Palicanus (trib. pleb. 71 B.C.),
23 n.
Lollius Palicanus (monetalis 47 B.C.),
23 n.
Lucian, author, 1 4 5 - 6 .
Lucretius, poet, 76.
Lycia, 108.
Lycian League, see Leagues.
Lycomedes, dynast of Pontic Comana,
48.
Lystra, 64 n., 65, 66 n.

Macedonia, 58, 97, 108.
Macedonian League, see Leagues.
C. Maecenas, 5, 129.
Magnesian League, see Leagues.
Malchus, Nabataean king, 57.
Malis, 97.
Mantinea, no.
L. Marcius Censorinus (cos. 39 B . C ) ,
18.
C. Marcius Censorinus (cos. 8 B . C ) ,

18-19, 119.
Mariamne, 1 3 5 .
C. Marius (cos. V I I 86 B . C ) , 5 .
Mars, favoured by Augustus, 95.
Marseilles, 80.
Mauretania, 60-61, 1 3 8 - 9 .
Medeios, Athenian archon, 101 n.
Media, 5 1 .
Megara, 65, 85.
C. Memmius (praet. 58 B . C ) , 45.
Men Arkaios, 52.
Menas, traitorous freedman, 37.
Menemachus, of Sardis, 148 n.
Mesomedes, poet, 1 4 1 .
Mestrius Plutarchus, of Chaeronea,
102-3,
I 0
9 ->
Metilius Rufus, 1 3 2 .
Metrodorus, dancer, 10.
Metrodorus, of Athens, 74.
Metrodorus, of Scepsis, 6, 108, 109 n.,
1 3 1 n.
Trebonius Proculus Mettius Modestus
(suff. c. A.D. 102), 120 n.
Miletus, 22, 120.

Mithridates, of Commagene, 57.
Mithridates, of Pergamum, 9, 5 0 - 5 1 .
Mithridates Euergetes, 1 2 7 .
Mithridates Eupator, 1, 5 - 6 , 8, 7 3 ,
1 0 1 - 2 , 108, 127.
INDEX
174
Peiraeus, 95 n.
Moesia, province, 108.
Pella, 65.
Moschion, of Priene, 10.
Pelops, of Byzantium, 1 2 .
Q. Mucius Scaevola (cos. 95 B . C ) ,
Pergamum, 10, 5 5 , 1 1 4 , 1 1 6 .
1 1 3 n., 1 1 6 .
Perrhaebia, 97.
Mummia Achaica, 1 5 .
Petra, 39 n.
Mummius, legate in Achaea, 1 5 .
P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus (stiff. Petraeus, see Cassius Petraeus.
Pharnaces, 5 0 - 5 1 .
A.D. 146), 145 n.
Pharsalus, 97 n.
L. Munatius Plancus (cos. 42 B . C ) , 2 1 ,
Philip, of Thessalonica, 1 4 1 .
26.
Philippi, 65.
Mylasa, 19.
Philodemus, of Gadara, 3 , 1 3 2 .
Myron, sculptor, 86.
Philostratus, philosopher, 3 3 , 37.
Mytilene, 4, 36, 77, 89.
Phraates, 22.
L. Pinarius Scarpus, 27.
Nabataeans, 5 6 - 5 7 .
Pisidia, 65, 70.
Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, 9 1 , 102 n.
M. Plancius Varus, senator, 141 n.
Naples, see Neapolis.
Plutarch, see Mestrius Plutarchus.
Narbo Martius, 70.
Polemo of Laodicea, king of Pontus,
Narbonese Gaul, 70.
Naupactus, 92.
6>5i> 5 3 . I 4 3 - 4 Polemo, king of Pontus under Gaius,
Neapolis, 74, 76, 80-84, 3 2 .
Necrocorinthia, 94.
144.
Nemesis, Tibullus' woman, 38.
Polybius, historian, 2, 1 2 2 - 3 , 6 ~ 7 >
Nero, Emperor, 1 2 3 .
131.
Nestor, of Tarsus, 34-35* 39> 4 Sextus Pompeius, 19, 22, 64.
Nicaea, 1 1 6 .
Pompeius Geminus, 130 n.
Nicias, tyrant of Cos, 45.
Pompeius Macer, son of Theophanes,
Nicolaus, of Damascus, 56, 1 2 4 - 5 ,
!
I2
134-8.
Nicomedia, 1 1 6 .
Nicopolis, in Greece, 55, 93-94* 98.
Ninica, 65.
Numicius, 79.
Nysa, 8, 1 1 8 n., 1 2 7 .
Obodas, king of Arabia, 5 6 - 5 7 .
Octavia, Augustus' sister, 34.
Odrysians, 5 8 - 5 9 .
Oeanthea, 92.
Olba (Rough Cilicia), 48-49* 53Olbasa, 65.
Olympia, 77, 92, 1 3 4 .
M. Opsius Navius Fannianus, senator,
82 n.
Orosius, 107.
Ovid, poet, 20, 3 8 - 3 9 .
Pamphylia, 5 1 .
Panaetius, 3 , 130, 1 3 1 .
Pantheon, at Rome, 75.
Paphlagonia, 4 3 , 5 1 , 1 1 7 .
P. Paquius Scaeva, 104.
Parium, 63, 64 n., 68.
Parlais, 65.
Parthenius, 124, 1 3 4 .
Parthians, 109.
Patrae, 65, 69, 9 2 - 9 5 , 99.
Paul, St., 1 1 7 .
36, 38, 4 1 , 86.
Q,. Pompeius Macer (praet. A.D. 1 5 ) ,

4 1 , 142.
M. Pompeius Macrinus Theophanes

(cos. under Trajan), 1 4 3 .
Cn. Pompeius Magnus (cos. Ill 5 2
B . C ) : associated with Theophanes
and Poseidonius, 3 - 4 , 1 2 2 - 3 ; east
ern settlement, 4 2 ; friend of Nicias
of Cos, 45, of Cratippus, 1 1 4 .
Cn. Pompeius Theophanes, 3 - 4 ,
3 0 - 3 1 , 4 1 , 86, 1 2 2 - 3 ,
I 2
5 -> 4
T. Pomponius Atticus, 77.

Pontus, 5 1 .
C. Poppaeus Sabinus (cos. A.D. 9),
97 n.
M. Porcius Cato (praet. 54 B . C ) , 3, 3 2 .
Poseidonius, 3 - 5 , 1 2 2 - 3 , 3 '
Potamo, of Mytilene, 1 1 , 86, 1 2 3 .
M. Primus, 59.
Propertius, poet, 2 1 , 64, 79.
Pythais, abolished, 95.
Pythodoris, queen of Pontus, 5 3 , 59.
Pythodorus, of Tralles, 8, 5 3 , 87.
P. Quinctilius Varus (cos. 1 3 B . C ) ,
I
22-23, 71, 135.
T. Quinctius Flamininus (cos. 198 B.C.) ,

7, 1 1 2 .
Rhegium, 8 0 - 8 1 .
INDEX
Rhescuporis, 59.
Rhodes: and Cassius, 2 ; and Posei
donius, 5 ; represented in diplomacy
by Theopompus of Cnidos, 9, by
Dionysodorus of Thasos, 1 1 ; cul
tural centre, 7 3 ; meeting place of
Octavian and Herod, 5 5 , 1 3 7 ;
riots there, 108; Tiberius' residence
there, 1 4 , 5 4 , 7 7 , 1 3 4 .
Rhoemetalces, deserted to Octavian
(perhaps identical with the follow
ing), 58.
Rhoemetalces, king of Thrace, c. 19
B . C , 23, 59.
Rhoeteum, 86.
Roma, goddess, 1 1 5 n., 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 .
Romanization, not a policy, 69-72.
Rome: stolen art in, 86; a Greek city,
131.
P. Rutilius Rufus (cos. 105 B.C.), 4 n.,

77.
Salamis, 96.
C. Sallustius Crispus, grand-nephew of
the historian, 2 5 .
Samos, 86.
Sapaeans, 5 8 - 5 9 .
Sardis, 5 , 1 1 , 87, 99, 148 n.
Scopelian, 1 1 8 , 144.
Scribonius, priest, 5 3 .
Sebaste, cities of that name, 100 with
n. 2 .
Sebaste, in Samaria, 5 5 .
Sebastopolis, cities of that name, 100
with n.
Sebastopolis (Carana), see Carana.
M. Sedatius Severianus (stiff. A.D.
*53)> ! 4 5 n -
Seius Strabo, prefect of Egypt, 128-9,

133.
L. Seius Tubero (suff. A.D. 1 8 ) , 129,

133. .
Seleuceia (Cilicia), 34.

Seleucus, of Rhosus, 89 n.
Sempronii Gracchi, revolutionaries, 3 ,
81.
C. Seppius Rufus, 41 n.
Septimius Severus, Emperor, 66,
90 n., 105.
L. Sergius Catilina (praet. 68 B . C ) ,
102 n.
L. Servenius Cornutus, senator, 120 n.,
141 n., 1 4 2 .
Servilius Strabo, 129 n.
P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus (cos. 79
B.C.), 126.
P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus (cos. II

41 B . C ) , 1 1 3 n.
175
L. Sestius (quaest. 44 B.C.), 12 n.
Q,. Sextius Niger, 79-80.

Sibylline Oracles, 1 n., 1 1 0 .
Sicilian War, 1 2 7 .
Sicily, 39.
Sidon, 103.
Sinope, 63, 68-69.
Smyrna, 103 n., 1 1 3 , 144.
C. Sosius (cos. 32 B . C ) , 27.
Sparta, 5 4 - 5 6 , 59-60, 87, 9 1 - 9 2 , 105,
108.
Stasis, 1 0 2 - 8 , 1 4 7 - 8 .
Q. Statius Themistocles, 1 4 5 .
Strabo, geographer, 5 , 3 1 , 1 2 3 - 3 0 ,
132-4.
Strato, tyrant at Amisus, 44.

C. Sulpicius Galba (suff. 5 B . C ) , 1 5 .
C. Sulpicius Galba (cos. A.D. 2 2 ) ,
15-16.
Ser. Sulpicius Galba (praet. 5 4 B . C ) ,

P. Sulpicius Galba Maximus (cos. II
200 B . C ) , 1 5 .
P. Sulpicius Quirinius (cos. 12 B . C ) ,

23-25,29.
Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 5 1 B.C.), 85.

Syllaeus, 5 6 - 5 7 , 1 3 6 .
Syncellus, 107.
Syria, 65-66, 7 1 , 96, 99, 1 3 7 .
Tarcondimotus Philantonius, 46.
Tarcondimotus Philopator, 46-47.
Tarentum, 8 0 - 8 1 .
L. Tarius Rufus (suff. 16 B . C ) , 59.
Tarraco, 36.
Tarsus, 26, 34, 47~49Tenos, 22.
Teos, 1 2 n.
Terentia, Maecenas' wife, 3 5 .
A. Terentius (Licinius) Varro Murena
(conspirator, ? cos. 2 3 B . C ) , 3 4 - 3 5 .
Teucrus, of Cyzicus, 108.
Thasos, 1 1 .
Themistocles, the 'New Themistocles',
96.
Theodorus, of Gadara, 3 5 - 3 6 , 40,

138.
Theon, the exegete, 105.

Theophanes, see Pompeius Theophanes.
Theophilus, Antonian at Corinth,
10 n.
Theopompus, of Cnidos, see Julius
Theopompus.
Thespiae, 77, 1 3 4 .
Thessalian League, see Leagues.
Thessalonica, 94, 97, 124.
Thessaly, 7 n., 87, 104.
176
INDEX
Thrace, 5 8 - 5 9 .
Thrasyllus, astrologer, 7 7 , 134,' 141 n.
Thucydides, 1 3 0 .
Thuria, 92.
Thyatira, 99, 1 2 0 .
Tiberius, Emperor: and Archelaus of
Gappadocia, 2 2 , 5 4 ; mission to
Armenia, 5 8 ; exile on Rhodes, 1 4 ,
24, 7 7 ; Greek associates and philhellenism, 3 5 , 7 7 , 1 3 3 - 4 ; cult, 1 1 8 .
Tibullus, poet, 3 8 .
Tigranes I I , king of Armenia, 5 8 .
Timagenes, i o n . , . 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 1 2 3 - 7 ,
1 3 1 n., 1 3 7 .
M . Titius (suff. 3 1 B.C.), 2 1 - 2 2 , 27, 54.
Trachonitis, 56.
Tralles, 7 n., 8 - 9 , 5 3 , 64 n., 87, 99,
117.
Trocmi, 9.
M . Tullius Cicero (cos. 63 B.C.), 3 , 4,
7, 1 2 , 19, 1 1 4 , 1 2 2 .
M . Tullius Cicero (suff. 30 B.C.), 1 9 ,
75Q,.Tullius Cicero (praet. 62 B.C.), 1 3 0 .
M . Tullius Cratippus, 1 1 4 .
Tuticanus Gallus, poet, 1 2 4 .
Tyrannio, the elder grammarian of
that name, 1 2 6 .
Tyre, 99, 1 0 3 .
Tyrrhenus, of Sardis, 148 n.
L . Vaccius Labeo, 1 2 0 .
Valeria Messallina, 20.
L . Valerius Flaccus (suff. 8 6 B . C ) , 8 n.,
114, 116.
L . Valerius Flaccus (praet. 63 B . C ) , 7,
114.
M . Valerius Messalla (suff. 32 B . C ) ,

16, 28.
M . Valerius Messalla Appianus (cos.
12 B . C ) , 24, 28.
M . Valerius Messalla Corvinus (cos.
31 B . C ) , 16.
L . Valerius Messalla Volesus (cos.
A.D. 5 ) , 1 7 .
Potitus Valerius Messalla (suff. 29
B . C ) , 12 n., 1 6 .
C . Velleius Paterculus, historian, 24.
P. Ventidius (suff. 4 3 B.C.), 5 7 .
Cn. Vergilius Capito, 1 2 0 .
M . Verrius Flaccus, 3 7 .
Via Sebaste, in Pisidia, 100 n.
Vienne, in Gaul, 5 7 .
L . Vinicius (suff. 3 3 B.C.), 1 9 .
L . Vinicius (suff. 5 B . C ) , 20, 28.
M . Vinicius (suff. 19 B.C.), 1 9 - 2 0 , 1 1 9 .
M . Vinicius (cos. I I A.D. 4 5 ) , 20.
P. Vinicius (suff. A.D. 2 ) , 20.
M . Vipsanius Agrippa (cos. I l l
27 B . C ) , 14, 5 3 , 77, 95, n 8 n .
Virgil, poet, 1 2 4 .
Volcacius Moschus, of Pergamum,
21 n., 79 n.
L . Volcacius Tullus (cos. 3 3 B . C ) , 2 1 ,
79.
Xanthus, flute-player, 1 0 .
Xenarchus, Peripatetic, 3 3 - 3 4 .
Zacynthus, 2 7 .
Zeno, of Laodicea, 6-8, 4 5 , 5 1 , 144.
Zenodorus, 5 5 - 5 $ .
Zeus Abrettene, 49.
Zosimus, of Priene, 10.

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G.W.

T H E principal theme of this work is

Oxford University Press, Ely House, London W. i

Oxford University Press 1965

(1890) The Greek World under Roman Sway

Professor Mahaffy was admirable; and Ludwig Hahn's

lished early in this century, made valuable contributions to the

particularly to thank Mr. E . W. Gray, Mrs, M . I. Henderson,

1. Cults of Roman Magistrates

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts,

Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker

M . Grant, From Imperium to Auctoritas (1946)

Journal of Roman Studies

D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (1950)

Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua

available volumes of the Second Edition)

Revue des itudes anciennes

Roman Empire (Second Edition, ed. P. M. Fraser,

Waddington, Recueil Waddington-Babelon-Reinach, Recueil general

Orac. Sibyll.y Book I I I : on the date and character of these anti-Roman

THE LATE REPUBLICAN

The movement of Roman armies across the East, on their

On all this: Rostovtzeff, SEHHW

iii. 1 5 6 1 . Ships: Cic. II Verr. 1. 8 9 ;

THE LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND

philosopher Panaetius, from an eminent and wealthy Rhodian

On Panaetius' family, cf. Strabo 655 and SIG 725a. On Poseidonius:

Brutus, Antiochus of Ascalon. Favoured and learned Greeks

THE LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND

the conqueror. These Greeks of the late Republic carried on the

Dio 52. 36. 4.

Strabo 3 1 6 (prytanis). Plut. Mar. 4 5 .

THE LATE REPUBLICAN

local family. Hybreas' allegiance to Rome was amply dis

aristocracies of the greater eastern cities where there could be

THE LATE REPUBLICAN

their antecedents. And, on the eastern side, the fortunes of the

Cic. pro Flacc. 2 3 . 5 5 - 5 6 ( L . Valerius Flaccus, cos. suff. 86 B.C.) ; Inschrift. v.

THE LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND

Callistus and the mythologist Theopompus. It was to favour

1 5 . Apollonius was connected with the first Sebasteion at Miletus (inscrip

THE LATE REPUBLICAN

Antony naturally had his eastern intimates, useful in at

About the same time, Iollas of Sardis was accomplishing em

Sardis vii. 1 , no. 27.

Kal KLVBVVOVS IT[L]&x6IJLVOS

See Rostovtzeff, JRS 7 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 27 ff.

THE LATE REPUBLICAN

honours will have been engineered by affluent and highly

Graeca adulatio had an important place in the system of

personal relations between Greeks and Romans. Honours

Plut. Cic. 24. 7.

LATE REPUBLICAN BACKGROUND

peculiar similarity to the Greek institution of proxeny. In

variant of evepyerrjs KCU irpo^vos. At least one bilingual in

scription actually offers patronus perpetuus as a translation of

instead of something like benejici ergo. The Greek

and Roman institutions fused together with marvellous ease

See A . Wilhelm, Attische Urkunden 5 (1942), 1 1 ff.

On Augustus' travels in the East; Bowersock, CQ, N . S . 14 (1964) 120 f. For

fasti of the Augustan age; their qualifications must have in

T a c . Ann. 6. 40; Suet. Galba 3 . 4. The choice of proconsuls for senatorial