Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Potential Resolutions
I think any of the resolutions fair game for the topic committee to come up
with based on additional research.
Resolved: The United States should substantially reduce its military presence
in one or more of the following: Afghanistan, Iraq, [Iran,] Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Syria, Japan, Korea [add or subtract more countries]
Resolved: The United States should substantially alter its military presence in
one or more of the following: Afghanistan, Iraq, [Iran,] Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Syria, Japan, Korea [add or subtract more countries]
*My favorite, though not necessarily convinced of J/K. I think there are a
couple problems with J/K
(a) Increase plans would move in the direction of the status quo
(b) There arent many mainstream proposals for decreases.
Also, if the TC thinks there is a better term than military presence, I think it
is fair for them to change it. I simply went with that based on experience and
available definitions.
I put Iran in [ ] because the case to attack Iran seems terrible and there is
probably on minimal (at best) military presence in Iran now, but it might not
Stefan Bauschard
HURT to include it in the resolution. If someone wants to run bomb Iran Aff,
best of luck to them.
Stefan Bauschard
Rationale
The Pros and Cons of US military intervention in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq,
Estonia, Latvia, Lituania, and Syria are one of the hottest topics for
geopolitical debate at the moment. The nature and role of US military
intervention in East Asia and how this relates to South Korea and particularly
Japan is always a hot topic for debates and can even interest with these other
areas through resource and diplomatic competition.
In the instances of Iraq and Afghanistan, the US had either reduced presence
almost to zero (Iraq) or had intended on reducing it to zero (Afghanistan), but
has reduced withdrawal plans (Afghanistan) and actually increased military
presence (Iraq). And there is a continued debate about intervention in Syria.
Debates about increasing or decreasing US military presence focus on
instability in these countries, Sunni-Shiite conflicts, the growing influence of
Iran, the price of oil, threats to Israel, ISIS, Al Qaeda, and other forums of
terrorism. New evidence emerges on these topics issues every single day and
there are strong advocates for both increasing and decreasing our military
presence in these regions.
Stefan Bauschard
orientalism, realism/idealism, feminism in foreign policy, and terror talk.
Obviously the list could go on. There is not shortage of theoretical ground,
much of which can be topically accessed.
Stefan Bauschard
Stefan Bauschard
Status Quo
US has deployed 3,000 trainers in Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania
The United States is sending 3,000 soldiers near Russias doorstep for
training exercises with the militaries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, the
Associated Press reported Monday. The deployment by the Pentagon comes
amid rising tensions with Russia on the crisis in Ukraine, in which most of the
West accuses Moscow of instigating the military conflict between pro-Russia
separatists and the Ukrainian military. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are all
NATO countries that gained membership in the alliance in 2004. About 750
U.S. tanks, helicopters and other equipment are scheduled to arrive in the
Latvian capital of Riga next Monday, Army Col. Steve Warren told the AP. The
military exercises are expected to last three months, although Army Gen.
John OConner said the equipment will stay for as long as required to deter
Russian aggression, according to the Russian news agency Tass.
Stefan Bauschard
Defense Department spokeswoman Air Force Lt. Col. Vanessa Hillman said
the training also will include combined, multinational platoon-level exercises
and live fires involving a combination of vehicle and foot-soldier maneuvers.
NATO: Response to the crisis in Ukraine and Security Concerns in Eastern and
Central Europe
https://fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R43478.pdf
Stefan Bauschard
Support of EE Deployment
Article -- http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2013/10/the-baltic-stateswhy-the-united-states-must-strengthen-security-cooperation
Website -- http://www.defense.gov/home/features/2014/0514_atlanticresolve/
Website -- http://www.eur.army.mil/atlanticresolve/
Baltic countries welcome US support -http://dailysignal.com/2015/03/23/amid-fear-of-russian-invasion-balticcountries-welcome-us-support/
Stefan Bauschard
Opposition to EE Deployment
http://rt.com/op-edge/239201-us-nato-troops-baltic-states/
JJ: No, I do not think so. This is again just a show of force and partly it
exposes NATOs and Washingtons impotence over events in Ukraine. Now
that we see much more that the Europeans seemed to be decoupling their
policy from Washingtons guidance, I think there is a sense of frustration that
our hold over European security through NATO is somewhat in danger. So this
is a political show even more than a military show.
RT: Will this be more reassuring or will this potentially increase tension in
and around Europe?
JJ: I think it increases tensions in the sense that for the US to insert this kind
of force in the Baltic states right on Russias doorstep simply adds insult to
injury to the fact that we have expanded NATO so extensively in Russias
direction not for any legitimate security purpose but simply because we can,
it looked like a cost-free exercise at the time it was done. Now that the
tensions are rising between the US and Russia, there are costs associated
with it. It does contribute to a kind of hair triggered atmosphere which is in
nobodys interests.
Dangerous Brinkmanship
http://www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org/medialibrary/2014/11/09/6375e3
da/Dangerous%20Brinkmanship.pdf
Stefan Bauschard
Afghanistan
Stefan Bauschard
Status Quo
16,000 troops remain, withdrawal substantially slowed
Craig Whitlock, 2-21-15, Washington Post,
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/us-nears-deal-to-modifymilitary-pullout-from-afghanistan/2015/02/21/6b3fd530-b9e1-11e4-bc30a4e75503948a_story.html
The United States and Afghanistan are nearing agreement to rewrite key
aspects of their plan for ending U.S. military involvement in the war against
Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters here, U.S. and Afghan officials said Saturday.
In a joint appearance, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and visiting U.S.
Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter acknowledged that they are rethinking
the pace of the U.S. military withdrawal, the scope and frequency of U.S.
counterterrorism raids and whether they should keep U.S. bases open longer
than projected. Although they declined to offer more specifics, they indicated
that a new deal could be reached as soon as next month, when Ghani is
scheduled to visit Washington to meet with President Obama.
Afghan officials and U.S. military commanders have previously acknowledged
pressing Obama for more leeway in determining how quickly the remaining
10,600 U.S. troops in Afghanistan are withdrawn over the next two years. But
the comments Saturday by Ghani and Carter were the clearest sign yet that
changes are afoot.
U.S. troop levels are currently scheduled to dwindle to 5,500 by the end of
this year and to drop to zero by the time Obama leaves office in early 2017,
save for a small residual force based at the large U.S. Embassy compound in
Kabul.
Stefan Bauschard
U.S. military commanders, however, have sought more flexibility in drawing
down troop levels over that period as well as broader latitude to conduct
counterterrorism raids and airstrikes against Taliban and al-Qaeda targets.
Ghani said he was gratified by a recent Obama directive that temporarily
kept an extra 1,100 troops in Afghanistan. But he indicated he would not try
to lobby Obama to change his mind about completing the U.S. military pullout
by the end of his term, saying he respected Obamas decision.
Our relationship is not defined by the number of troops, but by the
comprehensive nature of the partnership, he added.
The United States will keep 9,800 troops in Afghanistan through the end of
2015, the White House announced Tuesday. The decision to delay the
complete withdrawal followed a meeting in Washington between President
Barack Obama and Afghan President Ashraf Ghani. The number of American
troops was originally slated to fall to 5,500 by years end.
We want to make sure we're doing everything we can to help Afghan
security forces succeed so we don't have to go back, Obama said in a White
House news conference alongside Ghani. He indicated that there are still
plans to complete the withdrawal by the end of 2016, fulfilling his pledge to
pull out of Afghanistan by the end of his second term. The slowdown in troop
withdrawal reflects our reinvigorated partnership with Afghanistan, Obama
said.
In Ghani's first visit to the White House since being elected six months ago,
the Afghan president struck a more conciliatory tone than his predecessor,
Hamid Karzai, who often tangled with the Americans. He thanked Obama and
the U.S. military in several media appearances Monday and Tuesday and
asked for the extended troop presence. "Tragedy brought us together;
interests now unite us," said Ghani, who was working in Lower Manhattan
when the 9/11 attacks occurred.
Stefan Bauschard
Mint Press News, 1-6-15, http://www.mintpressnews.com/2015-time-new-usoperations-iraq-afghanistan/200501/
Considering the fanfare its capable of, the US military had quite a muted exit
from Americas longest war. The mission known as Operation Enduring
Freedom (OEF) which had been running since the 9/11 attacks of 2001, in
Afghanistan and several other countries officially ended late last month.
Maybe the celebration was subdued because there was another mission right
around the corner. OEF was replaced immediately by Operation Freedoms
Sentinel (OFS), otherwise known as the new US mission in Afghanistan. US
forces with OFS will also work as part of the new NATO-led Operation Resolute
Support, providing the bulk of that operations 12,000 total troops this year
and thousands more in 2016.
New rules for the 9,800 U.S. troops staying in Afghanistan next year
will let commanders order airstrikes or night raids on Taliban forces
who pose a significant threat to the Afghan government, defense
officials said.
The rules came in an order recently signed by President Obama that clarified
the authorities U.S. military commanders will have after the official end of the
combat mission in December.
The new rules appear to signal an incremental expansion of the U.S. mission
in Afghanistan next year.
Six months ago, Obama announced plans to leave 9,800 U.S. troops in
Afghanistan for 2015 and limit their primary missions to two training and
advising the Afghan military and using a small cadre of special operations
troops to target al-Qaida "remnants."
With the official end of the combat mission requiring a new set of policies and
legal authorities, Obama has approved the details of precisely who U.S.
military commanders can target. In some cases, it may be Taliban insurgents.
Pentagon spokesman Rear Adm. John Kirby said Tuesday that U.S. troops
would continue targeting some, though not all, Taliban militants, and may
also provide field-level support for Afghan security forces.
Stefan Bauschard
"We won't target Taliban just merely for the sake of the fact they're Taliban
and quote-unquote 'belligerents,' " Kirby said.
However, he added: "Should members of the Taliban decide to threaten
American troops or specifically target or threaten our Afghan partners in a
tactical situation, we're going to reserve the right to take action as needed. If
they pose a threat directly to our troops or to the Afghan security forces,
certainly then they become fair game at that point."
U.S. forces also may provide "enabling support" for the Afghan military, which
may include airstrikes, medical evacuations or logistical aid.
"Clearly we know there is going to be some need for some enabling support,"
Kirby said.
Military officials emphasize there are no plans to change the troop levels that
Obama committed to Afghanistan in his May announcement, which amount to
9,800 American troops in 2015 and about half that in 2016. Obama's policy
will withdraw virtually all U.S. forces from Afghanistan before he leaves office
in January 2017.
The decision to target some Taliban forces reflects two significant
developments over the past several months the resurgence of Islamic
militants in Iraq and the new, pro-American government in Afghanistan.
Many U.S. military officials were stunned by the catastrophic collapse of
several Iraqi army divisions in May and June as militants loyal to the Islamic
State seized large swaths of northern Iraq, including the country's secondlargest city, Mosul.
The U.S. military had given the Iraqi forces billions of dollars and many years
of face-to-face training. But many of those troops simply proved unwilling to
fight.
"People are having second thoughts about their confidence in the ability of
host-nation militaries. It's always a risk when your strategy relies on someone
else to do the fighting," said Mieke Eoyang, director of the National Security
Program at Third Way.
Also influencing the American mission in Afghanistan is the election of a new
president who is far more supportive of U.S. military support than his
predecessor.
Ashraf Ghani was elected in September and promptly signed a deal with the
U.S. to keep American troops there beyond December.
Stefan Bauschard
The Times, 1-22-15, http://theweek.com/articles/534816/2015-time-somenew-operations-iraq-afghanistan
Maybe the celebration was subdued because there was another mission right
around the corner. OEF was replaced immediately by Operation Freedoms
Sentinel (OFS), otherwise known as the new U.S. mission in Afghanistan. U.S.
forces with OFS will also work as part of the new NATO-led Operation Resolute
Support, providing the bulk of that operation's 12,000 total troops this year
and thousands more in 2016.
III
Stefan Bauschard
The first state visit to the United States of Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and
Chief Executive Officer Abdullah Abdullah was supposed to take place in early
March. But the visit was delayed because Republican leaders had invited
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to address Congress during the
same time period.
According to two Afghan government officials involved in the planning for the
visit, the Afghan government believed American media attention would be
largely focused on Netanyahu, so the first U.S. visit of the new Afghan
president was delayed by two weeks, which is a useful reminder that there is
a sound reason why congressional leaders shouldn't unilaterally extend
invitations to foreign leaders.
Ghani and Abdullah arrived in Washington on Sunday and have had much to
discuss with the Obama administration. For the Afghan government, the
timetable of President Barack Obama's proposed troop withdrawal is the key
issue.
Obama says that the last American troops will leave Afghanistan at the end of
2016. This happens to roughly coincide with the end of his second term in
office and also fulfills his campaign promise to wind down America's post-9/11
wars.
Ghani is clearly uncomfortable with the pace of this U.S. troop withdrawal,
telling CBS' "60 Minutes" in January, "deadlines should not be dogmas" and
that there should be a "willingness to reexamine" the withdrawal date.
Is Obama's withdrawal plan a wise policy?
Stefan Bauschard
Needless to say, this would be a disaster for Afghanistan. But it would also be
quite damaging to U.S. interests to have some kind of resurgent al Qaeda in
the country where the group trained the hijackers for the 9/11 attacks.
It would also be disastrous for the Democratic Party, should it win the
presidency in 2016, to be the party that "lost" Afghanistan.
After all, the Democratic Party is viewed by some as weaker on national
security than the Republicans and it is inevitable that without some kind of
residual American presence in Afghanistan, al Qaeda would gain sufficient
strength to launch an attack from the Afghan-Pakistan border region against
American interests somewhere in the world.
On Tuesday, President Obama announced that the withdrawal of U.S. forces
from Afghanistan would be slowed and the remaining 9,800 troops would stay
there through the end of 2015. But this welcome development does not
change the central issue, which is the Obama administration's withdrawal
date of December 2016 for all U.S. forces.
Merely because the Obama administration will be almost out the door at the
end of 2016 doesn't mean that suddenly at the same time that the Taliban
will lay down their arms, nor that the Afghan army will be able to fight the
Taliban completely unaided. Nor does it mean that al Qaeda -- and ISIS, which
is beginning to establish small cells in Afghanistan -- would cease to be a
threat.
An easy way for potential Democratic presidential candidates such as Hillary
Clinton to distinguish their national security policies from Obama's would be
to say that they are in favor of some kind of long-term U.S. military presence
in Afghanistan and to argue that it would be needed to avoid an Iraq-style
outcome.
Similarly, as the Republican Party starts ramping up for the 2016 campaign,
potential candidates such as Jeb Bush can distinguish themselves from the
isolationist Rand Paul wing of the party by saying that they are committed to
a long-term presence in Afghanistan.
This U.S. military presence in Afghanistan doesn't have to be a large, nor
does it need to play a combat role, but U.S. troops should remain in
Afghanistan to advise the Afghan army and provide intelligence support.
Such a long-term commitment of several thousand American troops is exactly
the kind of force that the Obama administration was forced to deploy to Iraq
following ISIS's lightning advances there over the past year.
Selling a longer-term U.S. military presence in Afghanistan would be pushing
against an open door with that nation's government. Consider that within 24
hours of being installed, the new Afghan government led by Ghani and
Abdullah signed the basing agreement that allows American troops to stay in
Afghanistan until December 2016.
Stefan Bauschard
Consider also that the Afghan government has already negotiated a strategic
partnership agreement with the United States lasting until 2024 that would
provide the framework for a longer term U.S. military presence. Consider also
that many Afghans see a relatively small, but long-term international troop
presence as a guarantor of their stability.
It is also not in Pakistan's interests for Afghanistan to fall to the Taliban or be
thrust into another civil war. The Pakistanis have seen for themselves
repeatedly the folly of allowing the Taliban to flourish on their own soil, most
recently in the Taliban attack in December on the army school in Peshawar
that killed 132 children.
It is in Pakistan's own interest that the Afghan army is able to fight effectively
against the Taliban, which is more likely if they continue to have American
advisers at their side.
Other regional powers such as the Chinese worry about Chinese Uighur
separatists establishing themselves on Afghan soil. The Russians are similarly
worried about Islamist terrorist groups located in Afghanistan and so will not
stand in the way of a small long-term U.S. military presence in Afghanistan as
that would dovetail with their own security concerns about the country.
Keeping a relatively small, predominantly U.S. Special Forces, presence in
Afghanistan to continue to train the Afghan army past December 2016 is a
wise policy that would benefit both Afghans and Americans.
Both the Democratic and Republican parties should adopt such a plan in their
platforms as they gear up for the 2016 campaign. And Obama should do his
successor a favor by leaving this important decision up to the next President.
U.S. troop strength in Afghanistan has declined 90% from peak levels. With
Afghan security forces exceeding 350,000 troops, the real question is
deciding how fast and to what extent to further downsize. For Afghan
security, regional stability, and continued access to bases on Afghan territory
that allow us to suppress al-Qaeda in Pakistan, it is time to stop thinking in
terms of an exitand start thinking about an enduring, if limited, security
partnership. This may mean a few thousand troops and a couple of billion
dollars a year in aid for a sustained period. But whatever that cost, it is a
much smaller price than the U.S. and international community have paid in
recent yearsand a far lower price than another 9/11 .
Stefan Bauschard
Stefan Bauschard
The Obama administration has the wrong mind-set on our future U.S. military
posture in Afghanistan. Exit should not be the strategy or objective.
Protection of the homeland is the right metric. Instead of trying to leave by a
given date, we should be planning to stay. The guiding philosophy should be
to build an enduring partnership with Afghanistan to finally provide a real
payoff for all our investment there in durable bases allowing our forces to
continue to target our most dangerous enemies in a part of the world where
they still organize and operate.
Such counterterrorism capabilities have little to do with the nation-building
enterprise in Afghanistan of the past 13 years. That mission is nearly done to
a practical extent, and while Obama is being ambitious in his hopes that it
can be finished before 2017, there is logic in trying to largely complete the
job by then. There is, however, little logic in eliminating our regional
counterterrorism capability by that point. We will almost surely still need it.
We should have learned from recent experiences in Iraq and Syria, as well as
Libya, Mali and other countries, that we cannot end the terrorist threat in a
given country on our own timetable.
Of course, the pace of drone strikes and raids in the Pashtun areas of
Afghanistan and Pakistan, historically used by al-Qaeda and affiliates, can
and should decline. Indeed, according to the Long War Journal, it already has
for example, after peaking at more than 100 in 2010, the number of U.S.
drone attacks in Pakistan fell to 24 in 2014. But some need endures.
Moreover, if extremists knew that the United States no longer had capabilities
in the Pashtun belts, they would probably increase their presence there.
It is not realistic for the United States to expect Afghan forces to pursue alQaeda and its offshoots for us after we leave the country. First, Afghanistan
has no capability to fly drones in Pakistan; even if we could successfully
transfer the needed assets and expertise to the Afghans, an unlikely
prospect, such strikes would probably cause a crisis in Afghan-Pakistani
relations. Second, inside their own country, Afghanistans army and police will
continue to have their hands full with the Taliban. They may not have the
capacity to go after key al-Qaeda-linked targets, many of which matter much
more to us than to them.
Stefan Bauschard
Keeping two to three U.S. bases in eastern Afghanistan Bagram near Kabul,
Kandahar in the south, perhaps Khost or Jalalabad in the east would be
adequate for counterterrorism purposes. With two or three operating areas,
each with 1,000 to 2,000 Americans, the United States would have assets
within 150 miles or less of the key areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan. That is
a comfortable tactical operating distance for both drones and helicopters
carrying commandos.
Maintaining these bases might cost $5 billion to $10 billion per year. That is
real money, but it is less than the effective cost of keeping naval assets in the
Arabian Sea to do the same job much less well. It is far less than the $100
billion a year we spent at the peak of the war. And it is immeasurably less
than the cost that could result from another large-scale terrorist attack
against the United States.
Although the main purpose of such an enduring U.S. military presence in
Afghanistan would be counterterrorism, there could be additional benefits.
We could continue to mentor modest numbers of Afghan forces at those
bases, above and beyond the training mission that will continue in Kabul
under Obamas plan. These added forces could also provide us with political
leverage that could reduce the chances of civil war in Afghanistan. This is the
kind of leverage that we lost in Iraq after our 2011 departure with tragic
results.
With this approach, Obama will still have ended the main combat phase of
two major wars on his watch. This legacy would be secure. More important,
the United States would be more secure, too
Stefan Bauschard
Iraq
Stefan Bauschard
Status Quo
3400 trainers in Iraq
Global Post, 1-6-15, http://www.mintpressnews.com/2015-time-new-usoperations-iraq-afghanistan/200501/
Stefan Bauschard
Despite official denials, the US war on ISIS has been careening toward another ground war in
both Iraq and Syria. The latest reports suggest the ground component of this war could be very
soon to beginning. US officials are now saying that the offensive against the ISIS-held city of
Mosul will be supported by the US, with both airstrikes and if necessary US ground troops
backing the Iraqi military. This offensive could begin as soon as April. The if necessary
qualifier means the US involvement is all but certain, as the Pentagon has repeatedly said they
dont believe Iraqs military is even close to being able to take a major city like Mosul on their
own.
Stefan Bauschard
Maggie Ybarra, The Washington Times, February 20, 2015, U.S. plans large-scale operation to
take Mosul from Islamic State, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/feb/19/us-planslarge-scale-operation-take-mosul-islamic-/?page=all DOA: 3-2-15
The U.S. is planning to join a large-scale air and ground coalition offensive to free Mosul,
Iraq, from the clutches of Islamic State militants in coming weeks, but analysts fear the effort
will lack the resources to succeed - most notably U.S. boots on the ground. The plan, part of a
larger undertaking dubbed Operation Inherent Resolve, will be the first challenge for Defense
Secretary Ashton Carter in trying to balance the expectations of the White House with the needs
of the military. Many policy analysts say the choices Mr. Carter makes in the Iraq operation will
be indicative of his style of leadership at the Pentagon. In June, the Islamic State - also known by
the acronyms ISIL and ISIS - took the northern city of more than 1 million people, Iraq's
second-largest, after waging a violent assault that prompted Iraqi police to flee their posts. The
size of the Islamic State's presence in the region was estimated to be as high as 14,000, although
U.S. officials say they don't have a good current estimate. The U.S. military has spent months
preparing for the large-scale operation, which will depend largely on the tactical strength of
Iraqi security forces, Kurdish fighters, tribal police and warplanes belonging to various
members of the 40-nation coalition, which includes Jordan and Britain. International forces
have been trying to isolate Mosul by cutting off communication lines between members living
within the city and outside forces.Pentagon officials say the effort to reclaim Mosul is likely to
launch the spring, soon after Mr. Carter has been brought up to speed on the coalition's strategy
and operational needs. An official for U.S. Central Command, which oversees military operations
in the Middle East, told reporters Thursday that a force of 20,000 to 25,000 Iraqi security forces,
Kurdish fighters and regional police will be tapped to defeat the 1,000 to 2,000 Islamic State
militants who are camped out in Mosul. That attack depends on whether international forces are
able to quickly train Iraqi and Kurdish fighters. The military may change its plans if the delivery
of pertinent combat equipment is delayed or if more training is needed, the official said. "The
mark on the wall that we are still shooting for is the April-May time frame," the official said.
"There's still a lot of things that need to come together, and as we dialogue with our Iraqi
counterparts, we want them to go in that time frame because if you get into Ramadan in the
summer in the heat, it becomes problematic if it goes much later than that."
WASHINGTON A coming Iraqi offensive to drive the Islamic State out of Iraq's secondlargest city renews a debate on whether U.S. forces should play a larger role in the operation
despite the risk of drawing them back into a war.
The White House has pledged to keep American forces out of combat, but Iraq would suffer a
major setback in Mosul if its troops falter because U.S. advisers are restricted in what they can
do, security analysts say. Failure to retake Mosul from the militants would "reverse all the gains
we made since August," when the United States launched airstrikes to stem the Islamic State's
Stefan Bauschard
advances in Iraq, said James Jeffrey, a former U.S. ambassador to Iraq. "A lot is riding on this
operation," said David Barno, a retired lieutenant general. There are about 3,000 U.S. troops in
Iraq, including hundreds of trainers and advisers. They are limited largely to protected bases, not
any battlefield, because of White House concern that an expanded military role could lead to
"mission creep," the slow expansion of involvement in another war four years after U.S. combat
troops withdrew from Iraq.
Stefan Bauschard
Chaldean Catholic archbishop called for the redeployment of U.S. and British troops in Iraq
to prevent the genocide of Christians and other minorities by Islamic State militants.
Archbishop Bashar Warda of Irbil, Iraq, said he believed the U.S. had a duty to finish the
mission in his country by ridding the Ninevah Plain of extremists who last summer drove
some 120,000 Christians from their homes. He described the Islamic State as a cancer
which had to be cut out if it was not to infect future generations of Muslims and create a
potentially greater threat than Afghanistan under the Taliban and al-Qaida. I would like to
see American or European or international troops alongside Iraqi troops working to liberate these
lands, not alone but together, he told Catholic News Service after meeting with some British
politicians in the House of Lords Feb. 9. Definitely, I would like to see more involvement
more airstrikes, because that is also needed, he said. U.S. military expertise and resources
were crucial in defeating the Islamic State, he told CNS, because neither the Iraqi army nor
the Kurdish Peshmerga militia were sufficiently trained or equipped for the job. They (the
Americans) know how to tackle these terrorist groups, said Archbishop Warda. The sooner they
finish the mission the better, because this is a cancer which needs to be stopped and treated,
because otherwise we would have generations of people growing up with the Islamic State
mentality. He added: We have to stop this cancer now, and we have to go for very difficult
measures sometimes and very difficult decisions. We have got 1.8 million displaced people in
Kurdistan, he added. It is not just Christians; everyone is there.
Stefan Bauschard
The longtime senator from Arizona said over the weekend that he would use his perch on
the committee to advocate sending ground troops to buttress US-led airstrikes against
extremist group Islamic State (also known as ISIS and ISIL), which has come to control large
areas of Iraq and Syria since the latters civil war brought the group to prominence. "Frankly, I
know of no military expert who believes we are going to defeat ISIS with this present strategy,"
McCain said at a Pacific Council on International Policy conference, according to The Huffington
Post. McCain has hit the campaign trail ahead of election day to support his partys Senate
candidates. The GOP has painted President Obamas foreign policy and national security policies
as weak as well as insufficient in the fight against jihadist group du jour, Islamic State. "We may
be able to 'contain,' but to actually defeat ISIS is going to require more boots on the ground,
more vigorous strikes, more special forces, further arming the Kurdish peshmerga forces and
creating a no-fly zone and buffer zone in Syria," McCain said. Syrian President Bashar Assad, a
fellow foe of Islamic State, must be removed from office if the US wants to see success against
extremism in the region, McCain added.
Stefan Bauschard
Expand the U.S. force in Iraq from the current 2,300 troops to 10,000 to assist
Iraqis troops. Rather than keeping U.S. service members confined to bases and
headquarters, many of them would be dispatched to the front lines to direct or call
in air strikes and take other steps to assist the Iraqis.
2.
Establish safe zones or no-fly zones in neighboring Syria. McCain initially was
reacting to news reports last year that ISIS was attempting to assemble a modest
air force with pilots trained by Iraqi military defectors. While that threat has yet to
materialize, McCain and administration officials have considered establishing a
Syrian no-fly zone to protect civilians from airstrikes by the Syrian government.
3.
Expand aid and military assistance to moderate Syrian rebels to help them fight
back against ISIS and Syrian president Bashar al-Assad. AsThe Washington Post
noted, Assad appears to be buoyed by months of U.S. and allied air strikes against
ISIS that have taken enormous pressure off of him while he continues to destroy
rebel forces seeking to topple him.
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A more accurate assessment would be that U.S. military intervention has tremendous propaganda
value for the Islamic State, helping it to rally other jihadists to its cause, possibly even Salafists
who have so far rejected its legitimacy. Moreover, to the extent that the group poses any threat to
the United States, that threat is magnified by a visible U.S. military role. Obamas restraint in the
use of military power in recent years has helped keep the Islamic States focus regional on its
efforts to establish an Islamic caliphate in the Middle East rather than on launching attacks
against the United States. Its only with the U.S. militarys return to Iraq and the prospect of U.S.
intervention in Syria that the groups focus has begun to shift.
Even if the United States reinvaded Iraq to destroy ISIS which there is no indication it would
do there's no guarantee that even this would succeed. The United States did defeat al-Qaeda in
Iraq in the late-2000s, but it had lots of Iraqi help. The Bush administration's 2007 troop surge
would have failed if the Sunni population wasn't already turning against al-Qaeda there. "I take
the somewhat modest position that the action of 6 million Iraqis may be more important than
those of 30,000 American troops and one very talented general," Doug Ollivant, the National
Security Adviser for Iraq from 2005 to 2009, told me. Without changing Sunni views of ISIS and
the Iraqi government, a stepped-up US ground presence might only further infuriate the Sunni
population.
The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan prove that the massive ground forces can't keep insurgencies
down. The American invasion of Iraq didn't destroy ISIS. If anything, it gave birth to it. And the
nearly decade and a half long occupation of Afghanistan has failed to destroy either al-Qaeda or
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the Taliban. As a result, Obama's view isn't just that combat troops are risky. It's that the record
suggests they actually wouldn't help that much.
The US war strategy for months has been basically laying out different pitfalls that could force
them to launch a ground war in response, including putting 320 lightly armed troops on the front
line in Anbar Province as trainers, waiting for them to get attacked so theyd have to be rescued
by more ground troops. ISIS has gained enormously from the US war, bolstering their recruitment
dramatically across the world. The ground war will likely add to this influx of recruits to resist
another American invasion.
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The US plan to intervene in Syria against ISIS today short of a full invasion requires enlisting
either Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad, who benefits from ISIS's existence, or the moderate Syrian
rebels, who are disorganized and hard-pressed by Assad already, to coordinate a major offensive.
That seems improbable, to say the least.
Obama's position isn't unreasonable. A 2009 paper by Yale political scientist Jason Lyall and
Colonel Isaiah Wilson III, a West Point professor, looked at a dataset of 286 insurgencies between
1800 and 2005. They found that, since World War I, counterinsurgents have tended to lose and
foreign occupying troops have a particularly bad success record when fighting local insurgencies.
Given America's history in Iraq, and the fact that Iraq's Prime Minister opposes the use of
American combat troops, it wouldn't be surprising if Iraqis treated American combat troops like
an occupying force.
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Obama is doing plenty, for now From the Left: by Kevin Drum in Mother Jones: The drumbeat
for President Obama to "do something" to fight ISIS is growing louder every day among
prospective Republican presidential candidates. It's all a bit weird, since Obama rather plainly is
doing something, as interviewers repeatedly point out whenever the subject comes up. But no
matter. It's a good sound bite, and in any case, whatever Obama is doing, Republicans insist they
want to do more. ... At a first guess, a full-scale assault on Mosul would likely require at least 2-3
times as many troops and result in several hundred American deaths. And Mosul is only a
fraction of the territory ISIS controls. It's a big fraction, but still a fraction. So this is what I
want to hear from Republican critics of Obama's ISIS strategy. I agree with them that training
Iraqi troops and relying on them to fight ISIS isn't all that promising. But the alternative is likely
to be something like 30,000 to 50,000 troops committed to a battle that will result in
hundreds of American casualties. Are Jeb Bush and Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz willing to own
up to that? If they are, then good for them and we'll let the American public decide who's got the
better strategy. But if they're not, then it's all just a con job for the rubes. The GOP candidates are
screaming for "more," but not willing to acknowledge what "more" really means. Let's hear it,
folks. When you say "more," what do you really have in mind? Candidates for president shouldn't
be allowed to get away with nothing more than vague grumbles and hazy bellicosity any longer.
Let's hear the plan.
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US Diplomacy Superior
US better off in a diplomatic role
Ramzy Mardini, September 12, 2014, Mardini, is a nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Councils
Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East, Washington Post,
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-islamic-state-threat-isoverstated/2014/09/12/acbbebb2-33ad-11e4-8f02-03c644b2d7d0_story.html DOA: 3-1-15
While some military action is necessary to defeat the Islamic State, that effort should be driven by
regional actors, not a Western power. The United States is far better positioned to assume an
active diplomatic role, facilitating consensus and cooperation among local and regional players. If
the common threat could compel these actors toward local collaboration, national compromise
and regional rapprochement, there may emerge an opportunity to bring them together to finally
settle the civil wars plaguing the Middle East
http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/markaz/posts/2015/02/19-jordan-egypt-isis-response
DOA: 3-1-15
Though military action will remin an unavoidable policy against ISIS, a greater role must be lent
to diplomacy and development in rooting out the power vacuums that allow such a group to
thrive. For Jordan, this means redoubled efforts by the international communityespecially the
United States, Russia, and Iranto find a political solution to the Syria conflict that has
exacerbated the Kingdoms pressing social, political, and economic problems. As we noted in a
recent review of policy towards the country, foreign diplomats and Jordanian officials must work
together ensure that aid dollars flow towards reinforcing a productive economyone that can
stand to incorporate the hundreds of thousands of refugees and the legions of unemployed alike.
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The ground offensive is expected to be a tough battle. Islamic State forces may fight to hold
Mosul using civilians as human shields, rather than attempt to flee. The militants have declared
the region part of their "caliphate" and set up shadow governments. U.S. Central Command
expects a ground force of 20,000 to 25,000 Iraqi and Kurdish troops to free Mosul. To arm them,
the Pentagon is rushing arms and ammunition to Iraq, including a $17.9 million shipment this
week. Though the attacking force will vastly outnumber the 1,000-2,000 Islamic State fighters in
Mosul, the militants will probably rig buildings to explode as part of their effort to defend the
city, said Kagan, who recently visited Iraq.
Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi told BBC News this week that Iraqi government forces
were "planning an offensive on Mosul in the next few months," with help from the U.S. Mr.
al-Abadi ruled out the need for U.S. ground troops in the campaign. He said his country
needs other forms of help, such as weapons and training, and anticipates the city could be retaken
in as little as a few months with minimal casualties.
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Syria
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Pro Intervention
The argument against US military intervention in Syria and why its wrong
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/wendy-pearlman/us-syriaintervention_b_4823932.html
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Anti-Intervention
The Case against military intervention in Syria
http://www.thenation.com/article/175964/case-against-military-interventionsyria
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Ukraine?
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Japan
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Status Quo
The US-Japan alliance
https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33740.pdf
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Advantage Areas
*Hegemony
-- soft power, power projection, overstretch
*Terrorism
*Middle East War
*Asia War
*Racism
*Imperialism
Sex Trafficking/Rape
Militarism
*China Rise
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Disadvantages
Politics
Hegemony (internal link turns)
Terrorism (links and turns)
China Rise/China Encirclement
Russian nationalism
Oil prices
Military spending trade-off
Military reverse spending
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Kritiks
Racism
Imperialism
Orientalism
Gender IR
Realism/Idealism/Constructivism
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Definitions
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Substantially Reduce = 50
Percent Extensions
A substantial reduction in military personnel is greater than 50%
`(7) SUBSTANTIAL REDUCTION- The term `substantial reduction'-`(A) means, as determined under regulations of the Secretary and with
respect to a qualified beneficiary, a reduction in the average actuarial
value of benefits under the plan (through reduction or elimination of
benefits, an increase in premiums, deductibles, copayments, and
coinsurance, or any combination thereof), since the date of
commencement of coverage of the beneficiary by reason of the
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Substantially Reduce = 50
Percent Extensions
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Other requirements are similar to those imposed on new sources but are not
as stringent. PM limits are thirty-four and sixty-nine mg/dscm for very large
and large plants, respectively. SO[2] reductions must be seventy percent
for very large plants and fifty percent for large plants; HCl reductions must
be ninety percent for very large plants and fifty percent for large plants.
315 These new limits represent a substantial reduction in emissions if
complied with, even though they only apply to the largest MSW incinerators.
This is because this portion of the combustor universe deals with most of the
wastes that are incinerated. The air pollutants that these regulations require
removed still must go somewhere. The problem is that "somewhere" is
increasingly difficult to find.
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Substantially Reduce = 50
Percent Extensions
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1nC SHellSubstantially
Reduce = 25 Percent
A. InterpretationSubstantially reduce means at least 25 percent
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C. Voting issue
1. limits allowing minor reductions allows countless variations of small
affs likes reducing a single type of intelligence gathering or a covert op in
Afghanistan or arms sales to Japan; it makes adequate research impossible
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Substantially Reduce = 25
Percent
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20-25 percent pay reduction is substantial but less than 15 percent is not
sufficient to show good cause to quit. An employee's difficulties with his
manager did not constitute good cause to quit where upper management
promptly responded to the employee's complaint and the manager ceased
swearing. An employee's complaints, such as being left out of meetings,
having his managerial powers taken away, and being chastised by his
supervisor, do not constitute harassment. Irreconcilable differences with a
co-worker, personality conflicts, and job frustrations do not constitute good
cause to quit.
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Support for defendants' position is found in Bunny's Waffle Shop v. Cal. Emp.
Com. (1944) 24 Cal.2d 735, 743 [151 P.2d 224], where the California
Supreme [***5] Court held that HN2 a "substantial reduction in earnings"
(in that instance a 25 percent wage cut) would generally be regarded as
good cause for leaving employment. (P. 743.) Plaintiff has directed our
attention to no authority, nor are we aware of any, for the proposition
that a far smaller reduction in wages, such as plaintiff's 7-2/3 percent
reduction, would constitute good cause for voluntarily leaving
employment. The conclusion that such a reduction would not furnish good
cause for leaving one's employment is especially compelling here in view of
plaintiff's own testimony that the wage reduction would not have caused her
to quit her job, without first obtaining other employment, but for her belief
that she was eligible for unemployment compensation benefits.
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Substantially Reduce = 25
Percent
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While the fast track system is widely touted as a method of reducing the
costs of Chapter 11, thus making reorganization available to small debtors,
the approach also has significant governance benefits. Managers
recognizing that a day of reckoning is close at hand will have less incentive
to delay the case in hopes of a turnaround in the debtor's business fortunes.
The data regarding fast track procedures certainly shows that the procedure
moves cases through Chapter 11 more quickly. A study of Chapter 11 cases
before and after Bankruptcy Judge Mund of the Central District of California
instituted a fast track procedure show a substantial reduction in the median
time to confirmation (24.1 percent), conversion (44.1 percent), dismissal
(53.5 percent), [*127] and in the total days in Chapter 11 (45.4 percent). 96
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Through education and social coercion, Americans have begun to kick the
most addictive drug on earth - nicotine. Between 1965 and 1987, the
proportion of adults smoking cigarettes dropped twenty-eight percent.
565 "We have seen a substantial reduction in the use of tobacco over
the last thirty years," argues political commentator William F. Buckley, "and
this is not because tobacco became illegal but because a sentient community
began, in substantial numbers, to apprehend the high cost of tobacco to
human health." 566 Federal Judge Robert W. Sweet adds, "If our society can
learn to stop using butter, it should be able to cut down on cocaine." 567
Education and social disapproval are the answer, not self-righteous
paternalism.
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Substantially Reduce = 70
Percent
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Gerstein et al. (1994, p. 33) conclude: "Treatment was very cost beneficial:
for every dollar spent on drug and alcohol treatment, the state of California
saved $ 7 in reductions in crime and health care costs. The study found that
each day of treatment paid for itself on the day treatment was received,
primarily through an avoidance of crime. The level of criminal activity
declined by two-thirds from before treatment to after treatment. The greater
the length of time spent in treatment, the greater the reduction in crime.
Reported criminal activity declined before and after treatment as follows:
mean number of times sold or helped sell drugs (-75 percent), mean number
of times used weapon/physical force (-93 percent), percent committing any
illegal activity (-72 percent), and mean months involved in criminal activity (80 percent)."
Regardless of type of treatment modality, reduction in crime was
substantial and significant (although participants in the social model
recovery programs had the biggest reduction). In the California study, the
most effective treatment programs cost about $ 12,000 per year, per client
(Gerstein et al. 1994). UCLA researchers recently concluded: "It seems that
drug abuse treatment mandated by the criminal justice system [*192]
represents one of the best and most cost-effective approaches to breaking
the pernicious cycle of drug use, criminality, incarceration, and recidivism"
(Prendergast, Anglin, and Wellisch 1995).
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Substantially Reduce = 90
percent
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n43 For example, in the four years following Allied Chemical Corporation's
structural changes, see supra note 22, employee injuries fell seventy-five
percent. See Coffee, supra note 22, at 456. 3M Company has also achieved
substantial reduction in environmental degradation through its
internal incentive programs. See 3 M Announces Plan to Cut Hazardous
Releases by 90 Percent, Emphasize Pollution Prevention, 20 Env't Rep.
(BNA) at 441-42 (June 16, 1989); Ling, supra note 22, at 129.
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United States scientists predict that the agreement will reduce the Japanese
interception of North American salmon by approximately twenty to thirty
percent. 61 Total closure of the Bering Sea area to the mothership fleet
should result in substantial reductions in the number of salmon intercepted
from the Yukon-Kuskokwim River area. The revised research and
enforcement provisions are perhaps the most significant aspects of the
agreement, since they will contribute to our knowledge of the landbased
fisheries, and will provide the basis for future negotiations.
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Thus, because advertising serves to attract new product users 238 as well as
perhaps to increase consumption by present consumers, and since tobacco
advertising has not been established without bias to have the extraordinary
effect to the contrary, a ban of tobacco advertising should serve the
substantial government interest in the reduction of tobacco use, 239 and is,
therefore, valid as "reasonably" based. 240
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A2 Substantial means
Complete/Eliminate
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It is no easy task to comply with all of these conditions. The process can be
lengthy and expensive. There are, however, benefits. The USEPA Policy lists
three major incentives to encourage auditing, disclosure, and prompt
corrections. A gravity based penalty is defined as that portion of a penalty
above a regulated entity's economic benefit obtained through the
noncompliance. n40 The penalties are intended to reflect the seriousness of
the violation. The first incentive identified by the USEPA Policy is that
gravity based penalties can be reduced by seventy-five percent. n41 That is,
a regulated entity may pay only twenty-five percent as a gravity based
penalty. The company must satisfy all conditions discussed above to
qualify for the seventy-five percent reduction. n42 Substantial
compliance is not sufficient. The USEPA expressly reserved the right to
collect any economic benefit realized by the regulated entity as a result of
the non-compliance. n43
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A2 Substantially Reduce
must be
Numerical/Percentage
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While the court agrees that the meanings of limitation and impairment refer
to restriction and reduction, it does not agree with the uncited definition of
"substantial" as an order of magnitude equivalent to 80 or 90 percent.
Random House Unabridged Dictionary 1897 (2d ed. 1993) defines
"substantial" as "of ample or considerable amount quantity, size," a much
less precise definition than offered by the government. It is clear that the
CB-4000 can and does transport its load over the public highway in the
course of traveling to a job [**33] site. The question is whether that
transportation function is substantially limited by its special design in the
type of material it can haul, and whether there are other factors that
substantially limit/ impair its use for over-the-road distance hauling.
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Percentage-based definitions of a
"substantial reduction" are flawed
ignore how multiple variations
interact
Lord 95 (Senior Judge, Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania, KAOLIN
MUSHROOM FARMS, INC. v. UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION BD. OF
R..., 669 A.2d 438, lexis)
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Substantially Reduce
Definitions (Random)
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17 percent reduction is
"substantial"
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The court accepted the opinion of Florida Rock's expert, noting that the
decline in fair market value from $ 10,500 to $ 500 per acre constituted a
"substantial reduction in value." 81 Yet the court also observed that this
ninety-five percent reduction "in and of itself is not a sufficient basis for
concluding that a taking has occurred." 82 The court then stated it also must
inquire into "the owner's opportunity to recoup its investment" 83 to
determine whether compensation was required. 84 It observed that Florida
Rock had purchased the property for mining purposes and that the property
owner could recoup its investment only by engaging in this activity. 85 The
regulation thus resulted in a substantial impact on Florida Rock's
investment. 86 The court concluded that a taking had occurred, 87 and the
Government appealed for a second time to the Court of Appeals for the
Federal Circuit.
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Substantially Reduce
Definitions (Random)
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The United States recently put forth its proposal for the adoption in the
Doha Round of new agricultural rules. 141 The U.S. proposal includes a series
of suggested international trade laws that should improve the developing
countries' conditions and move toward eliminating the agricultural selectiveexit strategy. 142 In the realm of trade-distorting domestic support, the
United States is arguing for gradual elimination of all such subsidies. 143 The
United States is pushing for the adoption of a formula that will limit tradedistorting support to five percent of the total value of the agricultural
production of a given contracting party over a five-year period. 144 Under the
U.S. view, the Doha Round will fix a date whereby all trade-distorting
support will be phased out. 145 The United States is also advocating a
substantial reduction in the tariff rates for agricultural goods. 146 Currently,
the world average of tariffs on agricultural products is sixty-two percent,
and the U.S. average [*788] tariff on such goods is twelve percent. 147 The
U.S. proposal would call for the application of a formula to reduce all
agricultural tariffs to below twenty-five percent over a five-year period,
with the highest tariffs reduced first. 148 The United States proposes that
WTO members agree to a date for the ultimate elimination of all tariffs on
agricultural products. 149
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Since 1968 immigration levels have soared, and in the 1980s the number of
newcomers surpassed that noted in 1905-1914. When even a conservative
estimate is made of illegal entries, the total number entering the country
over the 1980s exceeded nine million. . . . In marked contrast to the first
decade of the 20th century when about 85 percent of all immigrants came
from Europe, by the 1980s only 15 percent came from Europe while some 80
percent came from Latin America, the Caribbean, and Asia. . . . The 76
percent Anglo share of the 1990 national population marked a
substantial reduction from the 85 percent share in 1950. 28
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Substantially Reduce
Definitions (Random)
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In Robertson, the court found that a forty percent reduction in wages was a
sufficiently substantial reduction to thereby entitle the claimant to
unemployment compensation.
In Jantzen of Louisiana, Inc. v. Blache, 464 So.2d 33 (La. App. 3d Cir. 1985),
the court found that a claimant who was employed as a machine operator,
compensated at a fixed rate for each unit produced, suffered a substantial
reduction when the rate for each finished product was reduced from $ .95 to
$ .54, thus entitling the claimant to unemployment compensation.
The jurisprudence cited serves only as a guide to assist us in determining
whether this ten percent reduction is indeed substantial. While we cannot
say precisely at what level a reduction in pay becomes substantial, we are of
the view that this reduction of just under ten percent had a significant
impact on appellant's economic status. We thus determine that the reduction
at issue is sufficiently substantial [*88] as a matter of law to be good
cause for leaving the employment.
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n59. The U.S. Senate has voted its consent to ratification of the START I
agreement which will require substantial reductions in strategic nuclear
weapons. See START I, supra note 41. Thirty to fifty percent reductions
in strategic systems are needed for the United States and the four relevant
states of the former Soviet Union to meet the START I limits. The START
Treaty: Hearings Before the Senate Comm. on Foreign Relations, 102d
Cong., 2d Sess. 49 (1992) (prepared statement of Ronald F. Lehman II,
Director, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency). The START I agreement
entered into force December 5, 1994, following Ukraine's accession to the
NPT. Message to the Senate Transmitting the Strategic Arms Reduction
Talks Treaty, 27 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 1726 (Nov. 25, 1991) (President's
transmittal to Senate); Statement of Senate Ratification of the Strategic
Arms Reduction Treaty, 28 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 1836 (Oct. 1, 1992)
(Senate ratification); Remarks at a Nuclear Agreement Signing Ceremony in
Budapest, 30 Weekly Comp. Pres. Doc. 2464 (Dec. 5, 1994). U.S. and Russian
leaders have reached agreement on a START II treaty, under which they will
reduce their total strategic warheads to 3,500 and 3,000 respectively. START
II was signed by U.S. President Bush and Russian President Yeltsin on
January 3, 1993. The treaty provides for a further two-thirds reduction in the
nuclear arsenals of each country. Treaty with the Russian Federation on
Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, Jan. 3, 1991,
U.S.-Rus., S. Treaty Doc. No. 1, 103d Cong., 1st Sess. (1993) [hereinafter
START II]; see Ann Devroy, Bush and Yeltsin Sign Treaty to Slash Nuclear
Arsenals, Wash. Post, Jan. 4, 1993, at A1; Keeping START's Promise, Wash.
Times, Jan. 6, 1993, at G2. That will be a dramatic reduction, certainly far
better than even the most optimistic arms control advocates could
realistically have hoped for only a few years ago.
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A2 1% Reductions ARent
Substantial
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n8 To the extent that the magnitude of the ensuing economic loss from an
impaired contract (as opposed to the nature of the right impaired) is
relevant to the question of the substantiality of the impairment, we reject
the City's contention that an annual salary reduction of .95% is
insubstantial. Based upon an annual salary of $ 25,000, this amount
could represent a substantial portion of a monthly mortgage or
rental payment, or weeks of food. Indeed, because individuals plan their
lives based upon their salaries, we would be reluctant to hold that any
decrease in an annual salary beyond one that could fairly be termed de
minimis could be considered insubstantial. See, e.g., Association of
Surrogates v. New York, 940 F.2d 766, 772 (2d Cir. 1991) (A 10% reduction
in salary over 20 weeks prompted court to remark that "the affected
employees have surely relied on full paychecks to pay for such essentials as
food and housing."), cert. denied, 117 L. Ed. 2d 107, 112 S. Ct. 936 (1992)
("Surrogates"); Association of Surrogates v. New York, 79 N.Y.2d 39, 588
N.E.2d 51, 54, 580 N.Y.S.2d 153 (N.Y. 1992) (10% reduction in salary over 10
weeks "not an insubstantial impairment to one confronted with monthly debt
payments and daily expenses for food and the other necessities of life"); cf.
Sniadach v. Family Fin. Corp., 395 U.S. 337, 342 n.9, 23 L. Ed. 2d 349, 89 S.
Ct. 1820 (1969) ("For a poor man to lose part of his salary often means his
family will go without the essentials." (internal quotations omitted)).
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The Fourth Circuit easily concluded that the city had entered contracts with
its employees upon enacting the Ordinance of Estimates, 31 and that
the salary reductions constituted an impairment of these contracts. 32
Second, the court determined that the nearly one-percent pay reduction
was substantial 33 because the level of compensation was a contractual
inducement upon which the plaintiffs had especially relied. 34
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A2 Substantially =
Arbitrary
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erroneously
concluded the term "substantially" made a claim fatally indefinite . Verve, LLC v.
to consider what a person of skill in the art would understand in a "technologic context,"
Crane Cams, Inc., Case No. 01-1417 (Fed. Cir. November 14, 2002). The patent in suit related to an improved push rod
for an internal combustion engine. The patent claims a hollow push rod whose overall diameter is larger at the middle
than at the ends and has "substantially constant wall thickness" throughout the rod and rounded seats at the tips. The
district court found that the expression "substantially constant wall thickness" was not supported in the specification
and prosecution history by a sufficiently clear definition of "substantially" and was, therefore, indefinite. The district
court recognized that the use of the term "substantially" may be definite in some cases but ruled that in this case it was
indefinite because it was not further defined. The Federal Circuit reversed, concluding that the district court erred in
requiring that the meaning of the term "substantially" in a particular "technologic context" be found solely in intrinsic
evidence: "While reference to intrinsic evidence is primary in interpreting claims, the criterion is the meaning of words
as they would be understood by persons in the field of the invention."
Thus,
"[t]he
question is not whether the word 'substantially' has a fixed meaning as applied
to 'constant wall thickness,' but how the phrase would be understood by persons
experienced in this field of mechanics, upon reading the patent documents."
invention." The Federal Circuit remanded the case to the district court with instruction that
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A2 Substantially Refers to
the Ends Not Means
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C.A.9 (Cal.) 1969. Under statute providing that purchased property will be
considered used for investment credit purposes only if substantial use is
made, substantial refers to nature of use, not to profit made from
use
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Substantial = Considerable
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D.S.C. 1966. The word substantial within Civil Rights Act providing that a
place is a public accommodation if a substantial portion of food which is
served has moved in commerce must be construed in light of its usual and
customary meaning, that is, something of real worth and importance;
of considerable value; valuable, something worthwhile as distinguished
from something without value or merely nominal
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substantially
adverb 1 to a great or significant extent. 2 for the most part; essentially.
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Substantial- considerable in
quantity
Merriam-Webster, 8 (substantial, 2008, http://www.merriamwebster.com/cgi-bin/dictionary?book=Dictionary&va=substantially)
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10. Philosophy. pertaining to or of the nature of substance rather than an
accident or attribute.
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Substantially = Having
Real Worth/Value/Substance
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Substantially = Without
Material Qualification
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Substantially = In the
main
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Substantially
1 by a large amount or degree
We have substantially increased the number of programs.
The city has grown substantially.
2 very strongly made or built
a substantially built brick house
3. in the most important or basic way
The two women hold substantially equivalent positions in the two
companies.
substantially
adverb
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Definition:
1. considerably: in an extensive, substantial, or ample way
2. essentially: in essence
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"Substantial" Should Be
Defined on Case-By-Case
Basis
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substantially = 80-90
Percent
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"Substantial" = 40 Percent
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In the opinion below, the Tenth Circuit suggested that a percentage figure
would be a way to avoid vagueness issues. (Pet. App., at 13-14) Indeed,
one of the Amici supporting the City in this case, the American Planning
Association, produced a publication that actually makes a recommendation
of a percentage figure that should be adopted by municipalities in
establishing zoning [*37] regulations for adult businesses. n8 The APA's
well researched report recommended that the terms "substantial" and
"significant" be quantified at 40 percent for floor space or inventory of a
business in the definition of adult business. n9 (Resp. Br. App., at 15-16)
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Substantial Presence =
Major Military Bases
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Eland 07
(Ivan Eland, Ph.D. in Public Policy and Director of Defense Policy Studies at
the Cato Institute, 6/11/07, The U.S. Military Presence in South Korea Is
Not a Model for Iraq, http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?
q=cache:R7jepIGVfiQJ:www.americanchronicle.com/articles/29324+substant
ial+%22military+presence
%22&cd=3&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=safari)
The Bush administration has decided its new model for a long-term solution in Iraq is Korea. Its an
attempt to stifle the inevitable comparisons of the Iraq quagmire to Vietnam and a way to justify the
eventual reduction of U.S. forces in Iraq (to take the heat off Republican candidates in the 2008
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Rogers 02
(Paul Rogers, editor and professor of peace studies at Bradford University, 1/14/02, US entrenchment
http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?
q=cache:fdPLasZokqoJ:www.opendemocracy.net/conflict/article_86.jsp+subs
tantial+%22military+presence
%22&cd=6&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=safari)
across central Asia,
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A. Interpretation - Reduce
excludes eliminate
Words and Phrases 02 (vol 36B, p. 80)
Mass. 1905. Rev.Laws, c.203, 9, provides that, if two or more cases are
tried together in the superior court, the presiding judge may reduce the
witness fees and other costs, but not less than the ordinary witness fees,
and other costs recoverable in one of the cases which are so tried together
shall be allowed. Held that, in reducing the costs, the amount in all the
cases together is to be considered and reduced, providing that there must be
left in the aggregate an amount not less than the largest sum recoverable in
any of the cases. The word reduce, in its ordinary signification, does not
mean to cancel, destroy, or bring to naught, but to diminish, lower, or bring
to an inferior state.Green v. Sklar, 74 N.E. 595, 188 Mass. 363.
C. Voting issue
1. limits they create six more affirmatives and explode the topic literature
base; we have to be accountable for the entire peace movement and answer
critical affs which require distinct strategies
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C. Voting issue
1. limits allowing suspension effectively doubles the size of the topic all
currently run affs can be suspended or reduced
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2. negative ground allowing suspension destroys our disad links, it allows
them to say that the possibility of resuming presence deters or signals that
the US is still committed
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The district court concluded that the plain meaning of the statutory
language does not apply to the termination of employment one obtains on
his own. A termination, the court held, is not a refusal to accept
employment.
In this case, the plain meaning of the various words suggests that "refuse to
accept" is not the equivalent of "terminate" and "reduce." As a matter of
logic [**18] and common understanding, one cannot terminate or reduce
something that one has not accepted. Acceptance is [*1189] a pre-condition
to termination or reduction. Thus, a refusal to accept is a precursor to, not
the equivalent of, a termination or a reduction. n3
n.3 This distinction is also reflected in the dictionary definitions of the
words. "Accept" is defined in anticipatory terms that suggest a precondition
("to undertake the responsibility of"), whereas "terminate" and "reduce" are
defined in conclusory terms ("to bring to end, . . . to discontinue"; "to
diminish in size, amount, extent, or number."). See Webster's New Collegiate
Dictionary (9th ed. 1985).
C. Voting issue
1. limits they explode the topic, they force us to prepare for all current
military presence and every possible proposal to increase presence. Any aff
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that has a card saying some deployment is likely meets their burden for a
new aff
2. negative ground they destroy our disads, all of our links are to existing
deployments
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B. CUNA's position has another fatal flaw. Section 808 is captioned "Policy
Dividends Deduction," and 808(c) states:
(1) In general
Except as limited by paragraph (2), the deduction for policyholder dividends
for any taxable year shall be an amount equal to the policyholder
dividends [**15] paid or accrued during the taxable year.
(2) Reduction in case of mutual companies
In the case of a mutual life insurance company, the deduction for
policyholder dividends for any taxable year shall be reduced by the amount
determined under section 809.
"The amount determined" under 809, by which the policyholder dividend
deduction is to be "reduced," is the "excess" specified in 809(c)(1). Like the
word "excess," the word "reduced" is a common, unambiguous, nontechnical term that is given its ordinary meaning. See San Joaquin Fruit &
Inv. Co., 297 U.S. at 499. "Reduce" means "to diminish in size, amount,
extent, or number." Webster's Third International Dictionary 1905. Under
CUNA's interpretation of "excess" in 809(c), however, the result of the
"amount determination" under 809 would be not to reduce the policyholder
dividends deduction, but to increase it. This would directly contradict the
explicit instruction in 808(c)(2) that the deduction "be reduced." The word
"reduce" cannot be interpreted, as CUNA would treat it, to mean "increase."
C. Voting issue
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2. negative ground their affirmative creates a result that destroys all of our
disad links, which stem from the net reduction in presence
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Reduce Definitions
Reduce means to diminish to a smaller number
reduce, v.
26. a. To bring down, diminish to a smaller number, amount, extent, etc., or
to a single thing.
reduce
vb -ED/-ING/-S
reduce, v.
b. To lower, diminish, lessen.
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reduce
Definition:
1. transitive and intransitive verb decrease: to become smaller in size,
number, extent, degree, or intensity, or make something smaller in this way
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to
diminish in size, amount, extent, or number <reduce taxes> <reduce the likelihood of
war> (2): to decrease the volume and concentrate the flavor of by boiling <add the wine and reduce the
sauce for two minutes> c: to narrow down : restrict <the Indians were reduced to small reservations> d:
to make shorter : abridge
reduce
verb [I or T]
to make something smaller in size, amount, degree, importance, etc:
Do nuclear weapons really reduce the risk of war?
The plane reduced speed as it approached the airport.
My weight reduces when I stop eating sugar.
We bought a television that was reduced (from 500 to 350) in the sales.
To make a thicker sauce, reduce the ingredients by boiling for 5 minutes.
I reduced the problem to a few simple questions.
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Reduce Definitions
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reduce
VERB:
reduced, reducing, reduces
VERB:
tr.
1. To bring down, as in extent, amount, or degree; diminish. See Synonyms
at decrease.
2. To bring to a humbler, weaker, difficult, or forced state or condition;
especially:
a. To gain control of; conquer: "a design to reduce them under absolute
despotism" (Declaration of Independence).
b. To subject to destruction: Enemy bombers reduced the city to rubble.
c. To weaken bodily: was reduced almost to emaciation.
d. To sap the spirit or mental energy of.
e. To compel to desperate acts: The Depression reduced many to begging
on street corners.
f. To lower in rank or grade. See Synonyms at demote.
g. To powder or pulverize.
h. To thin (paint) with a solvent.
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Reduce is to restore
Websters Dictionary 83
(Websters contemporary American Dictionary of the English Language, 1983, p. 592)
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A2 Reduce excludes
eliminate
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A2 Reduce excludes
suspend
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Under the regulation, 24 C.F.R. 886.123, the payments to Carrington could have been stopped for good,
the contract terms aside. For construction of the contract terms, we adopt the wording of the opinion of
the district court for the next three paragraphs of this opinion which follow:
The plain meaning of the word "withhold" is "to retain in one's possession that which belongs to or is
claimed or sought by another. . . . To refrain from paying that which is due." Black's Law Dictionary 1602
(6th ed. 1990). Using this common meaning of "withhold," HUD clearly has the authority to retain
housing assistance payments. But, the HAP Contract's withhold remedy also limits how long [**7] the
funds may be retained. The housing assistance payments may be retained only "until the default under
this Contract has been cured." Tr. Ex. 8, 26. Once the default is cured, HUD may no longer keep the
retained funds. This remedy, therefore, creates a trust type relationship where HUD has the authority to
keep the withheld funds on the owner's account only while the owner is in default and thereafter must
pay out the withheld funds when the default is cured.
In contrast, the reduce-or-suspend remedy suggests a more permanent forfeiture of funds.
The word
"suspend" means "to interrupt; to cause to cease for a time; to post pone; to stay, delay, or
hinder; to discontinue temporarily, but with an expectation or purpose of resumption ."
Black's Law Dictionary 1446 (6th ed. 1990). "Reduce" means "to diminish in size, amount,
extent, or number." Webster's Third New International Dictionary 1905 (1981). <3> Based on these
definitions, "reduce" is merely a less radical form of "suspend ."
Under the common meanings of "reduce" and "suspend," HUD has the authority to discontinue housing
assistance payments entirely or diminish the size of the payments while Carrington Gardens [**8] is in
default. Like the withhold remedy, this remedy limits how long payments may be discontinued or
diminished -- only "until the default under this Contract has been cured." Tr. Ex. 8, 26. After the default
has been cured, therefore, HUD must resume full housing assistance payments. Unlike the withhold
remedy, however, under the plain language of the reduce-or-suspend remedy, HUD is under no obligation
to pay out any discontinued or diminished funds. The words "suspend" or "reduce" furnish no inference or
suggestion that HUD is obligated to retain suspended or reduced funds on the owner's account until a
default is cured. This language in the HAP Contract speaks [*243] only to HUD's obligation to begin full
payments after the default is cured. JA 546-548.
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A2 Reduce = restore
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reduce
vb -ED/-ING/-S
2 archaic
a : to lead back : cause to return
his task was to reduce to order the economic and political chaos
following war
- W.L.Fleming
4 archaic
a : to cause to recur
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Mine, yours, his, hers, its, ours, theirs are the possessive pronouns used to
substitute a noun and to show possession or ownership.
EG. This is your disk and that's mine. (Mine substitutes the word disk and
shows that it belongs to me.)
C. Voting issue
1. limits including PMCs doubles our Iraq and Afghanistan research, and
its a huge, entirely separate body of research that risks overstretch
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Its Definitions
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Its, poss. pron. A. As adj. possess. pron. Of or belonging to it, or that thing;
also refl., Of or belonging to itself, its own.
B. As absolute possessive. The absolute form of prec., used when no sb.
Follows: its one, its ones.
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Its: adj. The possessive form of it. Used as a modifier before a noun: The
airline canceled its early flight to New York.
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its [ its ]
adjective Definition: indicating possession: used to indicate that something
belongs or relates to something
The park changed its policy.
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A2 Private contracts =
agents of the federal
government
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As to federal question jurisdiction, Defendants state that P&J was the prime
contractor for USACE and Gregory Wilson was its employee, with both
parties acting under the control and direction of USACE, thus invoking
derivative immunity from state tort claims. As such, Plaintiffs' claims should
have been brought under the FTCA and are governed exclusively
thereunder.
However, in their motion to remand, Plaintiffs argue that as an independent
contractor, P&J is not an employee of the federal government, and
consequently does not enjoy derivative immunity and cannot invoke the
FTCA. Plaintiffs cite United States v. New Mexico in support of the notion
that private contractors, whether prime or subcontractors, are not
government employees nor are they agents of the federal government. 455
U.S. 720, 102 S. Ct. 1373, 71 L. Ed. 2d 580 (1982). According to the Court,
"[t]he congruence of professional interests between the contractors and the
Federal Government is not complete" because "the contractors remained
distinct entities pursuing private ends, and their actions remained
[*4] commercial activities carried on for profit." Id. at 740; see also Powell v.
U.S. Cartridge Co., 339 U.S. 497, 70 S. Ct. 755, 94 L. Ed. 1017 (1950).
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its
possessive determiner 1 belonging to or associated with a thing previously
mentioned or easily identified. 2 belonging to or associated with a child or animal of
unspecified sex.
MacMillan Dictionary 10
(http://www.macmillandictionary.com/dictionary/american/its)
The United States Supreme Court affirmed the circuit court's ruling. The
Court reasoned that the immunity that protected officers and agents of the
federal government acting within the scope of their authority should be
extended to private contractors who also acted on the government's behalf.
n71
According to the Court: ". . . [I]t is clear that if this authority to carry out
the project was validly conferred, that is, if what was done was within the
constitutional power of Congress, there is no liability on the part of the
contractor for executing its will." n72 The court also observed that the
landowner could have sought compensation from the government for his
injury in the court of claims. n73 Apparently, it thought that the plaintiff had
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attempted to circumvent the accepted statutory procedure by suing the
contractor instead of the government. n74
Over the years, courts have advanced various theories to explain the
government contract doctrine. For example, the Court in Yearsley suggested
that the contractor partakes of the government's immunity because it has
acted as an agent of the government. In fact, some courts have limited the
government contract defense to situations where there is an actual agency
relationship between the contractor and the government.
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B. Violation the aff doesnt effect forces actually in the topic countries, it
just targets intangibles like US commitment
C. Voting issue
1. Limits they explode the topic, they allow debates over the US
military umbrella or arms sales or even how the US approaches
military consultation
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Reviewing the Manual for Courts-Martial, the Army court held that the
speakerphone procedure violated the law because of the logical definition of
presence, the policy reasons why physical presence is required to conduct a
court-martial, and the military judge's justification for conducting the
arraignment by speakerphone. n171 The court determined that the Manual for
Courts-Martial nowhere defines "presence" in the applicable provisions. n172
Looking to the plain meaning of the word in Webster's Dictionary, the Army
court held that presence meant "the fact or condition of being present." n173
According to Webster's, "present" means "being in one place and not
elsewhere, being within reach, sight, or call or within contemplated limits,
being in view or at hand, being before, beside, with, or in the same place as
someone or something." n174
FED. R. CRIM. P. 43. The first step in interpreting the Rule is to consider the
plain, ordinary meaning of the language of the Rule. See United States v.
Ron Pair Enters., Inc., 489 U.S. 235, 241, 109 S.Ct. 1026, 1030, 103 L.Ed.2d
290 (1989). The definition of "presence" in Black's Law Dictionary is:
Act, fact, or state of being in a certain place and not elsewhere, or within
sight or call, at hand, or in some place that is being thought of. The
existence of a person in a particular place at a given time particularly with
reference to some act done there and then.
BLACK'S LAW DICTIONARY 1065 (5th ed.1979) (emphasis added). The
whole dictionary definition suggests that the common-sense meaning of
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"presence" is physical existence in the same place as whatever act is done
there. The Webster's definition suggests a similar meaning. The Webster's
Third New International Dictionary defines "presence" as:
The fact or condition of being present: the state of being in one place and
not elsewhere: the condition of being within sight or call, at hand, or in a
place being thought of: the fact of being in company, attendance or
association: the state of being in front of or in the same place as someone or
something.
WEBSTER'S THIRD NEW INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY 1793 (1981). This
dictionary defines "present" as:
[B]eing in one place and not elsewhere: being within reach, sight, or call or
within contemplated limits: being in view or at hand: being before, beside,
with, or in the same place as someone or something.
Id. Although the dissent emphasizes the phrase "within sight or call," the
common-sense understanding of the definition is that a person must be in
the same place as others in order to be present. The plain import of the
definitions is that a person must be in existence at a certain place in order to
be "present," which is not satisfied by video conferencing.
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A. Interpretation - Presence
requires visibile links to
deterrence
Greer, 91 - Lieutenant Colonel, US Army (Charles, The Future of Forward
Presence, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
AD=ADA234227&Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf)
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covert activities using military personnel and/or material, as long as the
activity is visible to the targeted audience and deters that group or
individual from taking an undesired action. An invisible presence is both
contradictory and serves no useful deterrent purpose, which goes to the
heart of the issue. Deterrence is the ultimate purpose of forward presence.
C. Voting issue
1. limits they explode the topic to include anything and everything the US
military does, including military musical groups and public relations
exercises
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Central to the new initiative was the idea that capability and commitment
could no longer, and should no longer, be measured in numbers. It was not
intuitively obvious to a nonmilitary audience in Asia that, for example,
anticipated reductions of forces permanently stationed in the Republic of
Korea would coincide with an actual strengthening of the potential combat
power the United States could bring to bear against North Korea (or the
Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea, the DPRK). As South Korean
newspapers wondered aloud whether Washington was reducing its security
commitment to their country, the North certainly grasped that the United
States was increasing its precision-strike power around the Korean
Peninsula while reducing its own forces exposure to DPRK firepower
amassed just north of the Demilitarized Zone, and it denounced the
American reconfiguration. If potential adversaries were quick to recognize
the military advantages to the United States of the planned new force
posture, the larger Asian audience could not be made to think differently
overnight. Americas role as the essential stabilizing force in Asia had long
encouraged the region to equate numerical presence with commitment and
capability. To overcome lingering doubts in Europe and Asia, the United
States will have to demonstrate its commitment to the role of ultimate
security guarantor through its actions over several years as the GDPR
posture changes are implemented.
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Agency, and the Office of Management and Budget (Barry, Strategic Review,
Spring, Military Presence Abroad in a New Era: The Role of Airpower, p.
14)
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United States. The ability to project our power will underpin our strategy
more than ever. We must be able to deploy substantial forces and sustain
them in parts of the world where prepositioning equipment will not always
be feasible, where adequate bases may not be available (at least before a
crisis) and where there is a less developed industrial base and infrastructure
to support our forces once they have arrived.
Applying the policy to the ARG/MAGTF mix in the Persian Gulf, the CJCS
decreed a continuous presence of an ARG/MAGTF. Webster defines presence
as "the fact or condition of being present," and present as "being in view or
at hand."'4 The Navy decided, in effect, by their choice of ARG/MAGTF/MPS
mix, to split the force; therefore, the force that will actually be present in the
Persian Gulf will not be the force the CJCS ordered, but a smaller force less
capable. The whole force would not exist until the arrival of the fly-in
echelon (FIE). In spirit at least, this seems contrary to the implicit
preference for self-sustaining forces and a power-projection capability in
places like those described in the passage, whose description fits the Middle
East.
Eliminating the choice of visible presence through the choice of a
deployment option that necessitates it, on the ground, nullifies the benefits
of logistic self-sufficiency and immunity from political constraints, typically
enjoyed by naval forces. There is a fine line between deterrence and
provocation, and a visible presence on the ground in the Middle East could
cross that line, place the force in danger, and inhibit future U.S. regional
access and influence.
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A. Interpretation
Substantially means including the main part
US Military Dictionary:
presence
n.a group of people, especially soldiers or police, stationed in a particular
place: maintain a presence in the region.
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this way. Also transf., denoting the representation of a nations interests at an event.
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Bases are the literal and symbolic anchors, and the most visible centerpieces, of the
U.S. military presence overseas. To understand where those bases are and how they
are being used is essential for understanding the United States relationship with
the rest of the world, the role of coercion in it, and its political economic
complexion. The United States empire of bases its massive global impact and the
global response to it are the subject of chapters in this book. Unlike the pundits
and the strategic thinkers who corner the market on discussions of the U.S. military,
these authors concentrate on the people around those bases and the impact of living
in their shadow. The authors describe as well the social movements which have
tried to call the worlds attention to the costs those bases impose on them without
their consent. In this introduction, I ask why the bases were established in the first
place, how they are currently configured around the world and how that
configuration is changing, what myths have developed about the functions U.S.
overseas bases serve, and, finally, introduce the global movement to push back or
expel the bases altogether.
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United States that are prepared to respond to contingencies in all
corners of the globe.9
In this definition the authors have identified key components of forward
presence, namely the flexibility gained by reducing deployment times and
the assurance provided to allies (and potential enemies alike) by the
engagement and visibility of the forces.
presence
noun 1 the state or fact of being present. 2 the impressive manner or
appearance of a person. 3 a person or thing that is present but not seen. 4 a group
of soldiers or police stationed in a particular place: the USA would maintain a
presence in the region.
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presence
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1. existence in place: the physical existence or detectability of something
in a place at a particular time
the presence of contaminants in the water supply
2. attendance: somebody's attendance at an event or physical existence in a
place with other people
Our presence is requested at the board meeting.
3. area within sight or earshot: the immediate vicinity of somebody or
something
How dare you use that kind of language in my presence!
4. impressive quality: an impressive appearance or bearing
has a certain presence about her that garners respect
5. invisible supposed supernatural being: a supernatural spirit that is
felt to be nearby
A malevolent presence filled the room.
6. person present: somebody who is notably present
the venerable scholar, a dignified presence in the academic procession
7. group of official personnel: a group of official personnel, especially
police, military forces, or diplomats, present or stationed in a place to
represent their country and maintain its interest
maintained a heavy military presence in the capital
MacMillan Dictionary 10
(http://www.macmillandictionary.com/dictionary/american/presence)
definition of presence
noun
3. a. a group of people, especially soldiers or the police, who are in a place
for a particular purpose
We intend to maintain a presence in the country until there is peace.
military/police presence:
There is still a large U.S. military presence in the region.
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Presence = Troops
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This article uses Public Use Micro sample (PUMS) data drawn from the 1990 census to explore the
across local labor market areas (LMAs) in the United States. Comparisons of local rates of unemployment
military plays a
disproportionate role in the local labor market and those in which military
presence is low
and mean women's earnings are made between those LMAs in which the
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A. Interpretation - Presence
requires regular, non-combat
activities forces engaged in
combat or one-time noncombat
missions arent part of U.S.
presence
Thomason 2 Project Leader, Institute for Defense Analysis (James,
Transforming US Overseas Military Presence: Evidence and Options for
DoD, July, http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?
doi=10.1.1.122.1144&rep=rep1&type=pdf
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available sooner rather than later in case an evolving security operation or
contingency should call for them.
C. Voting issue -
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covert activities using military personnel and/or material, as long as the
activity is visible to the targeted audience and deters that group or
individual from taking an undesired action. An invisible presence is both
contradictory and serves no useful deterrent purpose, which goes to the
heart of the issue. Deterrence is the ultimate purpose of forward presence.
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Dismukes 95 analyst with the Center for Naval Analyses (Bradford, The
U.S. Military Presence Abroad, Strategic Review, Spring, p. 55)
Logically, forward presence has become the most important strategic task of
U.S. conventional forces. With respect to adversaries, if forces abroad are
successful in deterrence, then the requirement to respond to crises (not to
mention war) can be avoided. Presence is the primary mission; crisis
response is the necessary, but less desirable, back up. These conclusions
have far-reaching consequences both for the use of existing U.S. forces and
for the acquisition of forces for the future. Because of their scope and
complexity, these necessarily must be addressed separately. More important
yet are their implications for the way Americans think about why they should
bear the risks and costs of keeping forces abroad. For Americas partners,
particularly other G7 members, there are equally important implications for
why and how they share the political and financial costs of U.S. presence.
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Presence = Non-Combat
Activities
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During the run-up to the 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), the Joint
Staff and the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy undertook a
comprehensive review of overseas presence requirements and issues. The
intention was to ensure the resources committed to presence were
consistent with national priorities in the regionand to identify overseas
commitments that were potentially excess to the emerging defense strategy.
To make sure everything was considered, the definition of presence was
made as broad as possiblefrom forward-stationed troops, to prepositioned
stocks, to naval deployments, to joint and combined military exercises, to
mil-to-mil contacts. At about the same time, the Joint Staff was working to
create a notional baseline engagement force in order to get a clearer
historical picture of how many U.S. forces worldwide were engaged
routinely in engagement or crisis-response operations. Both the overseas
presence study and the baseline engagement force analysis were intended to
form one point of departure for the formulation of a new defense strategy.
Planners hoped to find relatively painless ways to increase spending on
military readiness and procurement, without undercutting essential
warfighting forces or technology.
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The United States has determined that overseas military presence during
peacetime, often termed forward presence or peacetime presence;
should remain an integral part of its force posture in the post-Cold War era.
In 1996, the United States maintains a diminished, yet still significant land
and aviation presence in Europe and in Korea. In addition, it supports a
robust maritime presence, including aircraft carrier battle groups and
Marine Expeditionary Units, in the Mediterranean Sea, the Persian Gulf and
East Asia (see Table 1).
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scale operations.1 For this paper, presence is the visible positioning or
stationing of ships, aircraft and/or personnel for the purpose of influencing,
assuring or engaging other state actors or non-state actors. The scope of
this definition includes the full range of traditional and emerging military
missions, including port visits, training (personnel and forces), Theater
Security Cooperation Programs (TSCP), personnel exchanges, humanitarian
assistance and limited or full scale permissive and non-permissive military
operations.
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Presence Definitions
List)
(Laundry
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In this new era of regional threats the need for forward presence has
become more important.2 1 Yet defense budget cuts and the closing of many
overseas bases have prompted the DOD to reevaluate its traditional
definitions of forward presence in order for the nation to continue to fulfill
its many obligations.2 2 The new definition of forward presence emphasizes
the need to "show our commitment, lend credibility to our alliances, enhance
regional stability, and provide crisis response capability while promoting
U.S. influence and access." 23
The planned reduction of forward land-based U.S. forces worldwide could
mean naval forces will be increasingly responsible for fulfilling the
objectives of forward presence. There are six roles for the Navy under
forward presence. The first role is peacetime engagement. This is similar to
the traditional presence role the Navy has historically fulfilled. It is needed
to counter the image of an American global withdrawal as force reductions
occur and fewer forces are forward based. The forward deployment of naval
forces in this role "provides an underpinning for diplomatic activities which,
when combined with other U.S. foreign policy initiatives, are influential in
shaping events. These forward operations are oriented toward diplomacy,
coalition building and the promotion of stability which fosters peace and
cooperation." 2 4
Additionally, this role will also guarantee the freedom of the sea which will
facilitate trade and improve the economic conditions of the United States
and our allies. Typical missions include: Stationed forces; rotational
overseas deployments; access and storage agreements; port visits; militaryto-military relations; and joint and combined training exercises.2 5 This role
does not necessarily have to be fulfilled by aircraft carrier battle groups to
be credible.26
The second role is to enhance crisis response capability. Naval forces
provide the National Command Authority with the ability to react to
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ambiguous warning in the early stages of a crisis. This timely show of force
can stabilize the situation and permit diplomacy to prevail. By complicating
the risk versus gain calculus of potential adversaries, we cause them to
consider carefully the initiation of activity which might be counter to U.S.
interests. Depending upon the crisis, forward deployed naval expeditionary
forces can respond autonomously or become an enabling force about which
a decisive joint/coalition based response can be shaped.2 7
The third role is protecting U.S. citizens. This includes not only responsive
and capable evacuation lift, but the ability to be able to do it in the midst of
conflict. This could also include protection against terrorists by stopping
vessels, suspected of containing terrorists or illegal arms shipments, on the
high seas.
The fourth role is combating drugs. This involves ocean surveillance of
potential drug traffickers, interdiction of drug shipments, and intelligence
collection for counter narcotics agencies.
The fifth role is humanitarian assistance. This requires the ability to respond
rapidly and effectively to disasters. As stated in the National Military
Strategy, "Not only must our forces provide humanitarian aid, but as seen
recently in Northern Iraq, in some cases they must also be prepared to
engage in conflict in order to assist and project those in need.'"2 8
The final role is intelligence collection. This requires the ability to overtly
and covertly collect information, and then transmit real-time information to
the National Command Authorities in time to avert or mitigate crises. This
role is necessary under all four elements of the new defense agenda. Typical
missions include maritime intelligence collection in support of national
requirements; surveillance of air or naval forces that could act hostile
against vital interests of the United States; and detection, tracking, and
reporting vessels involved in terrorist-related activities.
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Presence Definitions
List)
(Laundry
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8Abcwf3IDA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCwQ6A
EwAA#v=onepage&q=%22military%20presence%22&f=false)),
It was also established to respond to the new situation of a less visible U.S.
military presence: there are no more U.S. bases, but there are still yearround joint military exercises, U.S. naval ship visits, and deployment of U.S.
Special Operation Forces in conflict areas, taking place under the legal
framework of the Philippine-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement and the Mutual
Logistics and Support
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The U.S. government supports nearly 2,000 U.S. military bases and facilities
located strategically around the globe. n1 The Pacific Command is part of
this network and comprises an integrated system of bases, warships, planes,
and submarines n2 that link Hawaii, Micronesia, Japan, South Korea, the
Philippines, and Australia. n3 The three countries that are the subject of this
article have hosted U.S. bases for many years. The United States has
positioned bases across the Pacific and in Asia for the purpose of extending
the reach of U.S. troops and weaponry into Asia and, more recently, into the
Middle East. U.S. bases in the Philippines played a key role in U.S.
interventions in the Boxer Rebellion (China) in 1900, and in Siberia during
the Russian Civil War (1918-20). n4 Philippine bases were used "for
clandestine supply drops to U.S.-backed right-wing rebels in Indonesia" (in
1958), and the U.S. naval force from the Philippines was deployed to the Bay
of Bengal during the India-Pakistan-Bangladesh War (1971). n5 Dozens of
U.S. bases in Okinawa, mainland Japan, and the Philippines were used as
forward bases during the Korean War and the Vietnam War. n6 U.S. troops in
East Asia are also deployed outside the region, as was the case in the
Persian Gulf War. n7 According to a U.S. Defense Department report, "Asian
nations provided [*231] access to ports, airfields, and maintenance facilities
for personnel, ships and aircraft en route to the Mideast." n8
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Presence = Military
Infrastructure/Assets
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Greer 91 - Lieutenant Colonel, US Army (Charles, The Future of Forward
Presence, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
AD=ADA234227&Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf)
Much of the United States' unparalleled weaponry, nuclear and otherwise, is stored
at places like Camp Darby in Italy, Kadena Air Force Base in Okinawa, and the Naval
Magazine on Guam, as well as in nuclear submarines and on the navy's other
floating bases. The weapons, personnel, and fossil fuels involved in this U.S. military
presence cost billions of dollars, most coming from U.S. taxpayers but an increasing
number of billions from the citizens of the countries involved. Elaborate bilateral
negotiations exchange weapons, cash, and trade privileges for overflight and landuse rights. Less explicitly, but no less importantly, rice import levels or immigration
rights to the United States or overlooking human rights abuses have been the
currency of exchange (Cooley, 2008).
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Presence = Military
Infrastructure/Assets
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Unfortunately, military presence can easily masquerade as the objective and the argument over which
particular service or mix of forces can best attain the desired presence can dominate the debate and
exclude other considerations. Presence and influence are related, but they are not synonymous .
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Presence = Temporary
Visits
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The thrust of forward defense was to deter potential aggressors, and if that
failed, to engage those aggressors forces close to their borders, halting and
repelling the aggression. As such, presence equated to and was ensured by
bipolar alliances, heavy overseas troop commitments, frequent political and
military-to-military interaction with Americas allies, and the continual
courting of on-the-fence nations. In short, Americas Cold War strategy
was being there. It was a strategy most Americans understood.
As the 1980s ended and the Cold War subsided, the basis for the traditional
definition of presence began to dissolve. America moved from the Cold
Wars bipolar arrangement toward what was perceived to be a new, less
threatening political environment. As forward defense lost its rationale,
forward presence and overseas presence emerged. The goal of each was to
assure Americas allies of our nations continued commitment to their
security while responding to the reality of the decreasing threat to
Americas national existence.
Today the global international system has become a more diverse panorama
of political, military, and economic concerns confronting the United States.
Consequently, it is more difficult to achieve consensus on what Americans
consider vital national interests. Despite this, Americas military forces
are involved in more operations of greater duration than at any time in the
past twenty years; and, these operations have been conducted with 25
percent of the total force and 40 percent fewer forward deployed forces than
the services possessed in 1989.
In the face of increasing demands on U.S. military forces, smaller force
structures, and shrinking defense budgets, we can no longer afford to
physically deploy forces in every region of concern. Concurrent with
changes in the international security environment are significant advances
in technology, most notably information technologies. The ability to create,
disseminate, access, and manipulate information for ones own ends and to
control information available to competitors or adversaries produces a
potential for decisive advantage. Much as the introduction of the airplane
moved us into the three-dimensional battlefield, information technologies
lead us to consider the potential of operations in a four-dimensional, virtual
battlespace. This battlespace is not defined in terms of traditional,
centralized, geopolitical boundaries, but in terms of a decentralized, global
web of networks. As a result, we must examine new methods of
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characterizing the threat including the use of technology-based analysis
and determine appropriate responses.
To use an analogy, during the Cold War, America was like a cop permanently
guarding the door of every bank around the globe. Changes in the security
environment coupled with technological improvements and force reductions
altered Americas need to continue in this role. Hence America replaced
the cop on the beat with video monitoring and alarm systems linked to
joint military capabilities that can be brought to bear wherever and
whenever necessary. This monitoring and alarm network consists of spacebased and air-breathing platform sensors and other information-gathering
systems. In most instances, information, combined with the right mix of
capabilities, can achieve U.S. goals. On occasion, information alone may be
enough to attain U.S. objectives. Of course, in some regions of the world a
physical presence is imperative; however, there may be circumstances when
such a presence is counterproductive. In instances where a physical
presence is not preferred, information capabilities provide America the
option to visit the bank as often as it wishes to check the integrity of the
system.
In an environment influenced by so many variables, how should America
best pursue the continuing need for presence? One way is through global
presence.
Global presence expands the definition of presence to include the
advantages of physical and virtual means. Global presence considers the full
range of potential activities from the physical interaction of military forces
to the virtual interaction achieved with Americas information-capabilities.
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Moreover, these bases are the anchor - and merely the most visible aspect of the US military's presence overseas. Every year, US forces train 100,000
soldiers in 180 countries, the presumption being that beefed-up local
militaries will help to pursue US interests in local conflicts and save the US
money, casualties and bad publicity when human rights abuses occur (the
blowback effect of such activities has been made clear by the strength of the
Taliban since 9/11). The US military presence also involves jungle, urban,
desert, maritime and polar training exercises across wide swathes of
landscape, which have become the pretext for substantial and permanent
positioning of troops. In recent years, the US has run around 20 exercises
annually on Philippine soil, which have resulted in a near-continuous
presence of US soldiers in a country whose people ejected US bases in 1992
and whose constitution forbids foreign troops to be based on its territory.
Finally, US personnel work every day to shape local legal codes to facilitate
US access: they have lobbied, for example, to change the Philippine and
Japanese constitutions to allow, respectively, foreign troop basing and a
more-than-defensive military.
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Presence = Bilateral
Agreements
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A2 Presence Weapons
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Military presence is defined by any nation where the U.S. has a military
base, where the U.S. is providing military aid, active duty military personnel,
or where U.S. soldiers are engaged in combat theaters. The 2008 Department of
civilians.
Defense Base Structure Report, which details military real estate, indicates that the U.S. military has 761
properties overseas.
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A2 Presence = Only
Deterrence
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Terms such as presence and engagement are often used rather loosely.
Following a survey and analysis of existing sources, we developed or
adopted specific definitions for the terms used to describe these strategy
issues.We define overseas presence as military forces permanently stationed
or rotationally or intermittently deployed overseas for the purposes of
influence, engagement, reassurance, deterrence, and initial crisis response.
We define peacetime military engagement as encompassing all U.S.
military activities designed to enhance constructive security relations and
promote broad U.S. security interests, including activities such as combined
training and education, military-to-military interactions, security assistance,
and various other programs. U.S. overseas presence forces are often also
involved in conducting peacetime military engagement activities.
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http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?
AD=ADA430963&Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf)
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presence
noun 1 the state or fact of being present. 2 the impressive manner or
appearance of a person. 3 a person or thing that is present but not seen. 4 a group
of soldiers or police stationed in a particular place: the USA would maintain a
presence in the region.
US Military Dictionary:
presence
n.a group of people, especially soldiers or police, stationed in a particular
place: maintain a presence in the region.
MacMillan Dictionary 10
(http://www.macmillandictionary.com/dictionary/american/presence)
definition of presence
noun
3. a. a group of people, especially soldiers or the police, who are in a place
for a particular purpose
We intend to maintain a presence in the country until there is peace.
military/police presence:
There is still a large U.S. military presence in the region.
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