Arphiteclure and planning in Cuba

Architecture and revolution

Cuba,1959 to 1974

Susana I orrc

'Society is lilled wlth a violent desire tor somelhlng which it may obtain or may not. Everything lies
in that: everything depends on the ellort made and
the attention paid to these alarming symptoms. Architecture or revolutlon. Revolution can be avoided,'
Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture
Centuries of economic and social struggle have relentlessly
demonstrated that architectural ulopias embodying ideal
social order and design reconslructions of classless ar_
cadias are only affairs of ttje mind Utopian aspirations of
social reform have in most inslances included some kind of
grand urban scheme which, it was assumed, would bring
about social change by the example of its own absolute
clarity. At their best, utopias have contained the seeds of a
forcelul social consciousness. At their worst, society has
condemned them to oblivion, as in the past, or absorbed
them lnlo its current system of consumer choices.
Historical evidence demonstrates that without a parallel
process creating the condjtions of a revolutionary social
change as the expression of the entire community, design
utopias, however powerful and mesmerizing, do not affect
reality. For "it is not design whose organization determines
the social relationships [and] the distribution of power be_
tween people, but the social relationships which dictate the
conceptual organizalion of design "r
Design utopias have ignored that ,,the change of human
associations," as well as a change in the ownership of the
land and the means of production, constitute the necessary
prerequisites for their materialization. They have traditjon_
ally been conceived as closed systems, or networks, which
exist within or connect to the elements of a social and
physical space that remains otherwise unchanged. lt is im_
portant to note, however, thal the elements of physical
space are organized, contrary to ulopian pre_emptive as_
sumplions, in a manner thal ref lects the past and present
polilical hislory ol a social struclure. ln this sense, and ulti_

ll

Author: Susana Torre praclices archttecture in New york

City and rs assistant professor of architectural design and
lheory al Slate Universily ol New york, Old Westbury

[)togtcssrve /\rcli 1r'(]lr.ri,,)

/,1

Since the revolulion rn 195g, Cuba lras seen

three arrly drsttnct phases of archilecture.
I.he f rsl ts seen rn Porro's Cubanacan
School ol Fir)e Arf:i ( I 961 - I 963) Castro
cnlrcized arch tects who produce this kind
of desrgn for usrng "excesstvely egocenlric
criteria" and or "pretending to make
a particular case out of every building."
f

'iiiFlr)i tlle (lCrsrCJr-r an0 Orgartrzal of Cri tite eIvlrOnmef l s

,r,:,ll ii:i trrf ,.)ii:it_rr itcJ .il l)oi t a.r ilclroIs whrie'utopial ancl
:l'rr'isl:i v{l 1.,rr) ir03l i'eq IteS aiit(e ltave tradttiOrrally pOStUrle(j or.ier lrom wilttoul lhe rcal clrallcngc of social revolu
,ir:; ir;i:l bcen seen in their abiiity Io oreate the necessary
irLrirCjrtroTrs

lor soCial Order to emerge t'rom wtthrn

Cuba belore 1959

,:srrrq lite rlreallij Oi SC,rji.i re'J'() rll Or Crrba i-taS Cna lCnged
'i e coi'to l(.)r,:i ()J qelt-.ltitzeu pOVCtty ccOnontiC depcn

.l|(l Lrndctdcvcloprllen! 1ltitl rtlJ1 0rtly cltaraclerize

alrn Arlerrcan sltUrltron ltLttwhrr:ir ai so presen|y rille
lr,F vF\ ot close to three-fourths of the wor cl s popLtjallon
| (,.lull.r lrrrwcver, even rl tlre politrCal and Lrcor'tOmtc i?venls
'iratl (,reiiled tlte present coniext for archrtectLtre atrd lr'll.rri,::irlll!l re-,sLr led f rorn a r:llrli._tler:;y:;lelti ol p.irlctL_;,llr u
' rrilIl!il'r_i(.r.-l l:t{:ry (ti|titL]l i,t: lr-i v i_i|!jcr..lt(-r{.1 tf lal\crt ,}:i t.|l
rLr (llcr.i (.'itt,,L, it .;loty
itte tittcr poialrlV bclweel ittc_]1 '; ,-lt:.y9 OIlccl teCllr()lL)cly
r ,, j li-tt. :it.ii-)lluIraill ife r:;oncjilturrs Ol lite ilrrJeSl palt ()l tncl

t_lcircc

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rr,ri ., 1rr,ri,rLii;.ilrOrt, wllclr0lr.irar;leItes Ilre:;eCclrtd l]itlf

Of

lils century,

has been accentuated by the penetration of

neocaprla isl eoonomic venlures into aroitaic and underdeveloped economic structures. ln such cases, the decisrons of large, transnalional corporalions, especially in
areas aff ecttng the exploitatron of naturai resources and the
manutacture ot goods, are taken primarily in relation to a
worldwide strategy, rather than in accordance with the developmenlal pace and social needs of the irost country
A consequence of this activity, which dates back to a
condrt on of economic dependency on diff erent f oreign
t ags for two ccnturies, can be seen In Lalin Amerrca,
where 86 5 percent of the populalion lives on the coaslal
belt lair removed f rom the resources and productive areas
ol lhc lrrlerror. lhe traditional metaphor of the Latin Arnerici,irrci.rprlarl cily lurning its bar;k lo tlte rest of the country
(Bral ,,rrd Co onriria are lhe sole exceptions) expresses
llro rrcJlrr .urrr (iorlralized hte raf chy of lhe urban strLiclure
t\f arrrilly:; --j of lhe Cuban sttualton prror to ,1959 brrngs
lllo iocLls specit c traits of these general condrtions The
t,urrirlry s e(jonomy was undetdevelopecl Througlr a low
lcvel t-rf 1trr..rdr-rctivity, Cuba exClu:;ively pLrrve;ye)d ritw rrlil,'

Architecture and revolution

rials rn uniiaterai contrnercial trade 160 to 70 ltercent of all

exporls were to the U.S , lhe same percenlage ol all tmporled goods were tronr tlre U.S.). Land ownership was
one of lati{undia, and the land itsel{ was almosl exclusrvely
(under)used tor nronocr.ops, mainly sugar.
Wllile the low per-capita income was uneqirally ciistrrbuted, 72 percenl of the large estates,4T percenl ot the
sugar induslry, 95 percent o1 the public services, and g0
percent of tlre banks were owned by loreign capilal, The
rural population, the 46 percenl most severely aff ecled by
this state of affairs, received only two percent of the total
national revenue. Eigity-six percent of the rural infant population was afJected by parasites, while 75 percenl of all
medrcal services were concentrated in Havana; 90 percent
of the rural population lived in bohios (similar to adobes),
while 89 percent of the annual conslruclion was lor speculative purposes or unproductive investmenls, using the services of some of the 90 percent of all of ihe Cuban architects who practiced exclusively in the metropolitan area. All
of these factsr indicale the extreme polarity between the
city and the countryside; as such indicators they are representative embodiments oi the political and economic factors that organize physical space,

Ellects ol Soviet planning models on Cuba

The elimination of this polarity and the idea of territorial
equipoise are deeply rooted in the materlalistic conception
of reality, and were f irst formulated by Engels in Anti-Durlng, He also developed, to a certain extenl, a theory ol
planning which called for a global strategy for an entire territory. His idea established, in the minds of his contemporaries and later generations, an inseparable association be-

tween planning and socialism. The issue of planning and,

more precisely, the concept of the Master Plan, were regarded as one of the fundamental differences between socialism and capitalism,
After the October Bevolution in Russia, the intention ot
achieving a town and country equipoise persislently appears in the f irst efforts ol the Soviety planners, The theoretical sources for their f irst hypothesis of the Socialist City
can be traced to the Fourierist-anarchist tradition, the Garden Cities movement, and the German planning treatises,
as was made obvious in the f irst Moscow plan of 1918,
which ref lects some distinct fealures of anarchist thought.
During the early transition years, the Soviet planners concentrated more on defining planning models than on elaborating concrete planning programs. They believed in the
Plan as an ideological objective and as a somewhat magical solution for the problem of a harmonious development
of the terrilory, but when it became increasingly evident
thal the Plan as an instrumenl for territorial reconciliation
was neilher suff icienl nor entirely relevanl to the concrete
and aclual circumslances, Lenin himself indicated that it
wasn'l yel time lo elaborale rigid, all-encompassing plans:
"We are poor. . A lrue masler plan is today, for us,
bureaucralized ulopia. "'
The actual "clyrrarnics clf development" deltred by.precise econornrc plarrrrrrrg obleclrves arrd scienlrf ic analysis
as lhe basrs l<-rr rt-'r;rcrrral or(lilnt./illlor), llte wc'iel-rt and qual-

86

Progrcssrve Archrlecture

0:74

ily oi produclion, lhe specilic syslern o{ hierarchical relatiorrships belween local cenlers within the region, posed
problerns which were irreducible eilher 1o the inspiring utopian schemes or to lraditional economic relations, such as
supply vs demand. Alternalively, Lenin suggested an "organized competition" between town and country that was
closer to lhe real condiiions, Ultimately, however, the capital city of the Soviels was to become "the city of Socialist
ideology," the symbolic center ol the victorious proletariat
and the headquariers of political command. The rigid, centralized struclure exemplif ied by this model resulted in a
lragmentation of the soviel lerritory and in the concomitanl
establishment of a geographic and cultural hierarchy.

Cuba since 1959

The Cuban planners had a lot to learn f rom this f irst attempt
lo realize social planning theories, and consequently Havana and Cuba were not to experience lhe same fate. The
organization of physical space in Havana reveals its character as a service center, Once an extensive and well-

equipped Caribbean resort built to suit the "American

scale," Havana's center, adjacent to the old colonial town,
is a conglomerate of mostly "Miami style" buildings that
had catered to the U.S. tourist industry. The sprawling city,
born oul of land speculalion, extends beyond the city of
tourism in a disorderly and piecemeal array oi suburban
mansions engulfing older urban conglomerates.
The present guidelines for Havana call for a limitation of
the city's expansion to comply with new demographic perspectives. They also call for a limited development period to
provide the much-needed new services, for the establishment of direct links within the city of those sectors and key
points thal could help define its new structure, and for the
def inition of coordinates for the transformation of the "city
of symbols" into a "city of production."

Planning in Cuba today

The almost complete release of urban and rural land from
private ownership following the f irst revolutionary laws eslablished the essential basis for accomplishing an integral
planning of the terrilory and the massive mechanization of

agricultural production. Def ining the objectives of planning

and getting the right distribution of scarce resources between the main sectors of the economy were the principal
responsibilities of the Central Agency of Economic Planning. The question was nol whether or not to plan, but how
much and for what purposes.
Normative planning decisions affecting the physical environment were, in the f irst decade, more the results of a process lhat evolved from changing demands of reality than
f rom actions regulated by a master plan. The process of
planning itself had to consider society as a complex and
adaptive system if it was to deal at all with the dialectical
play established between national priorities, local demands,
and the urgent social revindications (housing, health care,
and education), which were a major part of the f irst revolutionary program.

Housing relorm
Durrng 1959, and within lwo months afler Fidel Castro had
assumed lhe post ol Premier of the revolutionary governmenl, the promulgalion of a series of major laws and the

!urng llre ilr,coir(i j)llise ol archrleclurc

rllur the revolulra)f rnosl ol lire desrgrr

iild conslruclron rosources were diverlcd

lo ltlc ourldrng ol scirools, lollowing the
'r)nlpLclc cradicalion ol illiteracy rn

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The thrrd and presenl phase of Cuban burlding ltas seen il relur{t lo llte
conslruclron of hous[]g and a new emphasrs on reuslng old burldrngs.
such as the legendary Moncada Garrison in Santiago (above). which was
lranslormed, like all lormer f ortresses and prisons. lnto a school
New hoLising has been made possible largely through lhe creation ol llle
"mlcrobriqade," which began as a popular response lo havtng so mucn
of the resources and energies diverted into school conslruction Microbrrgades are groups of 33 workers who leave their regular jobs for
periods of lime to do conslrucljon work under lrained experls. They have
been responsible lor proJecls such as Alamar (lop anO lell), a ne!v city
near Havana thal rs projected lo have a population ol I 25 000 by 1 982

Archlleclure and revolution

creation of new irrstituticlns endowed with planning and executory responsibililies shaped the new policies in relation
to the social and physical environmenl. One of the first new
laws, and the replacement of the abolished national lottery
with an lnstitute for Savings and Housing, were to have immediate impact on land appropriation palterns of the cily.
The sale of vacant lots held by land speculators and private
developers became obligatory and resulted in their reclamation for the construction of much-needed housing and
commercial facilities. "There are already enough buildings
in the large cities to solve immediately any housing shortage, " Engels said in 1872, "t they are used rationally,
[which] can only happen through expropriation from the
landlords and the distribution of their houses to those who
don't have one and to those workers who live in extremely
crowded quarters."r Cuba followed this advice shortly after
the U.S, economic blockade was enlorced. Mansions
abandoned by fleeing wealthy families, as well as slums,
became the state's property, and little or no compensation
was granted the former owners.
The initial guidelines regarding the construction of new
housing resulted in f irm rent control and in a Law of Urban
Reform that proclaimed housing to be an inalienable right
and basic need of every human being. A three-stage
method was proposed for ils implementatlon. ln the first
phase, rent payments would represent the amorlization of
the unit's price over a period of 5 to 20 years; in the second
phase, through massive stale construction programs, units
would be allocated permanently and paid for in monthly installments not to exceed 10 percent of the family income; in
the final stage, housing would be allocated f ree.

Natlonal seminar on housing, 1964

Even though the construction of housing had been a pressing concern f rom the outset, it was not until the tirst housing census (carried out by neighborhood organizations)
was completed in 1962 that a realistic ordering of housing
priorities could be established. These priorities were formulated at the National Seminar on Housing in 1964. They
called for the construction of housing needed in connection with the development of the national economy; next,
for housing in rural areas neighboring the recently created
farms and near existing or new industrial complexes; then,
ior housing to meet the demands of population growth; and
last, lor the replacement ot old and derelict buildings
The location preference given to dwellings in the countryside was expected lo reverse, as it did, the migratory
trends toward Havana and the provincial capitals. The seminar also made slrong recommendations for the standardization of economical and technical indices, furnishings
and equrpment, modular systems, and building types.
Early models lor the ideal urban residential unit, which
Habana del Este exemplrf ies, as well as rural clusters ot dtspersed individual houses, had to be discontinued and replaced by schemes that took the scarcity of technical and
malerial resources inlo account, "if we are lesolve_the
housing problem in 10 instead of 30 years."'
Four years later, rn 1968, the demands crealed by the
complete eradication of illiteracy (which had averaged 50

percent until 1961 , and which was eliminated in one year

through the servrces of more than 100,000 students and
volunteers) caused a considerable amount of material and
labor resources to be shifted from housing to educ'ational
facilities, "ls our youth going to lose its opportunity for educalion because the country does not have the necessary
facilities . . .? 500 schools are more important for the present, and even more for the future, than 10,000 houses.""
The popular response to this situation was the creation of
the microbrigade-a self-help group of 33 workers who
take leave of their regular jobs to learn construction skills
on the site under the supervisron of experts. This released
the professional construction force for building schools.

The rational utllizatlon ol resources

The rational utilization of resources has always been, in underdeveloped countries, a critical question that afforded
little margin Jor the predictable errors that are made in the
attempt to solve problems never encountered before. The
main difficulties in the building process in Cuba, which
were identified by Castro in his 1964 address to the First
Congress of Builders, included the problems of idealizing
the real conditions in terms of projects, materials and labor,
and the use of excessively "egocentric criteria" by some
architects, "who pretend to make a particular case out of
every building." Castro also called attention to the general
low quality of the projects, which he felt was due either to
insuff icient program definition by the user-sponsor and the
designer, or the architect's own lack of interest in exhaustively studying the real conditions of produclion in order to
give the most appropriale design solution.
ln calling for a more integrated team collaboration between sponsors, users, and designers, Castro concluded
with a series of exhortations to increase lhe amount of research and experimentationi to study the development of
the industrial and technological sector in order to apply
their new findings to the field of construction; to use computers systematically in the production aspects; to increase
the typification and modular coordination of building; to
learn f rom other international experiences; and to intensify
the formation of capable cadres of workers, designers, and
technology experts at all levels.
The goals of education
ln Cuba today, an endeavor is made to implement Jos6
Marti's postulate that "There is no social equality wilhout
cultural equality," This is seen in every area of professional
and educational aclivity through a combination of work and
study, and in the arduous efforls to achieve the universalization of higher education. Upon the attainment ol this
formidable goal, it is envisioned lhat universities will cease
to exist in their presently known form, since every organizalion or productive cenler could ideally create and imparl
knowledge at the level reguired to form qualilied arrd cornpetent professionals. The present university syslem coul(J
then be transformed into a network of research institules
which could concentrate on the productron ol theory

Education ol lhe architect

The sludents of archilecture (who were moslly ol rrreli,,
polrtan extraction) called to torm the ranks of lhe Sr rr;r;rr i I
ral Service created in 1964. were to conlribule lltr:rr ,.,'.

Architecture and revolulion

ative etforls 1o the lratrslorrlatiorr of the aclual errvirorrrnerrl
while experiencing, al llre sarne lirle, a personal conlacl
witlrtire sclcioeconorlic realily of lhe rnajority of the populatiorr. Since rrosl new br.rildtng prograrns were tteir-rg cleveloped in lhe rural or less developed areas, a rninimum of
two years was to be spent working with one ol these programs afler graduation. Studenls who chose lo remain
longer in the assigned area could do so, and those who
wished to be relocated could be transferred, but pref erably
at the end of their lerm of service.
Since 1964, mainly as the result of the f or.rndation of two

schools ol architeclure outside of Havana, the postgraduate program has been largely replaced by a situation
where the students become involved earlrer in lhe construction induslry. The lirst two years of this new program
might involve learning the building trade by helping a brigade construct a project which the students probably also
helped to design ln later years, students would study aspects of production organizatron and supervision in depth.
The curriculum ol the schools of architecture is in a state
of f lux today, and many radical departures f rom the traditional educational approach have already occurred. No
longer is education, or the practice of architecture, centered exclusively on the design properties of the selfcontained architectural artifact and its conventional relationship with an environment considered as a "given
invarient." As a resull, architect-planners are actively involved in the postulation of archilectural and building
lypes, through a process of decision and policy-making
that is rarely assessible to design professionals outside oJ
socialist-orienled societies. lt is recognized now that the
elaboration of plans al all levels requires the coordination
and specialized knowledge of various disciplines. Ralher
than attempting to create generalists in the areas of ecology, sociology, economics, etc,, the trend now is loward
the application of theoretical problems to actual planning
conditions, discussed within the team structure. ln this context, the role of the architect-planner is seen as that of
coordinating the technological and human factors that
must coalesce to achieve productive and social relationships through "Economy, Quality and Form, "'
Anolher direction in design education is seen in the creation of a "university of methods," where the learning of
1l)eory would provide students with the conceptual skills to
analyze and resolve types of design problems. Because objects are primarily considered as elemenls of a system, existing within a conlext rather than as self-conlained entities,
the practice of solving isolated "design cases" is totally rejected, ln conjunclion with this, courses such as semiotics,
communications lheory, value theory, slruclural logic, psychology and polltical economy are included in the design
curriculum along with specif ic design courses. ln addition,
studenls are encouraged to engage in the production of
theorelical knowledge in research seminars.
Finally, there is a close maintenance of relationship belween lhe studio projects and lhe f uttillment of real demands and needs in areas of research, desigq, technical.
production and supervision. Specialized personnel ol lhe
state planning organizalrons are encouraged to become

Progressrve Archttecture

0;74

part ol lhe archrlecture schools' faculties in order lo insure

this. There is a slrong commilment to the idea that induslrializalion is not only an imporlant and desirable factor in
order 1o transcend the "realm of necessity 10 that ol freedom," bul that i1 rs also, as Hannes Mayer believed, a
f Lrndamental component in the "expression of the architectural cullure of our time," alorrg with lire "lransformation
of tlre new rnan's social life."

The scenario lor today and the luture

ln the f irst decade of the revolulion, Cuban archilects admitted thal lhe currenl architectural production, "with its
heavy conslruction, static and rigid proportions, lack of
adaptability, diff icult maintenance and weak or ecclectic individual expression,"n could nol satisfactorily resolve the
f ull range of individual and social demands. Castro turther
elaborated on this by saying: "lt is obvious that in these
early times we cannot satisfy our highest aspirations of esthetic quality. This is also a dialectical process, a process of
change. We cannot aspire now to making things as beautif ul as we will in 20 years, But we must try to avoid making
them so ugly that in 20 years we will be embarrassed by
what we have done today. " He has f urther postulated, "we
must not in any way think that esthetics is in conflict with
economy and that esthetics is not one of the elements
(which are) indispensable to man and society . . . and we
must not mistake esthetics with luxury, which is a very different thing.",
After f ifteen years of revolution, Cuban society has also
begun to reach beyond the realjzation of its social aims for
the implementation of its own cultural representations; and
10 reach beyond the continuous process of building, for the
formulation of principles for an architecture appropriate to
socialrsm and underdevelopment, These principles evolve
f rom three main sources: lhe process of social transformations in time, the need to raise the level of productivity
within the limited available resources, and socialist humanism. "' Because "humanism" has been so deeply entrenched in the content oi occidental architecture, and
equally proclaimed by opposite schools of thought, the Cuban architects and theoreticians have searched to bring
this ever-elusive and polysemic notion within more precise
limits. The explicit recognition of the exlreme complexity
of human beings, both as psychological beings and as the
conscious or unconscious participants in intricate social
events, disposes of the transparent and bidimensional image of a "universal man" as the ideal inhabitant of architecture, At less elevated levels, criteria such as "low income" or "luxury," mainly applied to the design and
marketing of human dwellings, also lack relevance within
lhe Cuban cultural context.

Hypotheses ol Cuban architeclure

The hypotheses advanced by Cuban architects are best
represented by the writings of Fernando Salinas,,,from
which the lollowing principles are excerpted:
The principle of adaptability. ln tlmes of social change,
there is the need lor an architecture whose changing form
can accommodate changing functions and uses. The architectural form is seen as "the form of transformation itself ."
Archrtecturally, this would entail the development of an exlensive syslem ol movable walls, f lexible space dividers and

"!|ir"4ts r..{\

Murals suci) as lnese: 'Cleantng and Embellishment ts the Task ol All."

(above) and "We Shall be like tiim" (betow) now reptace commercrat adver
trsing in Cuba, olten (as above) promoting lhe idea of collectrve work

light iurrrrttrre, to lransf orm interior spaces.

f he principle of economy Production o1 the maxrmurn ot
construclive possibilities with the minimum oi resources
and eftort Utilization of materials al their optimum structural and construclive conditions; the best possible planned
organization of the production process and the most advanced technology available. Economrcal maintenance is
also considered a determinanl factor
The principle of change and groMh. When the pressure of
solving immediate social needs is relieved, there should exist the possibility of translorming the present architecture in
terms of growlll and change ot form and space.
The principle of variety within unity The f ull development
of the individual should f ind its'correspondence in an architecture which permits, through the creative combinatron ot
elements, lhe expression ol the parlicular characteristics 01
tire individual anci collective user ln this serrse, the user is
rrol seen as a "consurrrer of space," but as a participant in
lhe creative iJrorjess of def ining space.
Whether lhe achrevenrents of an arclritecture that takes
these principles into consideratron wrll evolve a novel esthetic of contrnuity and newness def ined by change,
clrowtlt and aciaptitbility, cleperrds orr lhe extent to whicir
lirese rdeas are irtegrated into llre cullural represerttattOrts
ol lhe f utrrrtr rrr Cuban soctclV Wert: c-rne to adopt a iropr:lLr
altrtucj1, llrt-. 1)trs ttve (jriIlf tbUlioil ol tltese rdeas cor-rld, per
napS, resull rrt .ir arCltrtectLile wrllluLjl rlretl{tc. an archttectLJre whrch. in renouncintl llle rreecl tb 'materiaiize" lhe.
illLrsion ol etenrity, rnighl rlrrror and sustaiit tlte cclntirruc.rits
unloldirrr.l ,-rl irurnan exiSlr-lnce

Relerences
'lzonrs, A, irtvvarcls a Non-oppressive Envttonntenl.
'Garcra Vascluez F EI Procsso tlc urUar lacron en Cuba." in La Ltrls,tt,
zact0n an Antt'tica Laltna
l"iirrrr. M l-eS lJrt-,rilrele5 liypL,lile!ii lit JJidi Liui.li (Jn !iltJai rtr-,\r,.t,r,
r

Russrc:rovrclr(lue l9l8-1921). tA Ar:i)tllta)a

Errqels F . flte Housutg ()uL':;ltt-,tt

No i. 13/'j

C.r;lro F Clorilrg :lpcech. Conlcrcncc ol inlor.rillrunal Unrori ,i i

Ir'-cls, Hav:ln.l,

963.

Cl:;tro. F . S1;e.och, Blh annrver:i3ry ol lllc (loill[]rllr)! l()r llrc i)rrlr:r

llte ilrvrrlrrlrnrt I 9tilJ
Uoilr)elivr) ()l ll c latrjrJlly ol Fltrvltr[r /\rctrlld(]lurrj SclroOl ,\r,lrtrl", lr.
lr'1 ,'! !tttitttit)
'Ll;t:;lro. l: il ()i,il1{J speL.Ch, lSi 1,,ILllcj: il r.? rr!ilriii l i.: ',\, ;'
'lurt

'St:tjre ll Stgt)iltCJCion de Clutt,t i.n tJ etlilLil.: ,1!tltlt!: \ i t)i

t;t

I I

I.l

l)t \l

:1 I

ll

' ':j,iLrrr,.r:,. F L,J Jrqrirleclura lcvolLrL rJilufd rlr-,1 I rvlr r,, 'r, ,'
'ji/y,):j Sob/{-' :iltlOtlCClU(a e EOIO\ltil t:n (.ttlt;t ,'.. t,i,