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Ian dAlton
A Vestigial Population?
Perspectives on Southern
Irish Protestants in the
Twentieth Century*
I
The gods were not smiling on the Irish Week of Prayer for Christian
Unity in January . The Jesuit organizer of an ecumenical meeting in Dublins Mansion House had unwisely promised that, for the
first time since the Reformation, the two archbishops of Dublin,
John Charles McQuaid for the Catholics and George Otto Simms
for the Church of Ireland, would publicly say the Lords Prayer
together. McQuaid was incandescent with fury at being railroaded
into this event and took it out on the traumatized cleric. As a result,
the meeting itself was chaotically disorganized. A free-for-all at the
start resulted in McQuaids securing a seat at the top table, while
Simms ended up in the audience, notwithstanding that there was
an empty chair on the platform. That empty chair, together with a
patronizing tribute by the main speaker to the Irish authorities for
being so tolerant toward their minority, was seen by many as symbolizing the still seemingly marginal position of Irish Protestants in
the southern state. So discomforting was it that one contemporary
*The genesis of this essay was in a paper given to history students at the University
of Cambridge on January . I wish to thank Dr. Eugenio Biagini for the kind
invitation to address his special-subject group. I am also grateful to Professor Tom
Dunne, Barry OLeary, the Rev. Peter Hanna, and Felix Larkin for their helpfully
critical analyses of earlier drafts of this paper. I am indebted as well to the Rev. Dr.
Robert Tobin, Dr. Susan Hood, and Professor Maurice Harmon for various kinds
of generous assistance.
10
11
12
13
II
The Anglo-Irish writer Elizabeth Bowen, in her memoir Seven
Winters,22 says of Edwardian Dublin that the twentieth century
thesis, University College Dublin, ); idem, The Organisation and Activism of
Dublins Protestant Working Class, , Irish Historical Studies , no.
(May ): .
. Idem, The Church of Ireland and the Problem of the Protestant WorkingClass of Dublin, ss, in As by Law Established:The Church of Ireland since
the Reformation, ed. Alan Ford, James McGuire, and Kenneth Milne (Dublin, ),
; Saorstt Eireannn, Census of Population, , X, General Report (Dublin, ),
(P.), . While the total proportion of Protestants employed in agricultural
occupations was percent (i.e., close to the average of . percent in the population
at large), it was heavily skewed in favor of prosperity, having percent of farm
managers, for instance, in contrast to only . percent of agricultural laborers.
. McDowell, Crisis and Decline, ; Saorstt Eireannn, Census of Population,
, , .
. Saorstt Eireannn, Census of Population, , , ; R.B. McDowell, The
Church of Ireland, (London, ), .
. Lord Midleton sought direct representation in for commerce as well
as property in the new Irish Senate. See Peter Martin, Unionism: The Irish Nobility and Revolution, , in The Irish Revolution, , ed. Joost Augusteijn
(Basingstoke and New York, ), .
. Elizabeth Bowen, Bowens Court & SevenWinters (London, ), .
14
15
alist divisions over Parnell to fine effect, seeing off those from his side
who found the constant adaptation and necessarily shifting political
alliances distasteful. Allying first with Parnellites, then with antiParnellites, the minority unionist bloc in the city corporation
maneuvered to improve its numbers and morale, culminating in
Scotts election as mayorto the fury of the nationalist Cork Examinerof this Catholic and National city in .26
This set the scene for the first local-government elections in
,27 in which unionists did better than expected. Despite misgivings about inevitable humiliation and loss of self-respect, many gentry heeded the Tory minister Gerald Balfours call to the natural
leaders of the people to stand.28 In the largest Irish county, Cork, for
instance, although none won a seat, their average vote was percent,
nearly three times the proportion received in the parliamentary
elections. Several candidates received votes in excess of percent,
though at the price of considerable fudge in relation to Home Rule.
This pattern of the more local, the more successful, was also demonstrated at the levels of urban district councils and town commissions;
the January elections produced a respectable eleven unionist
councilors in ten different towns in that county.29
Yet, for all this, the unionist success was temporary. In , in
what was to become the area encompassed by the Irish Free State,
unionists had seats on county councils. After the local-government elections of that number had shriveled to .30 By
the game was up. Despite Scotts triumph in riding the tiger of
nationalist splits in the sexhilarating, but dangerousa Cork
. Cork Examiner, Dec. .
. Brendan O Donoghue, From Grand Juries to County Councils: The
Effects of the Local Government (Ireland) Act , in Larkin, Librarians, Poets, and
Scholars, .
. Parliamentary Debates, th series, vol. ( Feb. ), .
. Full results can be found in the Cork Examiner, Jan. (towns) and ,
, and April (county divisions). See also Catherine Shannon, Local Government in Ireland: The Politics and Administration (Masters thesis, University
College Dublin, ); O Donoghue, From Grand Juries to County Councils,
.
. George Arbuthnot, How Local Government Is Worked in Ireland, in
Nineteenth Century (June ), ; among the rural and urban district councils there were nationalist chairmen and only unionist. The disappearance of
ex-officio members in contributed heavily to the decline.
16
city unionist party, a decade before the end of the Union, had
ceased to exist as such. Its erstwhile members emerged as independents, ratepayers representatives, and (prefiguring later support
for the Fine Gael party) a surprising number as All-for-Ireland
League supporters.31 By avoiding the larger national question,
unionists found a role as economic patriots based on the local.32
Political engagement was not a defining feature of southern
Protestantism after independence. But in the cultural sphere, one
visible Protestant institution tried to remain engaged. The Irish
Times newspaper was a significant channel for, and shaper of,
Protestant opinion. When Lawrence Knox founded it in ,
Protestantism was still a dominant political and cultural force on
the island, and for its first sixty years the paper was in tune with the
polity of which it was part. Indeed, Ireland in was in a situation
never to be repeated, with a majority of conservative MPs.33 Knox
had chosen a propitious moment since, in the words of a landlord,
country quiet, prices good, farmers prospering, rents well paid.34
By the time of independence the Times had had long practice at
playing to a prosperous and literate constituency. Even as the proportions of Protestants in the upper economic echelons declined, it
astutely marketed itself toward those who took their places, the
Catholic middle classes.35
If the economics broadly worked, politics was a trickier play. Fintan OToole suggests that the reality was that a unionist newspaper
could never really avoid being a Protestant one.36 If that was true,
. Ian dAlton, Southern Irish Unionism: A Study of Cork City and County
Unionists, (Masters thesis, University College Cork, ), .
. Idem, Keeping Faith: An Evocation of the Cork Protestant Character,
, in Cork History and Society, ed. Patrick OFlanagan and Cornelius
Buttimer (Dublin, ), .
. Andrew Shields, The Irish Conservative Party, : Land, Politics, and
Religion (Dublin and Portland, OR, ), xi, .
. K.T. Hoppen, Elections, Politics, and Society in Ireland, (Oxford,
), .
. Mark OBrien, The Irish Times: A History (Dublin, ), . See also
Caleb Richardson, Transforming Anglo-Ireland: R.M. Smyllie and The Irish
Times, New Hibernia Review , no. (Winter ): , , n. . This article is an
excellent analytical introduction to the history of the Times.
. Fintan OToole, A Paper for All Ireland, in The Irish Times @ ,
March , .
ire-Ireland 44: 3 & 4 Fall/Win 09
17
what about the converse, which in the new dispensation, was what
really mattered? The eccentric genius of the Times, edited and managed by eccentric geniuses, was its adaptive abilitymirroring in
many ways the little-appreciated chameleon-like qualities of much of
southern Protestantism. In this respect the paper was much more
successful than some of its peers. It was a case of adapt or die. The
Protestant unionist Cork Constitution newspaper, with its strident
sectarian agenda, could not survive the change of regime in , as,
indeed, neither could the Freemans Journal on the other side of the
fence, for somewhat different reasons.37 The world of the Irish Times
offers a proxy for the path that much of southern Irish Protestantism was to follow, with the newspaper becoming, as OToole
puts it, an example of the virtues preached in its own leading articles, a solid, practical achievement by Protestants who, instead of
standing aloof, threw themselves into the daily life of Ireland.38
This view, however, is slightly rosy. Reflecting the generality of
southern Protestantism, the Times still possessed outsider status
nearly half a century after independence. Indeed, under the editorships of R.M. Smyllie and Douglas Gageby in particular, it gloried
in its contrarianism.39 Still, its contrariness and outsider quality
would have been missed if these attributes had gone under at independence. On the one hand, for southern Protestants the Times
helped to supply an essential narrative of continuity, easing the exunionists into a tolerancealbeit often grudgingof the new Ireland. On the other hand, the Times held to principles of personal
responsibility and the questioning of verities almost single-handedly
until rescued by the Protestantization of southern Irish society
beginning in the s.40 (In one particular sense it is a miracle that
the Irish Times survived at all. Across the wide, busy road from the
. Felix M. Larkin, A Great Daily Organ: The Freemans Journal,
, History Ireland , no. (MayJune ), .
. OToole, A Paper for All Ireland, .
. OBrien, Irish Times, , .
. Hayes and Fahey in Protestants and Politics in the Republic of Ireland,
, conclude from examining the European Values Study that southern Irish Protestants have values virtually indistinguishable from those of their
Catholic neighbors. Because of a lack of comparative data over time, what they have
not been able to consider is the extent to which Catholics may have moved toward
a Protestant position.
18
paper, the Palace Bar in Fleet Street was a favorite haunt of the
hacks. Truly, a Protestant God must have been watching over them.
How were large-scale casualties avoided in those inebriated dashes
through the traffic?)
III
If political and cultural engagement, and the shape-shifting that
necessarily went with it, constituted one mode in which southern
Protestants dealt with the other Ireland, another was to ignore it and
retreat into social exclusivity. Here identity did not really have to be
addressed. In their separate worlds nationalist and unionist Ireland
confronted each other . . . from positions of monolithic security;
competition was unnecessary.41 The history of the ascendancy Big
House stands as a symbol of such exclusivity.42 In important
respects, however, the history has been overwhelmed by the fiction;
it needs careful treatment.43 As Oliver MacDonaghwho championed the value of the literary to the historicalwarned in relation to
the novel, It is not an historical source as the term is ordinarily
understood, nor should it ever be regarded as history manqu. But
he also recognized that it can yield insights and possibilities of
recovering special portions of the past, for which we shall search in
vain in any other matter.44
. Roy Foster, Modern Ireland, (London, ), .
. For the Big Houses in reality Terence Dooley provides an excellent
overview in The Decline of the Big House in Ireland: A Study of Irish Landed Families,
(Dublin, ), and in The Big Houses and Landed Estates of Ireland: A
Research Guide (Dublin, ). For treatment of the imaginative dimensions, see
Vera Kreilkamp, The Anglo-Irish Novel and the Big House (Syracuse, ) and John
Wilson Foster, Irish Novels, : New Bearings in Culture and Fiction (Oxford,
). See also Ian dAlton, The Last Big House: Perspectives from Lennox
Robinson and Elizabeth Bowen (unpublished paper, Royal Irish Academy, Committee for Irish Literatures in English Conference on The Big House in Twentieth
Century Irish Writing, Oct. ).
. For example, Roy Foster points out that Elizabeth Bowens The Last September is sometimes treated as historical evidence, though it was really written as a
historical novel. See Roy Foster, Paddy and Mr. Punch (London, ), . See also
Kreilkamp, Anglo-Irish Novel, ; Jean Genet, The Big House in Ireland: Reality and
Representation (London, ), .
. Oliver MacDonagh, The Nineteenth-Century Novel and Irish Social History:
Some Aspects (The ODonnell Lecture, National University of Ireland, ), . For
ire-Ireland 44: 3 & 4 Fall/Win 09
19
20
before the First World War: Nothing counted for about three miles
on any side of us, because there were no Protestants until then.50
That self-contained interior existence was one in which social ritual,
often pointless and tedious, was acted out as if to a script, with
Catholics, lower-class Protestants, and military garrisons playing the
walk-on parts and supplying the bit actors. It was a world that
involved a great deal of class- and gender-consciousness and in
which family trees were meticulously composed.51 Hermione Lee
characterizes it as a society in which grandeur has become snobbery, fanaticism has dwindled to eccentricity.52
And if there was a script governing this private world, it was
incumbent upon the participants to learn it. This remembrance of
the future largely drove the life of the Anglo-Irish, emerging in the
spate of Protestant memoirs and chronicles that appeared from the
s onward, from such writers as T.R. Henn, Hubert Butler, Joan
De Vere, and Annabel Goff. In the poet Thomas McCarthys words,
The gentry, and southern Irish Anglicans in general, were born for
remembrance. Their children took to autobiography as naturally as
theyd taken to horse-riding.53
These writers had a standard box of props. A principal one was
the Big House itself. And while comprehending it as stage-set is
necessary for understanding how the Anglo-Irish livedand saw
their lives, it is hardly sufficient. As indicated by the subtitle of
Robinsons playFour Scenes in Its Life54these houses are also
21
sentient characters.55 Personalization is demonstrated in the treatment of Big Houses as victims of war and its collateral damage. Like
people, they have glorious ends, or cower in the countryside, thankfully unnoticed, lucky to survive, living on, dying in their beds.56
Behind the trees, pressing in from the open and empty country like
an invasion, the orange bright sky crept and smoldered as these
houses, like Elizabeth Bowens Danielstown in her novel The Last
September, awaited their executioners in the period between
and . As Yeats later put it in his play Purgatory,57
Great people lived and died in this house;
Magistrates, colonels, members of parliament,
Captains and governors, and long ago
Men that had fought at Aughrim and the Boyne.
Some that had gone on government work
To London or to India came home to die,
Or came from London every spring
To look at the May-blossom in the park. . . .
But he killed the house; to kill a house
Where great men grew up, married, died,
I here declare a capital offence.
22
that like being run over by a bicycle rather than a Buick. Is that
why were to be burnt! is the English-born Mrs. Alcocks futile cry
of incomprehension.58
It is temptingand the play encourages usto characterize the
historical burnings as a sort of suttee: the Anglo-Irish flinging
themselves on the funeral pyre, so to speak. And with immolation
may come resurrection; renewal through fire is age-old imagery in
many cultures. Yet in the case of the Irish Big House it rarely happened. Instead, there is merciful release from the house as the
tyrannous invalid aunt forever banging on the bedroom floor for
attention, the spoilt, demanding child gobbling up resources, the
all-too-visible sleepy sentry in a hostile territory. In Killycregs in
Twilight, a quasi-sequel to The Big House, Robinson, with the
awful s and s behind him, recognized the folly and
impracticality of rebuilding: I wish wed been burned out in the
Troubles. . . . I wouldnt have behaved like that fool-girl in the play,
The Big House. I would never have rebuilt Killycregs. Id have
thanked God to be quit of it.59
Its economic justification was largely gone by the early s,60
but as it died as a social actuality, the Big House was reborn in
Irish literature.61 Robert Tobin maintains that this phenomenon
led to the readiness with which many Protestant writers have
embraced, or at least acquiesced in, the imagery and language of
extinction.62 Prisoners of their genealogy, hostages to their futures,
the gentry struggled with the opposing centrifugal and centripetal
forces of their houses.
Anglo-Irish disengagementsocially, culturally, economically, as
much voluntary as involuntaryhad begun long before independence. The Alcockss busyness and their insistence on being involved
. TBH, .
. Murray, Selected Plays, .
. Even though the erstwhile landlords still had control of nearly million
untenanted acres in , this was a relatively small proportion of total farmland. See
Terence Dooley, The Land for the People:The Land Question in Independent Ireland
(Dublin, ), . See also idem, Decline of the Big House, , .
. Quoted in Kreilkamp, Anglo-Irish Novel, .
. R. Tobin, Tracing Again the Tiny Snail Track: Southern Protestant Memoir since , TheYearbook of English Studies , no. (Jan. ): .
ire-Ireland 44: 3 & 4 Fall/Win 09
23
IV
The slow-motion collapse of Big House culture symbolizes the
irrelevance of southern Protestantism to the other Ireland, even
before the end of the Union. But if in this irrelevance could be discerned failure, in it too were the seeds of survival. It can be
argued that, just as independence might not have seemed so attractive if it had been postponed until the advent of the British welfare
state and the switching of the financial flows toward Ireland rather
than away from it, the Ireland that we made, as Arthur Balfour
later proudly claimed,66 was one in which the great issuesland,
local government, education, the churchhad to be settled before
the Union could be dismantled. And they were. By then all that
masked Protestant impotence was the Union. Once that was gone,
. TBH, , , , . Theo Hoppen, however, makes the point that what
was remarkable about the landed gentry of southern Ireland was not that it lost
power but that by maximizing its advantages, it stayed relevant for as long as it did.
See Hoppen, Elections, Politics, and Society, .
. Lee, Elizabeth Bowen, : In the novel [The Last September of ], the
class and the tradition . . . have become ineffectual and redundant within Ireland.
Were shown their absurdity, their isolation, their lack of an active position, their
helplessly conflicting loyalties.
. Poems of a County of ClareWest Briton (Limerick, ), (see Lament of
a West Briton).
. Blanche Dugdale, Arthur James Balfour ( vols., London, ), :.
24
25
Peter Hart has characterized all this as the only example of the
mass displacement of a native ethnic group within the British Isles
since the seventeenth centurynothing short of ethnic cleansing,
comparable to that in Armenia and the Balkans in the twentieth
century.73 On the surface he may have a point. But this episode was
no Bosnia. The artifacts of religious differencechurches, parish
halls, graveyardsremained virtually untouched. In retrospect, it
seems to have been much more an opportunity to get rid of those
individuals and families who had most provoked personal hatred
from individuals on the other side, for whatever specific reason
imagined or real slights, the wrong politics, or overzealous religiosity.74 Land envy was a particular flashpoint:
), . See also Hart, The I.R.A. and Its Enemies:Violence and Community in
Cork, (Oxford, ), , , , ; Terence Dooley, The Plight of
Monaghan Protestants, (Dublin, ). The west Cork incidents have
become something of a proxy in a parallel war between revisionists and antirevisionists. On the one hand, some historians and polemicists have alleged an omission
by Hart of relevant information. For instance, it is claimed that Hart quoted a sentence from a British intelligence assessment, The Record of the Rebellion in the th
Divisional Area, to bolster his view that shootings in were sectarian but left out
a sentence immediately following indicating that they were not. It has been suggested that the names of those shot were on list of helpful citizens left behind by
British Auxiliaries after they evacuated their quarters in Dunmanway workhouse.
The intelligence diary was published in the Southern Star local newspaper in
with the names redacted. By it was felt that these names could now be safely
published. See N. Meehan, letter in Irish Times, July . On the other hand, see
Tom Wall, Getting Them Out (a review of Coolacrease:The True Story of the Pearson ExecutionsAn Incident in the IrishWar of Independence, by Paddy Heaney et al.,
Aubane Historical Society), Dublin Review of Books (), for a thorough demolition of the validity of the sources used by Meehan, Ryan, and other apologists.
See also Web site http://www.reform.org/TheReformMovement_files/article_files
/articles/cork.htm (consulted on December ) for an informative, if slanted,
analysis of the decline of the Protestant population of County Cork in the period
. Something quite similar had happened elsewhere at an earlier time of
upheaval: the period echoes , especially in County Wexford. See Tom
Dunne, Rebellions: Memoir, Memory and (Dublin, ), , , .
. Peter Hart, The IRA atWar, (Oxford, ), , ; Hart, The
Protestant Experience of Revolution, ; Joseph ONeill, Blood-Dark Track:A Family History (London, ), . Yet curiously, in a letter to the Irish Times of
June , Hart insisted, I have never argued that ethnic cleansing took place in
Cork or elsewhere.
. See CoIG, June : The small Protestant community is at the mercy
of local bands of lawless men who have learnt the use of the revolver for obtaining the
26
27
A theory about the visibility of minoritiesthe Goldilocks postulationmight explain why Cork (and especially that part of west
Cork within the Bandon and Ilen river valleys) seems to have suffered more than most from sectarian violence in the period
. Too small a minority, and the majority is indifferent; too
large a minority, and the majority is reluctant to take on its rivals.78
West Cork appears to have been just right, it seems. A visible,
high-density settler community and remembered animosities over
land made this place special. There, a critical threshold of violence
was surpassed; consequently, many more probably fled through
panic and feared economic deprivation than need have.79 In County
Longford, by contrast, the IRA leader Sean MacEoin attempted to
allay Protestant fears by issuing a soothing proclamation; and after
that, he wrote, the families that had their bags packed, ready to
leave, remained in their homes.80 The decline of the southern
Protestant population in the period should be set alongside
the fact that it fell by a similar proportion again between and
about , and by a further quarter from to owing to
low fertility, an older age structure, and the operation of the
Catholic Churchs Ne temere decree up to the s.81 These later
data put into context R.B. McDowells cool assessment of the earlier period that hardships sustained by the southern loyalists were
on the whole not excessively severe nor long-lasting.82
. Of course, a minority that was quite small might well feel isolated and thus
be prone to voluntary migration. Consider the case of Clare, where it was claimed
that almost all of the sixty-five gentry families in the county had left by . See L.
Perry Curtis, Jr., The Last Gasp of Southern Unionism: Lord Ashtown of Woodlawn, ire-Ireland , no. (FallWinter ): .
. For instance, Bishop Godfrey Day of Ossory was a vigorous opponent of
what he saw as a travesty of the truth in the representation of Catholic-Protestant
conflict in his diocese. See R. Hartford, Godfrey Day, Missionary, Pastor, and Primate
(Dublin, ), . For a description of loyalist problems in , see Buckland, Irish Unionism, :.
. Quoted in Marie Coleman, County Longford and the Irish Revolution
(Dublin, ), . Coleman remarks that none of the attacks on Protestants,
described as ethnic cleansing by Peter Hart, which appear to have been widespread
in southern Ireland in , took place in Longford (ibid., ).
. Brendan Walsh, Religion and Demographic Behaviour in Ireland (Dublin,
); idem, Trends in the Religious Composition of the Population in the Republic of Ireland, , Economic and Social Review , no. (): .
. McDowell, Crisis and Decline, ; Buckland, Irish Unionism, :, .
28
29
to the good.88 Otherwise, the new regime might have been painful
indeed. To those for whom the Irish Free State was anything but
freeeconomically, socially, or culturallydeparture was the only
option, and many did leave. But those who remained or who, like
Elizabeth Bowen, traveled back and forth across the Irish Sea in
the perpetual transits between Anglo and Irish, were freed from
an albatross of history.89
The generation that spanned crown rule and republic had to
decide how its members were to deal with the new state of things.
Were they to be visible or invisible? Robinson and Yeats were in little doubt. At the end of Robinsons play, in contrast to her spineless,
weary parents, Kate Alcock is defiant: Theyre afraid of us still. . . .
We must glory in our difference, be as proud of it as they are of
theirs.90 Protestants could be formidable if we care to make ourselves so.91 Kates tone echoes Yeatss speech in , when he had
electrified the senate with his boast about Irish Protestants:
We are one of the great stocks of Europe. . . . If we have not lost our
stamina, then your victory will be brief, and your defeat final, and
when it comes, this nation may be transformed.92
30
31
profile.98 The furor over the appointment of a Trinity College Protestant woman as a librarian in Mayo in brought an unappealing
sectarianism to the surface.99 The Eucharistic Congress, held
shortly after Fianna Fails accession to government, seemed to symbolize the triumph of a narrative of cultural Catholicism and political
nationalism in the Free State.
It is therefore not surprising that with a few exceptionscolumnists in the more courageous Irish periodicals, writers such as
Hubert Butler and Yeats, and some prominent but totally atypical
churchmenProtestants curled into a ball.100 Indeed, in the s
and s their representatives often seemed, in public at any rate,
to offer an unattractive, rather cloying, cozying up to the state.101
This stance was rooted in the realities. They had much to lose and
had nearly lost it. The economic position and educational privileges
of the largely middle-class southern Protestant were valuables well
worth preserving by whatever means possible.102 And this conser. Seaver, John Fitzgerald Gregg, . The phrase white mice is a recent
description (CoIG, April , letter from Rev. A. Carter).
. Pat Walsh, The Curious Case of the Mayo Librarian (Cork, ), , .
Letitia Dunbar Harrison was selected by the Local Appointments Commission as
Mayo County Librarian in . The County Council was abolished when it
refused to accept her appointment. Walshs view is that the dispute was as much
about the powers of the County Council to make such appointments (and the corruption stemming upon that prerogative) as about a religious issue (ibid., ).
. For instance, the Irish Statesman, the Bell, the Church of Ireland Gazette, and
sometimes the Irish Times.
. Clare OHalloran, Partition and the Limits of Irish Nationalism (Dublin,
), .
. On the decline of poor Protestants, see Maguire, Church of Ireland,
. In Cork city as well there had once been much destitution among members
of the Protestant working class. In , just before the Great Famine, an Anglican
cleric there angrily wrote to the prime minister, Sir Robert Peel, about the ,
Protestant inhabitants in his parish of St. Mary Shandonhundreds of them in the
greatest distress. See Rev. W. Neligan to Sir Robert Peel, Jan. (British
Library Add. MS , ). One hundred and twenty years later, the authors
Church of Ireland Boy Scout troop in Cork, in a fit of Christian enthusiasm, did up
some Christmas hampers for distribution to poor Protestant families in the city. We
asked the Church of Ireland dean of Cork to nominate deserving recipients. Despite
his endeavors, and to his great embarrassment, he could not find any! Illuminating
on economic conservatism is the career of Bryan Cooper, an independent T.D. who
held a unionist Dil seat until in south Dublin. See Buckland, Irish Unionism, :.
32
vative group wasat least until the snot much less illiberal
than Catholics on many social and economic issues. Raging radicals
they were not. If the likes of Yeats and Butleras far removed from
many of their coreligionists as from the mass of Catholicsimagined
that they led an army, it was mainly a conscript one, reluctant and
uncomprehending.103
Some Protestants became visible in a different way, embracing
parts of the nationalist narrative through such routes as a devotion
to Gaelic. In the Church of Irelands own Irish language
organization had implied, in its aim to provide a bond of union for
all members of the Church of Ireland inspired with Irish ideals,
that there were members not so inspired.104 But it could not be said
that these were representative. More commonly, the duty that had
tugged insistently at Protestant sleeves before was no longer
relevant. The new state apparently did not want them; and they
could retreat selfishly into a private and near-invisible community of
their schools, the stockbrokers, the freemasons, the churches, and
Trinity College, while writing letters to themselves in the Irish
Times. Integration was not a necessity; even in a place like Cork city,
where percent of the population was Catholic, it was still possible to live a Protestant life and to die a Protestant death without
entering into that Catholic world.105
. Lionel Pilkington, Religion and the Celtic Tiger: The Cultural Legacies of
Anti-Catholicism in Ireland, in Reinventing Ireland: Culture, Society, and the Global
Economy, ed. Peadar Kirby, Luke Gibbons, and Michael Cronin (London, ),
; Corrin, Rendering to God and Caesar, .
. The Church of Irelands Irish language organization (Cumann Gaelach na
hEaglaiseThe Guild of the Irish Church) was founded in . Its aims were to
promote all that tends to preserve within the Church of Ireland the spirit of the
ancient Celtic church and to provide a bond of union for all members of the Church
of Ireland inspired with Irish ideals; promote the use of the Irish language in the
church; collect from Irish sources suitable hymns and other devotional literature;
[and] encourage the use of Irish art and music in the church. See Irish Times, Jan.
, under Church of Ireland Notes. Two recent Anglican archbishops of
Dublin, Alan Buchanan and Donald Caird, have impeccable Irish. See Web site
http://dublin.anglican.org/resources/seirbhis_as_gaeilge.php (consulted on January ).
. In Cork city one could be born in the Victoria Hospital, attend the Cork
Grammar or the Rochelle School, date in church-run (and vetted) dances and
socials, be employed by the Lee Garage or Lesters, the chemists, socialize among the
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The fourth exemplar, the controversy over the Assumption of
the Virgin Mary, while showing the dangers of trying to engage with
that world, also demonstrated that southern Protestants were, albeit
feebly, finding assertiveness again. That controversy was preceded by
a series of events that had seemed to marginalize them even further.
The firstthe question of state prayersemerged as a consequence of the sudden declaration of the republic in . With the
explicit removal of the king as head of state, the question of prayers
for the president had to be addressed. The issue was particularly
sensitive in that it created a further tension in relation to Northern
Ireland. The Church of Ireland archbishop of Armagh, John
FitzGerald Gregg, defused the controversy and ensured that his
denomination moved on.106 The minimum change was made to
reflect the new political reality, but there remained a strong feeling
of betrayal among southern Protestants.107 The second disturbing
episode involved the sensitive issue of hospital control. In a
group of enthusiastic Catholic doctors engineered a legal putsch
and took over a Quaker-founded Dublin hospital. Several Protestant medics subsequently resigned or were sacked. It took a hasty
combination of action by Archbishop McQuaid and a private members bill in the Dil to repair the damaged relations.108
Also in , Protestants had before them an image of the funeral
of the former president of Ireland, Douglas Hyde, a member of the
Church of Ireland. The cabinet, with one exception, did not attend
the service in obedience to Catholic Church rules. The poet Austin
freemasons and the choir of St. Fin Barres Cathedral, play hockey with Church of
Ireland Hockey Club and rugby with Cork Constitution rugby club, spend old age
in the Home for Protestant Incurables, and be buried by Crosss, the undertakers.
I am indebted to the Rev. Peter Hanna for this insight.
. See the papers of Gregg and others in the Maude material on the issue of
state prayers issue (Representative Church Body Library, Dublin, MS ). It
was deemed a matter of note by the Irish Times ( April ) that the new state
prayers were said in St. Fin Barres Anglican Cathedral, Cork, on the day that the
Republic of Ireland Act came into effect.
. Corrin, Rendering to God and Caesar, .
. Cooney, John Charles McQuaid, ; O Corrain, Rendering to God and
Caesar, .
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If from the perspective of the mid-s such Protestant voices
seemed hesitant and weak, from the vantage point of the s mere
. J. Anthony Gaughan, Alfred ORahilly III, Part , Catholic Apologist (Dublin,
), .
. Ibid., .
. Ibid., . See also Stevens, Irish Scene, .
. CoIG, Feb. .
. Journal of Proceedings of the General Synod of the Church of Ireland, ed. R.
Ryland (Dublin, ), . The Standing Committee report referred to the Tilson
case but not to the Assumption (ibid., ).
. A more extensive discussion, including the theological element, can be
found in Ian dAlton, The Church of Ireland and the Promulgation of the Dogma
of the Assumption, in Search , no. (Spring ): .
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in the lapel, were a particular flash point. Republican poppy-snatchers in Dublin during the s were painfully foiled by the young
bucks of Trinity College, who threaded their poppies through razorblades. It helped that the public geography remained congenial:
even if Kingstown was now Dn Laoghaire, Kingsbridge was not
yet Heuston Station; Nelson still stared haughtily from his pillar in
OConnell Street; associations, clubs, and professional bodies continued to carry the Royal prefix; the postboxes had their royal
ciphers, if now painted a fetching Hibernian green; and Dublin,
pro-rata, still had twice as many streets called after Queen Victoria
as London had. The Irish Times played its part, with its court and
personal column, headed by the royal coat-of-arms, only removed in
March as a result of wartime censorship.126
George Boyce makes the point that Irish society was too divided
on sectarian lines to enable any Protestant, however talented or
committed, to enter into the experience of the other side.127 But it
can be argued that the same was equally true of Catholics. Popular
Catholic nationalism, whether through ignorance or design, found it
difficult to comprehend an Irish identity that saw no hypocrisy in
valuing cultural Britishness while evincing a strong spatial loyalty to
Ireland; that exhibited political aloofness but active economic
engagement; and that displayed moral autonomy but tribal religiosity.128 Admittedly, understanding was not helped by mutterings
from some Anglicans that they were the true heirs of Saint Patrick
and that their church, unlike another, was not subject to foreign control.129 Count Plunkett, like many nationalists, exhibited a simplis. OBrien, Irish Times, .
. D. George Boyce, One Last Burial: Culture, Counter-Revolution, and
Revolution in Ireland, , in The Revolution in Ireland, , ed. D.
George Boyce (Dublin ), .
. The historian Lecky had defined his unionist allegiance thus: I have never
looked upon Home Rule as a question between Protestant and Catholic. It is a question between honesty and dishonesty, between loyalty and treason, between individual freedom and organized tyranny and outrage (quoted in McDowell, Crisis
and Decline, ).
. George T. Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church (th ed., London, ), ed.
by Rev. Hugh Jackson Lawlor. This book advanced the notion of the lineal continuity
of the Church of Ireland with what was portrayed as the independent Celtic church
before . Stokes declared, Irish national independence and Irish ecclesiastical
independence, in fact, terminated practically together (ibid., ).
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