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Ian dAlton
201
While Archdalls comments indicated a somewhat more Hibernocentric perspective, Usbornes could be interpreted as a desire for a soidisant English public school in Cork (it was more than ironic that he
sent his only son to Harrow and Cambridge).4 Their remarks beg at
least a couple of big questions. In an Irish context, what was superior or secondary schooling actually for? And what part, if any, did such
superior education play in shaping the world of the minority Protestant elite in southern Ireland at the end of the nineteenth century and
the beginning of the twentieth?5 This essay offers some observations
on these questions, using Cork Grammar School as exemplar. First,
the scene is set by outlining briefly the economic and educational
dynamics of Cork Protestants over the latter part of the nineteenth
century; second, the impetus for the establishment of schools such
as Cork Grammar is examined in a national context; and thirdby
reference to these national factorswe analyze how two charismatic
headmasters worked the system to the better advantage of the Protestant community in Cork. What emerges above all is the significance
of the cult of the headmaster in the nineteenth century, particularly
the role of the leader in a relatively mundane school, and how different a direction such a school can take with a change of personality.
. Cork Constitution [hereafter cited as CC], 21 July 1882.
. In J. and J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, 10 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 192258), http://venn.lib.cam.ac.uk/cgi-bin/search.pl?sur=&suro=c
&fir=&firo=c&cit=&cito=c&c=all&tex=USBN859T&sye=&eye=&col=all&maxcou
nt=50 [accessed on 17 Aug. 2011]; The Times, 9 June 1915 (obituary of Thomas Usborne, MP for Chelmsford, 18921900).
. R.F. Foster, Modern Ireland, 16001972 (London: Allen Lane, 1988), 434;
D.G. Boyce, One Last Burial: Culture, Counter-Revolution, and Revolution in Ireland, 18861916, in D.G. Boyce (ed.), The Revolution in Ireland, 18791923 (Dublin:
Gill and Macmillan, 1988), 135. For a discussion of the position of southern Irish
Protestantism as a historiographical construct, see I. dAlton, A Perspective upon
Historical Process: The Case of Southern Irish Protestantism, in F.B. Smith (ed.),
Ireland, England, and Australia: Essays in Honour of Oliver MacDonagh (Canberra and
Cork: Australian National University and Cork University Press, 1990), 7091.
202
Table 1
Percentage of Protestants in Selected Occupations in Cork City,
1833 and 1881
occupation
Lawyers
Doctors
Bankers, merchants
Engineers, surveyors
Insurance
Teachers
Students, literary
House construction
Mechanics, labourers
1833
1881
81
57
59
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
38
36
33
54
40
35
14
6
1
203
204
205
Table 2
Principal Protestant Superior Schools in Cork, 1881
endowed
proprietary
endowed
proprietary
cork county
Bishop Crowes Endowed School, Cloyne
Bandon Grammar School (founded 1641)
Midleton College (founded 1696)
Fermoy College
Queenstown College
St. Edmunds College, Dunmanway
St. Faughnans College, Rosscarbery
cork city
St. Stephens Blue-Coat Hospital
Green-Coat Hospital
Moses Deanes Charity Schools
Mr. Hamblin and Dr. Porters School
Dr. Brownes School
Mr. Greenstreets School
Mr. Knapps Civil, Military, Naval, and Collegiate
Boarding and Day School
end of the century about 20 percent of senior civil servants had been
educated at one or another English public school.20
For those who could not afford, or did not care for, an English secondary education, a plethora of small schools existed in the county,
as outlined in Table 2.21 These schools, mainly classical in character,
offered a relatively high-cost education principally aimed at university entrance and, in some cases, preparation for the army, navy, and
home civil service. They offered other attractionsfor parents any. Campbell, Irish Establishment, 6768.
. For the Cork city endowed schools listed above, see T. Cadogan (ed.), Lewis
Cork: A Topographical Dictionary of the Parishes, Towns, and Villages of Cork City and
County, reprint ed. (Cork: Collins Press, 1998), 240; Aldwells County and City of
Cork Post-Office General Directory, 18445 (Cork: Jackson, 1845), 9899. For Fermoy
College, see also M. Barry, A Brief History of Fermoy, http://www.blackwater.ie
/fermoy/history.htm [accessed on 25 April 2011]. For Queenstown College (founded
in 1883), see advertisement in CC, 22 Jan. 1883. For Midleton College, see Flanagan,
Rise and Fall of the Celtic Ineligible, 12425. For pre-1878 Anglican schools generally in Ireland, see K. Flanagan, The Shaping of Irish Anglican Secondary Schools,
18541878, History of Education 13:1 (1984), 2743.
206
way! St. Edmunds College, Dunmanway, boasted of its remote location: Being completely in the country, [it] is removed from the vices
and temptations incident to towns and villages.22 St. Faughnans
College, Rosscarbery, under the patronage of Lord Carbery, attempted to straddle both worlds, being, as it claimed, conducted strictly
on English principles.23 In the city the endowed schools were for less
well-to-do Protestants.24 The private schools for the better-off tended to be small, under-resourced, and not particularly good, though
Mr.Hamblin and Dr. Porters School had some two hundred pupils
in the mid-1880s.25
The genesis of Cork Grammar was grounded in a response to
the opportunities and challenges facing Irish Protestants in the midnineteenth century. At the local level, as in Dublin, the Protestant
nexus allowed job-seekers of that persuasion to rely on Protestantcontrolled firms for employment, but the numbers of such firms were
small, and opportunities for advancement scarce.26 With restricted
demand came a parallel problem of oversupply. In general, it has
been postulated that around the mid-century an overproduction of
professionals forced Protestants to seek opportunities abroad.27 They
thus needed to be equipped to compete on foreign as well as home
territory.28 Allied to this push factor was a pull one: Irish uni. CC, 20 July 1881 (advertisement).
. Of these, Midleton College, Fermoy College (English Public School System), St. Faughnans College, and Bandon Grammar School were still operational
in 1907. See Guys City and County Cork Almanac and Directory, 1907 (Cork: Guy,
1907), 7576 [hereafter cited as Guys Directory, 1907]. Today only Midleton College
and Bandon Grammar School survive under their original designations.
. Cadogan, Lewis Cork, 18688.
. Hime, Home Education, 55n.
. See Guys Directory, 1907, 88 (for notaries public, district registrars) and 95
102 (for list of companies). Their religious orientation can generally be gauged by
the names of the directors or managers. Maura Murphy has concluded that though
certain large city business concerns like the brewers, distillers, and provision stores
remained in the same families for generations, the smaller concerns remained in individual families for much shorter periods. . . . See M. Murphy, The Economic and
Social Structure of Nineteenth-Century Cork, in D. Harkness and M. ODowd (eds.),
The Town in Ireland (Historical Studies XIII), (Belfast: Appletree Press, 1981), 132.
. Flanagan, Rise and Fall of the Celtic Ineligible, 62225. He makes the
point that the majority of Protestant clergy and doctors went abroad (ibid., 624).
. For a discussion of the competitive effects of the tenfold increase in the numbers of the Irish civil service between 1861 and 1911, see J. Hutchinson, The Dynamics
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Table 3
Protestant and Catholic Superior Schools and Pupils in Ireland,
1834 and 1861
number of
superior schools
mumber
of pupils
% change, 183461
schools pupils
96
60
4,240
2,075
37.5
23
86
1,484
4,962
+ 274
protestant
1834
1861
catholic
1834
1861
51
+234
versities, especially the Queens Colleges, were seen from the midcentury as more adept than Oxbridge at equipping their students to
compete for bureaucratic state jobs in particular, leading educated
Irish ProtestantsAnglicans especiallyto punch above their weight
against those from other parts of the kingdom, in the competitive
examinations for the home and imperial service, with India becoming a special preserve.29 Modernized and competent feeder schools
played an important role in this Protestant revolution of rising (or
at least level) expectations, even if by the 1880s the Irish Protestant Indian summer was already on the wane,30 and the pressure
of increased Catholic participation, outlined in Table 3 for the midcentury, had become greater.
In 1871, Protestants and Catholics each accounted for 50 percent
of superior-school pupils. By 1911, however, the proportions were
27 percent and 73 percent respectively.31 This sharp secular reversal
of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State
(London: Allen and Unwin, 1987), 25862; J. White, Minority Report (Dublin: Gill
and Macmillan, 1975), 159. For the Catholic element, see C. Shepard, Irish Journalists in the Intellectual Diaspora: Edward Alexander Morphy and Henry David
OShea in the Far East, New Hibernia Review 14:3 (Autumn 2010), 7590.
. For a discussion of the impact of this factor on the generality of Irish entrants, Catholic and Protestant, see T.J. McElligott, Secondary Education in Ireland,
18701921 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1981), 1315.
. Flanagan, Rise and Fall of the Celtic Ineligible, 63134.
. According to Fergus Campbell, the 1878 Intermediate Education Act resulted in nothing less than a revolution in Catholic participation in secondary education (Irish Establishment, 76). See also Flanagan, Rise and Fall of the Celtic Ineligible, 61, Table 1:1, 62, 596; J. Coolahan, Irish Education, Its History and Structure
(Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, 1981), 65.
208
in the relative dominance and absolute numbers of Protestant secondary schools and the concomitant increase in suitably qualified
Catholic candidates did not necessarily translate into a proportionate
jobs dividend. Fergus Campbell has argued that the greening of
the late nineteenth-century Irish administration, as assessed by Lawrence McBride, did not yet prevail to the extent hitherto thought.
Campbells point is that Irish Protestants maintained a grip on the
highest (and thus the most influential and powerful) echelons of the
Irish administration for considerably longer than earlier stated. If that
is the case, then Irish Protestants were acting rationally in accord
with an expectation that so long as an ethnic preference could be
validated by a superior education, it would continue to afford them
superior jobs in the state and bureaucratic apparatus.32
The particular impetus for the foundation of Cork Grammar was
the enactment of the 1878 Intermediate Education (Ireland) Act.
This law was the second attempt to provide a centrally standardized
examination system for Ireland. The first, established by the Queens
Colleges in 1860, had been the Middle Class Examinations, modelled on the lines of the English Local Examinations. The system
lasted a mere seven years; it was unsuccessful and unpopular probably because no grants or prizes were available.33 The 1878 law set up
public examinations for secondary schools for any boy (and later girl)
who had received education in an Irish school during the preceding year. Conjured up by Disraelis Conservative government, this
scheme was in essence a backdoor method of subsidizing Catholic
schools while ostensibly adhering to the merit principle.34 In comparison to previous attempts to fund superior education, money was
made availablein this case, the income derived from 1 million of
. F. Campbell, Who Ruled Ireland? The Irish Administration, 18791914,
Historical Journal 50 (2007), 62344. Campbells Irish Establishment, 5354, is a riposte to Lawrence McBrides thesis in his The Greening of Dublin Castle: The Transformation of Bureaucratic and Judicial Personnel in Ireland, 18921922 (Washington, D.C.:
Catholic University of America Press, 1991), ix.
. J. Burns, Shop Window to the World (Dublin: Board of Governors of the Masonic Boys School, 1967), 24. This is a history of the Masonic Boys School, Dublin.
What the title implies about the Masonic approach to the education of the Irish Protestant lower middle class is revealing.
. D.H. Akenson, Pre-University Education, 18701921, in W.E. Vaughan
(ed.), A New History of Ireland, Vol. VI: Ireland under the Union, Part 2, 18701921 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 524.
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210
211
212
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intention of the board to secure that the school shall rank high as an
educational establishment. It opened its doors on 25 January 1882
with about forty pupils. At a ceremony the new headmaster promised
an emphasis on punctuality and good attendance as well as on the
more muscular pursuits of cricket and football.53
It proved insufficient, however, to just sit back and let the pupils
drift in, which is what the management seems to have done. Ominous
weaknesses, pedagogical and financial, quickly became apparent. As
early as July 1882, Arblaster complained that students suffered from
a lack of systemized class work and from serious indiscipline. This
second problem seems to have been as much owing to Arblasters
own character as to rowdy pupils or indulgent parents. In the words
of his obituarist, he had not either the knack of keeping discipline
or the turn for business administration essential for a really successful scholastic career.54 One problem was that while the schools first
prospectus promised that the examinations under the Intermediate
Education Act will be carefully provided for,55 this goal seems not
to have been Arblasters priority. At the schools first prize-day ceremony in mid-1882 he declared that he favored a school that not only
follows the time-honoured system of giving a thorough education in
the liberal arts . . . but also comprehends . . . modern languages and
natural science. In late 1883, with some bruising experiences of the
Intermediate examinations under his belt, he was even more firmly
convinced that what has been called the competition craze of the
nineteenth century is leading to very evil results in the way of generating an idea that the passing of an examination is the be-all and endall of education.56 His successor, the Rev. John Berry,57 concurred:
. CC, 26 Jan. 1882.
. Edmund Arblaster (18521937) matriculated at Cambridge University in
1872 (Clare College, 187275). See The Clare Association Annual, 1947 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1947), 45. For an indication of his scholarly bent, see E.
Arblaster, Note on a passage of Plato, Soph., Journal of Philology 6:11 (1876), 160.
. CC, 29 Dec. 1881.
. CC, 24 Dec. 1883; CC, 21 July 1882.
. The Rev. John Berry was born in April 1856 at Tullamore in Kings County
(Offaly) and was educated at Chard Grammar School and Trinity College Dublin
(B.A., 1877; M.A., 1880; B.D., 1888). He served as headmaster, Portarlington School
and Cork Grammar School; as principal, Fermoy College, 188795; and as rector of
Amherstburg, Ontario, Canada, beginning in 1895. See J.J. Howard and F.A. Crisp,
Visitation of Ireland, reprint ed. (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1973), 22.
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215
216
217
218
for a wide range of careers and further education. Science for Harvey
was a passion, to the extent that he had a small private laboratory.75
Pupils were prepared for the entrance examinations of a plethora of
universities, English and Irish, as well as for those of the home and
imperial civil services, the armed forces, the Royal Colleges of Surgeons and of Science, the banks, and accountancy. Pitman courses
in typing and bookkeeping were also taught, as were city and guild
vocational and technical subjects.
Finally, there was the vital matter of school premises: these were
never to Harveys satisfaction. Despite his alleged toughness, he
saw no particular merit in subjecting his boys to Dickensian physical conditions. From the start, the school was handicapped by its
cramped, hilly, and ancient inner-city site. Games had to be taken
some miles away, in the southwestern suburbs. It took Harvey nine
years to obtain a modest extension to the premises, and a further six
before substantial alterations were completed.76 By 1908 increased
numbersfrom 33 when he became headmaster to 135 or so77were
again putting considerable pressure on resources. At that stage Harvey felt that only a new school building would fit the bill. But the bill,
amounting to some 10,000, was beyond the largesse of even the
relatively rich Protestant elite.78 Management balked, and the failure
of a fund-raising scheme bitterly disappointed Harvey. He resigned
. R. Mansfield, Two Headmasters, The Grammarian 1:2 (1951), 13. With
financial help from the Technical Committee of Cork Corporation in 1902, Cork
Grammar was better equipped in science facilities than such respected schools as The
Kings Hospital in Dublin. See L. Whiteside, A History of The Kings Hospital (Dublin:
The Kings Hospital, 1975), 145; CC, 19 Dec. 1900 (editorial); CC, 20 Dec. 1900
(news item); A.G. Leonard, I remember . . . , The Grammarian 1:3 (1952), 16.
. CC, 24 Dec. 1889; 21 Dec. 1893; 18 Dec. 1895; 23 Dec. 1898; 23 Dec. 1899;
19 Dec. 1901; 22 Dec. 1902. For a description of the school buildings in Sidney
Place, see Reports of [Temporary] Inspectors of the Intermediate Education Board for Ireland (Cork Grammar School), 190102, 1903, and 190910 (ASA). These reports are
probably those mentioned as issued to heads of schools in the Report of the Intermediate Education Board for Ireland for theYear 1910 [Cd. 5768], H.C. 1911, xxi, 47, p. x. See
also Flanagan, Rise and Fall of the Celtic Ineligible, 31.
. The number of 135 appeared in an advertisement for the headmastership in
1908. See Journal of Education (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1908), 30:340. The
advertisement sits among several for English schools.
. An 1908 list of potential subscribers is preserved in the Ashton School Archives. See also the city high sheriffs speech at the 1911 prize-day ceremony (CC, 22
Dec. 1911).
ire-Ireland 46: 3 & 4 Fall/Win 11
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shortly afterward.79 The school had to wait for nearly another fifty
years finally to leave the city stews.80
Harveys act was a difficult one to follow, and in light of some of
the managers concerns about him, it is perhaps not surprising to find
that the new headmaster was of a different style. The Rev. Edward
SealeTed to his familiarswas an Irishman from County Wicklow. An ex-Scholar of Trinity College, he came to Cork Grammar
from a post as fifth-form master at Highgate School, London. A former pupil described him thus: Seale was of a finer fibre, with handsome features, slightly distorted by pain. . . . Pain in some strange
way had refined his features. It had also left him somewhat short in
temper.81 Under Seale, Cork Grammar moved away from the Irishoriented vocational education espoused by Harvey, though the latters legacy outlasted his term; in the year after his resignation several
pupils distinguished themselves in the Intermediate science examinations. The new head was not stupid: he remained acutely aware of the
necessity to prepare his boys for commercial careers. As he stressed,
For one of our boys who goes to the university, ten go to business.82
Nevertheless, Seale, who had expressed grave misgiving about
coming to the school at all,83 reoriented it toward a more English
public-school ethic and style, without contending for a moment that
the premises and architectural beauty of the Grammar School are
worthy of the third city in Ireland, as he put it in 1911.84 In doing
this, he perforce redirected it not only educationally but also cultur. Harvey took up the rectorship of Charleville in north Cork, where he died
in 1925. He held various curacies in Cork city parishes in tandem with his school appointment.
. The school, under the headmastership of the Rev. G.H.J. Burrows (194770)
and then controlled by the Incorporated Society for Promoting Protestant Schools
in Ireland, acquired Ashton, a large house with spacious grounds on the Blackrock
Road, about a mile from the city center. New additions were built, and the school
finally moved to the new premises in 1956. For financial and architectural details
concerning this period, see the Cork Grammar School Papers (ASA).
. Mansfield, Two Headmasters, 13; G. Inglis, Cork after 41 Years, The
Grammarian 1:8 (1957), 21.
. Three pupils obtained exhibitions in the middle grade, and the Department
of Agriculture and Technical Instruction awarded an increased grant for conspicuous merit (CC, 21 Dec. 1908).
. Prize-day report (CC, 21 Dec. 1908).
. CC, 22 Dec. 1911.
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Cork Grammar School (former premises), viewed from the north, 2011
ally. This shift was to have ramifications for adaptability and integration later on. His impact was visible in four areas particularly. The
first concerned the curriculum. Seale, like Harvey, had been taught
as a classicist. But while Harvey had reserved his enthusiasm for
consenting adults, Seale was more evangelical. The study of classics
represented in his view an unrivalled training for the mind. The Intermediate inspectors had noted approvingly in 1909 that the school
is already taking up the study of Greek . . . ; the headmaster intends
to remove the extra fee now put upon instruction in it. And classics,
especially Greek, flourished over the next few years, with several distinctions and prizes won.85
A second area of impact was an offshoot of the first. Seales Hellenophilia encouraged an increased emphasis on fitness and sport.
New sports fields, closer to the school, were made available in 1909.
Hockey was the traditional school game, but Seale introduced a successful swimming club, and also rugby, though with less success. 86 His
attempt to change the supporters shout from an Irish Grammar! to
an English School! was a conspicuous failure.87 Grammar boys did
not tolerate pretension. George Inglis, who came from a West Cork
Protestant lower-middle-class background, recalled being asked on
his first day to sing a few bars of God Save the King for a choir audition. I stood mute, he recalled. Come on, said Mr. Garrett [the
music master], dont you know the tune? That got a laugh, but in fact
that particular tune was never popular in West Cork. . . .88
The third feature of Seales lasting influence concerned order in
the school and the manner of its establishment. In disciplinary matters Seales bias toward a sort of crypto-public-school ethos was evident. Unlike Harvey, who had drained his staff of all authority, Seale
decentralized much of his, though he alone was allowed to administer
the cane. His punishment methodsflogging, followed by impositions and the withdrawal of privilegeswere enforced with mild re. Reports of Inspectors (Cork Grammar School), 190910, 45 (ASA); CC, 23
Dec. 1909, 19 Dec. 1912. For the previous two newspaper references, see Press Cuttings Book [hereafter cited as PCB], 11 (ASA).
. The old sportsgrounds were at Glasheen Road; the new ones were at Sundays Well. For sporting successes (and failures), see CC, 21 Dec. 1908, 23 Dec. 1909;
Mansfield, Two Headmasters, 14.
. Mansfield, Two Headmasters, 14.
. Inglis, Cork after 41 Years, 1415.
222
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General Charles Metcalfe, persuaded the War Office and the Dublin
Castle authorities that it would be safe to allow a Protestant school in
southern Ireland to possess uniforms and guns, with the result that
30 plus a supply of rifles were granted to the school.94 By December 1910 a shed had been provided on the school premises to house
the ordnance and uniforms. The grant of 30 was supplemented by
money from the Cork unionist leader Lord Barrymore and some parents. Apart from regular weekly shooting and marching practice, the
highlight of the year was an eight-day summer camp. In this respect,
then, the OTC mirrored Robert Baden-Powells recently formed Boy
Scout movement, though the OTC was somewhat more militaristic
in tone.95 A parallel Scout troop was also established in Grammar.
Seales only quarrel with it (he called it a mysterious but vigorous
corps) was that its fascinating pursuits tended to make boys unavailable for other school activities.96 The OTC had a golden summer
in 1911. Along with a contingent from Campbell College, the only
other Irish school to possess an OTC, a number of cadets from Cork
Grammar attended the London coronation of George V and later a
rally in Windsor Great Park. In his report on the occasion Seale well
captured the significance of empire as a sort of Protestant national
substitute: They [the cadets] must have felt, as . . . they filed past the
King-Emperor that glowing July afternoon, something of pride and
glory in being active members of a mighty empire, which one day
they may be called upon to defend. . . .97
Harveys resignation from the school had been prompted by a
sense of failure; Seales was occasioned by success. For its size the
school performed spectacularly well in the Intermediate examinations in 1912 and 1913, and in June 1914, just before the outbreak
of a war that would change everything, including Grammar and the
. Irish Times, 14 July 1911.
. CC, 19 Dec. 1910; PCB, 8 (ASA). For instance, on 18 April 1912 the corps
marched from the school to Riverstown, where one section defended it while the
other attacked. See The Grammarian 1:1 (1910), n.p.
. Reports of Inspectors (Cork Grammar School), 190910, 8 (ASA); CC, 23
Dec. 1909; Howard Murphys letter in The Grammarian 1:10 (1959), 7.
. CC, 22 Dec. 1911; PCB, 17 (ASA). The Rev. C.B. Armstrong, headmaster
during the First World War, recollected that the existence of the OTC accelerated the
rush into the forces in 1914. See C.B. Armstrong, Cork Grammar School, 1914
1919, The Grammarian 2:6 (1965), 12.
224
community in which it nested, Seale was poached by the more prestigious Kilkenny College.98 Thus ended the significant experiment in
a greater Anglicizing of the school.
What conclusions may we draw from this exercise in microhistory?
At his first prize-giving ceremony Harvey conventionally described
his vision for Cork Grammar as a preparation for life in the world.99
That world, however, as we have seen from the different approaches
taken to Irish Protestant secondary education by Harvey and Seale,
remained contentious. In one sense it could be held that Harvey perhaps did more for the futures of his pupils, Seale more for the pretensions of their parents. In another sense the school embodied a
paradox at its heart: to induce persons who had been sending their
children to England to educate them at home was to equip them
for living and working in the English-speaking empire as much as in
Ireland.100 Working is the critical word here, reflecting a commonality of approach by Irish Protestant and Catholic superior schools to
the idea and purpose of education, seen as essentially utilitarian and
technocratic (even Seale recognized the economic validity of this),
as against the inculcation of gentlemanly manners and mores that
seemed the principal purpose of their English counterparts.101 On
the negative side, however, neither Catholic nor Protestant secondary
schools particularly attacked the already apparent weakness of Irish
educationnamely, an ecclesial and bureaucratic, clerical focus that
came largely at the expense of industry; Joe Lees quip about Irish
students knowing how to properly decline the Latin for table, without
anyone being able to build one, springs to mind. Equally damaging in
a different way, and overriding their common educational aims, was
an increasing divergence between the denominations in interpreting
the concept of Ireland as a cultural identity, evidenced in such critical
spheres as the depiction of history,102 the language, and the compre. Letter of appreciation from Bishop R.T. Hearn of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross to
Rev. Edward Seale, 5 June 1914 (ASA). Seale eventually ended up as headmaster of
Portora Royal School in Enniskillen, Co. Fermanagh.
. CC, 23 Dec. 1887.
. D. Dickson, Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 16301830 (Cork:
Cork University Press, 2005), 500.
. Flanagan, Rise and Fall of the Celtic Ineligible, 79103.
. As a classic example, see the nationalist, even republican, bias of the Christian Brothers in their Irish History Reader (Dublin: M.H. Gill & Son, 1905).
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