Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Contents
1
Main article
1.1
Anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.1
1.1.2
Fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.3
1.1.4
1.1.5
Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.6
10
1.1.7
11
1.1.8
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12
1.1.9
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12
1.1.10 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12
15
16
Supporting articles
17
2.1
History of anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
17
2.1.1
Etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
17
2.1.2
17
2.1.3
Proto-anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
18
2.1.4
20
2.1.5
20
2.1.6
21
2.1.7
20th-Century Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
27
2.1.8
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
27
2.1.9
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
27
2.1.10 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
28
29
Archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
29
2.2.1
History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
30
2.2.2
Purpose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
31
2.2.3
Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
32
2.2.4
Academic sub-disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
36
2.2
ii
CONTENTS
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
2.2.5
37
2.2.6
38
2.2.7
Fictional archaeologists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
41
2.2.8
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
41
2.2.9
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
41
2.2.10 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
43
45
45
Cultural anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
45
2.3.1
Theoretical foundations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
46
2.3.2
Foundational thinkers
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
47
2.3.3
Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
50
2.3.4
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
52
2.3.5
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
52
2.3.6
External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
53
Cultural history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
53
2.4.1
Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
53
2.4.2
Cultural studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
54
2.4.3
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
54
2.4.4
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
54
2.4.5
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
54
2.4.6
External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
55
Diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
55
2.5.1
55
2.5.2
European diasporas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
57
2.5.3
African diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
58
2.5.4
Asian diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
58
2.5.5
Internal diasporas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
59
2.5.6
20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
59
2.5.7
21st century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
60
2.5.8
60
2.5.9
In popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
60
60
2.5.11 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
61
2.5.12 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
62
63
Economic anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
63
2.6.1
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
63
2.6.2
66
2.6.3
68
2.6.4
Consumption studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
70
CONTENTS
iii
2.6.5
70
2.6.6
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
71
2.6.7
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
71
2.6.8
Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
73
2.6.9
External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
73
Ethnobiology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
73
2.7.1
History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
73
2.7.2
Subjects of inquiry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
75
2.7.3
Subdisciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
75
2.7.4
Other disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
75
2.7.5
Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
76
2.7.6
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
76
2.7.7
Footnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
76
2.7.8
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
77
2.7.9
External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
78
Ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
78
2.8.1
78
2.8.2
Origins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
78
2.8.3
Forms of ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
79
2.8.4
79
2.8.5
79
2.8.6
Ethnography as method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
80
2.8.7
80
2.8.8
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
81
2.8.9
Evaluating ethnography
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
84
84
2.8.11 Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
85
86
87
2.8.14 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
87
88
89
Ethnology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
89
2.9.1
Scientic discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
90
2.9.2
Scholars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
2.9.3
See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
2.9.4
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
2.9.5
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
2.9.6
External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
2.10 Human . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
92
2.7
2.8
2.9
iv
CONTENTS
2.10.2 History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
92
95
2.10.4 Biology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
96
126
3.1
Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
3.2
Images . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
3.3
Chapter 1
Main article
1.1 Anthropology
1.1.1
Meanwhile, the Ethnological Society of New York, currently the American Ethnological Society, was founded
on its model in 1842, as well as the Ethnological Society of London in 1843, a break-away group of the
Aborigines Protection Society.[9] These anthropologists
of the times were liberal, anti-slavery, and pro-humanrights activists. They maintained international connections.
Anthropology and many other current elds are the intellectual results of the comparative methods developed in
the earlier 19th century. Theorists in such diverse elds
as anatomy, linguistics, and Ethnology, making featureby-feature comparisons of their subject matters, were
beginning to suspect that similarities between animals,
languages, and folkways were the result of processes or
laws unknown to them then.[10] For them, the publication
of Charles Darwins On the Origin of Species was the
epiphany of everything they had begun to suspect. Darwin himself arrived at his conclusions through comparison of species he had seen in agronomy and in the wild.
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
These elds frequently overlap, but tend to use dierent central place in cultural and social anthropology. In conmethodologies and techniques.
trast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained
European countries with overseas colonies tended to largely positivist. Due to this dierence in epistemology,
practice more ethnology (a term coined and dened by the four sub-elds of anthropology have lacked cohesion
Adam F. Kollr in 1783). In non-colonial European over the last several decades.
countries, social anthropology is now dened as the study
of social organization in non-state societies. It is someSociocultural
times referred to as sociocultural anthropology in the
parts of the world that were inuenced by the European
Main articles: Cultural anthropology, Social anthropoltradition.[24]
ogy and Sociocultural anthropology
1.1.2
Fields
(and de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the Standard altered landscapes are evidence of the cultural and mateCross-Cultural Sample (SCCS)[35] of world societies are: rial lives of past societies. Archaeologists examine these
material remains in order to deduce patterns of past huSee also: List of indigenous peoples
man behavior and cultural practices. Ethnoarchaeology is
a type of archaeology that studies the practices and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a
Biological
better understanding of the evidence left behind by past
human groups, who are presumed to have lived in similar
Main article: Biological anthropology
ways.[37]
Biological Anthropology and Physical Anthropology are
Linguistic
Main article: Linguistic anthropology
Forensic anthropologists can help identify skeletonized human remains, such as these found lying in scrub in Western Australia,
c. 19001910.
Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human
communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in
language across time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems,
linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes
to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related elds including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics,
semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.[38]
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
5
since the mid-1990s, new media. While the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic lm, visual
anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study
of visual representation, including areas such as performance, museums, art, and the production and reception
of mass media. Visual representations from all cultures,
such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave
paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings
and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology.
Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-eld of anthropology begin with the PolishBritish founder of Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski,
and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature
of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative
to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains,
for the most part, focused upon exchange. The school of
thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on production, in contrast.[42] Economic AnA Punu tribe mask. Gabon Central Africa
thropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they
were relegated to by economists, and have now turned
to examine corporations, banks, and the global nancial
newspapers, journalists in the eld, lm production) to
system from an anthropological perspective.
contexts of media reception, following audiences in their
everyday responses to media. Other types include cyber
anthropology, a relatively new area of internet research,
as well as ethnographies of other areas of research which Political economy Main article: Political economy in
happen to involve media, such as development work, anthropology
social movements, or health education. This is in addition
to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such Political economy in anthropology is the application of
as radio, the press, new media and television have started the theories and methods of Historical Materialism to the
to make their presences felt since the early 1990s.[40][41] traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not
Music
Ethnomusicology is an academic eld encompassing various approaches to the study of music (broadly dened),
that emphasize its cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts instead of or in
addition to its isolated sound component or any particular
repertoire.
Visual
limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political Economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The
rst of these areas was concerned with the pre-capitalist
societies that were subject to evolutionary tribal stereotypes. Sahlins work on Hunter-gatherers as the 'original
auent society' did much to dissipate that image. The
second area was concerned with the vast majority of the
worlds population at the time, the peasantry, many of
whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such
as in Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system.[43]
More recently, these Political Economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial)
capitalism around the world.
6
Applied
perspectives have sometimes been marginalized and regarded as less valid or important than knowledge from the
western world. Feminist anthropologists have claimed
that their research helps to correct this systematic bias
in mainstream feminist theory. Feminist anthropologists
are centrally concerned with the construction of gender
across societies. Feminist anthropology is inclusive of
birth anthropology as a specialization.
Feminist
Feminist anthropology is a four eld approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that
seeks to reduce male bias in research ndings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production
of knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western traditions, whose perspectives
and experiences can dier from those of white European
and American feminists. Historically, such 'peripheral'
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization. Nutritional
status aects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development (either in terms of human development or traditional western models) for any given group of people.
Psychological
ogy
Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As
with transpersonal psychology, the eld is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and
transpersonal experience. However, the eld diers from
mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of cross-cultural issuesfor instance, the roles
of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking and interpreting
extraordinary experiences (Young and Goulet 1994).
Political and legal
Political
tems that have reexively shaped notions of what it means Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and
to be human beings.
indigenous customs by examining historical records. It
is also the study of the history of various ethnic groups
that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses both
historical and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its
Digital Main article: Digital anthropology
historical methods and materials go beyond the standard
use of documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recogDigital anthropology is the study of the relationship benize the utility of such source material as maps, music,
tween humans and digital-era technology, and extends
paintings, photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exto various areas where anthropology and technology inploration, archaeological materials, museum collections,
tersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural anenduring customs, language, and place names.[60]
thropology, and sometimes considered part of material
culture.
The eld is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of emphases. These
include techno-anthropology,[52] digital ethnography, Religion
cyberanthropology,[53] and virtual anthropology.[54]
Main article: Anthropology of religion
Ecological
The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions,
and the comparison of religious beliefs and practices
across cultures. Modern anthropology assumes that there
is complete continuity between magical thinking and
religion,[61][n 6] and that every religion is a cultural product, created by the human community that worships it.[62]
Urban
Environmental Main article: Environmental anthro- Main article: Urban anthropology
pology
Environmental anthropology is a sub-specialty within the
eld of anthropology that takes an active role in examining the relationships between humans and their environment across space and time.[57] The contemporary perspective of environmental anthropology, and arguably at
least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies and cultural eldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize this new perspective as more informed with culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, and more.[58] The focus and data interpretation is often used for arguments for/against or creation
of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the observer has become an active
part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles, documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice
advocate Melissa Checker and her relationship with the
people of Hyde Park.[59]
Historical
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
Anthrozoology
1.1.5 Organizations
Contemporary anthropology is an established science
with academic departments at most universities and colleges. The single largest organization of Anthropologists
is the American Anthropological Association (AAA),
which was founded in 1903.[69] Membership is made up
of anthropologists from around the globe.[70]
In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in
the eld of anthropology established the European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves
as a major professional organization for anthropologists
working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to increase visibility of
marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world
anthropology.
Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various subelds of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation
or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics,
zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well.[71]
List of major organizations
Main category: Anthropology organizations
American Anthropological Association
Forensic
10
Center for World Indigenous Studies
Ethnological Society of London
Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Network of Concerned Anthropologists
Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism,
mutilation (including circumcision and subincision), and
torture.
Topics like racism, slavery, and human
sacrice attract anthropological attention and theories
ranging from nutritional deciencies[76] to genes[77] to
acculturation have been proposed, not to mention theories
of colonialism and many others as root causes of Mans
tor reports that Counterinsurgency eorts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition, HTS teams are working with the US military in
Iraq.[82] In 2009, the American Anthropological Associations Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and Intelligence Communities
released its nal report concluding, in part, that, When
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
11
ethnographic investigation is determined by military missions, not subject to external review, where data collection occurs in the context of war, integrated into the goals
of counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment all characteristic factors of the HTS concept
and its application it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology. In summary, while we stress that constructive engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, CEAUSSIC suggests that the AAA emphasize the incompatibility of HTS with disciplinary ethics and practice for job
seekers and that it further recognize the problem of allowing HTS to dene the meaning of anthropology within
DoD.[83]
1.1.7
Because anthropology developed from so many dierent enterprises (see History of Anthropology), including
but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary lm-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity
dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics,
regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and
religious studies,[87][88] it is dicult to characterize the
entire eld in a brief article, although attempts to write
histories of the entire eld have been made.[89]
There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is
that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more
holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly
empirical.[20] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon
in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia.
Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of other cultures, both in terms
of time (past societies) and space (non-European/nonWestern societies).[90] For example, the classic of urban
anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who traIn the 1990s and 2000s (decade), calls for clarication ditionally specialized in other cultures looked for them
started to look across the tracks only in
of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows far away and
[91]
late
1960s.
where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and
other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topThese dynamic relationships, between what can be ob- ics very close to the authors home.[92] It is also argued
served on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed that other elds of study, like History and Sociology, on
by compiling many local observations remain fundamen- the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.[93]
tal in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biologIn France, the study of Western societies has been traical, linguistic or archaeological.[84]
ditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly
Biological anthropologists are interested in both human
variation[85] and in the possibility of human universals
(behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures).[86] They use many dierent methods of
study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists
into the eld, which means traveling to a community in
its own setting, to do something called eldwork. On
the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs.
12
1.1.8
See also
1.1.10 References
[1] anthropology. Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University
Press. Retrieved 10 August 2013.
[2] anthropology. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 23
March 2015.
[3] What is Anthropology?". American Anthropological
Association. Retrieved 10 August 2013.
[4] Haviland, William A.; Prins, Harald E. L.; McBride,
Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010), Cultural Anthropology:
The Human Challenge (13th ed.), Cengage Learning,
ISBN 0-495-81082-7
[6] Oxford English Dictionary, 1st ed. anthropology, n." Oxford University Press (Oxford), 1885.
1.1.9
Notes
[1] Richard Harvey's 1593 Philadelphus, a defense of the legend of Brutus in British history, includes the passage Genealogy or issue which they had, Artes which they studied,
Actes which they did. This part of History is named Anthropology.
[2] John Kersey's 1706 edition of The New World of English
Words includes the denition "Anthropology, a Discourse
or Description of Man, or of a Mans Body.
[3] In French: LAnthropologie, cest dire la science qui traite
de lhomme, est divise ordinairment & avec raison en
lAnatomie, qui considere le corps & les parties, et en la
Psychologie, qui parle de lAme.[8]
Koroth.
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
13
[50] Hent de Vries and Lawrence E. Sullivan, ed. (2006). Political theologies: public religions in a post-secular world.
New York: Fordham University Press.
[51] Dumit, Joseph. Davis-Floyd, Robbie. Cyborg Anthropology. Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women,
2001
14
[72] Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.
[73] van Breman, Jan, and Akitoshi Shimizu (1999) Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania. Richmond,
Surrey: Curzon Press.
[74] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-29.
[55] Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2010). Anthropology : appreciating human diversity (14th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
pp. 579584. ISBN 978-0-07-811699-5.
[56] Townsend, Patricia K. (2009). Environmental anthropology : from pigs to policies (2nd ed.). Prospect Heights, Ill.:
Waveland Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-57766-581-6.
[57] Kottak, Conrad P. (1999).
The New Ecological
Anthropology. American Anthropologist 101: 23.
doi:10.1525/aa.1999.101.1.23. JSTOR 683339.
[59] Melissa Checker (August 2005). Polluted promises: environmental racism and the search for justice in a southern
town. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-1657-1. Retrieved
3 April 2011.
[79] Sciencemag.org, Shanklin, Eugenia. 1994. Anthropology & Race; Faye V. Harrison. 1995. The Persistent
Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy
of Racism. Annual Review of Anthropology. 24:47-74.
Allan Goodman. 1995. The Problematics of Race
in Contemporary Biological Anthropology. In Biological Anthropology: The State of the Science.; Yearbook
of Physical Anthropology, 1945-. Melanin, Afrocentricity ... , 36(1993):33-58.; see Stanfords recent collection of overarching bibliographies on race and racism,
Library.stanford.edu
[60] Axtell, J. (1979). Ethnohistory: An Historians Viewpoint. Ethnohistory 26 (1): 34. doi:10.2307/481465.
1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
[89] Leaf, Murray. Man, Mind and Science: A History of Anthropology. Columbia University Press. 1979
[90] See the many essays relating to this in Prem Poddar
and David Johnson, Historical Companion to Postcolonial
Thought in English, Edinburgh University Press, 2004.
See also Prem Poddar et al., Historical Companion to
Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008
[91] Ulf Hannerz (1980) Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology, ISBN 0-231-08376-9, p.
1
[92] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences American Anthropologist
100:" 716-731
[93] Jack Goody (2007) The Theft of History Cambridge University Press ISBN 0-521-87069-0
[94]
1.1.11
Further reading
15
Geertz, Cliord (1995). After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press.
Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1967). Tristes tropiques.
Translated from the French by John Russell. New
York: Atheneum.
Malinowski, Bronisaw (1967). A diary in the strict
sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman.
New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.
Mead, Margaret (1972). Blackberry winter: my earlier years. New York: William Marrow.
(1977). Letters from the eld, 19251975.
New York: Harper & Row.
Rabinow, Paul (1977). Reections on eldwork in
Morocco. Quantum Books. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Histories
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities
Press.
Barth, Fredrik; Gingrich, Andre; Parkin, Robert
(2005). One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
D'Andrade, R. (1999). The Sad Story of Anthropology: 19501999. In Cerroni-Long, E. L. Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport:
Berin & Garvey.
Harris, Marvin. (2001) [1968]. The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture.
Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
Hunt, James (1863). Introductory Address on the
Study of Anthropology. The Anthropological Review (London: Trbner & Co.) I.
Kehoe, Alice B. (1998). The Land of Prehistory:
A Critical History of American Archaeology. New
York; London: Routledge.
Lewis, H. S. (1998).
The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and Its Consequences.
American Anthropologist 100 (3):
716731.
doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.716.
16
Re-
Chapter 2
Supporting articles
2.1 History of anthropology
The lack of any ancient denotation of anthropology, however, is not an etymological problem. Liddell and Scott
list 170 Greek compounds ending in logia, enough to
justify its later use as a productive sux.[6] The ancient
Greeks often used suxes in forming compounds that
had no independent variant.[7] The etymological dictionaries are united in attributing logia to logos, from legein, to collect. The thing collected is primarily ideas,
especially in speech. The American Heritage Dictionary
says:[8] (It is one of) derivatives independently built to
logos. Its morphological type is that of an abstract noun:
log-os > log-ia (a qualitative abstract)[9]
18
were theorizing under the presumption that the development of society followed some sort of laws. He decries
the loss of that view in the 20th century by the denial that
any laws are discernable or that current institutions have
any bearing on ancient. He coins the term ideographic
for them. The 19th-century views, on the other hand, are
nomothetic; that is, they provide laws. He intends to reassert the methodological priority of the search for the
laws of history in the science of man. [13] He is looking
for a general theory of history. [14] His perception of
the laws: I believe that the analogue of the Darwinian
strategy in the realm of sociocultural phenomena is the
principle of techno-environmental and techno-economic
determinism, he calls cultural materialism, which he also
details in Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science
of Culture.
Elsewhere he refers to my theories of historical determinism, dening the latter: By a deterministic relationship among cultural phenomena, I mean merely that similar variables under similar conditions tend to give rise
to similar consequences.[15] The use of tends to implies some degree of freedom to happen or not happen,
but in strict determinism, given certain causes, the result
and only that result must occur. Dierent philosophers,
however, use determinism in dierent senses. The deterministic element that Harris sees is lack of human social
engineering: free will and moral choice have had virtually no signicant eect upon the direction taken thus far
by evolving systems of social life. [16]
2.1.3 Proto-anthropology
Classical Age
Harris, like many other anthropologists, in looking for anthropological method and data before the use of the term
anthropology, had little diculty nding them among the
ancient authors. The ancients tended to see players on
the stage of history as ethnic groups characterized by the
same or similar languages and customs: the Persians, the
Germans, the Scythians, etc. Thus the term history meant
to a large degree the story of the fortunes of these players through time. The ancient authors never formulated
laws. Apart from a rudimentary three-age system, the
stages of history, such as are found in Lubbock, Tylor,
Morgan, Marx and others, are yet unformulated.
Many anthropological writers nd anthropologicalquality theorizing in the works of Classical Greece and
Classical Rome; for example, John Myres in Herodotus
and Anthropology (1908); E. E. Sikes in The Anthropology of the Greeks (1914); Clyde Kluckhohn in Anthropology and the Classics (1961), and many others.[22] An
equally long list may be found in French and German as
well as other languages.
19
These researches have been considered anthropological since at least as early as the late 19th century. The
title, Father of History, (pater historiae) had been conferred on him probably by Cicero.[23] Pointing out that
John Myres in 1908 had believed that Herodotus was
an anthropologist on a par with those of his own day,
James M. Redeld asserts: Herodotus, as we know, was
both Father of History and Father of Anthropology.[24]
Herodotus calls his method of travelling around taking
notes theorizing. Redeld translates it as tourism with
a scientic intent. He identies three terms of Herodotus
as overlapping on culture: diaitia, material goods such
as houses and consumables; ethea, the mores or customs;
and nomoi, the authoritative precedents or laws.
Tacitus The Roman historian, Tacitus, wrote many of
our only surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples.
Middle Ages
toms, and religions of the Indian subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation
with a given group of people, learnt their language
and studied their primary texts, and presented his ndings with objectivity and neutrality using cross-cultural
comparisons.[25] Others argue, however, that he hardly
can be considered an anthropologist in the conventional
sense.[26] He wrote detailed comparative studies on the
religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean,
and especially South Asia.[27][28] Birunis tradition of
comparative cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim
world through to Ibn Khaldun's work in the fourteenth
century.[25][29]
Cannibalism among the savages in Brazil, as described and pictured by Andr Thvet
20
of the peoples he met as he journeyed were so detailed of European colonies was not unlike studying the ora
that they earned for Polo the name the father of modern and fauna of those places.
anthropology.[32]
Early anthropology was divided between proponents of
unilinealism, who argued that all societies passed through
a single evolutionary process, from the most primiRenaissance
tive to the most advanced, and various forms of nonwho tended to subscribe to ideas such
The rst use of the term anthropology in English to re- lineal theorists, [37]
as
diusionism.
Most nineteenth-century social theofer to a natural science of humanity was apparently in
rists,
including
anthropologists,
viewed non-European so[33]
1593, the rst of the "logies" to be coined.
cieties as windows onto the pre-industrial human past.
2.1.4
Marxist anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as the most scientic of the humanities,
and the most humanistic of the social sciences. Understanding how anthropology developed contributes to understanding how it ts into other academic disciplines.
Scholarly traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology
and sociology developed during this time and informed
the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as
Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey whose work formed
the basis for the culture concept which is central to the
Many scholars consider modern anthropology as an out- discipline.
growth of the Age of Enlightenment, a period when EuThese intellectual movements in part grappled with one
ropeans attempted to study human behavior systematiof the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as the world is becally, the known varieties of which had been increasing
coming smaller and more integrated, peoples experience
since the fteenth century as a result of the rst Euroof the world is increasingly atomized and dispersed. As
pean colonization wave. The traditions of jurisprudence,
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s:
history, philology, and sociology then evolved into something more closely resembling the modern views of these
All old-established national industries have
disciplines and informed the development of the social
been destroyed or are daily being destroyed.
sciences, of which anthropology was a part.
They are dislodged by new industries, whose
Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizaintroduction becomes a life and death question
tions through the disciplines of Classics and Egyptology
for all civilized nations, by industries that no
informed both archaeology and eventually social anthrolonger work up indigenous raw material but
pology, as did the study of East and South Asian lanraw material drawn from the remotest zones;
guages and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reindustries whose products are consumed, not
action to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as
only at home, but in every quarter of the
Johann Gottfried Herder[36] and later Wilhelm Dilthey,
globe. In place of the old wants, satised
whose work formed the basis for the culture concept,
by the production of the country, we nd
which is central to the discipline.
new wants, requiring for their satisfaction
Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the developthe products of distant lands and climes. In
ment of natural history (expounded by authors such as
place of the old local and national seclusion
Buon) that occurred during the European colonization
and self-suciency, we have intercourse in
of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth
every direction, universal interdependence of
centuries. Programs of ethnographic study originated in
nations.
this era as the study of the human primitives overseen
by colonial administrations.
It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the rst
major treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a
Pragmatic Point of View.[34] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern anthropologist, however, as he never
left his region of Germany nor did he study any cultures
besides his own, and in fact, describes the need for anthropology as a corollary eld to his own primary eld
of philosophy.[35] He did, however, begin teaching an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Anthropology is
thus primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment
endeavor.
There was a tendency in late eighteenth century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural
phenomena that behaved according to certain principles
and that could be observed empirically. In some ways,
studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts
21
people today must contend, but they have their origins in Britain
processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated
Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only
in the 19th century.
site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism
Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural hisperiod, starting in the 1870s, zoos became unattended
tory (expounded by authors such as Buon). This was
laboratories, especially the so-called ethnological exthe study of human beings - typically people living in
hibitions or Negro villages. Thus, savages from the
European colonies. Thus studying the language, culcolonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what
ture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was
has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906,
more or less equivalent to studying the ora and fauna
Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist
of those places. It was for this reason, for instance, that
Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled the
Lewis Henry Morgan could write monographs on both
missing link between an orangutan and the white race
The League of the Iroquois and The American Beaver
Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of
and His Works. This is also why the material culture of
The Passing of the Great Race (1916). Such exhibitions
'civilized' nations such as China have historically been
were attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movedisplayed in ne arts museums alongside European art
ment the validity of scientic racism, which rst formuwhile artifacts from Africa or Native North American
lation may be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on
cultures were displayed in Natural History Museums with
the Inequality of Human Races (185355). In 1931, the
dinosaur bones and nature dioramas. Curatorial practice
Colonial Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from
has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be
New Caledonia in the indigenous village"; it received
wrong to see anthropology as merely an extension of colo24 million visitors in six months, thus demonstrating the
nial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship
popularity of such human zoos.
to imperialism was and is complex.
Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural hisDrawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as
tory and by the end of the nineteenth century the discideveloping new techniques involving not only structured
pline began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935,
interviews but unstructured participant-observation
for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write
and drawing on the new theory of evolution through
a history of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of
natural selection, they proposed the scientic study of a
Anthropology. At the time, the eld was dominated by
new object: humankind, conceived of as a whole. Cru'the comparative method'. It was assumed that all socicial to this study is the concept culture, which anthroeties passed through a single evolutionary process from
pologists dened both as a universal capacity and propenthe most primitive to most advanced. Non-European sosity for social learning, thinking, and acting (which they
cieties were thus seen as evolutionary 'living fossils that
see as a product of human evolution and something that
could be studied in order to understand the European
distinguishes Homo sapiens and perhaps all species of
past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric migrations
genus Homo from other species), and as a particular
which were sometimes valuable but often also fanciful.
adaptation to local conditions that takes the form of highly
It was during this time that Europeans rst accurately
variable beliefs and practices. Thus, culture not only
traced Polynesian migrations across the Pacic Ocean for
transcends the opposition between nature and nurture; it
instance - although some of them believed it originated in
transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distincEgypt. Finally, the concept of race was actively discussed
tion between politics, religion, kinship, and the econas a way to classify - and rank - human beings based on
omy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus trandierence.
scends the divisions between the natural sciences, social
sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and symbolic dimensions of humankind E.B. Tylor and James Frazer E. B. Tylor (2 Octoin all forms.
ber 1832 2 January 1917) and James George Frazer
2.1.6
22
similar cultural forms or technologies: independent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region,
transmission from one race [sic] to another.[40]
Tylor formulated one of the early and inuential anthropological conceptions of culture as that complex
whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals,
law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by [humans] as [members] of society.[41] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself
with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea
of progress rather than the idea of non-directional, multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.
A decade and a half later, the Polish anthropology student, Bronisaw Malinowski (18841942), was beginning
what he expected to be a brief period of eldwork in
the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the
outbreak of the First World War stranded him in New
Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire
resident on a British colonial possession, he was eectively conned to New Guinea for several years.[42]
He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive eldwork than had been done by British anthropologists, and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacic (1922) advocated an approach to eldwork
that became standard in the eld: getting the natives
point of view through participant observation. Theoretically, he advocated a functionalist interpretation, which
examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual needs.
British social anthropology had an expansive moment
in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming
from the Polish-British Bronisaw Malinowski and Meyer
Fortes[43]
A. R. Radclie-Brown also published a seminal work in
1922. He had carried out his initial eldwork in the
Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists mile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, RadclieBrown published an account of his research (entitled
simply The Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of rituals and myths.
Over time, he developed an approach known as structural
functionalism, which focused on how institutions in societies worked to balance out or create an equilibrium in
the social system to keep it functioning harmoniously.
(This contrasted with Malinowskis functionalism, and
was quite dierent from the later French structuralism,
which examined the conceptual structures in language
and symbolism.)
23
editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this
use of anthropology.
Canada
Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance: Essay on the Gift, a seminal analysis of
Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alter- exchange and reciprocity, and his Huxley lecture on the
of nonative explanation for the Financial crisis of 20072010 notion of the person, the rst comparative study
[45]
tions
of
person
and
selfhood
cross-culturally.
to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University Throughout the interwar years, French interest in antrained anthropologist who went on to become a senior thropology often dovetailed with wider cultural move-
24
Blumenbach's ve races.
mile Durkheim
United States
ments such as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on
ethnography for inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the
Leiris are examples of people who combined anthropol- early 20th century, anthropology in the United States was
ogy with the French avant-garde. During this time most inuenced by the presence of Native American societies.
of what is known as ethnologie was restricted to museums,
such as the Muse de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet,
and anthropology had a close relationship with studies of
folklore.
Claude Lvi-Strauss
Above all, Claude LviStrauss helped institutionalize anthropology in France.
Along with the enormous inuence that his theory
of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines,
Lvi-Strauss established ties with American and British
anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers
and laboratories within France to provide an institutional
context within anthropology, while training inuential
students such as Maurice Godelier and Franoise Hritier. They proved inuential in the world of French
anthropology. Much of the distinct character of Frances
anthropology today is a result of the fact that most
anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research
laboratories (CNRS) rather than academic departments
in universities
Other inuential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in
Paraguay that primitive societies actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often
evolved than societies with states, but chose to conjure the called the Father of American Anthropology
25
out quickly and by the end of the century it had undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that
all the justication for slavery they needed was found in
the Bible, others used the new science to defend slavery
and the repression of American Indians. Abolitionists,
however, felt they had to take this science on its own
terms. And for the rst time, African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the immediate wake of Types of Mankind and during the pitched
political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass
(18181895), the statesman and persuasive abolitionist,
directly attacked the leading theorists of the American
School of Anthropology. In an 1854 address, entitled
The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered,
Douglass argued that by making the enslaved a character
t only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for
refusing to make the slave a freeman.... For let it be once
granted that the human race are of multitudinous origin,
naturally dierent in their moral, physical, and intellectual capacities... a chance is left for slavery, as a necessary
institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs. Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by
our slavery propagating statesmen. (p. 287).
Lewis Henry Morgan in the USA Lewis Henry Morgan (18181881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York,
became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the
Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be inuential contributions to the eld
of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such
as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies
could be classied into categories of cultural evolution
on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to
barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of
position on this scale.
Franz Boas Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of
evolutionary perspective. His approach was empirical,
skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts
to establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied
immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race
was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior
resulted from nurture, rather than nature.
26
reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called Four Field
Approach has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated
elds of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic
anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the
United States continues to be deeply inuenced by the
Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.
Other countries
Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial
powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a dierent path than that in the countries of southern and central
Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the AustroHungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very dierent in organization and language from those of Europe,
has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural
relativism.[48]
In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other
hand, anthropologists often joined with folklorists and
linguists in building cultural perspectives on nationalism.
Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on dierentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of
what has become a nation through various forms of public
education (e.g., museums of several kinds).[49]
Ruth Benedict in 1937
2.1.7
20th-Century Developments
27
2.1.8
See also
2.1.9
References
28
2.1.10 Bibliography
Main article: List of important publications in anthropology
[50] Gellner, Ernest, ed. (1980) Soviet and Western anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press.
[51] Genevive Zoa, L'anthropologie en Grce , Terrain, Numro 14L'incroyable et ses preuves (mars
1990) , [En ligne], mis en ligne le 7 octobre 2005,
Terrain.revues.org, Consult le 15 juin 2007. (French)
[52] Grottanelli, Vinigi Ethnology and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and Developments (and Comments and Reply). Other authors: Giorgio Ausenda,
Bernardo Bernardi, Ugo Bianchi, Y. Michal Bodemann,
Jack Goody, Allison Jablonko, David I. Kertzer, Vittorio
Lanternari, Antonio Marazzi, Roy A. Miller, Jr., Laura
Laurencich Minelli, David M. Moss, Leonard W. Moss,
H. R. H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, Diana
Pinto, Pietro Scotti, Tullio Tentori. Current Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 4 (December, 1977), pp. 593614
History of anthropology
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities
Press.
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
29
Historical Trends in Anthropological Thought. Institute for Ice Age Studies. January 12, 2008.
Elwell, Frank W. (2007). Harris on the Universal
Structure of Societies. Socio-cultural Systems.
2.2 Archaeology
For the magazine about archaeology, see Archaeology
(magazine). For the album by the pastiche/parody Beatles band, see The Rutles Archaeology.
Archaeology or archeology,[1] is the study of human
30
2.2.1
History
Antiquarians
One of the rst sites to undergo archaeological excavation was Stonehenge and other megalithic monuments in
England. John Aubrey was a pioneer archaeologist who
recorded numerous megalithic and other eld monuments
in southern England. He was also ahead of his time in
the analysis of his ndings. He attempted to chart the
chronological stylistic evolution of handwriting, medieval
architecture, costume, and shield-shapes.[12]
Excavations were also carried out in the ancient towns of
Pompeii and Herculaneum, both of which had been covered by ash during the Eruption of Mount Vesuvius in AD
79. These excavations began in 1748 in Pompeii, while in
Herculaneum they began in 1738. The discovery of entire
towns, complete with utensils and even human shapes, as
well the unearthing of ancient frescos, had a big impact
throughout Europe.
However, prior to the development of modern techniques, excavations tended to be haphazard; the importance of concepts such as stratication and context were
The science of archaeology (from Greek , overlooked.[13]
archaiologia from , arkhaios, ancient and , -logia, "-logy")[10] grew out of the older multidisciplinary study known as antiquarianism. Antiquar- Development of archaeological method
ians studied history with particular attention to ancient
artefacts and manuscripts, as well as historical sites. An- The father of archaeological excavation was William
tiquarianism focused on the empirical evidence that ex- Cunnington (17541810). He undertook excavations in
isted for the understanding of the past, encapsulated in Wiltshire from around 1798,[14] funded by Sir Richard
the motto of the 18th-century antiquary, Sir Richard Colt Colt Hoare. Cunnington made meticulous recordings of
Hoare, We speak from facts not theory. Tentative steps neolithic and Bronze Age barrows, and the terms he used
towards the systematization of archaeology as a science to categorise and describe them are still used by archaetook place during the Enlightenment era in Europe in the ologists today.[15]
17th and 18th centuries.[11]
One of the major achievements of 19th century archaeMain article: Antiquarian
In Europe, philosophical interest in the remains of GrecoRoman civilisation and the rediscovery of classical culture began in the late Middle Age. Flavio Biondo an
Italian Renaissance humanist historian created a systematic guide to the ruins and topography of ancient Rome
in the early 15th century for which he has been called
an early founder of archaeology. Antiquarians, including
John Leland and William Camden, conducted surveys of
the English countryside, drawing, describing and interpreting the monuments that they encountered.
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
31
32
Theory
Main article: Archaeological theory
There is no one singular approach to archaeological theory that has been adhered to by all archaeologists. When
archaeology developed in the late 19th century, the rst
approach to archaeological theory to be practiced was
that of cultural-history archaeology, which held the goal
of explaining why cultures changed and adapted rather
than just highlighting the fact that they did, therefore emphasizing historical particularism.[24] In the early 20th
2.2.3 Methods
An archaeological investigation usually involves several
distinct phases, each of which employs its own variety of
methods. Before any practical work can begin, however,
a clear objective as to what the archaeologists are looking to achieve must be agreed upon. This done, a site is
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
33
Remote sensing
Before actually starting to dig in a location, satellite imagery can be used to look where sites are located within
a large area.[42] There are two types of remote sensing
instrumentspassive and active. Passive instruments detect natural energy that is reected or emitted from the
observed scene. Passive instruments sense only radiation
emitted by the object being viewed or reected by the
object from a source other than the instrument. Here are
other two instruments that are passive in remote sensing.
Lidar (Light Detection and Ranging) A lidar uses a
laser (light amplication by stimulated emission of radiation) to transmit a light pulse and a receiver with sensitive detectors to measure the backscattered or reected
light. Distance to the object is determined by recording the time between the transmitted and backscattered
pulses and using the speed of light to calculate the distance traveled. Lidars can determine atmospheric proles of aerosols, clouds, and other constituents of the atmosphere.
survey of all levels became prominent with the rise of processual archaeology some years later.[46]
Survey work has many benets if performed as a preliminary exercise to, or even in place of, excavation. It requires relatively little time and expense, because it does
not require processing large volumes of soil to search
out artifacts. (Nevertheless, surveying a large region
or site can be expensive, so archaeologists often employ sampling methods.)[47] As with other forms of nondestructive archaeology, survey avoids ethical issues (of
particular concern to descendant peoples) associated with
destroying a site through excavation. It is the only way to
gather some forms of information, such as settlement patterns and settlement structure. Survey data are commonly
assembled into maps, which may show surface features
and/or artifact distribution.
Field survey
Main article: Archaeological survey
The archaeological project then continues (or alternatively, begins) with a eld survey. Regional survey is the
attempt to systematically locate previously unknown sites
in a region. Site survey is the attempt to systematically
locate features of interest, such as houses and middens,
within a site. Each of these two goals may be accomplished with largely the same methods.
Survey was not widely practiced in the early days of archaeology. Cultural historians and prior researchers were
usually content with discovering the locations of monumental sites from the local populace, and excavating only
the plainly visible features there. Gordon Willey pioneered the technique of regional settlement pattern survey in 1949 in the Viru Valley of coastal Peru,[44][45] and
The simplest survey technique is surface survey. It involves combing an area, usually on foot but sometimes
with the use of mechanized transport, to search for fea-
34
Regional survey in underwater archaeology uses geophys- Modern excavation techniques require that the preical or remote sensing devices such as marine magne- cise locations of objects and features, known as their
provenance or provenience, be recorded. This always intometer, side-scan sonar, or sub-bottom sonar.[50]
volves determining their horizontal locations, and sometimes vertical position as well (also see Primary Laws of
Excavation
Archaeology). Likewise, their association, or relationship
with nearby objects and features, needs to be recorded
Main article: Excavation (archaeology)
for later analysis. This allows the archaeologist to deduce
Archaeological excavation existed even when the eld which artifacts and features were likely used together and
was still the domain of amateurs, and it remains the which may be from dierent phases of activity. For ex-
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
35
Once artifacts and structures have been excavated, or collected from surface surveys, it is necessary to properly
study them, to gain as much data as possible. This process is known as post-excavation analysis, and is usually
the most time-consuming part of the archaeological investigation. It is not uncommon for the nal excavation
reports on major sites to take years to be published.
At its most basic, the artifacts found are cleaned, cataloged and compared to published collections, to classify them typologically and to identify other sites with
similar artifact assemblages. However, a much more
comprehensive range of analytical techniques are available through archaeological science, meaning that arAn archaeologist sifting for POW remains on Wake Island.
tifacts can be dated and their compositions examined.
The bones, plants and pollen collected from a site can
all be analyzed (using the techniques of zooarchaeology,
ample, excavation of a site reveals its stratigraphy; if a paleoethnobotany, and palynology), while any texts can
site was occupied by a succession of distinct cultures, ar- usually be deciphered.
tifacts from more recent cultures will lie above those from
These techniques frequently provide information that
more ancient cultures.
would not otherwise be known and therefore contribute
Excavation is the most expensive phase of archaeological greatly to the understanding of a site.
research, in relative terms. Also, as a destructive process,
it carries ethical concerns. As a result, very few sites are
excavated in their entirety. Again the percentage of a site Virtual archaeology
excavated depends greatly on the country and method
statement issued. In places 90% excavation is common. Main article: virtual archaeology
Sampling is even more important in excavation than in
survey. It is common for large mechanical equipment,
Some time around 1995 archaeologists started using
such as backhoes (JCBs), to be used in excavation, escomputer graphics to build virtual 3D models of sites such
pecially to remove the topsoil (overburden), though this
as the throne room of an ancient Assyrian palace or anmethod is increasingly used with great caution. Followcient Rome.[51] This is done by collecting normal phoing this rather dramatic step, the exposed area is usually
tographs and using computer graphics to build the virtual
hand-cleaned with trowels or hoes to ensure that all fea3D model.[51] In more general terms, computers can be
tures are apparent.
used to recreate the environment and conditions of the
The next task is to form a site plan and then use it to help past, such as objects, buildings, landscapes and even andecide the method of excavation. Features dug into the cient battles.[51] Computer simulation can be used to simnatural subsoil are normally excavated in portions to pro- ulate the living conditions of an ancient community and to
duce a visible archaeological section for recording. A fea- see how it would have reacted to various scenarios (such
ture, for example a pit or a ditch, consists of two parts: the as how much food to grow, how many animals to slaughcut and the ll. The cut describes the edge of the feature, ter, etc.)[51] Computer-built topographical models have
where the feature meets the natural soil. It is the features been combined with astronomical calculations to verify
boundary. The ll is what the feature is lled with, and whether or not certain structures (such as pillars) were
will often appear quite distinct from the natural soil. The aligned with astronomical events such as the suns posicut and ll are given consecutive numbers for recording tion at a solstice.[51]
purposes. Scaled plans and sections of individual features are all drawn on site, black and white and colour
photographs of them are taken, and recording sheets are Drones
lled in describing the context of each. All this information serves as a permanent record of the now-destroyed In Peru archaeologists use drones to speed up survey
archaeology and is used in describing and interpreting the work and protect sites from squatters, builders and minsite.
ers. Small drones helped researchers produce threedimensional models of Peruvian sites instead of the usual
at maps and in days and weeks instead of months and
years.[52]
Analysis
Main article: Post excavation
36
least six Peruvian archaeological sites, including the colo- Experimental archaeology
nial Andean town Machu Llacta 4,000 metres (13,000
ft) above sea level. The drones continue to have altitude Main article: Experimental archaeology
problems in the Andes, leading to plans to make a drone
blimp, employing open source software.[52]
Experimental archaeology represents the application of
Jerey Quilter, an archaeologist with Harvard University the experimental method to develop more highly consaid, You can go up three metres and photograph a room, trolled observations of processes that create and im300 metres and photograph a site, or you can go up 3,000 pact the archaeological record.[65][66][67][68][69] In the conmetres and photograph the entire valley.[52]
text of the logical positivism of processualism with its
In September 2014 drones weighing about 5 kg (11 lb) goals of improving the scientic rigor of archaeological
were used for 3D mapping of the above-ground ruins of epistemologies the experimental method gained importhe Greek city of Aphrodisias. The data is being analysed tance. Experimental techniques remain a crucial component to improving the inferential frameworks for interby the Austrian Archaeological Institute in Vienna.[53]
preting the archaeological record.
2.2.4
Academic sub-disciplines
Archaeometry
Archaeometry is a eld of study that aims to systematize
archaeological measurement. It emphasizes the application of analytical techniques from physics, chemistry, and
engineering. It is a eld of research that frequently focuses on the denition of the chemical composition of archaeological remains for source analysis.[70] Archaeometry also investigates dierent spatial characteristics of
features, employing methods such as space syntax techniques and geodesy as well as computer-based tools such
as geographic information system technology.[71] Rare
earth elements patterns may also be used.[72] A relatively
nascent subeld is that of archaeological materials, designed to enhance understanding of prehistoric and nonindustrial culture through scientic analysis of the structure and properties of materials associated with human
activity.[73]
Cultural resources management
While archaeology can be done as a pure science, it can
also be an applied science, namely the study of archaeological sites that are threatened by development. In such
cases, archaeology is a subsidiary activity within Cultural
resources management (CRM), also called heritage management in the United Kingdom.[74] Today, CRM accounts for most of the archaeological research done in
the United States and much of that in western Europe as
well. In the US, CRM archaeology has been a growing
concern since the passage of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, and most taxpayers, scholars, and politicians believe that CRM has helped preserve
much of that nations history and prehistory that would
have otherwise been lost in the expansion of cities, dams,
and highways. Along with other statutes, the NHPA mandates that projects on federal land or involving federal
funds or permits consider the eects of the project on
each archaeological site.
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
37
Permanent exhibition in a German multi-storey car park, explaining the archaeological discoveries made during the construction
of this building
Early archaeology was largely an attempt to uncover spectacular artifacts and features, or to explore vast and mysterious abandoned cities. Early archaeology was mostly
done by upper class, scholarly men. This generalization
laid the foundation for the modern popular view of archaeology and archaeologists. This generalization has
been with western culture for a long time. Another popular thought that dates back to this era is that archaeology
is monetarily lucrative. A large majority of the general
public is under the impression that excavations are undertaken for money and not historical data. It is easy for
the general public to hold this notion for that is what is
presented to them through general media, and has been
for many decades.
38
2.2.6
Public archaeology
Motivated by a desire to halt looting, curb
pseudoarchaeology, and to help preserve archaeological sites through education and fostering public
appreciation for the importance of archaeological
heritage, archaeologists are mounting public-outreach
campaigns.[87] They seek to stop looting by combatting
people who illegally take artifacts from protected sites,
and by alerting people who live near archaeological sites
of the threat of looting. Common methods of public outreach include press releases, and the encouragement of
school eld trips to sites under excavation by professional
archaeologists. Public appreciation of the signicance
of archaeology and archaeological sites often leads to
improved protection from encroaching development or
other threats.
they have a responsibility to educate and inform the public about archaeology. Local heritage awareness is aimed
at increasing civic and individual pride through projects
such as community excavation projects, and better public presentations of archaeological sites and knowledge.
The U.S.Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service (USFS) operates a volunteer archaeology and historic preservation
program called the Passport in Time (PIT). Volunteers
work with professional USFS archaeologists and historians on national forests throughout the U.S. Volunteers are
involved in all aspects of professional archaeology under
expert supervision.[88]
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
39
safety and indemnity insurance issues involved in working on a modern building site with tight deadlines. Certain charities and local government bodies sometimes offer places on research projects either as part of academic
work or as a dened community project. There is also a
ourishing industry selling places on commercial training
excavations and archaeological holiday tours.
Archaeologists prize local knowledge and often liaise
with local historical and archaeological societies, which
is one reason why Community archaeology projects are
starting to become more common. Often archaeologists
are assisted by the public in the locating of archaeological
sites, which professional archaeologists have neither the
funding, nor the time to do.
The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI), selfdescribed as an independent, nonprot, tax-exempt
(501[c][3])", is a research and education corporation
registered in Oregon in 1999. The ALI founded an online Archaeology Channel to support the organizations
mission to develop ways to make archaeology more
eective both in gathering important information about
past human lifeways and in delivering that information
to the public and the profession.[89]
Pseudoarchaeology
Main article: Pseudoarchaeology
Pseudoarchaeology is an umbrella term for all activities
that falsely claim to be archaeological but in fact violate
commonly accepted and scientic archaeological practices. It includes much ctional archaeological work (discussed above), as well as some actual activity. Many nonction authors have ignored the scientic methods of processual archaeology, or the specic critiques of it contained in post-processualism.
An example of this type is the writing of Erich von
Dniken. His 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods?, together
with many subsequent lesser-known works, expounds a
theory of ancient contacts between human civilisation
on Earth and more technologically advanced extraterrestrial civilisations. This theory, known as palaeocontact
theory, or Ancient astronaut theory, is not exclusively
Dnikens, nor did the idea originate with him. Works of
this nature are usually marked by the renunciation of wellestablished theories on the basis of limited evidence, and
the interpretation of evidence with a preconceived theory
in mind.
Looting
Looting of archaeological sites is an ancient problem. For
instance, many of the tombs of the Egyptian pharaohs
were looted during antiquity.[90] Archaeology stimulates
interest in ancient objects, and people in search of ar-
40
tifacts or treasure cause damage to archaeological sites.
The commercial and academic demand for artifacts unfortunately contributes directly to the illicit antiquities
trade. Smuggling of antiquities abroad to private collectors has caused great cultural and economic damage
in many countries whose governments lack the resources
and or the will to deter it. Looters damage and destroy
archaeological sites, denying future generations information about their ethnic and cultural heritage. Indigenous
peoples especially lose access to and control over their
'cultural resources, ultimately denying them the opportunity to know their past.[91]
A new trend in the heated controversy between First Nations groups and scientists is the repatriation of native
artifacts to the original descendants. An example of this
occurred June 21, 2005, when community members and
elders from a number of the 10 Algonquian nations in
the Ottawa area convened on the Kitigan Zibi reservation near Maniwaki, Quebec, to inter ancestral human remains and burial goods some dating back 6,000 years.
It was not determined, however, if the remains were directly related to the Algonquin people who now inhabit
the region. The remains may be of Iroquoian ancestry,
since Iroquoian people inhabited the area before the Algonquin. Moreover, the oldest of these remains might
have no relation at all to the Algonquin or Iroquois, and
belong to an earlier culture who previously inhabited the
area.
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
2.2.7
Fictional archaeologists
Blue Beetle
Lara Croft
Doctor Fate
Sydney Fox
Hawkgirl
Hawkwoman
Daniel Jackson (Stargate)
Indiana Jones
Scrooge McDuck
Metamorpho
Amelia Peabody
Dirk Pitt
Elijah Snow
Adam Strange
Bernice Summereld
41
2.2.8
See also
Outline of archaeology
[23] Schier, M. B. 1972. Archaeological Context and Systemic Context. American Antiquity 37: 156-165
2.2.9
References
42
[71] Hacgzeller, Piraye (2012), GIS, critique, representation and beyond, Journal of Social Archaeology 12 (2):
245263, doi:10.1177/1469605312439139
[80] Built Environment, Ehsni.gov.uk, archived from the original on 2007-12-25, retrieved 2009-05-05
[82] McGeough, Kevin (2006), Heroes, Mummies, and Treasure: Near Eastern Archaeology in the Movies, Near
Eastern Archaeology 69: 174185
[83] Indiana Jones Inspires Fans. ABC News. Retrieved
2011-01-11.
2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY
[89] The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI). The Archaeology Channel and About Us: Archaeological Legacy Institute. ArchaeologyChannel.org. Retrieved 29 December 2011.
[90] Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Ramses II: Magnicence on the Nile (1993)
[91] Sheets (1973)
[92] Hodge (1937)
[93] Munson et al. (1995)
[94] Canadian Geographic Online
2.2.10
Bibliography
43
Glascock, M. D., Ne, H., Stryker, K. S. & Johnson, T. N. (1994), Sourcing Archaeological Obsidian by an Abbreviated NAA Procedure, Journal of
Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry 180: 2935,
doi:10.1007/BF02039899
Giord-Gonzalez, D. P., Damrosch, D. B., Damrosch, D. R., Pryor, J. & Thunen, R. L. (1985), The
Third Dimension in Site Structure: An Experiment
in Trampling and Vertical Dispersal, American
Antiquity 50 (4): 803818, doi:10.2307/280169,
JSTOR 280169
Gladfelter, B. G. (1977), Geoarchaeology: The
Geomorphologist and Archaeology, American Antiquity 42 (4): 519538, doi:10.2307/278926,
JSTOR 278926
Gould, R. (1971a), The Archaeologist as Ethnographer: A Case from the Western Desert of
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doi:10.1080/00438243.1969.9979499
Gould, R., Koster, D. A. & Sontz, A. H. L. (1971b),
The Lithic Assemblage of the Western Desert Aborigines of Australia, American Antiquity 36 (2):
149169, doi:10.2307/278668, JSTOR 278668
Gould, R. & Yellen, J. (1987), Man the Hunted:
Determinants of Household Spacing in Desert and
Tropical Foraging Societies, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 6: 77, doi:10.1016/02784165(87)90017-1
Haviland, William A.; Prins, Harald E. L.; McBride,
Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010), Cultural Anthropology: The Human Challenge (13th ed.), Cengage
Learning, ISBN 0-495-81082-7
Hodder, I. (1982), Symbols in Action, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press
Hodder, I. (1985), Post-Processual Archaeology,
in SCHIFFER, M. B., Advances in Archaeological
Method and Theory, New York: Academic Press
Hodder, I., ed. (1987), The Archaeology of Contextual Meaning, New York: Cambridge University
Press
Hodder, I. (1990), Style as Historical Quality, in
HASTORF, M. C. A. C., The Uses of Style in Archaeology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Hodder, I. (1991), Interpretive Archaeology and
Its Role, American Antiquity 56 (1): 718,
doi:10.2307/280968, JSTOR 280968
Hodder, I. (1992), Theory and Practice in Archaeology, London: Routeldge
Kuznar, L, ed. (2001), Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America, Ann Arbor: International
Monographs in Prehistory
44
Miller, D. & Tilley, C. (1984), Ideology, Power
and Prehistory: An Introduction, in Miller, D. &
Tilley, C., Ideology, Power, and Prehistory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-52125526-0, OCLC 241599209 9827625
Ogundele, S. O. (2005), Ethnoarchaeology of Domestic Space and Spatial Behaviour Among the Tiv
and Ungwai of Central Nigeria, African Archaeological Review 22: 2554, doi:10.1007/s10437005-3158-2
Pauketat,
T. R. (2001),
Practice and
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An Emerging
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Redman, C. L. (1974), Archaeological Sampling
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York at Binghamton
Renfrew, C. & Bahn, P. G. (1991), Archaeology:
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279722
Sellet, F., Greaves, R. & Yu, P.-L. (2006),
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Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1987), Reconstructing Archaeology, New York: Cambridge university Press
Shanks, M. & Tilley, C. (1988), Social Theory and Archaeology, Albuquerque: University of
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Shanks, M. (1991), Some recent approaches to
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164174
2.2.11
Further reading
45
Archaeology (magazine)
Lewis Binford - New Perspectives in Archaeology
(1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2
Glyn Daniel - A Short History of Archaeology (1991)
Kevin Greene - Introduction to Archaeology (1983)
Great Archaeology
Rich Hutchings and Marina La Salle. 2014. Teaching Anti-Colonial Archaeology. Archaeologies: The
Journal of the World Archaeological Congress 10(1):
27-69.
Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology fo Bruce Trigger - A History of Archaeological cused on the study of cultural variation among humans
and is in contrast to social anthropology which perceives
Thought 2nd. edition (2007)
cultural variation as a subset of the anthropological con Alison Wylie - Thinking From Things: Essays in the stant.
Philosophy of Archaeology, University of California A variety of methods are part of anthropological methodPress, Berkeley CA, 2002
ology, including participant observation (often called
46
47
ones culture may mediate and thus limit ones perceptions in less obvious ways. This understanding of culture
confronts anthropologists with two problems: rst, how
to escape the unconscious bonds of ones own culture,
which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to
the world, and second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture. The principle of cultural relativism thus
forced anthropologists to develop innovative methods and
heuristic strategies.
48
a dierent situation.[11]
Lewis Henry Morgan
Lewis Henry Morgan (18181881), a lawyer from
Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be inuential contributions to the eld of anthropology. Like other scholars
of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that
human societies could be classied into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from
savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as
an indicator of position on this scale.
Inuenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthrothe world was full of distinct cultures, rather than soci- pology, marked a turning point in American anthropoleties whose evolution could be measured by how much or ogy. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians
49
and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton
challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian analysis into anthropological study. In England,
British Social Anthropologys paradigm began to fragment as Max Gluckman and Peter Worsley experimented
with Marxism and authors such as Rodney Needham and
Edmund Leach incorporated Lvi-Strausss structuralism
into their work. Structuralism also inuenced a number
of developments in 1960s and 1970s, including cognitive
anthropology and componential analysis.
In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and opposition to the Vietnam War;[13] Marxism
became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in
the discipline.[14] By the 1970s the authors of volumes
such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropologys relevance.
felt a growing urge to generalize. This was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Inuenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought
to understand the way that individual personalities were
shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which
they grew up.
Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without History, have been central to the discipline. In the 1980s
books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropologys ties to colonial inequality, while
the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio
Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power
and hegemony into the spotlight. Gender and sexuality became popular topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology, inuenced by Marshall
Sahlins (again), who drew on Lvi-Strauss and Fernand
Braudel to examine the relationship between symbolic
meaning, sociocultural structure, and individual agency in
the processes of historical transformation. Jean and John
Comaro produced a whole generation of anthropologists at the University of Chicago that focused on these
themes. Also inuential in these issues were Nietzsche,
Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt School,
Derrida and Lacan.[15]
Many anthropologists reacted against the renewed emphasis on materialism and scientic modelling derived
Main articles: Political Economy in anthropology, Eric from Marx by emphasizing the importance of the concept
Wolf, Marshall Sahlins and Sidney Mintz
of culture. Authors such as David Schneider, Cliord
Geertz, and Marshall Sahlins developed a more eshedIn the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increas- out concept of culture as a web of meaning or signicaingly to model itself after the natural sciences. Some an- tion, which proved very popular within and beyond the
thropologists, such as Lloyd Fallers and Cliord Geertz, discipline. Geertz was to state:
focused on processes of modernization by which newly
independent states could develop. Others, such as Julian
Believing, with Max Weber, that man is
Steward and Leslie White, focused on how societies
an animal suspended in webs of signicance
evolve and t their ecological nichean approach pophe himself has spun, I take culture to be those
ularized by Marvin Harris.
webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not
Economic anthropology as inuenced by Karl Polanyi
50
In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Cliord pondered ethnographic authority, in particular how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were reecting trends in research and discourse initiated by
Feminists in the academy, although they excused themselves from commenting specically on those pioneering critics.[19] Nevertheless, key aspects of feminist theorizing and methods became de rigueur as part of the
'post-modern moment' in anthropology: Ethnographies
became more interpretative and reexive,[20] explicitly
addressing the authors methodology, cultural, gender and
racial positioning, and their inuence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more general trend of
postmodernism that was popular contemporaneously.[21]
Currently anthropologists pay attention to a wide variety
of issues pertaining to the contemporary world, including
globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous
rights, virtual communities, and the anthropology of
industrialized societies.
51
Cross-cultural comparison
One means by which anthropologists combat ethnocentrism is to engage in the process of cross-cultural comparison. It is important to test so-called human universals
against the ethnographic record. Monogamy, for example, is frequently touted as a universal human trait, yet
comparative study shows that it is not. The Human Relations Area Files, Inc. (HRAF) is a research agency based
at Yale University. Since 1949, its mission has been to
encourage and facilitate worldwide comparative studies
of human culture, society, and behavior in the past and
present. The name came from the Institute of Human
Relations, an interdisciplinary program/building at Yale
at the time. The Institute of Human Relations had sponsored HRAFs precursor, the Cross-Cultural Survey (see
George Peter Murdock), as part of an eort to develop an
integrated science of human behavior and culture. The
two eHRAF databases on the Web are expanded and updated annually. eHRAF World Cultures includes materials
on cultures, past and present, and covers nearly 400 cultures. The second database, eHRAF Archaeology, covers major archaeological traditions and many more subtraditions and sites around the world.
Comparison across cultures includies the industrialized
(or de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the more traditional standard cross-cultural sample of small scale societies are:
Multi-sited ethnography
Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology.
Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as
treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These
anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the
distinct ways people in dierent locales experience and
understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from
a local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the
local with an eort to grasp larger political, economic,
and cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities.
Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai, James Cliord, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz,
Michael Taussig, Eric Wolf and Ronald Daus.
In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in dierent forms in Europe and in the United
States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on social structure, that is,
on relationships among social roles (for example, husband
and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for
A growing trend in anthropological research and analexample, religion, economy, and politics).
American cultural anthropologists focused on the ways ysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in
people expressed their view of themselves and their George Marcus article, Ethnography In/Of the World
world, especially in symbolic forms, such as art and System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography.
myths. These two approaches frequently converged and Looking at culture as embedded in macro-constructions
generally complemented one another. For example, of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses trakinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems ditional methodology in various locations both spatially
and as social institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural and temporally. Through this methodology, greater inanthropologists refer to the work of both sets of prede- sight can be gained when examining the impact of worldcessors, and have an equal interest in what people do and systems on local and global communities.
in what people say.
52
terdisciplinary approaches to eldwork, bringing in methods from cultural studies, media studies, science and
technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research tracks a subject across spatial and temporal
boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may
follow a thing, such as a particular commodity, as it is
transported through the networks of global capitalism.
Sociology
Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in
diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that ap- 2.3.5 References
pear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies of individual people or groups as they move through [1] In his earlier work, like many anthropologists of this genspace and time. It may also follow conicts that transcend
eration, Levi-Strauss draws attention to the necessary and
boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is
urgent task of maintaining and extending the empirical
foundations of anthropology in the practice of eldwork.":
Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black
In Christopher Johnson, Claude Levi-Strauss: the formamarket for the trade of human organs. In this research,
tive years, Cambridge University Press, 2003, p.31
she follows organs as they are transferred through various
legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the ru[2] Tylor, Edward. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. Vol 1.
mours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished
New York: J.P. Putnams Sons.
communities about child kidnapping and organ theft.
Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned
their investigative eye on to Western culture. For example, Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in
1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs
in a Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are
ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory researchers, Wall Street investors, law rms, or
information technology (IT) computer employees.[23]
2.3.4
Community studies
[7] Campbell, D.T. (1983) The two distinct routes beyond kin
selection to ultrasociality: Implications for the Humanities and Social Sciences. In: The Nature of Prosocial Development: Theories and Strategies D. Bridgeman (ed.),
pp. 11-39, Academic Press, New York
Communitas
Cross-cultural studies
[9] Franz Boas 1887 Museums of Ethnology and their classication Science 9: 589
See also
Age-area hypothesis
Cross-cultural psychology
Cultural psychology
Cyber anthropology
Dual inheritance theory
Engaged theory
Ethnobotany
Ethnography
Ethnomusicology
Ethnozoology
Human behavioral ecology
Human Relations Area Files
Hunter-gatherers
[10] http://www.utpa.edu/faculty/mglazer/theory/cultural_
relativism.htm
[11] Heyer, Virginia 1948 In Reply to Elgin Williams in
American Anthropologist 50(1) 163-166
[12] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution:
Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free
Press.
[13] Fanon, Frantz. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth, transl.
Constance Farrington. New York, Grove Weidenfeld.
[14] Nugent, Stephen Some reections on anthropological
structural Marxism The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 13, Number 2, June 2007, pp.
419-431(13)
[15] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences American Anthropologist
100:" 716-731
53
[21] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-50
[22] DeWalt, K. M., DeWalt, B. R., & Wayland, C. B. (1998).
Participant observation. In H. R. Bernard (Ed.), Handbook of methods in cultural anthropology. Pp: 259-299.
Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
[23] Dissertation Abstract
2.3.6
External links
Template:Wikibooks-inlineCultural Anthropology
Human Relations Area Files
A Basic Guide to Cross-Cultural Research
Webpage History of German
ogy/Ethnology 1945/49-1990
Anthropol-
2.4.1 Description
Cultural history overlaps in its approaches with the
French movements of histoire des mentalits (Philippe
Poirrier, 2004) and the so-called new history, and in the
U.S. it is closely associated with the eld of American
studies. As originally conceived and practiced by 19th
Century Swiss historian Jakob Burckhardt with regard to
the Italian Renaissance, cultural history was oriented to
the study of a particular historical period in its entirety,
with regard not only for its painting, sculpture and architecture, but for the economic basis underpinning society,
and the social institutions of its daily life as well.[1]
Most often the focus is on phenomena shared by nonelite groups in a society, such as: carnival, festival, and
public rituals; performance traditions of tale, epic, and
other verbal forms; cultural evolutions in human relations (ideas, sciences, arts, techniques); and cultural expressions of social movements such as nationalism. Also
examines main historical concepts as power, ideology,
class, culture, cultural identity, attitude, race, perception
and new historical methods as narration of body. Many
studies consider adaptations of traditional culture to mass
media (television, radio, newspapers, magazines, posters,
etc.), from print to lm and, now, to the Internet (culture
of capitalism). Its modern approaches come from art history, Annales, Marxist school, microhistory and new cultural history.
The Moving Anthropology Student Networkwebsite - The site oers tutorials, information
on the subject, discussion-forums and a large
link-collection for all interested scholars of cultural
Common theoretical touchstones for recent cultural hisanthropology
tory have included: Jrgen Habermas's formulation of
Hungarian military forces in Africa past and fu- the public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the
ture. Recovering lost knowledge, exploiting cultural Bourgeois Public Sphere; Cliord Geertz's notion of 'thick
anthropology resources, creating a comprehensive description' (expounded in, for example, The Interpretation of Cultures); and the idea of memory as a culturalsystem of training and preparation
54
Ethnohistory
2.4.2
Cultural studies
2.5. DIASPORA
55
Poster, M. (1997). Cultural history and postmodernity: disciplinary readings and challenges. New
York: Columbia University Press.
Ritter, H. (1986). Dictionary of concepts in history.
Reference sources for the social sciences and humanities, no. 3. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press.
Salmi, H. (2011). Cultural History, the Possible,
and the Principle of Plenitude. History and Theory
50 (May 2011), 171-187.
Schlereth, T. J. (1990). Cultural history and material culture: everyday life, landscapes, museums.
American material culture and folklife. Ann Arbor,
Mich: UMI Research Press.
Spang, Rebecca. (2008). Paradigms and Paranoia:
how modern is the French Revolution]?" American
Historical Review, in JSTOR
2.4.6
External links
Emigrants Leave Ireland depicting the emigration to America following the Great Famine in Ireland.
2.5 Diaspora
For other uses, see Diaspora (disambiguation).
A diaspora (from Greek , scattering,
dispersion)[1] is a scattered population with a common
origin in a smaller geographic locale. Diaspora can also
refer to the movement of the population from its original homeland.[2][3] Diaspora has come to refer particularly to historical mass dispersions of an involuntary nature, such as the expulsion of Jews from Judea, the eeing of Greeks after the fall of Constantinople, the African
Trans-Atlantic slave trade, the southern Chinese or Hindus of South Asia during the coolie trade, the deportation
of Palestinians in the 20th century,[3][4] and the exile and
deportation of Circassians.
The term is derived from the Greek verb (diaspeir), I scatter, I spread about[1] and that form
(dia), between, through, across[1] + the verb
(speir), I sow, I scatter.[1] In Ancient Greece the term
(diaspora) hence meant scattering[1] and
was inter alia used to refer to citizens of a dominant citystate who emigrated to a conquered land with the purpose of colonization, to assimilate the territory into the
empire.[5] An example of a diaspora from classical antiquity is the century-long exile of the Messenians under
Spartan rule.
Its use began to develop from this original sense when
the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek;[6] the rst
mention of a diaspora created as a result of exile is found
in the Septuagint,[1] rst in
Deuteronomy 28:25, in the phrase , es en
diaspora en pasais tais basileiais ts gs, translated to
mean thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of
the earth
Recently, scholars have distinguished between dierent kinds of diaspora, based on its causes such as
imperialism, trade or labor migrations, or by the kind
of social coherence within the diaspora community and
its ties to the ancestral lands. Some diaspora communities maintain strong political ties with their homeland. and secondly in
Other qualities that may be typical of many diasporas are
Psalms 146(147).2, in the phrase thoughts of return, relationships with other communities
K in the diaspora, and lack of full integration into the host
, oikodomn Ierousalm ho Kyrios
country.[3]
56
2.5. DIASPORA
57
58
2.5.3
African diaspora
2.5.4
Asian diaspora
Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora)[30] rst occurred thousands of years ago. The
mass emigration that occurred from the 19th century
to 1949 was caused mainly by wars and starvation in
mainland China, as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and
coolies (Chinese:
, literally hard labor), who immigrated to developing countries in need of labor, such as
the Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia,
Malaya and other places.
The largest Asian diaspora outside of Southeast Asia is
the Indian diaspora. The overseas Indian community, estimated at over 25 million, is spread across many regions
in the world, on every continent. It constitutes a diverse,
heterogeneous and eclectic global community representing dierent regions, languages, cultures, and faiths (see
Desi).
The Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest concentrated populations in Europe. Linguistic and genetic
evidence indicates the Romanies originated on the Indian
subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest no earlier than the 11th century.[31]
At least three waves of Nepalese diaspora can be identied. The earliest wave dates back to hundreds of years
as early marriage and high birthrates propelled Hindu
settlement eastward across Nepal, then into Sikkim and
Bhutan. A backlash developed in the 1980s as Bhutans
political elites realized that Bhutanese Buddhists were at
risk of becoming a minority in their own country. At
least 60,000 ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan have been resettled in the United States.[32] A second wave was driven
by British recruitment of mercenary soldiers beginning
around 1815 and resettlement after retirement in the
British Isles and southeast Asia. The third wave began
in the 1970s as land shortages intensied and the pool of
educated labor greatly exceeded job openings in Nepal.
Job-related emigration created Nepalese enclaves in India, the wealthier countries of the Middle East, Europe
and North America. Current estimates of the number of
Nepalese living outside Nepal range well up into the millions.
In Siam, regional power struggles among several kingdoms in the region led to a large diaspora of ethnic Lao
between the 1700s-1800s by Siamese rulers to settle large
areas of the Siamese kingdoms northeast region, where
Lao ethnicity is still a major factor in 2012. During this
period, Siam decimated the Lao capital, capturing, torturing and killing the Lao king Anuwongse.
From the 1860s, Circassians were dispersed through the
Levant, Europe, North America, Australia, and within
historical Circassia in the North Caucasus currently in
Russia.
Further information: Circassian diaspora
2.5. DIASPORA
2.5.5
Internal diasporas
In the US, approximately 4.3 million people moved outside their home states in 2010, according to IRS tax
exemption data.[33] In a 2011 TEDx presentation, Detroit native Garlin Gilchrist referenced the formation of
distinct Detroit diaspora communities in Seattle and
Washington, D.C.,[34] while layos in the auto industry
also led to substantial blue-collar migration from Michigan to Wyoming in the mid 2000s.[35] In response to a
statewide exodus of talent, the State of Michigan continues to host MichAGAIN career recruiting events in
places throughout the US with signicant Michigan diaspora populations.[36]
In Mainland China, millions of migrant workers have
sought greater opportunity in the countrys booming
coastal metropolises, though this trend has slowed with
the further development of Chinas interior.[37] Migrant
social structures in these Chinese mega-cities are often
based on place of origin, such as a shared hometown or
province, and it is common for recruiters and foremen to
select entire work crews from the same village.[38] In two
separate June 2011 incidents, Sichuanese migrant workers organized violent protests against alleged police misconduct and migrant labor abuse near the southern manufacturing hub of Guangzhou.[39]
2.5.6
20th century
59
cluding western Europe, and with tens of thousands seeking refuge in the United States.
Spain sent many political activists into exile during
Franco's military regime from 1936 to his death in 1975.
Following World War II, the creation of the state of
Israel, and a series of uprisings against colonialist rule,
the Middle East nations became more hostile in relation to their historic Jewish populations, sepharadim and
mizrahiml, of nearly 1 million people. Most of them emigrated, with the majority resettling in Israel.
At the same time, the Palestinian diaspora resulted from
Israels creation in 1948, in which 750,000 people were
expelled or ed from their homes. The diaspora was enlarged by the eects of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Many
Palestinians continue to live in refugee camps maintained
by Middle Eastern nations, but others have resettled in the
Middle East and other countries.
The 1947 Partition resulted in the migration of millions
of people between India and Pakistan. Millions were
murdered in the religious violence of the period, with estimates of fatalities up to 2 million people. Thousands of
former subjects of the British Raj went to the UK from
the Indian subcontinent after India and Pakistan became
independent in 1947.
From the late 19th century, and formally from 1910,
Japan made Korea a colony. Millions of Chinese ed to
western provinces not occupied by Japan (that is, in particular Ssuchuan/Szechwan and Yunnan in the Southwest
and Shensi and Kansu in the Northwest) and to Southeast Asia. More than 100,000 Koreans moved across the
Amur River into Eastern Russia (then the Soviet Union)
away from the Japanese.
After World War II, the Soviet Union and Communistcontrolled Poland, Hungary and Yugoslavia expelled millions of ethnic Germans, most of whom were descendants
of immigrants who had settled in those areas nearly two
centuries before. This was allegedly in retaliation for the
German Nazi invasion and their pan-German attempts at In Southwest China, many Tibetan people emigrated to
annexation. Most of the refugees moved to the West, in- India, following the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959 after the
60
failure of his Tibetan uprising. This wave lasted until
the 1960s, and another wave followed when Tibet was
opened up to trade and tourism in the 1980s. It is estimated that about 200,000 Tibetans live now dispersed
worldwide, half of whom in are India, Nepal and Bhutan.
In lieu of lost citizenship papers, the Central Tibetan Administration oers Green Book identity documents to Tibetan refugees.
Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to nd
work, notably during the British colonial period. Since
the beginning of the civil war in 1983, more than 800,000
Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka as local diaspora, and over a half million Tamils living as the Tamil
diaspora in destinations such as India, Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, the UK and Europe.
The Afghan diaspora resulted from the 1979 invasion
by the former Soviet Union; both ocial and unocial
records indicate that the war displaced over 6 million people, resulting in the creation of the largest refugee population worldwide today.
Many Iranians ed the 1979 Iranian Revolution which
culminated in the fall of the USA/British-ensconced
Shah.
Ethnic cleansing
Exodus
2.5. DIASPORA
61
Expatriate
Forced migration
Holocaust
Human migration
Immigration
[20] Kennedy, Bruce (31 August 2010). The Economic Impact of the 'Katrina Diaspora'". Daily Finance. Retrieved
23 February 2011.
2.5.11
Notes
[33] Bruner, Jon (16 November 2011). Migration in America. Forbes. Retrieved 30 September 2013.
[34] Gilchrist, Garlin (6 August 2011). From Detroit. To
Detroit. TEDxLansing. TED. Retrieved 30 September
2013.
[35] Silke Carty, Sharon (5 December 2006). Wyoming wins
over Michigan job seekers. USA Today. Retrieved 30
September 2013.
[36] Walsh, Tom (10 April 2011). MichAgain program aims
to return talented people, investments to Michigan. Detroit Free Press. Retrieved 1 October 2013.
62
[43] Sengupta, Kim (16 December 2011). Will Iraqs 1.3 million refugees ever be able to go home?". The Independent
(London).
2.5.12
References
S Mahroum, P De Guchteneire (2007), Transnational Knowledge Through Diaspora NetworksEditorial. International Journal of Multicultural Societies 8 (1), 1-3
Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier, Women, Crime, and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2005
Weinar, Agnieszka (2010). Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and European policy discourses. In Baubck, Rainer; Faist,
Thomas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts,
Theories and Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam
University Press. pp. 7389. ISBN 90-8964-238-2.
63
2.5.13
External links
Livius.org: Diaspora
http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/260518 Open access book on Diasporas
DIASPORAS.SE
Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS)
UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on
Good Practices of Integration of Migrants across the
World
64
Malinowski and Mauss on Kula exchange
Bronislaw Malinowskis path-breaking work, Argonauts
of the Western Pacic (1922), addressed the question,
why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge
expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear
to be worthless trinkets?" (He could have asked this as
well about the Dutch giving trinkets to the aboriginals
of Manhattan Island). Malinowski carefully traced the
network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across
the Trobriand Islands, and established that they were part
of a system of exchange (the Kula ring). He stated
that this exchange system was clearly linked to political
authority.[2]
65
main types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Eco- place has to be preserved as separate from short-term
nomics (1972).[7] Gift or generalized reciprocity is the ex- market relations.[13]
change of goods and services without keeping track of
their exact value, but often with the expectation that their
value will balance out over time. Balanced or Symmet- Charity: the poison of the gift
rical reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone
else, expecting a fair and tangible return - at a specied
amount, time, and place. Market or Negative reciprocity
is the exchange of goods and services whereby each party
intends to prot from the exchange, often at the expense
of the other. Gift economies, or generalized reciprocity,
occur within closely knit kin groups, and the more distant
the exchange partner, the more imbalanced or negative
the exchange becomes.
This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book Gifts and Commodities (1982). Gregory argued that
Commodity exchange is an exchange of
alienable objects between people who are in
a state of reciprocal independence that establishes a quantitative relationship between the
objects exchanged Gift exchange is an exchange of inalienable objects between people
who are in a state of reciprocal dependence
that establishes a qualitative relationship between the transactors" (emphasis added.)[8]
Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as polar opposites. Marilyn
Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea,
dismissed the utility of the opposition in The Gender of
the Gift (1988).[9]
Spheres of Exchange
Main article: Spheres of exchange
The relationship of new market exchange systems to indigenous non-market exchange remained a perplexing
question for anthropologists. Paul Bohannan (see below, under substantivism) argued that the Tiv of Nigeria had three spheres of exchange, and that only certain kinds of goods could be exchanged in each sphere;
each sphere had its own dierent form of money.[10]
Similarly, Cliord Geertz's model of dual economy
in Indonesia,[11] and James C. Scotts model of moral
economy[12] hypothesized dierent exchange spheres
emerging in societies newly integrated into the market;
both hypothesized a continuing culturally ordered traditional exchange sphere resistant to the market. Geertz
used the sphere to explain peasant complacency in the
face of exploitation, and Scott to explain peasant rebellion. This idea was taken up lastly by Jonathan Parry and
Maurice Bloch, who argued in Money and the Morality
of Exchange (1989) that the transactional order through
which long-term social reproduction of the family takes
66
67
to arrogate to themselves a privileged right to model the
economies of their subjects, anthropologists should seek
to understand and interpret local models (1986:38).[19]
Such local models may dier radically from their Western counterparts. For example, the Iban use only hand
knives to harvest rice. Although the use of sickles could
speed up the harvesting process, they believe that this may
cause the spirit of the rice to ee, and their desire to prevent that outcome is greater than their desire to economize the harvesting process.
Gudeman brings post-modern cultural relativism to its
logical conclusion. Generally speaking, however, culturalism can also be seen as an extension of the substantivist view, with a stronger emphasis on cultural constructivism, a more detailed account of local understandings
and metaphors of economic concepts, and a greater focus on socio-cultural dynamics than the latter (cf. Hann,
2000).[20] Culturalists tend to be both less taxonomic and
more culturally relativistic in their descriptions while critically reecting on the power relationship between the
ethnographer (or 'modeller') and the subjects of his or her
research. While substantivists generally focus on institutions as their unit of analysis, culturalists lean towards
detailed and comprehensive analyses of particular local
communities. Both views agree in rejecting the formalist
assumption that all human behaviour can be explained in
terms of rational decision-making and utility maximisation.
Householding
Entrepreneurs in imperfect markets
Inspired by a collection on "Trade and Market in the early
Empires" edited by Karl Polanyi, the substantivists conducted a wide comparative study of market behavior in
traditional societies where such markets were embedded
in kinship, religion and politics. They thus remained focused on the social and cultural processes that shaped
markets, rather than on the individual focused study
68
social ties.[26] In his study of ethnic Chinese business networks in Indonesia, Granovetter found individuals economic agency embedded in networks of strong personal
relations. In processes of clientelization the cultivation of
personal relationships between traders and customers assumes an equal or higher importance than the economic
transactions involved. Economic exchanges are not carried out between strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships.
Granovetter applied the concept of embeddedness to Special purpose monies, in contrast, were frequently remarket societies, demonstrating that even there, ratio- stricted in their use; they might be limited to a specic
nal economic exchanges are inuenced by pre-existing exchange sphere such as the brass rods used by the Tiv
69
ones economic self-interest, and that before money, exchange was fostered through the processes of reciprocity
and redistribution, not barter.[38] Everyday exchange relations in such societies are characterized by generalized
reciprocity, or a non-calculative familial communism
where each takes according to their needs, and gives as
they have.[39]
Other anthropologists have questioned whether barter
is typically between total strangers, a form of barter
known as "silent trade". However, Benjamin Orlove has
shown that barter occurs through silent trade (between
strangers), but also in commercial markets as well. Because barter is a dicult way of conducting trade, it will
occur only where there are strong institutional constraints
on the use of money or where the barter symbolically
denotes a special social relationship and is used in welldened conditions. To sum up, multipurpose money in
markets is like lubrication for machines - necessary for
the most ecient function, but not necessary for the existence of the market itself.[40]
Barter may occur in commercial economies, usually during periods of monetary crisis. During such a crisis, currency may be in short supply, or highly devalued through
hyperination. In such cases, money ceases to be the universal medium of exchange or standard of value. Money
may be in such short supply that it becomes an item of
barter itself rather than the means of exchange. Barter
may also occur when people cannot aord to keep money
(as when hyperination quickly devalues it).[41]
70
71
Actor-Network theory
Michel Callon has spearheaded the movement of applying ANT approaches to study economic life (notably economic markets). This body of work interrogates the interrelation between the economy and economics, highlighting the ways in which economics (and economics-inspired
disciplines such as marketing) shapes the economy (see
Callon, 1998 and 2005).
2.6.6
See also
Charity (practice)
Cultural economics
Dna
Economic sociology
Money
Palace economy
Society for Economic Anthropology
[9] Strathern, Marilyn (1988). The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia.
Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 1437.
[10] Bohannan, Paul (1959).
The Impact of money
on an African subsistence economy.
The Journal of Economic History 19 (4):
491503.
doi:10.1017/S0022050700085946.
[11] Geertz, Cliord (1963). Agricultural involution; the process of ecological change in Indonesia. Berkeley: University of California Press for the Association of Asian Studies.
[12] Scott, James C. (1976). The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia. New
Haven, MA: Yale University Press.
[13] Parry, Jonathan; Maurice Bloch (1989). Money and the
Morality of Exchange. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. pp. 2830.
[14] Parry, Jonathan (1986). The Gift, the Indian Gift and the
'Indian Gift'". Man 21 (3): 467. doi:10.2307/2803096.
[15] Schrauwers, Albert (2000). Colonial Reformation in
the Highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 12969.
[16] Schrauwers, Albert (2011). "'Money bound you
money shall loose you': Gift Giving, Social Capital
and the Meaning of Money in Upper Canada. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2): 130.
doi:10.1017/S0010417511000077.
[17] Parry, Jonathan (1986). The Gift, the Indian Gift
and the 'Indian Gift'".
Man 21 (3): 46367.
doi:10.2307/2803096.
72
[37] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: the rst 5,000 years. New
York: Melville House. pp. 4041.
[38] Graeber, David (2001). Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams. New
York: Palgrave. pp. 1534.
[39] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5,000 Years.
Brooklyn, NY: Melville House. pp. 94102.
[40] Plattner, Stuart (1989). Plattner, Stuart, ed. Economic
Anthropology. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
p. 179.
[41] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). Barter and Economic Disintegration. Man 20 (1): 52. doi:10.2307/2802221.
[42] Taussig, Michael (1977). The genesis of capitalism amongst a South American peasantry: Devils
labor and the baptism of money.
Comparative
Studies in Society and History 19 (2): 130155.
doi:10.1017/S0010417500008586.
[43] Schrauwers, Albert (2011). ""Money bound you money shall loose you": Micro-credit, Social Capital,
and the meaning of money in Upper Canada. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2): 314343.
doi:10.1017/S0010417511000077.
[44] Tsing, Anna L. (2005). Friction: An Ethnography of
Global Connection. Princeton: Princeton University
Press.
[45] Hertz, Ellen (1998). The Trading Crowd: An Ethnography
of the Shanghai Stock Market. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
[46] Ho, Karen (2009). Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall
Street. Durham: Duke University Press.
[47] Graeber, David (2001). Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
[48] Carrier, James (1997). Meanings of the market: the Free
Market in Western Culture. Oxford: Berg.
[49] Carrier, James (1998). Virtualism: A New Political Economy. Oxford: Berg.
[50] Cefkin, Melissa (2009). Ethnography and the Corporate
Encounter. Oxford: Berghahn.
[51] Ong, Aihwa (1987). Spirits of resistance and capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia. Albany, NY: State
University of New York Press.
[52] Brenner, Suzanne (1998). The domestication of desire: women, wealth, and modernity in Java. Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
[35] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). Barter and Economic Disintegration. Man 20 (1): 48. doi:10.2307/2802221.
[53] Freeman, Carla (2000). High tech and high heels in the
gobal economy: women, work, and pink-collar identities
in the Caribbean. Durham NC: Duke University Press.
[36] Graeber, David (2001). Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The False Coin of our Dreams. New York:
Palgrave. p. 154.
2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY
2.6.8
73
2.7 Ethnobiology
Further reading
2.6.9
External links
74
By the turn of the 21st century ethnobiological practices, research, and ndings have had a signicant impact and inuence across a number of elds of biological
inquiry including ecology,[10] conservation biology,[11]
[12]
[13]
This 'rst phase' in the development of ethnobiology as a development studies, and political ecology.
practice has been described as still having an essentially The Society of Ethnobiology advises on its web page:
utilitarian purpose, often focusing on identifying those
'native' plants, animals and technologies of some potenEthnobiology is a rapidly growing eld of
tial use and value within increasingly dominant western
research, gaining professional, student, and
economic systems[4][5]
public interest .. internationally
2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY
Ethnobiology has come out from its place as an ancillary
practice in the shadows of other core pursuits, to arise
as a whole eld of inquiry and research in its own right:
taught within many tertiary institutions and educational
programmes around the world;[4] with its own methods
manuals,[14] its own readers,[15] and its own textbooks[16]
2.7.2
Subjects of inquiry
Usage
75
Cross-cultural ethnobiology
In cross cultural ethnobiology research, two or more communities participate simultaneously. This enables the researcher to compare how a bio-resource is used by different communities.[18]
2.7.3 Subdisciplines
Ethnobotany
Main article: Ethnobotany
Taxonomy
Dierent societies divide the living world up in dierent
ways. Ethnobiologists attempt to record the words used in
particular cultures for living things, from the most specic
terms (analogous to species names in Linnean biology) to
more general terms (such as 'tree' and even more generally
'plant'). They also try to understand the overall structure
or hierarchy of the classication system (if there is one;
there is ongoing debate as to whether there must always
be an implied hierarchy.[17]
Ethnobotany investigates the relationship between human societies and plants: how humans
use plants- as food, technology, medicine, and
in ritual contexts; how they view and understand them; and their symbolic and spiritual
role in a culture.
Ethnozoology
Main article: Ethnozoology
The subeld ethnozoology focuses on the relationship between animals and humans throughout human history. It studies human practices such as hunting, shing and animal husbandry in space and time, and human perspectives about animals such as their place in the
moral and spiritual realms.
Ethnoecology
Societies invest themselves and their world with meaning Main article: Ethnoecology
partly through their answers to questions like how did
the world happen?", how and why did people come to
Ethnoecology refers to an increasingly dombe?", what are proper practices, and why?", and what
inant 'ethnobiological' research paradigm forealities exist beyond or behind our physical experience?"
cused, primarily, on documenting, describing,
Understanding these elements of a societies perspective
and understanding how other peoples perceive,
is important to cultural research in general, and ethnobimanage, and use whole ecosystems.
ologists investigate how a societies view of the natural
world informs and is informed by them.
76
systematics,
Ethnomedicine
population biology,
Ethnomycology
ecology,
Hawaiian Ethnobiology
cultural anthropology,
ethnography,
Historical ecology
pharmacology,
Traditional knowledge
nutrition,
conservation, and
sustainable development.
2.7.5
Ethics
2.7.7 Footnotes
[1] Society of Ethnobiologys What is Ethnobiology webpage Accessed 12 April 2008
[2] Berlin, Brent (1992) Page 4
Through much of the history of ethnobiology, its practitioners were primarily from dominant cultures, and the
benet of their work often accrued to the dominant culture, with little control or benet invested in the indigenous peoples whose practice and knowledge they
recorded.
2.7.6
See also
Anthropology
Biocultural diversity
Cultural landscapes
Darrell A. Posey
Declaration of Belem
Ethnobotany
Ethnoecology
Ethnoentomology
Ethnoichthyology
2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY
2.7.8
References
77
LEVI-STRAUSS, Claude (1966). The savage mind.
Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London.
MARTIN, G.J (1995) Ethnobotany: a methods
manual. Chapman & Hall. London.
MINNIS, P (Ed) (2000) Ethnobotany: a reader.
University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.
BERLIN, Brent (1992) Ethnobiological Classication - Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies. Princeton University
Press, 1992.
PLOTKIN, M.J (1995) The importance of ethnobotany for tropical forest conservation. in R.E.
Schultes & Siri von Reis (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London.
Pages 147-156.
CASTETTER, E.F. (1944) The domain of ethnobiology. The American Naturalist. Volume 78.
Number 774. Pages 158-170.
POSEY, D.A & W. L. Overal (Eds.), 1990) Ethnobiology: Implications and Applications. Proceedings
of the First International Congress of Ethnobiology.
Belm: Museu Paraense Emlio Goeldi.
JOHANNES, R.E (Ed)(1989) Traditional ecological knowledge. IUCN, The World Conservation
Participatory ethnobotanical lab and eld research station
Union. Cambridge
to encourage the involvement of local youth in detailed
LAIRD, S.A. (Ed) (2002) Biodiversity and tradi- nutrition methodological propagation and restoration of
tional knowledge: equitable partnerships in practice. local threatened species. Will provide a unique opportuEarthscan. London.
nity to further its goal of protecting our natural heritage.
78
2.7.9
External links
time. Ethnography is a qualitative design, where the researcher explains about shared learnt patterns of values,
behaviour, beliefs, and language of a culture shared by a
group of people.
Herodotus known as the Father of History had signicant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the
Hellenic realm such as nations in Scythia, which earned
him the title Barbarian lover and may have produced
the rst ethnographic works.
2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
2.8.3
Forms of ethnography
79
is mainly verbal explanations, where statistical analysis and quantication play a subordinate role.
Methodological discussions focus more on questions
about how to report ndings in the eld than on
methods of data collection and interpretation.
Ethnographies focus on describing the culture of a
group in very detailed and complex manner. The
ethnography can be of the entire group or a subpart
of it.
2.8.4
80
Should collect information in the context or setting
where the group works or lives. This is called eldwork. Types of information typically needed in
ethnography are collected by going to the research
site, respecting the daily lives of individuals at the
site and collecting a wide variety of materials. Field
issues of respect, reciprocity, deciding who owns the
data and others are central to ethnography (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
From the many sources collected, the ethnographer
analyzes the data for a description of the culturesharing group, themes that emerge from the group
and an overall interpretation (Wolcott, 1994b). The
researcher begins to compile a detailed description
of the culture-sharing group, by focusing on a single
event, on several activities, or on the group over a
prolonged period of time.
2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
81
is the novel contains a specic image in the perspective
of the interpreting individual and can only be expressed
by the individual in the terms of I can tell you what an
image is by telling you what it feels like.[16] The idea of
an image relies on the imagination and has been seen to
be utilized by children in a very spontaneous and natural manner. Eectively, the idea of the image is a primary tool for ethnographers to collect data. The image
presents the perspective, experiences, and inuences of
an individual as a single entity and in consequence the individual will always contain this image in the group under
study.
Ethnography museum
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical
texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts
of the Western Pacic (1922) by Bronisaw Malinowski,
Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas
Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by
Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. EvansPritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or
"The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value
on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views
of where the culture begins and ends. Using language
or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is
common.[19] Ethnographies are also sometimes called
case studies.[20] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through ethnographic study based on eldwork. An ethnography is a
specic kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The eldwork usually involves spending a year
or more in another society, living with the local people
and learning about their ways of life.
82
Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[21] Jean Briggs Never in
Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor
Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis AkewShavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and
Claude Lvi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of
ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist
camp include Joseph W. Bastiens "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Deans recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[22]
2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in
that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic
and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as
plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[27]
Where Geertzs and Turners interpretive anthropology
recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed
their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists
attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of
the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating
an ethnographic account, thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether
impossible.[28] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe dierent cultures and societies
without denying the subjectivity of those individuals
and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so
without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[29] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative
ethnography,'[30] and 'literary ethnography',[31] Writing
Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[32] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a
central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped
blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic eldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[32][33][34]
Sociology
Sociology is another eld which prominently features
ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School
in particular are associated with ethnographic research,
with some well-known early examples being Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis
by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Major inuences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd
Warner, on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert
Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded such
sociological ethnographies as Shared Fantasy by Gary
Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy
role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and
France.
Jaber F. Gubriums series of organizational ethnographies
focused on the everyday practices of illness, care, and recovery are notable. They include Living and Dying at
Murray Manor, which describes the social worlds of a
nursing home; Describing Care: Image and Practice in
Rehabilitation, which documents the social organization
of patient subjectivity in a physical rehabilitation hospital; Caretakers: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children,
which features the social construction of behavioral disor-
83
ders in children; and Oldtimers and Alzheimers: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, which describes how the
Alzheimers disease movement constructed a new subjectivity of senile dementia and how that is organized in a
geriatric hospital. Another approach to ethnography in
sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography,
developed by Dorothy E. Smith for studying the social
relations which structure peoples everyday lives.
Other notable ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labour, on working class youth; the work of Elijah
Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and Loc Wacquant on
black America, and Lai Olurodes Glimpses of Madrasa
From Africa. But even though many sub-elds and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic
methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.
Communication studies
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. As the purpose of ethnography is to
describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns
of values, behaviors, beliefs and language of a culturesharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that
ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsens analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, workingclass neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the
expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.
Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and
phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing
as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by
which working denitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination of the reality-generating mechanisms
of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in
communication studies seeks to explain how ordinary
methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary
actions used by ordinary people in the accomplishments
of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the why and how come questions of
human communication.[35] Often this type of research results in a case study or eld study such as an analysis of
speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way remen communicate during down time at a re station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[36]
84
Other elds
The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the classroom.
Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas
have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense,
Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase
the success probability of a new product or service or,
more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure
specically due to a lack of understanding of the basic
behaviors and frameworks of consumers.[37] Sociologist
Sam Ladner argues in her book,[38] that understanding
consumers and their desires requires a shift in standpoint, one that only ethnography provides. The results
are products and services that respond to consumers unmet needs.
Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to
understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference
in 2008 was evidence of this. Ethnographers systematic
and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by
product developers, who use the method to understand
unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about
what people really do, ethnography links what people say
to what they doavoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.
2.8.9
Evaluating ethnography
4. Impact: Does this aect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me?
5. Expresses a reality: Does it seem 'true'a credible
account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"
2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
2.8.11
Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and
idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted
in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have
adapted over time, but are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical
dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of
conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not
as ethical as they claim or assume to be and that each
job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know.[42]
85
Conducting Research-When conducting research
Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential
impacts of the research on the people and animals
they study.[48] If the seeking of new knowledge will
negatively impact the people and animals they will
be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[48]
Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students
of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies
and eld work.[49]
Application-When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information,
and relevant parties aected by the work about the
purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work. [50]
Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers, but tries to show that researchers often make
idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inher Dissemination of Results-When disseminating reently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine
sults of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an
also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and
ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of
self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that ilboth their research and the communication or dislusions are essential to maintain an occupational reputasemination of the results of their research on all dition and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He
rectly or indirectly involved. [51] Research results
claims, Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying,
of ethnographies should not be withheld from parwe reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold.[43]
ticipants in the research if that research is being obBased on these assertions, Fine establishes three concepserved by other people.[50]
tual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can
be situated: Classic Virtues, Technical Skills, and
Classic virtues
Ethnographic Self.
Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon
Chagnon conducted his ethnographic eldwork with the
Yanomani people of South America.
86
2. Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientic perceptions of reality.
3. Link the groups symbols and their meanings with
the social relationships.
4. Record all behaviour.
5. Methodology should highlight phases of process,
change, and stability.
6. The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
7. Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.
The Unobtrusive Ethnographer As a partici- 2.8.12 Examples of studies that can use an
ethnographic approach
pant in the scene, the researcher will always have
an eect on the communication that occurs within
To study the behaviour of workers at a store in a mall
the research site. The degree to which one is an
- when the manager is present, and when he is not.
active member aects the extent to which sym[53]
pathetic understanding is possible.
To observe the kind of punishments children are
given for not completing their homework at a particular school.
Ethnographic self
The following are commonly misconceived conceptions
of ethnographers:
The Candid Ethnographer Where the researcher
personally situates within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported was observed by the researcher.
2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
Kristen R. Ghodsee (born 1970)
Zuzana Beukov (born 1960)
Zalpa Bersanova
Jaber F. Gubrium
Katrina Karkazis
Diamond Jenness
Ruth Landes
Edmund Leach
Jos Leite de Vasconcelos
Claude Lvi-Strauss
Bronisaw Malinowski
David Maybury-Lewis
Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay
Nikolai Nadezhdin
Lubor Niederle
Dositej Obradovi
Alexey Okladnikov
Richard Price
August Ludwig von Schlzer
87
2.8.14 References
[1] Technical denition of ethnography, American Ethnography
[2] Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture.
[3] In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp. 330). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers
[4] Philipsen, G. (1992). Speaking Culturally: Explorations in
Social Communication. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press
[5] Ethnology at dictionary.com.
[6] , (1978). (in Russian). .
[7] Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember, Cultural Anthropology
(Prentice Hall, 2006), chapter one.
[8] Heider, Karl. Seeing Anthropology. 2001. Prentice Hall,
Chapters One and Two.
[9] Vermeulen, Hans (2008). Early History of Ethnograph
and Ethnolog in the German Enlightenment: Anthropological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1710-1808. Leiden:
Privately published.
[10] [Brewer, John D. (2000). Ethnography. Philadelphia:
Open University Press. p.10.]
Lila Abu-Lughod
[11]
Barrie Thorne
[12] [Nightingale, David & Cromby, John. Social Constructionist Psychology: A Critical Analysis of Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.228.]
Sudhir Venkatesh
Susan Visvanathan
Paul Willis
2.8.13
See also
Area studies
Critical ethnography
Ethnography of communication
Ethnology
Ethnosemiotics
Realist ethnography
Online ethnography: a form of ethnography that involves conducting ethnographic studies on the Internet
Participant observation
Ethnoarchaeology
Video ethnography
Living lab
[13] G. David Garson (2008). Ethnographic Research: Statnotes, from North Carolina State University, Public Administration Program. Faculty.chass.ncsu.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-27.
[14] Genzuk, Michael, PH.D., A Synthesis of Ethnographic,
Center for Multilingual, Multicultural Research, University of Southern California
[15] S. Ybema, D. Yanow, H. Wels, & F. Kamsteeg (2010).
Ethnography. In A. Mills, G. Durepos, & E. Wiebe
(Eds.), Encyclopedia of Case Study Research. (pp. 348352). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.
[16] Barry, Lynda. Lynda Barry: The answer is in the picture. YouTube. INKtalks. Retrieved 5 May 2015.
[17] Schatz, Edward, ed. Political Ethnography: What Immersion Contributes to the Study of Power. University Of
Chicago Press. 2009.
[18] Balsiger, P., Lambelet, A., Participant Observation. In
D. Della Porta (Ed.), Methodological Practices in Social
Movement Research (pp. 144-172). Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2014
[19] Naroll, Raoul. Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthropology.
88
[35] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication Research: Strategies and Sources. Belmont,
California: Thomson Wadworth. pp. 229.
2.9. ETHNOLOGY
89
Gubrium, Jaber F. (1988). Analyzing Field Reality. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
2.8.16
External links
90
2.9.1
Scientic discipline
Balkans.[5]
Claude Lvi-Strauss
Among the goals of ethnology have been the reconstruction of human history, and the formulation of cultural
invariants, such as the incest taboo and culture change,
and the formulation of generalizations about "human
nature", a concept which has been criticized since the
19th century by various philosophers (Hegel, Marx,
structuralism, etc.). In some parts of the world ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical doctrine, with cultural anthropology
becoming dominant especially in the United States, and
social anthropology in Great Britain. The distinction between the three terms is increasingly blurry. Ethnology
has been considered an academic eld since the late 18th
century especially in Europe and is sometimes conceived
of as any comparative study of human groups.
The 15th-century exploration of America by European
explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of the Occidental, such as, the notion of the "Other".
This term was used in conjunction with savages, which
was either seen as a brutal barbarian, or alternatively,
as "noble savage". Thus, civilization was opposed in a
dualist manner to barbary, a classic opposition constitutive of the even more commonly shared ethnocentrism.
The progress of ethnology, for example with Claude
Lvi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a linear progress, or the pseudoopposition between societies with histories and societies without histories, judged too dependent on a
limited view of history as constituted by accumulative
growth.
2.10. HUMAN
91
Deleuze.
The French school of ethnology was particularly signicant for the development of the discipline since the early
1950s with Paul Rivet, Marcel Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Claude Lvi-Strauss and Jean Rouch.
2.9.2
See also
2.9.4
References
Oxford University
[3] Zmago mitek and Boidar Jezernik, The anthropological tradition in Slovenia. In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldn, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
[4] Kollr, Adam Frantiek Historiae jurisque publici regni
Ungariae amoenitates, I-II. Vienna., 1783
[5] Gheorghi Gean, Discovering the whole of humankind:
the genesis of anthropology through the Hegelian lookingglass. In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldn,
eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of
European Anthropology. 1995.
2.9.5
Anthropol-
Scholars
2.9.3
Bibliography
"Ethnology".
2.10 Human
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. The Elementary Structures of This article is about humans as a species. For other
uses, see Human (disambiguation), Humanity (virtue),
Kinship, (1949), Structural Anthropology (1958)
Human nature, or Human condition.
Mauss, Marcel. originally published as Essai sur le
don. Forme et raison de l'change dans les socits
archaques in 1925, this classic text on gift economy Modern humans (Homo sapiens, primarily ssp. Homo
appears in the English edition as The Gift: The Form sapiens sapiens) are the only extant members of the
hominin clade (or human clade), a branch of the great
and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies.
apes; they are characterized by erect posture and bipedal
Maybury-Lewis, David. Akwe-Shavante society locomotion, manual dexterity and increased tool use, and
(1967), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples a general trend toward larger, more complex brains and
societies.[3][4]
in Latin American States (2003).
Early homininsparticularly the australopithecines,
whose brains and anatomy are in many ways more simi Pop, Mihai and Glauco Sanga. Problemi generali lar to ancestral non-human apesare less often referred
dell'etnologia europea, La Ricerca Folklorica, No. to as human than hominins of the genus Homo.[5]
1, La cultura popolare. Questioni teoriche (April Some of the latter used re, occupied much of Eurasia,
and gave rise to [6][7] anatomically modern Homo sapiens
1980), pp. 8996.
Clastres, Pierre. Society Against the State (1974).
92
2.10.1
2.10.2 History
Evolution and range
Main article: Human evolution
Further information: Anthropology, Homo (genus) and
Timeline of human evolution
The genus Homo evolved and diverged from other
hominins in Africa, after the human clade split from
the chimpanzee lineage of the hominids (great apes)
branch of the primates. Modern humans, dened as
the species Homo sapiens or specically to the single
extant subspecies Homo sapiens sapiens, proceeded to
colonize all the continents and larger islands, arriving
in Eurasia 125,00060,000 years ago,[17][18] Australia
around 40,000 years ago, the Americas around 15,000
years ago, and remote islands such as Hawaii, Easter Island, Madagascar, and New Zealand between the years
300 and 1280.[19][20]
2.10. HUMAN
Evidence
93
from
molecular
94
Bipedalism is the basic adaption of the hominin line,
and it is considered the main cause behind a suite
of skeletal changes shared by all bipedal hominins.
The earliest bipedal hominin is considered to be either
Sahelanthropus[34] or Orrorin, with Ardipithecus, a full
bipedal, coming somewhat later. The knuckle walkers,
the gorilla and chimpanzee, diverged around the same
time, and either Sahelanthropus or Orrorin may be humans last shared ancestor with those animals. The early
bipedals eventually evolved into the australopithecines
and later the genus Homo. There are several theories of
the adaptational value of bipedalism. It is possible that
bipedalism was favored because it freed up the hands for
reaching and carrying food, because it saved energy during locomotion, because it enabled long distance running
and hunting, or as a strategy for avoiding hyperthermia
by reducing the surface exposed to direct sun.
The human species developed a much larger brain than
that of other primates typically 1,330 cc in modern
humans, over twice the size of that of a chimpanzee or
gorilla.[35] The pattern of encephalization started with
Homo habilis which at approximately 600 cc had a brain
slightly larger than chimpanzees, and continued with
Homo erectus (8001100 cc), and reached a maximum in
Neanderthals with an average size of 1200-1900cc, larger
even than Homo sapiens (but less encephalized).[36] The
pattern of human postnatal brain growth diers from that
of other apes (heterochrony), and allows for extended periods of social learning and language acquisition in juvenile humans. However, the dierences between the structure of human brains and those of other apes may be even
more signicant than dierences in size.[37][38][39][40] The
increase in volume over time has aected dierent areas
within the brain unequally the temporal lobes, which
contain centers for language processing have increased
disproportionately, as has the prefrontal cortex which has
been related to complex decision making and moderating social behavior.[35] Encephalization has been tied to
an increasing emphasis on meat in the diet,[41][42] or with
the development of cooking,[43] and it has been proposed
that intelligence increased as a response to an increased
necessity for solving social problems as human society
became more complex.
The reduced degree of sexual dimorphism is primarily
visible in the reduction of the male canine tooth relative
to other ape species (except gibbons). Another important
physiological change related to sexuality in humans was
the evolution of hidden estrus. Humans are the only ape
in which the female is fertile year round, and in which
no special signals of fertility are produced by the body
(such as genital swelling during estrus). Nonetheless humans retain a degree of sexual dimorphism in the distribution of body hair and subcutaneous fat, and in the
overall size, males being around 25% larger than females.
These changes taken together have been interpreted as a
result of an increased emphasis on pair bonding as a possible solution to the requirement for increased parental
2.10. HUMAN
95
The rise of agriculture, and domestication of animals, led to stable human settlements.
The Earth, as seen from space in October 2000, showing the extent of human occupation of the planet. The bright lights signify
both the most densely inhabited areas and ones nancially capable of illuminating those areas.
96
Biology
2.10. HUMAN
97
Although humans appear hairless compared to other primates, with notable hair growth occurring chiey on the
top of the head, underarms and pubic area, the average
human has more hair follicles on his or her body than the
average chimpanzee. The main distinction is that human
hairs are shorter, ner, and less heavily pigmented than
the average chimpanzees, thus making them harder to
see.[82] Humans have about 2 million sweat glands spread
over their entire bodies, many more than chimpanzees,
on
As a consequence of bipedalism, human females have whose sweat glands are scarce and are mainly located
[83]
the
palm
of
the
hand
and
on
the
soles
of
the
feet.
narrower birth canals. The construction of the human
pelvis diers from other primates, as do the toes. A The dental formula of humans is: 2.1.2.32.1.2.3. Hutrade-o for these advantages of the modern human mans have proportionately shorter palates and much
pelvis is that childbirth is more dicult and danger- smaller teeth than other primates. They are the only prious than in most mammals, especially given the larger mates to have short, relatively ush canine teeth. Humans
head size of human babies compared to other primates. have characteristically crowded teeth, with gaps from lost
This means that human babies must turn around as they teeth usually closing up quickly in young individuals. Hupass through the birth canal, which other primates do mans are gradually losing their wisdom teeth, with some
not do, and it makes humans the only species where fe- individuals having them congenitally absent.[84]
males require help from their conspecics to reduce the
risks of birthing. As a partial evolutionary solution, human fetuses are born less developed and more vulnera- Genetics
ble. Chimpanzee babies are cognitively more developed
than human babies until the age of six months, when Main article: Human genetics
the rapid development of human brains surpasses chim- Further information: Human evolutionary genetics
panzees. Another dierence between women and chim- Like all mammals, humans are a diploid eukaryotic
Each somatic cell has two sets of 23
panzee females is that women go through the menopause species.
and become unfertile decades before the end of their chromosomes, each set received from one parent;
lives. All species of non-human apes are capable of giv- gametes have only one set of chromosomes, which is a
ing birth until death. Menopause probably developed as mixture of the two parental sets. Among the 23 pairs of
it has provided an evolutionary advantage (more caring chromosomes there are 22 pairs of autosomes and one
pair of sex chromosomes. Like other mammals, humans
time) to young relatives.[75]
Apart from bipedalism, humans dier from chimpanzees have an XY sex-determination system, so that females
mostly in smelling, hearing, digesting proteins, brain size, have the sex chromosomes XX and males have XY.
and the ability of language. Humans brains are about
three times bigger than in chimpanzees. More importantly, the brain to body ratio is much higher in humans
than in chimpanzees, and humans have a signicantly
98
A graphical representation of the ideal human karyotype, including both the male and female variant of the sex chromosome
(number 23).
2.10. HUMAN
99
100
house, in a rural area along the Sheksna River near the small
town of Kirillov. Early color photograph from Russia, created
by Sergei Mikhailovich Prokudin-Gorskii as part of his work to
document the Russian Empire from 1909 to 1915.
People in warm climates are often relatively slender, tall and dark
skinned, such as these Maasai men from Kenya.
Most current genetic and archaeological evidence supports a recent single origin of modern humans in East
Africa,[122] with rst migrations placed at 60,000 years
ago. Compared to the great apes, human gene sequences
even among African populations are remarkably homogeneous.[123] On average, genetic similarity between
any two humans is 99.9%.[124][125] There is about 23
times more genetic diversity within the wild chimpanzee
population on a single hillside in Gombe, than in the entire human gene pool.[126][127][128][129]
The human bodys ability to adapt to dierent environmental stresses is remarkable, allowing humans to acclimatize to a wide variety of temperatures, humidity, and
altitudes. As a result, humans are a cosmopolitan species
found in almost all regions of the world, including tropical
rainforests, arid desert, extremely cold arctic regions, and
heavily polluted cities. Most other species are conned to
a few geographical areas by their limited adaptability.[130]
2.10. HUMAN
101
102
Current genetic research has demonstrated that humans on the African continent are the most genetically
diverse.[165] There is more human genetic diversity in
Africa than anywhere else on Earth. The genetic structure of Africans was traced to 14 ancestral population
clusters. Human genetic diversity decreases in native
populations with migratory distance from Africa and this
is thought to be the result of bottlenecks during human
migration.[166][167] Humans have lived in Africa for the
longest time, which has allowed accumulation of a higher
diversity of genetic mutations in these populations. Only
part of Africas population migrated out of the continent,
bringing just part of the original African genetic variety
with them. African populations harbor genetic alleles that
are not found in other places of the world. All the common alleles found in populations outside of Africa are
found on the African continent.[129]
Geographical distribution of human variation is complex
and constantly shifts through time which reects complicated human evolutionary history. Most human biological variation is clinally distributed and blends gradually from one area to the next. Groups of people around
the world have dierent frequencies of polymorphic
genes. Furthermore, dierent traits are non-concordant
and each have dierent clinal distribution. Adaptability varies both from person to person and from population to population. The most ecient adaptive responses
are found in geographical populations where the environmental stimuli are the strongest (e.g. Tibetans are highly
adapted to high altitudes). The clinal geographic genetic
variation is further complicated by the migration and
mixing between human populations which has been occurring since prehistoric times.[129][168][169][170][171][172]
Human variation is highly non-concordant: most of the
genes do not cluster together and are not inherited together. Skin and hair color are not correlated to height,
weight, or athletic ability. Human species do not share
the same patterns of variation through geography. Skin
color varies with latitude and certain people are tall or
have brown hair. There is a statistical correlation between particular features in a population, but dierent
features are not expressed or inherited together. Thus,
2.10. HUMAN
103
Humans are generally diurnal. The average sleep requirement is between seven and nine hours per day for an adult
and nine to ten hours per day for a child; elderly people
usually sleep for six to seven hours. Having less sleep
than this is common among humans, even though sleep
deprivation can have negative health eects. A sustained
restriction of adult sleep to four hours per day has been
shown to correlate with changes in physiology and mental
state, including reduced memory, fatigue, aggression, and
2.10.5 Psychology
bodily discomfort.[189] During sleep humans dream. In
dreaming humans experience sensory images and sounds,
Main article: Psychology
in a sequence which the dreamer usually perceives more
Further information: Human brain and Mind
The human brain, the focal point of the central ner- as an apparent participant than as an observer. Dreaming
vous system in humans, controls the peripheral nervous is stimulated by the pons and mostly occurs during the
system. In addition to controlling lower, involuntary, REM phase of sleep.
or primarily autonomic activities such as respiration and
digestion, it is also the locus of higher order functionConsciousness and thought
ing such as thought, reasoning, and abstraction.[188] These
cognitive processes constitute the mind, and, along with
their behavioral consequences, are studied in the eld of Main articles: Consciousness and Cognition
psychology.
Generally regarded as more capable of these higher or- Humans are one of the relatively few species to have sufself-awareness to recognize themselves in a mirder activities, the human brain is believed to be more cient
[190]
Already at 18 months, most human children are
ror.
intelligent in general than that of any other known
aware
that
the mirror image is not another person.[191]
species. While some non-human species are capable
of creating structures and using simple toolsmostly
through instinct and mimicryhuman technology is
vastly more complex, and is constantly evolving and improving through time.
104
The physical aspects of the mind and brain, and by exMain articles: Motivation and Emotion
tension of the nervous system, are studied in the eld of
Motivation is the driving force of desire behind all
neurology, the more behavioral in the eld of psychology, and a sometimes loosely dened area between in the
eld of psychiatry, which treats mental illness and behavioral disorders. Psychology does not necessarily refer to the brain or nervous system, and can be framed
purely in terms of phenomenological or information processing theories of the mind. Increasingly, however, an
understanding of brain functions is being included in psychological theory and practice, particularly in areas such
as articial intelligence, neuropsychology, and cognitive
neuroscience.
The nature of thought is central to psychology and related
elds. Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental
processes underlying behavior. It uses information processing as a framework for understanding the mind. Perception, learning, problem solving, memory, attention,
language and emotion are all well researched areas as
well. Cognitive psychology is associated with a school
of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for an information processing model of mental function, informed by positivism and experimental psychology. Techniques and models from cognitive psychology
are widely applied and form the mainstay of psychological theories in many areas of both research and applied
psychology. Largely focusing on the development of the
human mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive, understand, and act within the world and how these
processes change as they age. This may focus on intellectual, cognitive, neural, social, or moral development.
2.10. HUMAN
105
tures among them hidden ovulation, the evolution of external scrotum and penis suggesting sperm competition,
the absence of an os penis, permanent secondary sexual
characteristics and the forming of pair bonds based on
sexual attraction as a common social structure. Contrary
to other primates that often advertise estrus through visible signs, human females do not have a distinct or visible
signs of ovulation plus they experience sexual desire outside of their fertile periods. These adaptations indicate
that the meaning of sexuality in humans is similar to that
found in the bonobo, and that the complex human sexual
behavior has a long evolutionary history.[193]
Human choices in acting on sexuality are commonly inuenced by cultural norms which vary widely. Restrictions are often determined by religious beliefs or social
customs. The pioneering researcher Sigmund Freud believed that humans are born polymorphously perverse,
which means that any number of objects could be a
source of pleasure. According to Freud humans then
pass through ve stages of psychosexual development and
can xate on any stage because of various traumas during the process. For Alfred Kinsey, another inuential
sex researcher, people can fall anywhere along a continuous scale of sexual orientation, with only small minorities
fully heterosexual or homosexual.[194][195] Recent studies of neurology and genetics suggest people may be born
predisposed to various sexual tendencies.[196][197]
Behavior
106
Gender roles
Main articles: Gender role and Gender
The sexual division of humans into male and female has
been marked culturally by a corresponding division of
roles, norms, practices, dress, behavior, rights, duties,
privileges, status, and power. Cultural dierences by gender have often been believed to have arisen naturally out
of a division of reproductive labor; the biological fact that
women give birth led to their further cultural responsibility for nurturing and caring for children. Gender roles
have varied historically, and challenges to predominant
gender norms have recurred in many societies.
Kinship
Humans often live in family-based social structures.
Language
While many species communicate, language is unique to
humans, a dening feature of humanity, and a cultural
universal. Unlike the limited systems of other animals,
human language is open an innite number of meanings can be produced by combining a limited number
of symbols. Human language also has the capacity of
displacement, using words to represent things and happenings that are not presently or locally occurring, but
reside in the shared imagination of interlocutors.[84] Language diers from other forms of communication in that
it is modality independent; the same meanings can be
conveyed through dierent media, auditively in speech,
visually by sign language or writing, and even through tactile media such as braille. Language is central to the communication between humans, and to the sense of identity
that unites nations, cultures and ethnic groups. The invention of writing systems at least ve thousand years ago
allowed the preservation of language on material objects,
and was a major technological advancement. The science of linguistics describes the structure and function of
language and the relationship between languages. There
2.10. HUMAN
107
Ethnicity
Main article: Ethnic group
Humans often form ethnic groups, such groups tend to be
larger than kinship networks and be organized around a
common identity dened variously in terms of shared ancestry and history, shared cultural norms and language, or
shared biological phenotype. Such ideologies of shared
characteristics are often perpetuated in the form of powerful, compelling narratives that give legitimacy and continuity to the set of shared values. Ethnic groupings often
correspond to some level of political organization such
as the band, tribe, city state or nation. Although ethnic
groups appear and disappear through history, members
of ethnic groups often conceptualize their groups as having histories going back into the deep past. Such ideologies give ethnicity a powerful role in dening social
identity and in constructing solidarity between members
of an ethno-political unit. This unifying property of ethnicity has been closely tied to the rise of the nation state
as the predominant form of political organization in the
19th and 20th century.[201][202][203][204][205][206]
108
have an absolute or comparative advantage in the production of some tradable commodity, or because dierent
regions size allows for the benets of mass production.
Economics is a social science which studies the production, distribution, trade, and consumption of goods
and services. Economics focuses on measurable variables, and is broadly divided into two main branches:
microeconomics, which deals with individual agents,
such as households and businesses, and macroeconomics,
which considers the economy as a whole, in which case
it considers aggregate supply and demand for money,
capital and commodities. Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production, Soldiers in front of the wood of Hougoumont during the reendistribution, trade, and competition. Economic logic is actment of the battle of Waterloo (1815), June 2011, Waterloo,
increasingly applied to any problem that involves choice Belgium.
under scarcity or determining economic value.
sovereignty, territory, resources, religion, or other issues.
A war between internal elements of a state is a civil war.
Among animals, all-out war against fellow members of
Main article: War
the same species occurs only among large societies of huWar is a state of organized armed conict between mans and ants.
War
There have been a wide variety of rapidly advancing tactics throughout the history of war, ranging from
conventional war to asymmetric warfare to total war and
unconventional warfare. Techniques include hand to
hand combat, the use of ranged weapons, naval warfare,
and, more recently, air support. Military intelligence has
often played a key role in determining victory and defeat.
Propaganda, which often includes information, slanted
opinion and disinformation, plays a key role in maintaining unity within a warring group, and/or sowing discord among opponents. In modern warfare, soldiers and
combat vehicles are used to control the land, warships
the sea, and aircraft the sky. These elds have also overlapped in the forms of marines, paratroopers, aircraft carriers, and surface-to-air missiles, among others. Satellites
in low Earth orbit have made outer space a factor in warfare as well as it is used for detailed intelligence gathering, however no known aggressive actions have been
taken from space.
Material culture and technology
The mushroom cloud of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki on August 9, 1945, the nal act of World War II.
2.10. HUMAN
109
His Grace Dr Rowan Williams, Archibishop of Canterbury, visiting Abbaye du Bec in le Bec-Hellouin on the 26th & 27th of
May 2005.
110
Philosophy and self-reection
Main articles: Philosophy and Human self-reection
See also: Human nature
Philosophy is a discipline or eld of study involving
2.10. HUMAN
non-ction. Literature includes such genres as epic, legend, myth, ballad, and folklore.
2.10.7
See also
2.10.8
References
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2.11.2
Importance
Need to belong
According to Maslows hierarchy of needs, humans need
to feel love (sexual/nonsexual) and acceptance from social groups (family, peer groups). In fact, the need to belong is so innately ingrained that it may be strong enough
to overcome physiological and safety needs, such as childrens attachment to abusive parents or staying in abusive
romantic relationships. Such examples illustrate the extent to which the psychobiological drive to belong is entrenched.
Social exchange
Another way to appreciate the importance of relationships is in terms of a reward framework. This perspective suggests that individuals engage in relations that are
rewarding in both tangible and intangible ways. The concept ts into a larger theory of social exchange. This theory is based on the idea that relationships develop as a
result of cost-benet analysis. Individuals seek out rewards in interactions with others and are willing to pay a
cost for said rewards. In the best-case scenario, rewards
will exceed costs, producing a net gain. This can lead
to shopping around or constantly comparing alternatives to maximize the benets (rewards) while minimizing costs.
Relational self
Relationships are also important for their ability to help
individuals develop a sense of self. The relational self
is the part of an individuals self-concept that consists
of the feelings and beliefs that one has regarding oneself that develops based on interactions with others.[3] In
other words, ones emotions and behaviors are shaped by
prior relationships. Thus, relational self theory posits that
prior and existing relationships inuence ones emotions
and behaviors in interactions with new individuals, particularly those individuals that remind him or her of others
in his or her life. Studies have shown that exposure to
someone who resembles a signicant other activates specic self-beliefs, changing how one thinks about oneself
in the moment more so than exposure to someone who
does not resemble ones signicant other.[4]
119
2.11.3 Stages
Interpersonal relationships are dynamic systems that
change continuously during their existence. Like living
organisms, relationships have a beginning, a lifespan, and
an end. They tend to grow and improve gradually, as people get to know each other and become closer emotionally, or they gradually deteriorate as people drift apart,
move on with their lives and form new relationships with
others. One of the most inuential models of relationship development was proposed by psychologist George
Levinger.[5] This model was formulated to describe heterosexual, adult romantic relationships, but it has been
applied to other kinds of interpersonal relations as well.
According to the model, the natural development of a relationship follows ve stages:
1. Acquaintance and acquaintanceship Becoming acquainted depends on previous relationships, physical proximity, rst impressions, and a variety of
other factors. If two people begin to like each other,
continued interactions may lead to the next stage,
but acquaintance can continue indenitely. Another
example is association.
2. Buildup During this stage, people begin to trust
and care about each other. The need for intimacy,
compatibility and such ltering agents as common
background and goals will inuence whether or not
interaction continues.
3. Continuation This stage follows a mutual
commitment to quite a strong and close longterm friendships, romantic relationship, or even
marriage. It is generally a long, relative stable
period. Nevertheless, continued growth and development will occur during this time. Mutual trust is
important for sustaining the relationship.
4. Deterioration Not all relationships deteriorate, but
those that do tend to show signs of trouble. Boredom, resentment, and dissatisfaction may occur, and
individuals may communicate less and avoid selfdisclosure. Loss of trust and betrayals may take
place as the downward spiral continues, eventually
ending the relationship. (Alternately, the participants may nd some way to resolve the problems
and reestablish trust and belief in others.)
5. Termination The nal stage marks the end of the
relationship, either by breakups, death, or by spatial separation for quite some time and severing all
existing ties of either friendship or romantic love.
Friendships may involve some degree of transitivity. In
other words, a person may become a friend of an existing friends friend. However, if two people have a sexual relationship with the same person, they may become
competitors rather than friends. Accordingly, sexual behavior with the sexual partner of a friend may damage
120
the friendship (see love triangle). Sexual activities be- in LDRs are actually more satised with their relationtween two friends tend to alter that relationship, either by ships compared to individuals in PRs (Staord, 2005).
taking it to the next level or by severing it.
This can be explained by unique aspects of the LDRs,
how the individuals use relationship maintenance behavA list of interpersonal skills includes:
iors, and the attachment styles of the individuals in the
relationships. Therefore, the costs and benets of the re Verbal communication What we say and how we lationship are subjective to the individual, and recent resay it.
search implies that people in LDRs tend to report lower
Nonverbal communication What we communicate costs and higher rewards in their relationship compared
to PRs (Staord, 2005).
without words, body language is an example.
Listening skills How we interpret both the verbal
2.11.5
and non-verbal messages sent by others.
2.11.4
Relationship satisfaction
While traditional psychologists specializing in close relationships have focused on relationship dysfunction,
positive psychology argues that relationship health is not
merely the absence of relationship dysfunction.[7] Healthy
relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachment and are maintained with love and purposeful positive relationship behaviors. Additionally, healthy relationships can be made to ourish. Positive psychologists are exploring what makes existing relationships
ourish and what skills can be taught to partners to enhance their existing and future personal relationships. A
social skills approach posits that individuals dier in their
degree of communication skill, which has implications
for their relationships. Relationships in which partners
possess and enact relevant communication skills are more
satisfying and stable than relationships in which partners
lack appropriate communication skills.[8]
Adult attachment and attachment theory Healthy
relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachments. Adult attachment models represent an internal set
of expectations and preferences regarding relationship intimacy that guide behavior.[7] Secure adult attachment,
characterized by low attachment-related avoidance and
anxiety, has numerous benets. Within the context of
safe, secure attachments, people can pursue optimal human functioning and ourishing.[7] This is because social acts that reinforce feelings of attachment also stimulate the release of neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and
endorphin, which alleviate stress and create feelings of
contentment.[9] Attachment theory can also be used as a
means of explaining adult relationships.[10]
121
arousal had dissipated). As supported by a series
of studies, Zillman and colleagues showed that a
preexisting state of arousal can heighten reactions
to aective stimuli.[11] A classic study by Dutton
& Aron (1974) showed that fear arousal from suspension bridges leads to higher attraction ratings by
males of a female confederate.[12]
Initiation There are several catalysts in the initiation of a new relationship. One commonly studied
factor is physical proximity (also known as propinquity). The MIT Westgate studies famously showed
that greater physical proximity between incoming
students in a university residential hall led to greater
relationship initiation. More specically, only 10%
of those living on opposite ends of Westgate West
considered each other friends while more than 40%
of those living in adjacent apartments considered
each other friends.[13] The theory behind this effect is that proximity facilitates chance encounters,
which lead to initiation of new relationships. This
is closely related to the mere exposure eect, which
states that the more an individual is exposed to a
person or object, the more s/he likes it. Another important factor in the initiation of new relationships
is similarity. Put simply, individuals tend to be attracted to and start new relationships with those who
are similar to them. These similarities can include
beliefs, rules, interests, culture, education, etc. Individuals seek relationships with like others because
like others are most likely to validate shared beliefs
and perspectives, thus facilitating interactions that
are positive, rewarding and without conict.
Development Development of interpersonal relationships can be further split into committed versus non-committed romantic relationships, which
have dierent behavioral characteristics. In a study
by Miguel & Buss (2011), men and women were
found to dier in a variety of mate-retention strategies depending on whether their romantic relationships were committed or not. More committed relationships by both genders were characterized by
greater resource display, appearance enhancement,
love and care, and verbal signs of possession. In contrast, less committed relationships by both genders
were characterized by greater jealousy induction. In
terms of gender dierences, men used greater resource display than women, who used more appearance enhancement as a mate-retention strategy than
men.[14]
Sustaining vs. terminating After a relationship
has had time to develop, it enters into a phase where
it will be sustained if it is not otherwise terminated.
Some important qualities of strong, enduring relationships include emotional understanding and effective communication between partners. Research
122
are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence and seniors have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. A focus on mutuality is prevalent in
East Asian cultures to this day.
Minding relationships The mindfulness theory of relationships shows how closeness in relationships may be
enhanced. Minding is the reciprocal knowing process
involving the nonstop, interrelated thoughts, feelings, and
behaviors of persons in a relationship.[20] Five components of minding include:[7]
1. Knowing and being known: seeking to understand
the partner
Culture of appreciation After studying married couples for many years, psychologist John Gottman has
proposed the theory of the magic ratio for successful marriages. The theory says that for a marriage to
be successful, couples must average a ratio of ve positive interactions to one negative interaction. As the ratio moves to 1:1, divorce becomes more likely.[7] Interpersonal interactions associated with negative relationships include criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and
stonewalling. Over time, therapy aims to turn these interpersonal strategies into more positive ones, which include complaint, appreciation, acceptance of responsibility, and self-soothing. Similarly, partners in inter-
123
personal relationships can incorporate positive compo- social interaction. Lastly, the behavior being studied has
nents into dicult subjects in order to avoid emotional to be testable so it can be measured and manipulated, in
disconnection.[23]
order to establish reliability.[27]
In addition, Martin Seligman proposes the concept of
Active-Constructive Responding, which stresses the importance of practicing conscious attentive listening and
feedback skills. In essence, practicing this technique aims
to improve the quality of communication between members of the relationship, and in turn the gratitude expressed between said members.[24]
Capitalizing on positive events People can capitalize on positive events in an interpersonal context to
work toward ourishing relationships. People often turn
to others to share their good news (termed capitalization). Studies show that both the act of telling others
about good events and the response of the person with
whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal consequences, including increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and relationship benets including intimacy, commitment, trust,
liking, closeness, and stability.[25] Studies show that the
act of communicating positive events was associated with
increased positive eect and well-being (beyond the impact of the positive event itself). Other studies have
found that relationships in which partners responded to
good news communication enthusiastically were associated with higher relationship well-being.[26]
Other perspectives
Neurobiology of interpersonal connections
Humans are social creatures, and there is no other behavioral process that is more important than attachment. Attachment requires sensory and cognitive processing that lead to intricate motor responses. As humans, the end goal of attachment is the motivation to
acquire love, which is dierent from other animals who
just seek proximity.[27] There is an emerging body of research across multiple disciplines investigating the neurological basis of attachment and the prosocial emotions
and behaviors that are the prerequisites for healthy adult
relationships.[7] The social environment, mediated by attachment, inuences the maturation of structures in a
childs brain. This might explain how infant attachment
aects adult emotional health. Researchers are currently
investigating the link between positive caregiverchild
relationships and the development of hormone systems,
such as the hypothalamicpituitaryadrenal axis (HPA
axis) and Oxytocinergic system. In order to accurately
study the neurobiology of interpersonal connection, the
behavior must fulll three requirements. The rst is that
the behavior must have a noticeable onset so that researchers are able to examine the formation of the attachment bond or how it is inhibited. Second, the behavior must be selective in order dierentiate it from normal
124
Relationship status
Relationship forming
Socionics
Some researchers criticize positive psychology for [10] Hazan, Cindy; Shaver, Phillip R. (1994). Attachment
as an Organizational Framework for Research on Close
studying positive processes in isolation from negative
Relationships. Psychological Inquiry: an International
[30]
processes.
Positive psychologists argue that positive
Journal for the Advancement of Psychological Theory 5
and negative processes in relationships may be better un(1): 122. doi:10.1207/s15327965pli0501_1.
derstood as functionally independent, not as opposites of
each other.[31]
[11] Cantor, J. R., Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1975). En-
2.11.6
See also
Breadwinner model
Intimate relationship
Interpersonal attraction
Interpersonal tie
Outline of relationships
[14] de Miguel, A., & Buss, D. M. (2011). Mate retention tactics in Spain: Personality, sex dierences, and relationship status. Journal of personality, 79(3), 563-586.
[15] Murray, S. L., Holmes, J. G., & Grin, D. W. (1996).
The benets of positive illusions: Idealization and the construction of satisfaction in close relationships. Journal of
personality and social psychology, 70(1), 79.
[16] Aron, A., Norman, C. C., Aron, E. N., McKenna, C.,
& Heyman, R. E. (2000). Couples shared participation
in novel and arousing activities and experienced relationship quality. Journal of personality and social psychology,
78(2), 273.
[17] Casriel, Daniel (1976). A Scream Away from Happiness.
New York: Grosset & Dunlap. ASIN B003A1JRCI.
[18] Eisenberg, Seth; PAIRS Foundation (2007). PAIRS Essentials. Florida: PAIRS Foundation. p. 72. ISBN
0985427817.
[19] Richey, Je (2011). Confucius. iep.utm.edu. Internet
Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved August 11, 2011.
[20] John H. Harvey, J.H., & Pauwels, B.G. (2009). Relationship Connection: A Redux on the Role of Minding and the
Quality of Feeling Special in the Enhancement of Closeness. [Eds.] Snyder, C.D., & Lopez, S.J. Oxford Handbook of Positive Psychology: Second Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 385392.
125
Holt, P. & Stone, G. (1988). Needs, coping strategies, and coping outcomes associated with longdistance relationships. Journal of college student development, 29, 136-141.
Miller, R. (2012). Attraction In Intimate Relationships (6th ed., pp. 7114). New York: Mc-Graw
Hill.
[23] Gottman, John (1999). The Seven Principles For Making Marriage Work. UK: Hachette. p. 288. ISBN
9781409137139.
[25] Gable, S.L., & Reis, H.T. (2010). Good News! Capitalizing on Positive Events in an Interpersonal Context. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 42, 195257.
[26] Gable, S.L., Reis, H.T., Impett, E.A., Asher, E.R. (2004).
What Do You Do When Things Go Right? The Intrapersonal and Interpersonal Benets of Sharing Positive
Events. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87,
228245.
[27] Insel, Thomas (February 2001). The neurobiology of
attachment. Nature Reviews Neuroscience 2: 129136.
doi:10.1038/35053579.
[28] Strathearn, L. (November 2011). Maternal Neglect:
Oxytocin, Dopamine and the Neurobiology of Attachment. Journal of Neuroendocrinology 23: 10541065.
doi:10.1111/j.1365-2826.2011.02228.x.
Chapter 3
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3.1. TEXT
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ReconditeRodent, Mrm7171, Woodie Palette, Trackteur, Swiggityshiny, Juhaszpatak, KasparBot and Anonymous: 153
Cultural history Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_history?oldid=675605508 Contributors: Edward, Jahsonic, Charles
3.1. TEXT
129
Matthews, Reddi, Jm34harvey, Bloodshedder, Kizor, Goethean, Naufana, Kuralyov, Discospinster, Stbalbach, Viriditas, Maurreen, Lectonar, Headisdead, Joriki, Woohookitty, Brunnock, SCEhardt, BD2412, Daniel Collins, RJP, Ffaarr, YurikBot, RobotE, Sceptre, JarrahTree, Michael Slone, Arjuna909, Bhny, Rjensen, Alarichall, Ragesoss, Jpbowen, Number 57, Wujastyk, Nikkimaria, Closedmouth,
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Tentinator, Dt Mos Ios and Anonymous: 41
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DanKeshet, Ed Poor, Youssefsan, Rgamble, Fubar Obfusco, Roadrunner, Stevertigo, Michael Hardy, Llywrch, Jtdirl, Matthewmayer,
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Ferdoseashraf, Celtic mickey, Borhtofja and Anonymous: 506
Economic anthropology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_anthropology?oldid=668238338 Contributors: Edward, Ihcoyc, Mydogategodshat, Morwen, Topbanana, Tanuki Z, Andycjp, Jfpierce, Jpg, Discospinster, Cretog8, Pearle, John Quiggin, RJFJR,
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Schrauwers, LeeOhRa, Dagglio, Monkbot, Jeblat, KasparBot and Anonymous: 40
Ethnobiology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnobiology?oldid=641986298 Contributors: Edward, Lquilter, JesseW, Alan Liefting, Jokestress, CALR, LindsayH, Kwamikagami, Viriditas, Amorymeltzer, Search4Lancer, Wavelength, Hede2000, Aeusoes1, Mejor Los
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130
718 Bot, Bruceanthro, Addbot, GlennMatthewE, Lightbot, Yobot, Crzer07, SergeWoodzing, John of Reading, WikitanvirBot, Bwadman,
H3llBot, Valtermas, Lyncho Ruiz, Mallan.mallan, OakRunner, Emaregretable and Anonymous: 18
Ethnography Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnography?oldid=675608263 Contributors: Fred Bauder, Ixfd64, Mdebets, Ronz,
Fraise, Hyacinth, JorgeGG, Matt me, Sam Spade, Mirv, Sunray, GerardM, Dina, Ramir, DocWatson42, Wikilibrarian, Transmod, Ich,
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and Anonymous: 334
Ethnology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnology?oldid=674898492 Contributors: Bryan Derksen, Slrubenstein, SimonP, Boud,
Menchi, TakuyaMurata, Glenn, Reddi, Hyacinth, Pavel~enwiki, JorgeGG, Owen, Robbot, Kowey, Steeev, Hadal, DocWatson42, Nadavspi,
Bobblewik, Andycjp, DragonySixtyseven, Lucidish, EugeneZelenko, Rich Farmbrough, ESkog, El C, Bobo192, Kappa, Licon, Jigen
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Mav, Wesley, Bryan Derksen, Robert Merkel, Zundark, The Anome, Tarquin, Taw, Slrubenstein, -- April, Ed Poor, Wayne Hardman, Andre Engels, Youssefsan, Danny, PierreAbbat, Nate Silva, Miguel~enwiki, William Avery, Shii, Hannes Hirzel, Ellmist, Zoe, Azhyd, Heron,
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Conti, JASpencer, Quizkajer, Hawthorn, Ec5618, Eszett, Timwi, Nohat, Andrevan, RickK, Reddi, Ike9898, Tedius Zanarukando, Jay,
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3.1. TEXT
131
Moverton, Discospinster, Solitude, Rich Farmbrough, KillerChihuahua, Supercoop, Clawed, Inkypaws, Wrp103, Vsmith, Jpk, Zappaz,
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3.2 Images
File:AFKollar_1779.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/AFKollar_1779.jpg License: Public domain
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File:Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/12/Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
File:Aerial_photograph_of_Maiden_Castle_from_the_west,_1937.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/
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File:Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels_2.png
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with labels.jpg' src='https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/15/Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_
with_labels.jpg/50px-Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg' width='50' height='53' srcset='https://upload.
wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/15/Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg/75px-Anterior_
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view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg/100px-Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg 2x'
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File:Archeologists_sign_at_Lubbock_Lake_Monument_IMG_1591.JPG
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3.2. IMAGES
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File:Farmer_plowing.jpg Source:
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is/was here. ([#Original_upload_log Original upload log] available below.) Original artist: Ralf Roletschek
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? Original artist: ?
File:Fridtjof_Nansen,_Les_deux_tapes_de_la_faim_(1922).jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/05/
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artukraine.com/famineart/famine10.htm. Original artist: Fridtjof Nansen (18611930)
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File:Indian_family_in_Brazil_posed_in_front_of_hut.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/06/Indian_
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mesmerized_2.jpg License: CC BY 2.5 Contributors: URL: http://www.keysphotography.com/photopages/2007-03-04.php Original
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File:Russian_honor_guard_at_Tomb_of_the_Unknown_Soldier,_Alexander_Garden_welcomes_Michael_G._Mullen_
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