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Anthropology

Contents
1

Main article

1.1

Anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.1.1

Origin and development of the term . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.1.2

Fields . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.1.3

Key topics by eld: sociocultural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.1.4

Key topics by eld: archaeological and biological . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.1.5

Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.1.6

Controversial ethical stances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

10

1.1.7

PostWorld War II developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

1.1.8

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

1.1.9

Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

1.1.10 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

12

1.1.11 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

15

1.1.12 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

16

Supporting articles

17

2.1

History of anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1.1

Etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1.2

The science of history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17

2.1.3

Proto-anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

18

2.1.4

The Enlightenment roots of the discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

20

2.1.5

Overview of the modern discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

20

2.1.6

National Anthropological Traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21

2.1.7

20th-Century Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27

2.1.8

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27

2.1.9

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

27

2.1.10 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

28

2.1.11 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29

Archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29

2.2.1

History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

30

2.2.2

Purpose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

31

2.2.3

Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

32

2.2.4

Academic sub-disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

36

2.2

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CONTENTS

2.3

2.4

2.5

2.6

2.2.5

Popular views of archaeology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

37

2.2.6

Current issues and controversy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

38

2.2.7

Fictional archaeologists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

2.2.8

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

2.2.9

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

41

2.2.10 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

43

2.2.11 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

2.2.12 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

Cultural anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45

2.3.1

Theoretical foundations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

46

2.3.2

Foundational thinkers

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47

2.3.3

Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

50

2.3.4

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

52

2.3.5

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

52

2.3.6

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

Cultural history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

2.4.1

Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

2.4.2

Cultural studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.3

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.4

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.5

Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

54

2.4.6

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55

Diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55

2.5.1

Origins and development of the term . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55

2.5.2

European diasporas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

57

2.5.3

African diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

58

2.5.4

Asian diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

58

2.5.5

Internal diasporas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

59

2.5.6

20th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

59

2.5.7

21st century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.8

Diaspora populations on the Internet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.9

In popular culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.10 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

60

2.5.11 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

61

2.5.12 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

62

2.5.13 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63

Economic anthropology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63

2.6.1

Reciprocity and the gift

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63

2.6.2

Cultural construction of economic systems: the substantivist approach . . . . . . . . . . . .

66

2.6.3

Money and nance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

68

2.6.4

Consumption studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70

CONTENTS

iii

2.6.5

The anthropology of corporate capitalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70

2.6.6

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71

2.6.7

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

71

2.6.8

Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

2.6.9

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

Ethnobiology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

2.7.1

History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

2.7.2

Subjects of inquiry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

2.7.3

Subdisciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

2.7.4

Other disciplines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

75

2.7.5

Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

76

2.7.6

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

76

2.7.7

Footnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

76

2.7.8

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

77

2.7.9

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

Ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

2.8.1

History and meaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

2.8.2

Origins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

78

2.8.3

Forms of ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

2.8.4

Features of ethnographic research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

2.8.5

Procedures for conducting ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79

2.8.6

Ethnography as method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

80

2.8.7

Data collection methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

80

2.8.8

Dierences across disciplines

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81

2.8.9

Evaluating ethnography

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

84

2.8.10 Challenges of ethnography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

84

2.8.11 Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

85

2.8.12 Examples of studies that can use an ethnographic approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

86

2.8.13 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87

2.8.14 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87

2.8.15 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

88

2.8.16 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89

Ethnology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

89

2.9.1

Scientic discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

90

2.9.2

Scholars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.3

See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.4

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.5

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.9.6

External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.10 Human . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

91

2.10.1 Etymology and denition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

92

2.7

2.8

2.9

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CONTENTS
2.10.2 History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

92

2.10.3 Habitat and population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

95

2.10.4 Biology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

96

2.10.5 Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103


2.10.6 Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
2.10.7 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
2.10.8 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
2.10.9 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
2.10.10 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
2.11 Interpersonal relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
2.11.1 Field of study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
2.11.2 Importance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
2.11.3 Stages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
2.11.4 Relationship satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
2.11.5 Flourishing, budding, blooming, blossoming relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
2.11.6 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
2.11.7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
2.11.8 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
3

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

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3.1

Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

3.2

Images . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134

3.3

Content license . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

Chapter 1

Main article
1.1 Anthropology

reason into Anatomy, which considers the body


and the parts, and Psychology, which speaks of
the soul.[n 3]

This article is about Anthropology in the 20th and


21st centuries. For earlier development, see History
of anthropology. For other uses, see Anthropology Sporadic use of the term for some of the subject matter
(disambiguation).
occurred subsequently, such as the use by tienne Serres
in 1838 to describe the natural history, or paleontology,
[1][2][3]
Anthropology is the study of humanity.
Its main of man, based on comparative anatomy, and the creation
subdivisions are social and cultural anthropology,[1][2][3] of a chair in anthropology and ethnography in 1850 at the
which describes the workings of societies around the National Museum of Natural History (France) by Jean
world, linguistic anthropology, which investigates the in- Louis Armand de Quatrefages de Brau. Various shortuence of language in social life, and biological or phys- lived organizations of anthropologists had already been
ical anthropology,[1][2][3] which concerns long-term de- formed. The Socit Ethnologique de Paris, the rst to
velopment of the human organism. Archaeology, which use Ethnology, was formed in 1839. Its members were
studies past human cultures through investigation of phys- primarily anti-slavery activists. When slavery was abolical evidence, is thought of as a branch of anthropology ished in France in 1848 the Socit was abandoned.
in the United States,[4] although in Europe, it is viewed
as a discipline in its own right, or related to other disciplines. Eric R. Wolf states Ideas about race, culture
and peoplehood or ethnicity have long served to orient
anthropologys inquiries ....[5]

1.1.1

Meanwhile, the Ethnological Society of New York, currently the American Ethnological Society, was founded
on its model in 1842, as well as the Ethnological Society of London in 1843, a break-away group of the
Aborigines Protection Society.[9] These anthropologists
of the times were liberal, anti-slavery, and pro-humanrights activists. They maintained international connections.

Origin and development of the term

Anthropology and many other current elds are the intellectual results of the comparative methods developed in
the earlier 19th century. Theorists in such diverse elds
as anatomy, linguistics, and Ethnology, making featureby-feature comparisons of their subject matters, were
beginning to suspect that similarities between animals,
languages, and folkways were the result of processes or
laws unknown to them then.[10] For them, the publication
of Charles Darwins On the Origin of Species was the
epiphany of everything they had begun to suspect. Darwin himself arrived at his conclusions through comparison of species he had seen in agronomy and in the wild.

Main article: History of anthropology


The abstract noun anthropology is rst attested in reference to history.[6][n 1] Its present use rst appeared in
Renaissance Germany in the works of Magnus Hundt and
Otto Casmann.[7] Their New Latin anthropologia derived
from the combining forms of the Greek words nthrpos
(, "human") and lgos (, "study").[6] (Its
adjectival form appeared in the works of Aristotle.)[6] It
began to be used in English, possibly via French anthropologie, by the early 18th century.[6][n 2]

Darwin and Wallace unveiled evolution in the late 1850s.


There was an immediate rush to bring it into the social
sciences. Paul Broca in Paris was in the process of breakIn 1647, the Bartholins, founders of the University of ing away from the Socit de biologie to form the rst
Copenhagen, dened l'anthropologie as follows:[8]
of the explicitly anthropological societies, the Socit
dAnthropologie de Paris, meeting for the rst time in
Anthropology, that is to say the science that
Paris in 1859.[11][n 4] When he read Darwin he became
treats of man, is divided ordinarily and with
an immediate convert to Transformisme, as the French
Through the 19th century

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

called evolutionism.[12] His denition now became the pirical foundation.


study of the human group, considered as a whole, in its During the last three decades of the 19th century a prodetails, and in relation to the rest of nature.[13]
liferation of anthropological societies and associations
Broca, being what today would be called a neurosurgeon, occurred, most independent, most publishing their own
had taken an interest in the pathology of speech. He journals, and all international in membership and assowanted to localize the dierence between man and the ciation. The major theorists belonged to these organizaother animals, which appeared to reside in speech. He tions. They supported the gradual osmosis of anthropoldiscovered the speech center of the human brain, today ogy curricula into the major institutions of higher learncalled Brocas area after him. His interest was mainly ing. By 1898 the American Association for the Advancein Biological anthropology, but a German philosopher ment of Science was able to report that 48 educational
specializing in psychology, Theodor Waitz, took up the institutions in 13 countries had some curriculum in antheme of general and social anthropology in his six- thropology. None of the 75 faculty members were under
volume work, entitled Die Anthropologie der Naturvlker, a department named anthropology.[18]
1859-1864. The title was soon translated as The Anthropology of Primitive Peoples. The last two volumes were
published posthumously.
20th & 21st century
Waitz dened anthropology as the science of the nature of man. By nature he meant matter animated by This meagre statistic expanded in the 20th century to
the Divine breath";[14] i.e., he was an animist. Fol- comprise anthropology departments in the majority of
lowing Brocas lead, Waitz points out that anthropology the worlds higher educational institutions, many thouis a new eld, which would gather material from other sands in number. Anthropology has diversied from a
elds, but would dier from them in the use of compara- few major subdivisions to dozens more. Practical anthrotive anatomy, physiology, and psychology to dierentiate pology, the use of anthropological knowledge and techman from the animals nearest to him. He stresses that nique to solve specic problems, has arrived; for example,
the data of comparison must be empirical, gathered by the presence of buried victims might stimulate the use of
experimentation.[15] The history of civilization as well as a forensic archaeologist to recreate the nal scene. Orgaethnology are to be brought into the comparison. It is nization has reached global level. For example, the World
to be presumed fundamentally that the species, man, is a Council of Anthropological Associations (WCAA), a
unity, and that the same laws of thought are applicable network of national, regional and international associations that aims to promote worldwide communication and
to all men.[16]
cooperation in anthropology, currently contains memWaitz was inuential among the British ethnologists. In
bers from about three dozen nations.[19]
1863 the explorer, Richard Francis Burton and the speech
therapist, James Hunt broke away from the Ethnological Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisaw Malinowski
Society of London to form the Anthropological Society in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, social anthroof London, which henceforward would follow the path pology in Great Britain and cultural anthropology in the
of the new anthropology rather than just ethnology. It US have been distinguished from other social sciences
was the 2nd society dedicated to general anthropology in by its emphasis on cross-cultural comparisons, long-term
existence. Representatives from the French Socit were in-depth examination of context, and the importance it
present, though not Broca. In his keynote address, printed places on participant-observation or experiential immerin the rst volume of its new publication, The Anthropo- sion in the area of research. Cultural anthropology in
logical Review, Hunt stressed the work of Waitz, adopting particular has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and
[20]
his denitions as a standard.[17][n 5] Among the rst asso- the use of ndings to frame cultural critiques. This has
ciates were the young Edward Burnett Tylor, inventor of been particularly prominent in the United States, from
cultural anthropology, and his brother Alfred Tylor, a ge- Boas arguments against 19th-century racial ideology,
ologist. Previously Edward had referred to himself as an through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual liberation, to current criticisms of postethnologist; subsequently, an anthropologist.
colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism.
Similar organizations in other countries followed: The
Ethnography is one of its primary research designs as
American Anthropological Association in 1902, the Anwell as the text that is generated from anthropological
thropological Society of Madrid (1865), the Anthropoeldwork.[21][22][23]
logical Society of Vienna (1870), the Italian Society of
Anthropology and Ethnology (1871), and many others In Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, the
subsequently. The majority of these were evolutionist. British tradition of social anthropology tends to domiOne notable exception was the Berlin Society of Anthro- nate. In the United States, anthropology has traditionally
pology (1869) founded by Rudolph Virchow, known for been divided into the four eld approach developed by
his vituperative attacks on the evolutionists. Not religious Franz Boas in the early 20th century: biological or physihimself, he insisted that Darwins conclusions lacked em- cal anthropology; social, cultural, or sociocultural anthropology; and archaeology; plus anthropological linguistics.

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

These elds frequently overlap, but tend to use dierent central place in cultural and social anthropology. In conmethodologies and techniques.
trast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained
European countries with overseas colonies tended to largely positivist. Due to this dierence in epistemology,
practice more ethnology (a term coined and dened by the four sub-elds of anthropology have lacked cohesion
Adam F. Kollr in 1783). In non-colonial European over the last several decades.
countries, social anthropology is now dened as the study
of social organization in non-state societies. It is someSociocultural
times referred to as sociocultural anthropology in the
parts of the world that were inuenced by the European
Main articles: Cultural anthropology, Social anthropoltradition.[24]
ogy and Sociocultural anthropology

1.1.2

Fields

Further information: American anthropology


Anthropology is a global discipline where humanities,
social, and natural sciences are forced to confront one
another. Anthropology builds upon knowledge from
natural sciences, including the discoveries about the origin and evolution of Homo sapiens, human physical traits,
human behavior, the variations among dierent groups
of humans, how the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens
has inuenced its social organization and culture, and
from social sciences, including the organization of human social and cultural relations, institutions, social conicts, etc.[25][26] Early anthropology originated in Classical Greece and Persia and studied and tried to understand observable cultural diversity.[27][28] As such, anthropology has been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary elds such
as cognitive science,[29] global studies, and various ethnic
studies.
According to Cliord Geertz,
anthropology is perhaps the last of the
great nineteenth-century conglomerate disciplines still for the most part organizationally
intact. Long after natural history, moral philosophy, philology, and political economy have
dissolved into their specialized successors, it
has remained a diuse assemblage of ethnology, human biology, comparative linguistics,
and prehistory, held together mainly by the
vested interests, sunk costs, and administrative
habits of academia, and by a romantic image
of comprehensive scholarship.[30]

Sociocultural anthropology draws together the principle


axes of cultural anthropology and social anthropology.
Cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the
manifold ways in which people make sense of the world
around them, while social anthropology is the study of the
relationships among persons and groups.[32] Cultural anthropology is more related to philosophy, literature and
the arts (how ones culture aects experience for self
and group, contributing to more complete understanding of the peoples knowledge, customs, and institutions),
while social anthropology is more related to sociology and
history.[32] in that it helps develop understanding of social structures, typically of others and other populations
(such as minorities, subgroups, dissidents, etc.). There
is no hard-and-fast distinction between them, and these
categories overlap to a considerable degree.
Inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by
cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other societies in terms of their own cultural symbols and values.[21]
Accepting other cultures in their own terms moderates reductionism in cross-cultural comparison.[33] This project
is often accommodated in the eld of ethnography.
Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and the
product of ethnographic research, i.e. an ethnographic
monograph. As methodology, ethnography is based upon
long-term eldwork within a community or other research site. Participant observation is one of the foundational methods of social and cultural anthropology.[34]
Ethnology involves the systematic comparison of dierent cultures. The process of participant-observation can
be especially helpful to understanding a culture from an
emic (conceptual, vs. etic, or technical) point of view.
The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a
human universal. Sociocultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and conict
resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure, gender relations,
ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth,
symbols, values, etiquette, worldview, sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language
(which is also the object of study in linguistic anthropology).

Sociocultural anthropology has been heavily inuenced


by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as a
shift toward the analysis of modern societies. During the
1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological shift away
from the positivist traditions that had largely informed the
discipline.[31] During this shift, enduring questions about Comparison across cultures is a key element of method in
the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a sociocultural anthropology, including the industrialized

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

(and de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the Standard altered landscapes are evidence of the cultural and mateCross-Cultural Sample (SCCS)[35] of world societies are: rial lives of past societies. Archaeologists examine these
material remains in order to deduce patterns of past huSee also: List of indigenous peoples
man behavior and cultural practices. Ethnoarchaeology is
a type of archaeology that studies the practices and material remains of living human groups in order to gain a
Biological
better understanding of the evidence left behind by past
human groups, who are presumed to have lived in similar
Main article: Biological anthropology
ways.[37]
Biological Anthropology and Physical Anthropology are
Linguistic
Main article: Linguistic anthropology

Forensic anthropologists can help identify skeletonized human remains, such as these found lying in scrub in Western Australia,
c. 19001910.

Linguistic anthropology (also called anthropological linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human
communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in
language across time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship between language and culture. It is the branch of anthropology that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems,
linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes
to the interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists often draw on related elds including sociolinguistics, pragmatics, cognitive linguistics,
semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis.[38]

synonymous terms to describe anthropological research


focused on the study of humans and non-human primates 1.1.3 Key topics by eld: sociocultural
in their biological, evolutionary, and demographic dimensions. It examines the biological and social factors Art, media, music, dance and lm
that have aected the evolution of humans and other primates, and that generate, maintain or change contempo- Art Main article: Anthropology of art
rary genetic and physiological variation.[36]
One of the central problems in the anthropology of
art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural phenomenon. Several anthropologists have noted that the
Western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or 'literaMain article: Archaeology
Archaeology is the study of the human past through its ture', conceived as independent artistic activities, do not
exist, or exist in a signicantly dierent form, in most
non-Western contexts.[39] To surmount this diculty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal features in
objects which, without exclusively being 'artistic', have
certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. Boas Primitive Art,
Claude Lvi-Strauss The Way of the Masks (1982) or
Geertzs 'Art as Cultural System' (1983) are some examples in this trend to transform the anthropology of 'art'
into an anthropology of culturally specic 'aesthetics.
Archaeological

Media Main article: Media anthropology


Media anthropology (also known as anthropology of media or mass media) emphasizes ethnographic studies as a
means of understanding producers, audiences, and other
cultural and social aspects of mass media. The types of
Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park Site, Iowa
ethnographic contexts explored range from contexts of
material remains. Artifacts, faunal remains, and human media production (e.g., ethnographies of newsrooms in

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

5
since the mid-1990s, new media. While the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic lm, visual
anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study
of visual representation, including areas such as performance, museums, art, and the production and reception
of mass media. Visual representations from all cultures,
such as sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave
paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings
and photographs are included in the focus of visual anthropology.

Economic, political economic, applied and development


Economic

Main article: Economic anthropology

Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a sub-eld of anthropology begin with the PolishBritish founder of Anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski,
and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature
of gift-giving exchange (or reciprocity) as an alternative
to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains,
for the most part, focused upon exchange. The school of
thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses on production, in contrast.[42] Economic AnA Punu tribe mask. Gabon Central Africa
thropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they
were relegated to by economists, and have now turned
to examine corporations, banks, and the global nancial
newspapers, journalists in the eld, lm production) to
system from an anthropological perspective.
contexts of media reception, following audiences in their
everyday responses to media. Other types include cyber
anthropology, a relatively new area of internet research,
as well as ethnographies of other areas of research which Political economy Main article: Political economy in
happen to involve media, such as development work, anthropology
social movements, or health education. This is in addition
to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such Political economy in anthropology is the application of
as radio, the press, new media and television have started the theories and methods of Historical Materialism to the
to make their presences felt since the early 1990s.[40][41] traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not
Music

Main article: Ethnomusicology

Ethnomusicology is an academic eld encompassing various approaches to the study of music (broadly dened),
that emphasize its cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts instead of or in
addition to its isolated sound component or any particular
repertoire.
Visual

Main article: Visual anthropology

Visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study


and production of ethnographic photography, lm and,

limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political Economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social structure and culture. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The
rst of these areas was concerned with the pre-capitalist
societies that were subject to evolutionary tribal stereotypes. Sahlins work on Hunter-gatherers as the 'original
auent society' did much to dissipate that image. The
second area was concerned with the vast majority of the
worlds population at the time, the peasantry, many of
whom were involved in complex revolutionary wars such
as in Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism, and the creation of the capitalist world-system.[43]
More recently, these Political Economists have more directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial)
capitalism around the world.

6
Applied

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE


Main article: Applied anthropology

perspectives have sometimes been marginalized and regarded as less valid or important than knowledge from the
western world. Feminist anthropologists have claimed
that their research helps to correct this systematic bias
in mainstream feminist theory. Feminist anthropologists
are centrally concerned with the construction of gender
across societies. Feminist anthropology is inclusive of
birth anthropology as a specialization.

Applied Anthropology refers to the application of the


method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and
solution of practical problems. It is a, complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which produce change or stability in specic cultural systems
through the provision of data, initiation of direct action,
and/or the formulation of policy.[44] More simply, applied anthropology is the practical side of anthropologi- Medical, nutritional, psychological, cognitive and
cal research; it includes researcher involvement and ac- transpersonal
tivism within the participating community. It is closely
related to Development anthropology (distinct from the Medical Main article: Medical anthropology
more critical Anthropology of development).

Medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary eld which


Development Main article: anthropology of develop- studies human health and disease, health care systems,
and biocultural adaptation.[45] Currently, research in
ment
medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in
the eld of anthropology as a whole. It focuses on the
Anthropology of development tends to view development following six basic elds:
from a critical perspective. The kind of issues addressed
and implications for the approach simply involve ponder the development of systems of mediing why, if a key development goal is to alleviate poverty,
cal
knowledge and medical care
is poverty increasing? Why is there such a gap between
the patient-physician relationship
plans and outcomes? Why are those working in development so willing to disregard history and the lessons it
the integration of alternative medical sysmight oer? Why is development so externally driven
tems in culturally diverse environments
rather than having an internal basis? In short why does so
the interaction of social, environmenmuch planned development fail?
tal and biological factors which inuence
health and illness both in the individual
and the community as a whole
Kinship, feminism, gender and sexuality
Kinship

Main article: Kinship

Kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of


social relationships in one or more human cultures, or
it can refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. Over its history, anthropology has developed a
number of related concepts and terms, such as "descent",
"descent groups", "lineages", "anes", "cognates", and
even "ctive kinship". Broadly, kinship patterns may
be considered to include people related both by descent
(ones social relations during development), and also relatives by marriage.

Feminist

Main article: Feminist anthropology

Feminist anthropology is a four eld approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that
seeks to reduce male bias in research ndings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production
of knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western traditions, whose perspectives
and experiences can dier from those of white European
and American feminists. Historically, such 'peripheral'

the critical analysis of interaction between psychiatric services and migrant


populations (critical ethnopsychiatry":
Beneduce 2004, 2007)
the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non-Western settings
Other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suering
(Farmer, 1999, 2003; Beneduce, 2010) as well as other
issues that involve physical and psychological harm and
suering that are not a result of illness. On the other
hand, there are elds that intersect with medical anthropology in terms of research methodology and theoretical
production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural
psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry.
Nutritional

Main article: Nutritional anthropology

Nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals


with the interplay between economic systems, nutritional
status and food security, and how changes in the former
aect the latter. If economic and environmental changes
in a community aect access to food, food security, and

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY
dietary health, then this interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends associated with globalization. Nutritional
status aects overall health status, work performance potential, and the overall potential for economic development (either in terms of human development or traditional western models) for any given group of people.
Psychological
ogy

Main article: Psychological anthropol-

Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subeld of anthropology that studies the interaction of


cultural and mental processes. This subeld tends to focus
on ways in which humans development and enculturation
within a particular cultural groupwith its own history,
language, practices, and conceptual categoriesshape
processes of human cognition, emotion, perception,
motivation, and mental health. It also examines how
the understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and
similar psychological processes inform or constrain our
models of cultural and social processes.[46][47]
Cognitive

Main article: Cognitive anthropology

Cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of


shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission
over time and space using the methods and theories of
the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists,
linguists, musicologists and other specialists engaged in
the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive anthropology is concerned with what people from
dierent groups know and how that implicit knowledge
changes the way people perceive and relate to the world
around them.[48]
Transpersonal
pology

Political anthropology concerns the structure of political


systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of
societies. Political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless societies, a new development started from the 1960s, and
is still unfolding: anthropologists started increasingly to
study more complex social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and markets entered both
ethnographic accounts and analysis of local phenomena.
The turn towards complex societies meant that political themes were taken up at two main levels. First of
all, anthropologists continued to study political organization and political phenomena that lay outside the stateregulated sphere (as in patron-client relations or tribal
political organization). Second of all, anthropologists
slowly started to develop a disciplinary concern with
states and their institutions (and of course on the relationship between formal and informal political institutions).
An anthropology of the state developed, and it is a most
thriving eld today. Geertz' comparative work on Negara, the Balinese state is an early, famous example.
Legal Main article: Legal anthropology
Legal anthropology or anthropology of law specializes in
the cross-cultural study of social ordering.[49] Earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly
on conict management, crime, sanctions, or formal regulation. More recent applications include issues such as
human rights, legal pluralism,[50] and political uprisings.
Public Main article: Public anthropology

Public Anthropology was created by Robert Borofsky, a


professor at Hawaii Pacic University, to demonstrate
the ability of anthropology and anthropologists to eectively address problems beyond the discipline - illuminating larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging
Main article: Transpersonal anthro- broad, public conversations about them with the explicit
goal of fostering social change (Borofsky 2004).

Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As
with transpersonal psychology, the eld is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and
transpersonal experience. However, the eld diers from
mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking more cognizance of cross-cultural issuesfor instance, the roles
of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking and interpreting
extraordinary experiences (Young and Goulet 1994).
Political and legal
Political

Main article: Political anthropology

Nature, science and technology


Cyborg

Main article: Cyborg anthropology

Cyborg anthropology originated as a sub-focus group


within the American Anthropological Association's annual meeting in 1993. The sub-group was very closely related to STS and the Society for the Social Studies of Science.[51] Donna Haraway's 1985 Cyborg Manifesto could
be considered the founding document of cyborg anthropology by rst exploring the philosophical and sociological ramications of the term. Cyborg anthropology studies humankind and its relations with the technological systems it has built, specically modern technological sys-

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

tems that have reexively shaped notions of what it means Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and
to be human beings.
indigenous customs by examining historical records. It
is also the study of the history of various ethnic groups
that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses both
historical and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its
Digital Main article: Digital anthropology
historical methods and materials go beyond the standard
use of documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recogDigital anthropology is the study of the relationship benize the utility of such source material as maps, music,
tween humans and digital-era technology, and extends
paintings, photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exto various areas where anthropology and technology inploration, archaeological materials, museum collections,
tersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural anenduring customs, language, and place names.[60]
thropology, and sometimes considered part of material
culture.
The eld is new, and thus has a variety of names with a variety of emphases. These
include techno-anthropology,[52] digital ethnography, Religion
cyberanthropology,[53] and virtual anthropology.[54]
Main article: Anthropology of religion
Ecological

Main article: Ecological anthropology

Ecological anthropology is dened as the study of


cultural adaptations to environments.[55] The sub-eld is
also dened as, the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical environment".[56]
The focus of its research concerns how cultural beliefs
and practices helped human populations adapt to their environments, and how people used elements of their culture to maintain their ecosystems.[55]

The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social institutions,
and the comparison of religious beliefs and practices
across cultures. Modern anthropology assumes that there
is complete continuity between magical thinking and
religion,[61][n 6] and that every religion is a cultural product, created by the human community that worships it.[62]

Urban
Environmental Main article: Environmental anthro- Main article: Urban anthropology
pology
Environmental anthropology is a sub-specialty within the
eld of anthropology that takes an active role in examining the relationships between humans and their environment across space and time.[57] The contemporary perspective of environmental anthropology, and arguably at
least the backdrop, if not the focus of most of the ethnographies and cultural eldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize this new perspective as more informed with culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues, and more.[58] The focus and data interpretation is often used for arguments for/against or creation
of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the observer has become an active
part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles, documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice
advocate Melissa Checker and her relationship with the
people of Hyde Park.[59]

Urban anthropology is concerned with issues of


urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. Ulf Hannerz
quotes a 1960s remark that traditional anthropologists
were a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by definition. Various social processes in the Western World
as well as in the "Third World" (the latter being the
habitual focus of attention of anthropologists) brought
the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures" closer to
their homes.[63] There are two principle approaches in
urban anthropology: by examining the types of cities or
examining the social issues within the cities. These two
methods are overlapping and dependent of each other.
By dening dierent types of cities, one would use
social factors as well as economic and political factors to
categorize the cities. By directly looking at the dierent
social issues, one would also be studying how they aect
the dynamic of the city.[64]

Historical

1.1.4 Key topics by eld: archaeological


and biological

Main article: Ethnohistory


See also: Historical anthropology

Main articles: Archaeological and Biological anthropology

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

Anthrozoology

setting, most often in criminal cases where the victims


remains are in the advanced stages of decomposition.
Main article: Anthrozoology
A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identication
of deceased individuals whose remains are decomposed,
Anthrozoology (also known as humananimal studies) burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. The adis the study of interaction between living things. It is jective forensic refers to the application of this subeld
a burgeoning interdisciplinary eld that overlaps with of science to a court of law.
a number of other disciplines, including anthropology,
ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and Palaeoanthropology
zoology. A major focus of anthrozoologic research
is the quantifying of the positive eects of human- Main article: Palaeoanthropology
animal relationships on either party and the study of their
interactions.[65] It includes scholars from a diverse range
of elds, including anthropology, sociology, biology, and Paleoanthropology combines the disciplines of
paleontology and physical anthropology. It is the
philosophy.[66][67][n 7]
study of ancient humans, as found in fossil hominid
evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints.
Biocultural
Main article: Biocultural anthropology
Biocultural anthropology is the scientic exploration of
the relationships between human biology and culture.
Physical anthropologists throughout the rst half of the
20th century viewed this relationship from a racial perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological dierences lead to cultural dierences.[68]
After World War II the emphasis began to shift toward an
eort to explore the role culture plays in shaping human
biology.
Evolutionary
Main article: Evolutionary anthropology
Evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study
of the evolution of human physiology and human behaviour and the relation between hominins and nonhominin primates. Evolutionary anthropology is based
in natural science and social science, combining the
human development with socioeconomic factors. Evolutionary anthropology is concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and present.
It is based on a scientic approach, and brings together elds such as archaeology, behavioral ecology,
psychology, primatology, and genetics. It is a dynamic
and interdisciplinary eld, drawing on many lines of evidence to understand the human experience, past and
present.

1.1.5 Organizations
Contemporary anthropology is an established science
with academic departments at most universities and colleges. The single largest organization of Anthropologists
is the American Anthropological Association (AAA),
which was founded in 1903.[69] Membership is made up
of anthropologists from around the globe.[70]
In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in
the eld of anthropology established the European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves
as a major professional organization for anthropologists
working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to increase visibility of
marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global anthropology or world
anthropology.
Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various subelds of anthropology, sometimes divided up by nation
or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology, physics,
zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to professional societies in those disciplines as well.[71]
List of major organizations
Main category: Anthropology organizations
American Anthropological Association

Forensic

American Ethnological Society

Main article: Forensic anthropology

Asociacin de Antroplogos Iberoamericanos en


Red, AIBR

Forensic anthropology is the application of the science


of physical anthropology and human osteology in a legal

Moving Anthropology Student Network


Anthropological Society of London

10
Center for World Indigenous Studies
Ethnological Society of London
Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Network of Concerned Anthropologists

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE


inhumanity to man. To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of these topics,
such as racism and nd thousands of anthropological
references, stretching across all the major and minor subelds.[78][79]
Ethical stance to military involvement

N. N. Miklukho-Maklai Institute of Ethnology and


Anthropologists involvement with the U.S. government,
Anthropology
in particular, has caused bitter controversy within the discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation
Radical Anthropology Group
in World War I, and after the war he published a brief
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and expose and condemnation of the participation of several
Ireland
American archaeologists in espionage in Mexico under
their cover as scientists.
Society for anthropological sciences
But by the 1940s, many of Boas anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war eort against
the Axis (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial
USC Center for Visual Anthropology
Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while others worked in intelligence (for example, Oce of Strate1.1.6 Controversial ethical stances
gic Services and the Oce of War Information). At the
same time, David H. Prices work on American anthroAnthropologists, like other researchers (especially his- pology during the Cold War provides detailed accounts of
torians and scientists engaged in eld research), have the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from
over time assisted state policies and projects, especially their jobs for communist sympathies.
colonialism.[72][73]
Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with
Some commentators have contended:
the CIA and government intelligence activities during
the Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly lit That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps tle (although anthropologist Hugo Nutini was active in the
[80]
was in league with it, and derived some of its key no- stillborn Project Camelot). Many anthropologists (stutions from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, dents and teachers) were active in the antiwar movement.
Gough, Pels and Salemink, but cf. Lewis 2004).[74] Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed overwhelmingly at the annual meetings
That ethnographic work was often ahistorical, writ- of the American Anthropological Association (AAA).
ing about people as if they were out of time in an
ethnographic present (Johannes Fabian, Time and Professional anthropological bodies often object to the
use of anthropology for the benet of the state. Their
Its Other).
codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briengs. The Association of
Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth
Ethics of cultural relativism
(ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically dangerous.
As part of their quest for scientic objectivity, The AAAs current 'Statement of Professional Responsipresent-day anthropologists typically urge cultural bility' clearly states that in relation with their own govrelativism, which has an inuence on all the sub-elds of ernment and with host governments ... no secret research,
anthropology.[21] This is the notion that cultures should no secret reports or debriengs of any kind should be
not be judged by anothers values or viewpoints, but be agreed to or given.
examined dispassionately on their own terms. There Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are
should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one working with the US military as part of the US Armys
culture being better or worse than another culture.[75]
strategy in Afghanistan.[81] The Christian Science Moni Society for Applied Anthropology

Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism,
mutilation (including circumcision and subincision), and
torture.
Topics like racism, slavery, and human
sacrice attract anthropological attention and theories
ranging from nutritional deciencies[76] to genes[77] to
acculturation have been proposed, not to mention theories
of colonialism and many others as root causes of Mans

tor reports that Counterinsurgency eorts focus on better grasping and meeting local needs in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS) program; in addition, HTS teams are working with the US military in
Iraq.[82] In 2009, the American Anthropological Associations Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and Intelligence Communities
released its nal report concluding, in part, that, When

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

11

ethnographic investigation is determined by military missions, not subject to external review, where data collection occurs in the context of war, integrated into the goals
of counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive environment all characteristic factors of the HTS concept
and its application it can no longer be considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology. In summary, while we stress that constructive engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, CEAUSSIC suggests that the AAA emphasize the incompatibility of HTS with disciplinary ethics and practice for job
seekers and that it further recognize the problem of allowing HTS to dene the meaning of anthropology within
DoD.[83]

relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human


time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural traditions based on material, such as the Paleolithic and
the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology. Further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such
as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding major
trends in the human past. Anthropologists and geographers share approaches to Culture regions as well, since
mapping cultures is central to both sciences. By making
comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and
cultural regions (space-based), anthropologists have developed various kinds of comparative method, a central
part of their science.

1.1.7

Commonalities between elds

PostWorld War II developments

Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American


'cultural anthropology' were still distinct traditions. After the war, enough British and American anthropologists
borrowed ideas and methodological approaches from one
another that some began to speak of them collectively as
'sociocultural' anthropology.
Basic trends

Because anthropology developed from so many dierent enterprises (see History of Anthropology), including
but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary lm-making, paleontology, primatology, antiquity
dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics,
regional analysis, ethnology, history, philosophy, and
religious studies,[87][88] it is dicult to characterize the
entire eld in a brief article, although attempts to write
histories of the entire eld have been made.[89]

There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is
that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more
holistic account of phenomena and tends to be highly
empirical.[20] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or phenomenon
in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts of academia.

Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of other cultures, both in terms
of time (past societies) and space (non-European/nonWestern societies).[90] For example, the classic of urban
anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention; anthropologists who traIn the 1990s and 2000s (decade), calls for clarication ditionally specialized in other cultures looked for them
started to look across the tracks only in
of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows far away and
[91]
late
1960s.
where his or her own culture ends and another begins, and
other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard. Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topThese dynamic relationships, between what can be ob- ics very close to the authors home.[92] It is also argued
served on the ground, as opposed to what can be observed that other elds of study, like History and Sociology, on
by compiling many local observations remain fundamen- the contrary focus disproportionately on the West.[93]
tal in any kind of anthropology, whether cultural, biologIn France, the study of Western societies has been traical, linguistic or archaeological.[84]
ditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly
Biological anthropologists are interested in both human
variation[85] and in the possibility of human universals
(behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures).[86] They use many dierent methods of
study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques often take anthropologists
into the eld, which means traveling to a community in
its own setting, to do something called eldwork. On
the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples, nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs.

changing,[94] starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac


Chiva and journals like Terrain (eldwork), and developing with the center founded by Marc Aug (Le Centre
d'anthropologie des mondes contemporains, the Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies).

Since the 1980s it has become common for social and


cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research in
the North Atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather than limiting research
to a single locale. There has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily life of ordiAlong with dividing up their project by theoretical em- nary people; increasingly, research is set in settings such
phasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up into as scientic laboratories, social movements, governmen-

12

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

tal and nongovernmental organizations and businesses.[95]

1.1.8

See also

Main article: Outline of anthropology

Anthropological Index Online (AIO)


Anthropological science ction
Engaged theory
Ethnology
Ethnobiology
Ethology
Folklore
Human ethology
Human evolution
Human Relations Area Files
Intangible Cultural Heritage
Memetics
Origins of society
Prehistoric medicine
Qualitative research
Sociology

[4] As Fletcher points out, the French society was by no


means the rst to include anthropology or parts of it as
its topic. Previous organizations used other names. The
German Anthropological Association of St. Petersburg,
however, in fact met rst in 1861, but due to the death of
its founder never met again.[11]
[5] Hunts choice of theorists does not exclude the numerous
other theorists that were beginning to publish a large volume of anthropological studies.[17]
[6] It seems to be one of the postulates of modern anthropology that there is complete continuity between magic and
religion. [note 35: See, for instance, RR Marett, Faith,
Hope, and Charity in Primitive Religion, the Giord Lectures (Macmillan, 1932), Lecture II, pp. 21 .] ... We
have no empirical evidence at all that there ever was an
age of magic that has been followed and superseded by an
age of religion.[61]
[7] Note that anthrozoology should not be confused with
"animal studies", which often refers to animal testing.

1.1.10 References
[1] anthropology. Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University
Press. Retrieved 10 August 2013.
[2] anthropology. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 23
March 2015.
[3] What is Anthropology?". American Anthropological
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[4] Haviland, William A.; Prins, Harald E. L.; McBride,
Bunny; Walrath, Dana (2010), Cultural Anthropology:
The Human Challenge (13th ed.), Cengage Learning,
ISBN 0-495-81082-7

Theological anthropology, a sub-eld of theology

[5] Wolf, Eric (1994).


Perilous Ideas: Race, Culture, People.
Current Anthropology 35 (1): 1.
doi:10.1086/204231. JSTOR 2744133.

Philosophical anthropology, a sub-eld of philosophy

[6] Oxford English Dictionary, 1st ed. anthropology, n." Oxford University Press (Oxford), 1885.

Anthropology in Tinbergens four questions

[7] Israel Institute of the History of Medicine.


BRILL. p. 19. GGKEY:34XGYHLZ7XY.

1.1.9

Notes

[1] Richard Harvey's 1593 Philadelphus, a defense of the legend of Brutus in British history, includes the passage Genealogy or issue which they had, Artes which they studied,
Actes which they did. This part of History is named Anthropology.
[2] John Kersey's 1706 edition of The New World of English
Words includes the denition "Anthropology, a Discourse
or Description of Man, or of a Mans Body.
[3] In French: LAnthropologie, cest dire la science qui traite
de lhomme, est divise ordinairment & avec raison en
lAnatomie, qui considere le corps & les parties, et en la
Psychologie, qui parle de lAme.[8]

Koroth.

[8] Bartholin, Caspar; Bartholin, Thomas (1647). Preface.


Institutions anatomiques de Gaspar Bartholin, augmentes
et enrichies pour la seconde fois tant des opinions et observations nouvelles des modernes. Translated from the Latin
by Abr. Du Prat. Paris: M. Hnault et J. Hnault..
[9] Schiller 1979, pp. 130132
[10] Schiller 1979, p. 221
[11] Fletcher, Robert (1882). Paul Broca and the French
School of Anthroplogy. The Saturday Lectures, Delivered in the Lecture-room of the U. S. National Museum
under the Auspices of the Anthropological and Biological
Societies of Washington in March and April 1882. Boston;
Washington, D.C.: D. Lothrop & Co.; Judd & Detweiler..
[12] Schiller 1979, p. 143

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

13

[13] Schiller 1979, p. 136

[33] Tim Ingold (1996). Key Debates In Anthropology. p. 18.


the traditional anthropological project of cross-cultural or
cross-societal comparison

[14] Waitz 1863, p. 1


[15] Waitz 1863, p. 5
[16] Waitz 1863, pp. 1112
[17] Hunt 1863, Introductory Address
[18] Maccurdy, George Grant (1899). Extent of Instruction
in Anthropology in Europe and the United States. Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement
of Science: 382390.
[19] Home. World Council of Anthropological Associations.
Retrieved 29 March 2015.
[20] Hylland Eriksen, Thomas. (2004) What is Anthropology Pluto. London. p. 79.
[21] Tim Ingold (1994). Introduction to culture. In Tim Ingold. Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology. p. 331.
[22] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see
Spiro, Melford E. (1987) Some Reections on Cultural
Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to
Emotion and Reason, in Culture and Human Nature:
Theoretical Papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne and L. L. Langness, pp. 3258. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[23] Heyck, Thomas William; Stocking, George W.; Goody,
Jack (1997). After Tylor: British Social Anthropology
18881951.. The American Historical Review 102 (5):
14861488. doi:10.2307/2171126. ISSN 0002-8762.
JSTOR 2171126.
[24] Layton, Robert (1998) An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[25] What is Anthropology - American Anthropological Association
[26] What is Anthropology - Anthropology Report
[27] Harris, Marvin. The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Alta
Mira Press. 2000 (revised from 1968); Harris, Marvin.
Theories of Culture in Postmodern Times. Altamira. 1998
[28] Ahmed, Akbar S. (1984). Al-Beruni: The First Anthropologist. RAIN 60 (60): 910. doi:10.2307/3033407.
JSTOR 3033407.
[29] Bloch, Maurice (1991).
Language, Anthropology
and Cognitive Science.
Man (London School of
Economics and Political Science) 26 (2): 183198.
doi:10.2307/2803828. JSTOR 2803828.
[30] Daniel A. Segal & Sylvia J. Yanagisako, ed. (2005). Unwrapping the Sacred Bundle. Durham and London: Duke
University Press. pp. Back Cover.

[34] Bernard, H. Russell, Research Methods in Anthropology.


Altamira Press, 2002. p.322.
[35] George Peter Murdock; Douglas R. White (1969).
Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. Ethnology 9: 329
369.
[36] University of Toronto. (n.d.). Research Subelds:
Physical or Biological. Retrieved 14 March 2012,
from
http://anthropology.utoronto.ca/about/research/
physical-or-biological
[37] Robbins, R. H. & Larkin, S. N. (2007). Cultural Anthropology: A problem based approach. Toronto, ON: Nelson
Education Ltd.
[38] Salzmann, Zdenk. (1993) Language, culture, and society:
an introduction to linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO:
Westview Press.
[39] Robert Layton. (1981) The Anthropology of Art.
[40] Deborah Spitulnik. (1993) 'Anthropology and Mass Media', Annual Review of Anthropology, 22: 293-315
[41] Lila Abu-Lughod. (1997) 'The Interpretation of Cultures
after Television', Representations, 59: 109-133
[42] Hann, Chris; Keith Hart (2011). Economic Anthropology.
Cambridge: Polity Press. pp. 5571.
[43] Roseberry, William (1988).
Political Economy.
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doi:10.1146/annurev.an.17.100188.001113.
[44] Kedia, Satish, and Willigen J. Van (2005). Applied Anthropology: Domains of Application. Westport, Conn:
Praeger. pp. 16, 150.
[45] McElroy, A (1996). Medical Anthropology. In D.
Levinson & M. Ember. Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology (PDF)
[46] D'Andrade, R. G. (1995). The development of cognitive
anthropology. New York, Cambridge University Press.
[47] Schwartz, T., G. M. White, et al., Eds. (1992). New Directions in Psychological Anthropology. Cambridge, UK,
Cambridge University Press.
[48] D'Andrade (1995)
[49] Greenhouse, Carol J. (1986). Praying for Justice: Faith,
Order, and Community in an American Town. Ithaca:
Cornell UP. p. 28.

[31] Geertz, Behar, Cliord & James

[50] Hent de Vries and Lawrence E. Sullivan, ed. (2006). Political theologies: public religions in a post-secular world.
New York: Fordham University Press.

[32] Tim Ingold (1994). GENERAL INTRODUCTION. In


Tim Ingold. Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology.
pp. xv.

[51] Dumit, Joseph. Davis-Floyd, Robbie. Cyborg Anthropology. Routledge International Encyclopedia of Women,
2001

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[52] Techno-Anthropology course guide. Aalborg University. Retrieved 14 March 2013.

[72] Asad, Talal, ed. (1973) Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press.

[53] Knorr, Alexander (August 2011). Cyberanthropology.


Peter Hammer Verlag Gmbh. ISBN 978-3-7795-0359-0.
Retrieved 14 March 2013.

[73] van Breman, Jan, and Akitoshi Shimizu (1999) Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia and Oceania. Richmond,
Surrey: Curzon Press.

[54] Weber, Gerhard & Bookstein, Fred (2011). Virtual


Anthropology: A guide to a new interdisciplinary eld.
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[74] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-29.

[55] Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2010). Anthropology : appreciating human diversity (14th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
pp. 579584. ISBN 978-0-07-811699-5.
[56] Townsend, Patricia K. (2009). Environmental anthropology : from pigs to policies (2nd ed.). Prospect Heights, Ill.:
Waveland Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-57766-581-6.
[57] Kottak, Conrad P. (1999).
The New Ecological
Anthropology. American Anthropologist 101: 23.
doi:10.1525/aa.1999.101.1.23. JSTOR 683339.

[75] Levi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. 1962; Womack,


Mari. Being Human. 2001.
[76] Harris, Marvin. Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches.
[77] Timeshighereducation.co.uk
[78] Statement on Race"". American Anthropological Association. May 1998.

[59] Melissa Checker (August 2005). Polluted promises: environmental racism and the search for justice in a southern
town. NYU Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-1657-1. Retrieved
3 April 2011.

[79] Sciencemag.org, Shanklin, Eugenia. 1994. Anthropology & Race; Faye V. Harrison. 1995. The Persistent
Power of 'Race' in the Cultural and Political Economy
of Racism. Annual Review of Anthropology. 24:47-74.
Allan Goodman. 1995. The Problematics of Race
in Contemporary Biological Anthropology. In Biological Anthropology: The State of the Science.; Yearbook
of Physical Anthropology, 1945-. Melanin, Afrocentricity ... , 36(1993):33-58.; see Stanfords recent collection of overarching bibliographies on race and racism,
Library.stanford.edu

[60] Axtell, J. (1979). Ethnohistory: An Historians Viewpoint. Ethnohistory 26 (1): 34. doi:10.2307/481465.

[80] Horowitz, Lewis ed.(1967) The Rise and Fall of Project


Camelot.

[61] Cassirer, Ernst (1944) An Essay On Man, pt.II, ch.7 Myth


and Religion, pp. 1223.

[81] Christian Science Monitor

[58] Pyke, G H (1984). Optimal Foraging Theory: A Critical


Review. Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 15:
523. doi:10.1146/annurev.es.15.110184.002515.

[62] Guthrie (2000) pp. 2256


[63] Hannerz, Ulf (1980). Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward
an Urban Anthropology, p.1
[64] Griths, Michael. B., Flemming Christiansen, and Malcolm Chapman. (2010) 'Chinese Consumers: The Romantic Reappraisal'. Ethnography, Sept 2010, 11, 331357.
[65] Mills, Daniel S. Anthrozoology, The Encyclopedia of
Applied Animal Behaviour and Welfare. CABI 2010, pp.
2830.
[66] DeMello, Margo. Teaching the Animal: HumanAnimal
Studies Across the Disciplines. Lantern Books, 2010, p. xi.
[67] Animals & Society Institute, accessed 23 February 2011.
[68] Goodman, Alan H.; Thomas L. Leatherman (eds.)
(1998). Building A New Biocultural Synthesis. University
of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-06606-3.
[69] AAAnet.org
[70] AAAnet.org
[71] Johanson, Donald and Kate Wong. Lucys Legacy. Kindle
Books. 2007; Netti, Bruno. The Study of Ethnomusicology. University of Illinois Press, 2005. Chapter One

[82] The Human Terrain System: A CORDS for the 21st


Century. Archived from the original on 21 January 2014.
[83] AAA Commission Releases Final Report on Army Human Terrain System American Anthropological Association
[84] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth: The remaking of
social analysis. Beacon Press. 1993; Inda, John Xavier
and Renato Rosaldo. The Anthropology of Globalization.
Wiley-Blackwell. 2007
[85] Robert Jurmain, Lynn Kilgore, Wenda Trevathan, and
Russell L. Ciochon. Introduction to Physical Anthropology. 11th Edition. Wadsworth. 2007, chapters I, III and
IV.; Wompack, Mari. Being Human. Prentice Hall. 2001,
pp. 1120.
[86] Brown, Donald. Human Universals. McGraw Hill. 1991;
Roughley, Neil. Being Humans: Anthropological Universality and Particularity in Transciplinary Perspectives.
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[88] George Stocking, Paradigmatic Traditions in the History of Anthropology. In George Stocking, The Ethnographers Magic and Other Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
1992):342-361.

1.1. ANTHROPOLOGY

[89] Leaf, Murray. Man, Mind and Science: A History of Anthropology. Columbia University Press. 1979
[90] See the many essays relating to this in Prem Poddar
and David Johnson, Historical Companion to Postcolonial
Thought in English, Edinburgh University Press, 2004.
See also Prem Poddar et al., Historical Companion to
Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008
[91] Ulf Hannerz (1980) Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward an Urban Anthropology, ISBN 0-231-08376-9, p.
1
[92] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences American Anthropologist
100:" 716-731
[93] Jack Goody (2007) The Theft of History Cambridge University Press ISBN 0-521-87069-0
[94]

Abls, Marc. How the Anthropology of France


Has Changed Anthropology in France: Assessing
New Directions in the Field. Cultural Anthropology 1999: 407. JSTOR 08867356.

[95] Fischer, Michael M. J. Emergent Forms of Life and the


Anthropological Voice. Duke University Press, 2003. Don
Morrell JR.

1.1.11

Further reading

Main article: Bibliography of anthropology

Dictionaries and encyclopedias

15
Geertz, Cliord (1995). After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press.
Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1967). Tristes tropiques.
Translated from the French by John Russell. New
York: Atheneum.
Malinowski, Bronisaw (1967). A diary in the strict
sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman.
New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.
Mead, Margaret (1972). Blackberry winter: my earlier years. New York: William Marrow.
(1977). Letters from the eld, 19251975.
New York: Harper & Row.
Rabinow, Paul (1977). Reections on eldwork in
Morocco. Quantum Books. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Histories
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities
Press.
Barth, Fredrik; Gingrich, Andre; Parkin, Robert
(2005). One Discipline, Four Ways: British, German, French, and American anthropology. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
D'Andrade, R. (1999). The Sad Story of Anthropology: 19501999. In Cerroni-Long, E. L. Anthropological Theory in North America. Westport:
Berin & Garvey.

Barnard, Alan; Spencer, Jonathan, eds. (2010). The


Routledge Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. London: Routledge.

Darnell, Regna. (2001). Invisible Genealogies: A


History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE:
University of Nebraska Press.

Bareld, Thomas (1997). The dictionary of anthropology. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing..

Gisi, Lucas Marco (2007). Einbildungskraft und


Mythologie. Die Verschrnkung von Anthropologie
und Geschichte im 18. Jahrhundert. Berlin; New
York: de Gruyter.

Jackson, John L. (2013). Oxford Bibliographies:


Anthropology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Levinson, David; Ember, Melvin, eds. (1996). Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology. Volumes 1-4.
New York: Henry Holt.
Rapport, Nigel; Overing, Joanna (2007). Social
and Cultural Anthropology: The Key Concepts. New
York: Routledge.
Fieldnotes and memoirs
Barley, Nigel (1983). The innocent anthropologist:
notes from a mud hut. London: British Museum
Publications.

Harris, Marvin. (2001) [1968]. The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture.
Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
Hunt, James (1863). Introductory Address on the
Study of Anthropology. The Anthropological Review (London: Trbner & Co.) I.
Kehoe, Alice B. (1998). The Land of Prehistory:
A Critical History of American Archaeology. New
York; London: Routledge.
Lewis, H. S. (1998).
The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and Its Consequences.
American Anthropologist 100 (3):
716731.
doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.716.

16

CHAPTER 1. MAIN ARTICLE

(2004). Imagining Anthropologys History. 1.1.12 External links


Reviews in Anthropology. v. 33.
Haller, Dieter. Interviews with German Anthro (2005). Anthropology, the Cold War, and
pologists: Video Portal for the History of GerIntellectual History. In Darnell, R.; Gleach, F.W.
man Anthropology post 1945. Ruhr-Universitt
Histories of Anthropology Annual, Vol. I.
Bochum. Retrieved 22 March 2015.
Pels, Peter; Salemink, Oscar, eds. (2000). Colonial
Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Price, David (2004). Threatening Anthropology:
McCarthyism and the FBIs Surveillance of Activist
Anthropologists. Durham: Duke University Press..
Sera-Shriar, Efram (2013). The Making of British
Anthropology, 18131871. Science and Culture in
the Nineteenth Century, 18. London; Vermont:
Pickering and Chatto.
Schiller, Francis (1979). Paul Broca, Founder of
French Anthropology, Explorer of the Brain. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Stocking, George, Jr. (1968). Race, Culture and
Evolution. New York: Free Press.
Trencher, Susan (2000). Mirrored Images: American Anthropology and American Culture, 1960
1980. Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey.
Wolf, Eric (1982). Europe and the People Without
History. Berkeley; Los Angeles: California University Press.
Textbooks and key theoretical works
Cliord, James; Marcus, George E. (1986). Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Geertz, Cliord (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books.
Harris, Marvin (1997). Culture, People, Nature:
An Introduction to General Anthropology (7th ed.).
Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Salzmann, Zdenk (1993). Language, culture, and
society: an introduction to linguistic anthropology.
Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Shweder, Richard A.; LeVine, Robert A., eds.
(1984). Culture Theory: essays on mind, self, and
emotion. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Press.
Waitz, Theodor (1863). Introduction to Anthropology. Translated by J. Frederick Collingwood for
the Anthropological Society of London. London:
Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts.

AAANet Home. American Anthropological Association. 2010.


Home. European Association of Social Anthropologists. 2015.
Hagen, Ed (2015). AAPA. American Association
of Physical Anthropologists.
Home. Australian Anthropological Society. Retrieved 23 March 2015.
AIBR, Revista de Antropologa Iberoamericana
(in Spanish). Antroplogos Iberoamericanos en
Red. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
Home. Human Relations Area Files. Retrieved
24 March 2015.
Home. National Association for the Practice of
Anthropology. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
About. Radical Anthropology Group. Retrieved
24 March 2015.
Home. Royal Anthropological Institute.
trieved 24 March 2015.

Re-

Home. The Society for Applied Anthropology.


Retrieved 24 March 2015.
Anthropology. American Museum of Natural
History. Retrieved 25 March 2015.
Department of Anthropology. Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History. Retrieved 25
March 2015.
AIO Home. Anthropological Index Online. Royal
Anthropological Institute. Retrieved 25 March
2015.

Chapter 2

Supporting articles
2.1 History of anthropology

The lack of any ancient denotation of anthropology, however, is not an etymological problem. Liddell and Scott
list 170 Greek compounds ending in logia, enough to
justify its later use as a productive sux.[6] The ancient
Greeks often used suxes in forming compounds that
had no independent variant.[7] The etymological dictionaries are united in attributing logia to logos, from legein, to collect. The thing collected is primarily ideas,
especially in speech. The American Heritage Dictionary
says:[8] (It is one of) derivatives independently built to
logos. Its morphological type is that of an abstract noun:
log-os > log-ia (a qualitative abstract)[9]

History of anthropology in this article refers primarily


to the 18th- and 19th-century precursors of modern anthropology. The term anthropology itself, innovated as
a New Latin scientic word during the Renaissance, has
always meant the study (or science) of man. The topics
to be included and the terminology have varied historically. At present they are more elaborate than they were
during the development of anthropology. For a presentation of modern social and cultural anthropology as they
have developed in Britain, France, and North America
since approximately 1900, see the relevant sections un- The Renaissance origin of the name of anthropology does
der Anthropology.
not exclude the possibility that ancient authors presented
anthropogical materal under another name (see below).
Such an identication is speculative, depending on the
theorists view of anthropology; nevertheless, specula2.1.1 Etymology
tions have been formulated by credible anthropologists,
especially those that consider themselves functionalists
The term anthropology ostensibly is a produced comand others in history so classied now.
pound of Greek anthrpos, human being
(understood to mean humankind or humanity), and a
supposed - -logia, study.[1] The compound, however, is unknown in ancient Greek or Latin, whether 2.1.2 The science of history
classiical or mediaeval. It rst appears sporadically in
the scholarly Latin anthropologia of Renaissance France, Marvin Harris, a historian of anthropology, begins The
where it spawns the French word anthropologie, trans- Rise of Anthropological Theory with the statement that
ferred into English as anthropology. It does belong to anthropology is the science of history.[10] He is not suga class of words produced with the -logy sux, such as gesting that history be renamed to anthropology, or that
archeo-logy, bio-logy, etc., the study (or science) of.
there is no distinction between history and prehistory, or
The mixed character of Greek anthropos and Latin -logia that anthropology excludes current social practices, as the
marks it as New Latin.[2] There is no independent noun, general meaning of history, which it has in history of
logia, however, of that meaning in classical Greek. The anthroplogy, would seem to imply. He is using hisas the founders of cultural anword (logos) has that meaning.[3] James Hunt at- tory in a special sense,
[11]
used
it:
the
natural history of society, in
thropology
tempted to rescue the etymology in his rst address to
[12]
the
words
of
Herbert
Spencer,
or the universal histhe Anthropological Society of London as president and
tory
of
mankind,
the
18th-century
Age of Enlightenfounder, 1863. He did nd an anthropologos from Aris[10]
objective.
Just
as
natural
history
comprises the
ment
totle in the standard ancient Greek Lexicon, which he
[4] characteristics of organisms past and present, so cultural
says denes the word as speaking or treating of man.
This view is entirely wishful thinking, as Liddell and Scott or social history comprises the characteristics of society
go on to explain the meaning: i.e. fond of personal past and present. It includes both documented history and
conversation.[5] If Aristotle, the very philosopher of the and prehistory, but its slant is toward institutional devellogos, could produce such a word without serious intent, opment rather than particular non-repeatable historical
there probably was at that time no anthropology identi- events.
able under that name.

According to Harris, the 19th-century anthropologists


17

18

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

were theorizing under the presumption that the development of society followed some sort of laws. He decries
the loss of that view in the 20th century by the denial that
any laws are discernable or that current institutions have
any bearing on ancient. He coins the term ideographic
for them. The 19th-century views, on the other hand, are
nomothetic; that is, they provide laws. He intends to reassert the methodological priority of the search for the
laws of history in the science of man. [13] He is looking
for a general theory of history. [14] His perception of
the laws: I believe that the analogue of the Darwinian
strategy in the realm of sociocultural phenomena is the
principle of techno-environmental and techno-economic
determinism, he calls cultural materialism, which he also
details in Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science
of Culture.

the insertion of culture as the eect. Dierent material


factors produce dierent cultures.

Elsewhere he refers to my theories of historical determinism, dening the latter: By a deterministic relationship among cultural phenomena, I mean merely that similar variables under similar conditions tend to give rise
to similar consequences.[15] The use of tends to implies some degree of freedom to happen or not happen,
but in strict determinism, given certain causes, the result
and only that result must occur. Dierent philosophers,
however, use determinism in dierent senses. The deterministic element that Harris sees is lack of human social
engineering: free will and moral choice have had virtually no signicant eect upon the direction taken thus far
by evolving systems of social life. [16]

2.1.3 Proto-anthropology

Harris agrees with the 19th-century view that laws are


abstractions from empirical evidence: ...sociocultural
entities are constructed from the direct or indirect observation of the behavior and thought of specic individuals
....[17] Institutions are not a physical reality; only people
are. When they act in society, they do so according to
the laws of history, of which they are not aware; hence,
there is no historical element of free will. Like the 20thcentury anthropologists in general, Harris places a high
value on the empiricism, or collection of data. This function must be performed by trained observers.

Classical Age

He borrows terms from linguistics: just as a phon-etic


system is a description of sounds developed without regard to the meaning and structure of the language, while a
phon-emic system describes the meaningful sounds actually used within the language, so anthropological data can
be emic and etic. Only trained observers can avoid eticism, or description without regard to the meaning in the
culture: ... etics are in part observers emics incorrectly
applied to a foreign system ....[18] He makes a further
distinction between synchronic and diachronic.[19] Synchronic (same time) with reference to anthropological
data is contemporaneous and cross-cultural. Diachronic
(through time) data shows the development of lines
through time. Cultural materialism, being a processually holistic and globally comparative scientic research
strategy must depend for accuracy on all four types of
data.[20] Cultural materialism diers from the others by

Harris, like many other anthropologists, in looking for anthropological method and data before the use of the term
anthropology, had little diculty nding them among the
ancient authors. The ancients tended to see players on
the stage of history as ethnic groups characterized by the
same or similar languages and customs: the Persians, the
Germans, the Scythians, etc. Thus the term history meant
to a large degree the story of the fortunes of these players through time. The ancient authors never formulated
laws. Apart from a rudimentary three-age system, the
stages of history, such as are found in Lubbock, Tylor,
Morgan, Marx and others, are yet unformulated.

Eriksen and Nielsen use the term proto-anthropology


to refer to near-anthropological writings, which contain
some of the criteria for being anthropology, but not all.
They classify proto-anthropology as being travel writing
or social philosophy, going on to assert It is only when
these aspects ... are fused, that is, when data and theory
are brought together, that anthropology appears.[21] This
process began to occur in the 18th century of the Age of
Enlightenment.

Many anthropological writers nd anthropologicalquality theorizing in the works of Classical Greece and
Classical Rome; for example, John Myres in Herodotus
and Anthropology (1908); E. E. Sikes in The Anthropology of the Greeks (1914); Clyde Kluckhohn in Anthropology and the Classics (1961), and many others.[22] An
equally long list may be found in French and German as
well as other languages.

Herodotus Herodotus was a 5th-century BC Greek


historian who set about to chronicle and explain the
Greco-Persian Wars that transpired early in that century.
He did so in a surviving work conventionally termed the
History or the Histories His rst line begins: These are
the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus ....
The Achaemenid Empire, deciding to bring Greece into
its domain, conducted a massive invasion across the
Bosphorus using multi-cultural troops raised from many
dierent locations. They were decisively defeated by the
Greek city-states. Herodotus was far from interested in
only the non-repeatable events. He provides ethnic details and histories of the peoples within the empire and to
the north of it, in most cases being the rst to do so. His
methods were reading accounts, interviewing witnesses,
and in some cases taking notes for himself.

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

19

These researches have been considered anthropological since at least as early as the late 19th century. The
title, Father of History, (pater historiae) had been conferred on him probably by Cicero.[23] Pointing out that
John Myres in 1908 had believed that Herodotus was
an anthropologist on a par with those of his own day,
James M. Redeld asserts: Herodotus, as we know, was
both Father of History and Father of Anthropology.[24]
Herodotus calls his method of travelling around taking
notes theorizing. Redeld translates it as tourism with
a scientic intent. He identies three terms of Herodotus
as overlapping on culture: diaitia, material goods such
as houses and consumables; ethea, the mores or customs;
and nomoi, the authoritative precedents or laws.
Tacitus The Roman historian, Tacitus, wrote many of
our only surviving contemporary accounts of several ancient Celtic and Germanic peoples.
Middle Ages

Table of natural history, 1728 Cyclopaedia

toms, and religions of the Indian subcontinent. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, like modern anthropologists, he engaged in extensive participant observation
with a given group of people, learnt their language
and studied their primary texts, and presented his ndings with objectivity and neutrality using cross-cultural
comparisons.[25] Others argue, however, that he hardly
can be considered an anthropologist in the conventional
sense.[26] He wrote detailed comparative studies on the
religions and cultures in the Middle East, Mediterranean,
and especially South Asia.[27][28] Birunis tradition of
comparative cross-cultural study continued in the Muslim
world through to Ibn Khaldun's work in the fourteenth
century.[25][29]

Cannibalism among the savages in Brazil, as described and pictured by Andr Thvet

Another candidate for one of the rst scholars to carry


out comparative ethnographic-type studies in person was
the medieval Persian scholar Ab Rayhn Brn in the
eleventh century, who wrote about the peoples, cus-

Medieval scholars may be considered forerunners of


modern anthropology as well, insofar as they conducted
or wrote detailed studies of the customs of peoples considered dierent from themselves in terms of geography. John of Plano Carpini reported of his stay among
the Mongols. His report was unusual in its detailed depiction of a non-European culture.[30]
Marco Polo's systematic observations of nature, anthropology, and geography are another example of studying
human variation across space.[31] Polos travels took him
across such a diverse human landscape and his accounts

20

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

of the peoples he met as he journeyed were so detailed of European colonies was not unlike studying the ora
that they earned for Polo the name the father of modern and fauna of those places.
anthropology.[32]
Early anthropology was divided between proponents of
unilinealism, who argued that all societies passed through
a single evolutionary process, from the most primiRenaissance
tive to the most advanced, and various forms of nonwho tended to subscribe to ideas such
The rst use of the term anthropology in English to re- lineal theorists, [37]
as
diusionism.
Most nineteenth-century social theofer to a natural science of humanity was apparently in
rists,
including
anthropologists,
viewed non-European so[33]
1593, the rst of the "logies" to be coined.
cieties as windows onto the pre-industrial human past.

2.1.4

The Enlightenment roots of the dis2.1.5 Overview of the modern discipline


cipline

Marxist anthropologist Eric Wolf once characterized anthropology as the most scientic of the humanities,
and the most humanistic of the social sciences. Understanding how anthropology developed contributes to understanding how it ts into other academic disciplines.
Scholarly traditions of jurisprudence, history, philology
and sociology developed during this time and informed
the development of the social sciences of which anthropology was a part. At the same time, the Romantic reaction to the Enlightenment produced thinkers such as
Herder and later Wilhelm Dilthey whose work formed
the basis for the culture concept which is central to the
Many scholars consider modern anthropology as an out- discipline.
growth of the Age of Enlightenment, a period when EuThese intellectual movements in part grappled with one
ropeans attempted to study human behavior systematiof the greatest paradoxes of modernity: as the world is becally, the known varieties of which had been increasing
coming smaller and more integrated, peoples experience
since the fteenth century as a result of the rst Euroof the world is increasingly atomized and dispersed. As
pean colonization wave. The traditions of jurisprudence,
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels observed in the 1840s:
history, philology, and sociology then evolved into something more closely resembling the modern views of these
All old-established national industries have
disciplines and informed the development of the social
been destroyed or are daily being destroyed.
sciences, of which anthropology was a part.
They are dislodged by new industries, whose
Developments in the systematic study of ancient civilizaintroduction becomes a life and death question
tions through the disciplines of Classics and Egyptology
for all civilized nations, by industries that no
informed both archaeology and eventually social anthrolonger work up indigenous raw material but
pology, as did the study of East and South Asian lanraw material drawn from the remotest zones;
guages and cultures. At the same time, the Romantic reindustries whose products are consumed, not
action to the Enlightenment produced thinkers, such as
only at home, but in every quarter of the
Johann Gottfried Herder[36] and later Wilhelm Dilthey,
globe. In place of the old wants, satised
whose work formed the basis for the culture concept,
by the production of the country, we nd
which is central to the discipline.
new wants, requiring for their satisfaction
Institutionally, anthropology emerged from the developthe products of distant lands and climes. In
ment of natural history (expounded by authors such as
place of the old local and national seclusion
Buon) that occurred during the European colonization
and self-suciency, we have intercourse in
of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth
every direction, universal interdependence of
centuries. Programs of ethnographic study originated in
nations.
this era as the study of the human primitives overseen
by colonial administrations.
It took Immanuel Kant 25 years to write one of the rst
major treatises on anthropology, his Anthropology from a
Pragmatic Point of View.[34] Kant is not generally considered to be a modern anthropologist, however, as he never
left his region of Germany nor did he study any cultures
besides his own, and in fact, describes the need for anthropology as a corollary eld to his own primary eld
of philosophy.[35] He did, however, begin teaching an annual course in anthropology in 1772. Anthropology is
thus primarily an Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment
endeavor.

There was a tendency in late eighteenth century Enlightenment thought to understand human society as natural
phenomena that behaved according to certain principles
and that could be observed empirically. In some ways,
studying the language, culture, physiology, and artifacts

Ironically, this universal interdependence, rather than


leading to greater human solidarity, has coincided with
increasing racial, ethnic, religious, and class divisions,
and new and to some confusing or disturbing cultural
expressions. These are the conditions of life with which

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

21

people today must contend, but they have their origins in Britain
processes that began in the 16th century and accelerated
Museums such as the British Museum weren't the only
in the 19th century.
site of anthropological studies: with the New Imperialism
Institutionally anthropology emerged from natural hisperiod, starting in the 1870s, zoos became unattended
tory (expounded by authors such as Buon). This was
laboratories, especially the so-called ethnological exthe study of human beings - typically people living in
hibitions or Negro villages. Thus, savages from the
European colonies. Thus studying the language, culcolonies were displayed, often nudes, in cages, in what
ture, physiology, and artifacts of European colonies was
has been called "human zoos". For example, in 1906,
more or less equivalent to studying the ora and fauna
Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by anthropologist
of those places. It was for this reason, for instance, that
Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled the
Lewis Henry Morgan could write monographs on both
missing link between an orangutan and the white race
The League of the Iroquois and The American Beaver
Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of
and His Works. This is also why the material culture of
The Passing of the Great Race (1916). Such exhibitions
'civilized' nations such as China have historically been
were attempts to illustrate and prove in the same movedisplayed in ne arts museums alongside European art
ment the validity of scientic racism, which rst formuwhile artifacts from Africa or Native North American
lation may be found in Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on
cultures were displayed in Natural History Museums with
the Inequality of Human Races (185355). In 1931, the
dinosaur bones and nature dioramas. Curatorial practice
Colonial Exhibition in Paris still displayed Kanaks from
has changed dramatically in recent years, and it would be
New Caledonia in the indigenous village"; it received
wrong to see anthropology as merely an extension of colo24 million visitors in six months, thus demonstrating the
nial rule and European chauvinism, since its relationship
popularity of such human zoos.
to imperialism was and is complex.
Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural hisDrawing on the methods of the natural sciences as well as
tory and by the end of the nineteenth century the discideveloping new techniques involving not only structured
pline began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935,
interviews but unstructured participant-observation
for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write
and drawing on the new theory of evolution through
a history of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of
natural selection, they proposed the scientic study of a
Anthropology. At the time, the eld was dominated by
new object: humankind, conceived of as a whole. Cru'the comparative method'. It was assumed that all socicial to this study is the concept culture, which anthroeties passed through a single evolutionary process from
pologists dened both as a universal capacity and propenthe most primitive to most advanced. Non-European sosity for social learning, thinking, and acting (which they
cieties were thus seen as evolutionary 'living fossils that
see as a product of human evolution and something that
could be studied in order to understand the European
distinguishes Homo sapiens and perhaps all species of
past. Scholars wrote histories of prehistoric migrations
genus Homo from other species), and as a particular
which were sometimes valuable but often also fanciful.
adaptation to local conditions that takes the form of highly
It was during this time that Europeans rst accurately
variable beliefs and practices. Thus, culture not only
traced Polynesian migrations across the Pacic Ocean for
transcends the opposition between nature and nurture; it
instance - although some of them believed it originated in
transcends and absorbs the peculiarly European distincEgypt. Finally, the concept of race was actively discussed
tion between politics, religion, kinship, and the econas a way to classify - and rank - human beings based on
omy as autonomous domains. Anthropology thus trandierence.
scends the divisions between the natural sciences, social
sciences, and humanities to explore the biological, linguistic, material, and symbolic dimensions of humankind E.B. Tylor and James Frazer E. B. Tylor (2 Octoin all forms.
ber 1832 2 January 1917) and James George Frazer

2.1.6

National Anthropological Traditions

As academic disciplines began to dierentiate over the


course of the nineteenth century, anthropology grew increasingly distinct from the biological approach of natural history, on the one hand, and from purely historical or literary elds such as Classics, on the other. A
common criticism was that many social sciences (such
as economists, sociologists, and psychologists) in Western countries focused disproportionately on Western subjects, while anthropology focuseed disproportionately on
the other.[38]

(1 January 1854 7 May 1941) are generally considered


the antecedents to modern social anthropology in Britain.
Although Tylor undertook a eld trip to Mexico, both he
and Frazer derived most of the material for their comparative studies through extensive reading, not eldwork,
mainly the Classics (literature and history of Greece and
Rome), the work of the early European folklorists, and
reports from missionaries, travelers, and contemporaneous ethnologists.
Tylor advocated strongly for unilinealism and a form of
uniformity of mankind.[39] Tylor in particular laid the
groundwork for theories of cultural diusionism, stating
that there are three ways that dierent groups can have

22

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


Bronislaw Malinowski and the British School Toward the turn of the twentieth century, a number of anthropologists became dissatised with this categorization
of cultural elements; historical reconstructions also came
to seem increasingly speculative to them. Under the inuence of several younger scholars, a new approach came
to predominate among British anthropologists, concerned
with analyzing how societies held together in the present
(synchronic analysis, rather than diachronic or historical analysis), and emphasizing long-term (one to several
years) immersion eldwork. Cambridge University nanced a multidisciplinary expedition to the Torres Strait
Islands in 1898, organized by Alfred Cort Haddon and
including a physician-anthropologist, William Rivers, as
well as a linguist, a botanist, and other specialists. The
ndings of the expedition set new standards for ethnographic description.

E. B. Tylor, nineteenth-century British anthropologist

similar cultural forms or technologies: independent invention, inheritance from ancestors in a distant region,
transmission from one race [sic] to another.[40]
Tylor formulated one of the early and inuential anthropological conceptions of culture as that complex
whole, which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals,
law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by [humans] as [members] of society.[41] However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself
with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea
of progress rather than the idea of non-directional, multilineal cultural development proposed by later anthropologists.

A decade and a half later, the Polish anthropology student, Bronisaw Malinowski (18841942), was beginning
what he expected to be a brief period of eldwork in
the old model, collecting lists of cultural items, when the
outbreak of the First World War stranded him in New
Guinea. As a subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire
resident on a British colonial possession, he was eectively conned to New Guinea for several years.[42]
He made use of the time by undertaking far more intensive eldwork than had been done by British anthropologists, and his classic ethnography, Argonauts of the Western Pacic (1922) advocated an approach to eldwork
that became standard in the eld: getting the natives
point of view through participant observation. Theoretically, he advocated a functionalist interpretation, which
examined how social institutions functioned to satisfy individual needs.
British social anthropology had an expansive moment
in the Interwar period, with key contributions coming
from the Polish-British Bronisaw Malinowski and Meyer
Fortes[43]
A. R. Radclie-Brown also published a seminal work in
1922. He had carried out his initial eldwork in the
Andaman Islands in the old style of historical reconstruction. However, after reading the work of French sociologists mile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss, RadclieBrown published an account of his research (entitled
simply The Andaman Islanders) that paid close attention to the meaning and purpose of rituals and myths.
Over time, he developed an approach known as structural
functionalism, which focused on how institutions in societies worked to balance out or create an equilibrium in
the social system to keep it functioning harmoniously.
(This contrasted with Malinowskis functionalism, and
was quite dierent from the later French structuralism,
which examined the conceptual structures in language
and symbolism.)

Tylor also theorized about the origins of religious beliefs


in human beings, proposing a theory of animism as the
earliest stage, and noting that religion has many components, of which he believed the most important to be
belief in supernatural beings (as opposed to moral systems, cosmology, etc.). Frazer, a Scottish scholar with
a broad knowledge of Classics, also concerned himself
with religion, myth, and magic. His comparative studies,
most inuentially in the numerous editions of The Golden
Bough, analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism globally. Neither Tylor nor Frazer, however, was
particularly interested in eldwork, nor were they interested in examining how the cultural elements and instituMalinowski and Radclie-Browns inuence stemmed
tions t together. The Golden Bough was abridged drasfrom the fact that they, like Boas, actively trained stutically in subsequent editions after his rst.

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY


dents and aggressively built up institutions that furthered
their programmatic ambitions. This was particularly the
case with Radclie-Brown, who spread his agenda for
Social Anthropology by teaching at universities across
the British Commonwealth. From the late 1930s until
the postwar period appeared a string of monographs and
edited volumes that cemented the paradigm of British Social Anthropology (BSA). Famous ethnographies include
The Nuer, by Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard, and The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi, by Meyer Fortes;
well-known edited volumes include African Systems of
Kinship and Marriage and African Political Systems.

23
editor at the Financial Times is one of the leaders in this
use of anthropology.
Canada

Canadian anthropology began, as in other parts of the


Colonial world, as ethnological data in the records of travellers and missionaries. In Canada, Jesuit missionaries
such as Fathers LeClercq, Le Jeune and Sagard, in the
17th century, provide the oldest ethnographic records of
native tribes in what was then the Dominion of Canada.
The academic discipline has drawn strongly on both
the British Social Anthropology and the American CulPost WW II trends Max Gluckman, together with tural Anthropology traditions, producing a hybrid Sociomany of his colleagues at the Rhodes-Livingstone Insti- cultural anthropology.
tute and students at Manchester University, collectively
known as the Manchester School, took BSA in new directions through their introduction of explicitly Marxist- George Mercer Dawson True anthropology began
informed theory, their emphasis on conicts and conict with a Government department: the Geological Survey of
resolution, and their attention to the ways in which in- Canada, and George Mercer Dawson (director in 1895).
dividuals negotiate and make use of the social structural Dawsons support for anthropology created impetus for
the profession in Canada. This was expanded upon by
possibilities.
Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier, who established a DiIn Britain, anthropology had a great intellectual impact, vision of Anthropology within the Geological Survey in
it contributed to the erosion of Christianity, the growth 1910.
of cultural relativism, an awareness of the survival of
the primitive in modern life, and the replacement of
diachronic modes of analysis with synchronic, all of Edward Sapir Anthropologists were recruited from
England and the USA, setting the foundation for the
which are central to modern culture.[44]
unique Canadian style of anthropology. Scholars include
Later in the 1960s and 1970s, Edmund Leach and his
the linguist and Boasian Edward Sapir.
students Mary Douglas and Nur Yalman, among others, introduced French structuralism in the style of LviStrauss; while British anthropology has continued to em- France
phasize social organization and economics over purely
symbolic or literary topics, dierences among British, Anthropology in France has a less clear genealogy than
French, and American sociocultural anthropologies have the British and American traditions, in part because
diminished with increasing dialogue and borrowing of many French writers inuential in anthropology have
both theory and methods. Today, social anthropology been trained or held faculty positions in sociology, phiin Britain engages internationally with many other social losophy, or other elds rather than in anthropology.
theories and has branched in many directions.
In countries of the British Commonwealth, social anthropology has often been institutionally separate from
physical anthropology and primatology, which may be
connected with departments of biology or zoology; and
from archaeology, which may be connected with departments of Classics, Egyptology, and the like. In other
countries (and in some, particularly smaller, British and
North American universities), anthropologists have also
found themselves institutionally linked with scholars of
folklore, museum studies, human geography, sociology,
social relations, ethnic studies, cultural studies, and social
work.

Marcel Mauss Most commentators consider Marcel


Mauss (18721950), nephew of the inuential sociologist mile Durkheim, to be the founder of the French anthropological tradition. Mauss belonged to Durkheims
Anne Sociologique group. While Durkheim and others
examined the state of modern societies, Mauss and his
collaborators (such as Henri Hubert and Robert Hertz)
drew on ethnography and philology to analyze societies
that were not as 'dierentiated' as European nation states.

Two works by Mauss in particular proved to have enduring relevance: Essay on the Gift, a seminal analysis of
Anthropology has been used in Britain to provide an alter- exchange and reciprocity, and his Huxley lecture on the
of nonative explanation for the Financial crisis of 20072010 notion of the person, the rst comparative study
[45]
tions
of
person
and
selfhood
cross-culturally.
to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory. Dr. Gillian Tett, a Cambridge University Throughout the interwar years, French interest in antrained anthropologist who went on to become a senior thropology often dovetailed with wider cultural move-

24

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


institution of authority as a separate function from society. The leader is only a spokesperson for the group when
it has to deal with other groups (international relations)
but has no inside authority, and may be violently removed
if he attempts to abuse this position.[46]
The most important French social theorist since Foucault
and Lvi-Strauss is Pierre Bourdieu, who trained formally
in philosophy and sociology and eventually held the Chair
of Sociology at the Collge de France. Like Mauss and
others before him, he worked on topics both in sociology and anthropology. His eldwork among the Kabyle
of Algeria places him solidly in anthropology, while his
analysis of the function and reproduction of fashion and
cultural capital in European societies places him as solidly
in sociology.

Blumenbach's ve races.
mile Durkheim

United States
ments such as surrealism and primitivism, which drew on
ethnography for inspiration. Marcel Griaule and Michel From its beginnings in the early 19th century through the
Leiris are examples of people who combined anthropol- early 20th century, anthropology in the United States was
ogy with the French avant-garde. During this time most inuenced by the presence of Native American societies.
of what is known as ethnologie was restricted to museums,
such as the Muse de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet,
and anthropology had a close relationship with studies of
folklore.
Claude Lvi-Strauss
Above all, Claude LviStrauss helped institutionalize anthropology in France.
Along with the enormous inuence that his theory
of structuralism exerted across multiple disciplines,
Lvi-Strauss established ties with American and British
anthropologists. At the same time, he established centers
and laboratories within France to provide an institutional
context within anthropology, while training inuential
students such as Maurice Godelier and Franoise Hritier. They proved inuential in the world of French
anthropology. Much of the distinct character of Frances
anthropology today is a result of the fact that most
anthropology is carried out in nationally funded research
laboratories (CNRS) rather than academic departments
in universities
Other inuential writers in the 1970s include Pierre Clastres, who explains in his books on the Guayaki tribe in
Paraguay that primitive societies actively oppose the institution of the state. These stateless societies are not less Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often
evolved than societies with states, but chose to conjure the called the Father of American Anthropology

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY


Cultural anthropology in the United States was inuenced
greatly by the ready availability of Native American societies as ethnographic subjects. The eld was pioneered by
sta of the Bureau of Indian Aairs and the Smithsonian
Institutions Bureau of American Ethnology, men such as
John Wesley Powell and Frank Hamilton Cushing.
Late eighteenth century ethnology established the scientic foundation for the eld, which began to mature in the
United States during the presidency of Andrew Jackson
(18291837). Jackson was responsible for implementing the Indian Removal Act, the coerced and forced removal of an estimated 100,000 American Indians during
the 1830s to Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma;
for insuring that the franchise was extended to all white
men, irrespective of nancial means while denying virtually all black men the right to vote; and, for suppressing
abolitionists eorts to end slavery while vigorously defending that institution. Finally, he was responsible for
appointing Chief Justice Roger B. Taney who would decide, in Scott v. Sandford (1857), that Negroes were beings of an inferior order, and altogether unt to associate
with the white race.. . and so far inferior that they had no
rights which the white man was bound to respect. As a
result of this decision, black people, whether free or enslaved, could never become citizens of the United States.
It was in this context that the so-called American School
of Anthropology thrived as the champion of polygenism
or the doctrine of multiple originssparking a debate between those inuenced by the Bible who believed in the
unity of humanity and those who argued from a scientic
standpoint for the plurality of origins and the antiquity of
distinct types. Like the monogenists, these theories were
not monolithic and often used words like races, species,
hybrid, and mongrel interchangeably. A scientic consensus began to emerge during this period that there exists a Genus Homo, embracing many primordial types
of species. Charles Caldwell, Samuel George Morton,
Samuel A. Cartwright, George Gliddon, Josiah C. Nott,
and Louis Agassiz, and even South Carolina Governor
James Henry Hammond were all inuential proponents
of this school. While some were disinterested scientists,
others were passionate advocates who used science to
promote slavery in a period of increasing sectional strife.
All were complicit in establishing the putative science
that justied slavery, informed the Dred Scott decision,
underpinned miscegenation laws, and eventually fueled
Jim Crow. Samuel G. Morton, for example, claimed to be
just a scientist but he did not hesitate to provide evidence
of Negro inferiority to John C. Calhoun, the prominent
pro-slavery Secretary of State to help him negotiate the
annexation of Texas as a slave state.

25
out quickly and by the end of the century it had undergone nine editions. Although many Southerners felt that
all the justication for slavery they needed was found in
the Bible, others used the new science to defend slavery
and the repression of American Indians. Abolitionists,
however, felt they had to take this science on its own
terms. And for the rst time, African American intellectuals waded into the contentious debate. In the immediate wake of Types of Mankind and during the pitched
political battles that led to Civil War, Frederick Douglass
(18181895), the statesman and persuasive abolitionist,
directly attacked the leading theorists of the American
School of Anthropology. In an 1854 address, entitled
The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered,
Douglass argued that by making the enslaved a character
t only for slavery, [slaveowners] excuse themselves for
refusing to make the slave a freeman.... For let it be once
granted that the human race are of multitudinous origin,
naturally dierent in their moral, physical, and intellectual capacities... a chance is left for slavery, as a necessary
institution.... There is no doubt that Messrs. Nott, Glidden, Morton, Smith and Agassiz were duly consulted by
our slavery propagating statesmen. (p. 287).
Lewis Henry Morgan in the USA Lewis Henry Morgan (18181881), a lawyer from Rochester, New York,
became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the
Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be inuential contributions to the eld
of anthropology. Like other scholars of his day (such
as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that human societies
could be classied into categories of cultural evolution
on a scale of progression that ranged from savagery, to
barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as an indicator of
position on this scale.
Franz Boas Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the United States in opposition to this sort of
evolutionary perspective. His approach was empirical,
skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts
to establish universal laws. For example, Boas studied
immigrant children to demonstrate that biological race
was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior
resulted from nurture, rather than nature.

Inuenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that


the world was full of distinct cultures, rather than societies whose evolution could be measured by how much or
how little civilization they had. He believed that each
The high-water mark of polygenic theories was Josiah culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued
Nott and Gliddons voluminous eight-hundred page tome that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the
titled Types of Mankind, published in 1854. Reproduc- natural sciences, were not possible.
ing the work of Louis Agassiz and Samuel Morton, the In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants,
authors spread the virulent and explicitly racist views to blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[47] Many
a wider, more popular audience. The rst printing sold American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social

26
reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called Four Field
Approach has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated
elds of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic
anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the
United States continues to be deeply inuenced by the
Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the
impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed
him as chair of Columbias anthropology department, but
she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited
to her oces at the AMNH.

Other countries
Anthropology as it emerged amongst the Western colonial
powers (mentioned above) has generally taken a dierent path than that in the countries of southern and central
Europe (Italy, Greece, and the successors to the AustroHungarian and Ottoman empires). In the former, the encounter with multiple, distinct cultures, often very dierent in organization and language from those of Europe,
has led to a continuing emphasis on cross-cultural comparison and a receptiveness to certain kinds of cultural
relativism.[48]
In the successor states of continental Europe, on the other
hand, anthropologists often joined with folklorists and
linguists in building cultural perspectives on nationalism.
Ethnologists in these countries tended to focus on dierentiating among local ethnolinguistic groups, documenting local folk culture, and representing the prehistory of
what has become a nation through various forms of public
education (e.g., museums of several kinds).[49]
Ruth Benedict in 1937

In this scheme, Russia occupied a middle position. On


the one hand, it had a large region (largely east of the
Urals) of highly distinct, pre-industrial, often non-literate
peoples, similar to the situation in the Americas. On
the other hand, Russia also participated to some degree
in the nationalist (cultural and political) movements of
Central and Eastern Europe. After the Revolution of
1917, views expressed by anthropologists in the USSR,
and later the Soviet Bloc countries, were highly shaped
by the requirement to conform to Marxist theories of social evolution.[50]

Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the


American Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations of students. His rst generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie,
Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced
richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to attack
the theory of a single evolutionary process. Kroeber and
Sapirs focus on Native American languages helped estab- In Greece, there was since the 19th century a science of
lish linguistics as a truly general science and free it from
the folklore called laographia (laography), in the form of
its historical focus on Indo-European languages.
a science of the interior, although theoretically weak;
The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthro- but the connotation of the eld deeply changed after
pology, marked a turning point in American anthropol- World War II, when a wave of Anglo-American anthroogy. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians pologists introduced a science of the outside.[51] In
felt a growing urge to generalize. This was most obvi- Italy, the development of ethnology and related studies
ous in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by did not receive as much attention as other branches of
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Bene- learning.[52]
dict. Inuenced by psychoanalytic psychologists includ- Germany and Norway are the countries that showed the
ing Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought most division and conict between scholars focusing on
to understand the way that individual personalities were domestic socio-cultural issues and scholars focusing on
shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which other societies.. Some German and Austrian scholars
they grew up.
have increased cultural anthropology as both legal anthroThough such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and pology regarding other societies and anthropology of
The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with Western civilization.[53]

2.1. HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

2.1.7

20th-Century Developments

27

[21] Eriksen, Thomas Hylland; Nielsen, Finn Sivert (1013).


A History of Anthropology (PDF). Anthropology, Culture
and Society Series (2nd ed.). London: Pluto Press. pp.
1012.

In the mid-20th century, American anthropology began


to study its own history more systematically. In 1967
Marvin Harris published his The Rise of Anthropolog- [22] Smith, Jonathan Z. (1993). Map is Not Territory: Studical Theory, presenting argumentative examinations of
ies in the History of Religions. Chicage: University of
anthropologys historical developments, and George W.
Chicago Press. p. 245.
Stocking, Jr., established the historicist school, examining the historical contexts of anthropological movements. [23] Hartog, Franois (1988). The mirror of Herodotus : the

2.1.8

See also

Muse de l'Homme founded by Paul Rivet

2.1.9

References

[1] "-logy. Online Etymological Dictionary.


[2] "-logy. Websters Third New International Dictionary
Unabridged and Seven Language Dictionary. II H to R.
Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. 1986.
[3] Liddell & Scott 1940, logos
[4] Hunt 1863, p. 1
[5] Liddell & Scott 1940, anthropologos
[6] Liddell & Scott 1940, logia
[7] Buck 1933, p. 359
[8] Appendix I: Indo-European Roots. leg-. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (4th ed.).
2009.
[9] Buck 1933, p. 347
[10] Harris 2001, p. 1
[11] There is currently some regional and traditional equivocation about whether it should be called culture history, as
in cultural anthropology; i.e., Culture-historical archaeology, or social history, as in social anthropology, or the
compromise, sociocultural anthropology. Dierent theorists have dierent practices, the distinctions being mainly
verbal.
[12] Harris 2001, p. 159
[13] Harris 2001, p. 2
[14] Harris 2001, p. 3
[15] Harris 1991, pp. xii-xiii
[16] Harris 1991, p. xiv
[17] Harris 1999, p. 52
[18] Harris 1999, p. 32
[19] Harris 2001, pp. 75-76
[20] Harris 1999, p. 141

representation of the other in the writing of history. New


historicism, 5. Berkeley: University of California Press.
p. 379.

[24] Redeld, James M. (1985). Herodotus the Tourist


(PDF). Classical Philology 80: 97118.
[25] Ahmed, Akbar S. (1984). Al-Beruni: The First Anthropologist. RAIN 60 (60): 910. doi:10.2307/3033407.
[26] Richard Tapper (1995). Islamic Anthropology and the
Anthropology of Islam, Anthropological Quarterly 68
(3), Anthropological Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185193.
[27] Walbridge, J. T. (1998). Explaining Away the Greek
Gods in Islam. Journal of the History of Ideas 59 (3):
389403. doi:10.1353/jhi.1998.0030.
[28] Richard Tapper (1995). Islamic Anthropology and the
Anthropology of Islam, Anthropological Quarterly 68
(3), Anthropological Analysis and Islamic Texts, p. 185193.
[29] West Asian views on black Africans during the medieval
era
[30] Resources for a History of Anthropology
[31] Marco Polos Asia
[32] The Renaissance Foundations of Anthropology
[33] Urbanowicz, Charles.
In the Newsletter of the
American Anthropological Association, reprinted online,
Csuchico.edu
[34] Foucault, Michel. Introduction to his 1961 translation
of Kants work, reprinted, Generation-online.org
[35] Jacobs, Brian, and Kain, Patrick (eds.), Essays on
Kants Anthropology, Cambridge University Press, 2003,
278pp., ISBN 0-521-79038-7.
[36] Votruba, Martin. Herder on Language (PDF). Slovak
Studies Program. University of Pittsburgh.
[37] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The
Free Press.
[38] Cliord, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
[39] Stocking, George Jr. (1963) Matthew Arnold, E. B. Tylor, and the Uses of Invention, American Anthropologist,
65:783-799, 1963

28

[40] Tylor, E. B. (1865) Researches into the early history of


mankind the development of civilization. London: John
Murray.
[41] Tylor, E. B. (1871) Primitive culture: researches into the
development of mythology, philosophy, religion, art, and
custom. 2 vols. London, John Murray.
[42] Malinowski, Bronisaw (1967) A diary in the strict sense
of the term. New York, Harcourt, Brace & World [1967]
[43] Jack Goody (1995) The Expansive Moment: The Rise of
Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 1918-1970 review at Links.jstor.org
[44] Heyck, Thomas William (1997) at Links.jstor.org The
American Historical Review, Vol. 102, No. 5 (December, 1997), pp. 14861488 doi:10.2307/2171126
[45] Mauss, Marcel (1938) A category of the human mind:
the notion of person; the notion of self., in M. Carrithers,
S. Collins, and S. Lukes, eds. The Category of the Person: anthropology, philosophy, history. Pp. 1-25. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Originally given as Une categorie de l'Esprit Humain: La Notion de Personne, Celle de 'Moi', for the Huxley Memorial Lecture and appeared in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 68.
[46] Bartholomew Dean Critical Re-vision: Clastres Chronicle and the optic of primitivism, 2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 19742000, ed. J. Benthall, with a preface
by M. Sahlins. London: Routledge. Amazon.com
[47] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution:
Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free
Press.
[48] On varieties of cultural relativism in anthropology, see
Spiro, Melford E. (1987) Some Reections on Cultural
Determinism and Relativism with Special Reference to
Emotion and Reason, in Culture and Human Nature: theoretical papers of Melford E. Spiro. Edited by B. Kilborne
and L. L. Langness, pp. 3258. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
[49] Gellner, Ernest. (1998) Language and solitude: Wittgenstein, Malinowski, and the Habsburg dilemma. New York:
Cambridge University Press.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

[53] Wolfgang Fikentscher:


Law and Anthropology:
Outlines, Issues, and Suggestions, Bayerischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, C.H. Beck 2009, ISBN
978-3-7696-0977-6; Axel Montenbruck: Zivilisation. Eine Rechtsanthropologie. Staat und Mensch,
Gewalt und Recht, Kultur und Natur , 2. Auage,
2010.
Universittsbibliothek der Freien Universitt
Berlin, open access, http://edocs.fu-berlin.de/docs/
servlets/MCRFileNodeServlet/FUDOCS_derivate_
000000001228/Zivilisation_2__Aufl__ORIGINAL_
21_9.pdf?hosts=; Axel Montenbruck: Western Anthropology: Democracy and Dehumanization . 2nd edition
2010, Universittsbibliothek der Freien Universitt
Berlin.
open access, http://edocs.fu-berlin.de/docs/
servlets/MCRFileNodeServlet/FUDOCS_derivate_
000000001194/Western_Anthropology,_2nd_ed.pdf?
hosts=; Peter Sack, Carl P. Wellman, Mitsukuni Yasaki
(Hrsg.): Monismus oder Pluralismus der Rechtskulturen? Anthropologische und ethnologische Grundlagen
traditioneller und moderner Rechtssysteme / Monistic
or Pluralistic Legal Culture? Anthropological and Ethnological Foundations of Traditional and Modern Legal
Systems . Vorwort von / Preface by Ota Weinberger.
1991. ISBN 978-3-428-07193-7

2.1.10 Bibliography
Main article: List of important publications in anthropology

Fieldnotes and memoirs of anthropologists


Barley, Nigel (1983). he innocent anthropologist:
notes from a mud hut. London:: British Museum
Publications.
Geertz, Cliord (1995). After the fact: two countries, four decades, one anthropologist. Cambridge,
MA:: Harvard University Press..

[50] Gellner, Ernest, ed. (1980) Soviet and Western anthropology. New York: Columbia University Press.

Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1967). Tristes tropiques.


Translated from the French by John Russell. New
York: Atheneum.

[51] Genevive Zoa, L'anthropologie en Grce , Terrain, Numro 14L'incroyable et ses preuves (mars
1990) , [En ligne], mis en ligne le 7 octobre 2005,
Terrain.revues.org, Consult le 15 juin 2007. (French)

Malinowski, Bronislaw (1967). A diary in the strict


sense of the term. Translated by Norbert Guterman.
New York: Harcourt, Brace & World..

[52] Grottanelli, Vinigi Ethnology and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and Developments (and Comments and Reply). Other authors: Giorgio Ausenda,
Bernardo Bernardi, Ugo Bianchi, Y. Michal Bodemann,
Jack Goody, Allison Jablonko, David I. Kertzer, Vittorio
Lanternari, Antonio Marazzi, Roy A. Miller, Jr., Laura
Laurencich Minelli, David M. Moss, Leonard W. Moss,
H. R. H. Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, Diana
Pinto, Pietro Scotti, Tullio Tentori. Current Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 4 (December, 1977), pp. 593614

Rabinow, Paul (1977). Reections on Fieldwork in


Morocco. Berkely: University of California Press.

History of anthropology
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities
Press.

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

29

Barth, Fredrik; Gingrich, Andre; Parkin, Robert 2.1.11 External links


(2005). One Discipline, Four Ways: British, Ger Encyclopedic Entry: Anthropology. Education.
man, French, and American anthropology. Chicago:
National Geographic. Retrieved April 7, 2015.
University of Chicago Press.
Buck, Carl Darling (1933). Comparative Grammar
of Greek and Latin. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Cerroni-Long, E. L., ed. (1999) Anthropological
Theory in North America. Westport: Berin & Garvey. download
Darnell, Regna. (2001). Invisible Genealogies: A
History of Americanist Anthropology. Lincoln, NE:
University of Nebraska Press.
Hamilton, Michelle A. (2010) Collections and Objections: Aboriginal Material Culture in Southern Ontario. Montreal: MQUP.

Historical Trends in Anthropological Thought. Institute for Ice Age Studies. January 12, 2008.
Elwell, Frank W. (2007). Harris on the Universal
Structure of Societies. Socio-cultural Systems.

2.2 Archaeology
For the magazine about archaeology, see Archaeology
(magazine). For the album by the pastiche/parody Beatles band, see The Rutles Archaeology.
Archaeology or archeology,[1] is the study of human

Harris, Marvin (1991) [1977]. Cannibals and kings


: origins of cultures. New York; Toronto: Vintage
Books.
(1999). Theories of Culture in Postmodern
Times. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
(2001) [1968]. The rise of anthropological theory: a history of theories of culture. Walnut Creek,
CA: AltaMira Press.
Hunt, James (1863). Introductory Address on the
Study of Anthropology. The Anthropological Review (London: Trbner & Co.). Vol. I.
Roman ruins, Lausanne, Switzerland.
Kehoe, Alice B. (1998). The Land of Prehistory: activity in the past, primarily through the recovery
A Critical History of American Archaeology. New and analysis of the material culture and environmenYork; London: Routledge.
tal data that has been left behind by past human populations, which includes artifacts, architecture, biofacts
Killan, Gerald. (1983) David Boyle: From Artisan (also known as eco-facts) and cultural landscapes (the
to Archaeologist. Toronto: UTP.
archaeological record). Because archaeology employs a
wide range of dierent procedures, it can be consid Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert (1940). A ered to be both a social science and a humanity,[2] and
Greek-English Lexicon. Revised and augmented in the United States, it is thought of as a branch of
throughout by Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the as- anthropology,[3] although in Europe, it is viewed as a dissistance of Roderick McKenzie. Oxford, UK; Med- cipline in its own right, or related to other disciplines. For
ford, MA: Clarendon Press; Perseus Digital Library. example, much of archaeology in the United Kingdom is
considered a part the study of history, while in France it
Pels, Peter; Salemink, Oscar, eds. (2000). Colonial is considered part of Geology.
Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Archaeology studies human prehistory and history from
the development of the rst stone tools in eastern Africa
Sera-Shriar, Efram (2013). The Making of British 4 million years ago up until recent decades.[4] (ArchaeAnthropology, 18131871. Science and Culture in ology does not include the discipline of paleontology). It
the Nineteenth Century, 18. London; Vermont: is of most importance for learning about prehistoric societies, when there are no written records for historians to
Pickering and Chatto.
study, making up over 99% of total human history, from
Stocking, George, Jr. (1968). Race, Culture and the Paleolithic until the advent of literacy in any given
Evolution. New York: Free Press.
society.[2] Archaeology has various goals, which range

30

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

from studying human evolution to cultural evolution and First excavations


understanding culture history.[5]
The discipline involves surveying, excavation and eventually analysis of data collected to learn more about the past.
In broad scope, archaeology relies on cross-disciplinary
research. It draws upon anthropology, history, art
history, classics, ethnology, geography,[6] geology,[7][8][9]
linguistics, semiology, physics, information sciences,
chemistry, statistics, paleoecology, paleontology,
paleozoology, paleoethnobotany, and paleobotany.
Archaeology developed out of antiquarianism in Europe
during the 19th century, and has since become a discipline practiced across the world. Since its early development, various specic sub-disciplines of archaeology have developed, including maritime archaeology,
feminist archaeology and archaeoastronomy, and numerous dierent scientic techniques have been developed
to aid archaeological investigation. Nonetheless, today,
archaeologists face many problems, such as dealing with
pseudoarchaeology, the looting of artifacts, a lack of public interest, and opposition to the excavation of human
remains.

2.2.1

History

Main article: History of archaeology

Antiquarians

An early photograph of Stonehenge taken July 1877

One of the rst sites to undergo archaeological excavation was Stonehenge and other megalithic monuments in
England. John Aubrey was a pioneer archaeologist who
recorded numerous megalithic and other eld monuments
in southern England. He was also ahead of his time in
the analysis of his ndings. He attempted to chart the
chronological stylistic evolution of handwriting, medieval
architecture, costume, and shield-shapes.[12]
Excavations were also carried out in the ancient towns of
Pompeii and Herculaneum, both of which had been covered by ash during the Eruption of Mount Vesuvius in AD
79. These excavations began in 1748 in Pompeii, while in
Herculaneum they began in 1738. The discovery of entire
towns, complete with utensils and even human shapes, as
well the unearthing of ancient frescos, had a big impact
throughout Europe.

However, prior to the development of modern techniques, excavations tended to be haphazard; the importance of concepts such as stratication and context were
The science of archaeology (from Greek , overlooked.[13]
archaiologia from , arkhaios, ancient and , -logia, "-logy")[10] grew out of the older multidisciplinary study known as antiquarianism. Antiquar- Development of archaeological method
ians studied history with particular attention to ancient
artefacts and manuscripts, as well as historical sites. An- The father of archaeological excavation was William
tiquarianism focused on the empirical evidence that ex- Cunnington (17541810). He undertook excavations in
isted for the understanding of the past, encapsulated in Wiltshire from around 1798,[14] funded by Sir Richard
the motto of the 18th-century antiquary, Sir Richard Colt Colt Hoare. Cunnington made meticulous recordings of
Hoare, We speak from facts not theory. Tentative steps neolithic and Bronze Age barrows, and the terms he used
towards the systematization of archaeology as a science to categorise and describe them are still used by archaetook place during the Enlightenment era in Europe in the ologists today.[15]
17th and 18th centuries.[11]
One of the major achievements of 19th century archaeMain article: Antiquarian

In Europe, philosophical interest in the remains of GrecoRoman civilisation and the rediscovery of classical culture began in the late Middle Age. Flavio Biondo an
Italian Renaissance humanist historian created a systematic guide to the ruins and topography of ancient Rome
in the early 15th century for which he has been called
an early founder of archaeology. Antiquarians, including
John Leland and William Camden, conducted surveys of
the English countryside, drawing, describing and interpreting the monuments that they encountered.

ology was the development of stratigraphy. The idea of


overlapping strata tracing back to successive periods was
borrowed from the new geological and palaeontological
work of scholars like William Smith, James Hutton and
Charles Lyell. The application of stratigraphy to archaeology rst took place with the excavations of prehistorical
and Bronze Age sites. In the third and fourth decades of
the 19th century, archaeologists like Jacques Boucher de
Perthes and Christian Jrgensen Thomsen began to put
the artifacts they had found in chronological order.

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

31

Mortimer Wheeler pioneered systematic excavation in the early


20th century. Pictured, are his excavations at Maiden Castle,
Dorset, in October 1937.
Artefacts discovered at the 1808 Bush Barrow excavation by Sir
Richard Colt Hoare and William Cunnington.

A major gure in the development of archaeology into


a rigorous science was the army ocer and ethnologist,
Augustus Pitt Rivers,[16] who began excavations on his
land in England in the 1880s. His approach was highly
methodical by the standards of the time, and he is widely
regarded as the rst scientic archaeologist. He arranged
his artefacts by type or "typologically, and within types
by date or chronologically. This style of arrangement,
designed to highlight the evolutionary trends in human
artefacts, was of enormous signicance for the accurate
dating of the objects. His most important methodological innovation was his insistence that all artefacts, not just
beautiful or unique ones, be collected and catalogued.[17]

of an equally advanced Minoan civilization.[20]


The next major gure in the development of archaeology was Sir Mortimer Wheeler, whose highly disciplined
approach to excavation and systematic coverage in the
1920s and 1930s brought the science on swiftly. Wheeler
developed the grid system of excavation, which was further improved by his student Kathleen Kenyon.

Archaeology became a professional activity in the rst


half of the 20th century, and it became possible to study
archaeology as a subject in universities and even schools.
By the end of the 20th century nearly all professional archaeologists, at least in developed countries, were graduates. Further adaptation and innovation in archaeology
continued in this period, when maritime archaeology and
urban archaeology became more prevalent and rescue archaeology was developed as a result of increasing comWilliam Flinders Petrie is another man who may legitimercial development.[21]
mately be called the Father of Archaeology. His painstaking recording and study of artefacts, both in Egypt and
later in Palestine, laid down many of the ideas behind
2.2.2 Purpose
modern archaeological recording; he remarked that I
believe the true line of research lies in the noting and The purpose of archaeology is to learn more about past
comparison of the smallest details. Petrie developed the societies and the development of the human race. Over
system of dating layers based on pottery and ceramic 99% of the development of humanity has occurred within
ndings, which revolutionized the chronological basis of prehistoric cultures, who did not make use of writing,
Egyptology. Petrie was the rst to scientically investi- thereby not leaving written records of themselves that can
gate the Great Pyramid in Egypt during the 1880s.[18] He be studied today. Without such written sources, the only
was also responsible for mentoring and training a whole way to learn about prehistoric societies is to use archaegeneration of Egyptologists, including Howard Carter ology. Because archaeology is the study of past human
who went on to achieve fame with the discovery of the activity, it stretches back to about 2,5 million years ago
tomb of 14th-century BC pharaoh Tutankhamun.
when we nd the rst stone tools - The Oldowan Industry.
The rst stratigraphic excavation to reach wide popularity with public was that of Hissarlik, on the site of ancient Troy, carried out by Heinrich Schliemann, Frank
Calvert, Wilhelm Drpfeld and Carl Blegen in the 1870s.
These scholars individuated nine dierent cities that had
overlapped with one another, from prehistory to the
Hellenistic period.[19] Meanwhile, the work of Sir Arthur
Evans at Knossos in Crete revealed the ancient existence

Many important developments in human history occurred


during prehistory, such as the evolution of humanity during the Paleolithic period, when the hominins developed
from the australopithecines in Africa and eventually into
modern Homo sapiens. Archaeology also sheds light on
many of humanitys technological advances, for instance
the ability to use re, the development of stone tools,
the discovery of metallurgy, the beginnings of religion

32

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

Sign at Lubbock Lake Landmark in Lubbock, Texas


Cast of the skull of the Taung child, uncovered in South Africa.
The Child was an infant of the Australopithecus africanus
species, an early form of hominin

and the creation of agriculture. Without archaeology, we


would know little or nothing about the use of material
culture by humanity that pre-dates writing.[22]
However, it is not only prehistoric, pre-literate cultures
that can be studied using archaeology but historic, literate
cultures as well, through the sub-discipline of historical
archaeology. For many literate cultures, such as Ancient
Greece and Mesopotamia, their surviving records are often incomplete and biased to some extent. In many societies, literacy was restricted to the elite classes, such as
the clergy or the bureaucracy of court or temple. The literacy even of aristocrats has sometimes been restricted
to deeds and contracts. The interests and world-view of
elites are often quite dierent from the lives and interests
of the populace. Writings that were produced by people more representative of the general population were
unlikely to nd their way into libraries and be preserved
there for posterity. Thus, written records tend to reect
the biases, assumptions, cultural values and possibly deceptions of a limited range of individuals, usually a small
fraction of the larger population. Hence, written records
cannot be trusted as a sole source. The material record
may be closer to a fair representation of society, though
it is subject to its own biases, such as sampling bias and
dierential preservation.[23]

Theory
Main article: Archaeological theory
There is no one singular approach to archaeological theory that has been adhered to by all archaeologists. When
archaeology developed in the late 19th century, the rst
approach to archaeological theory to be practiced was
that of cultural-history archaeology, which held the goal
of explaining why cultures changed and adapted rather
than just highlighting the fact that they did, therefore emphasizing historical particularism.[24] In the early 20th

century, many archaeologists who studied past societies


with direct continuing links to existing ones (such as those
of Native Americans, Siberians, Mesoamericans etc.)
followed the direct historical approach, compared the
continuity between the past and contemporary ethnic and
cultural groups.[24] In the 1960s, an archaeological movement largely led by American archaeologists like Lewis
Binford and Kent Flannery arose that rebelled against
the established cultural-history archaeology.[25][26] They
proposed a New Archaeology, which would be more
scientic and anthropological, with hypothesis testing and the scientic method very important parts of what
became known as processual archaeology.[24]
In the 1980s, a new postmodern movement arose led by
the British archaeologists Michael Shanks,[27][28][29][30]
Christopher Tilley,[31] Daniel Miller,[32][33] and Ian Hodder,[34][35][36][37][38][39] which has become known as postprocessual archaeology. It questioned processualisms appeals to scientic positivism and impartiality, and emphasized the importance of a more self-critical theoretical reexivity. However, this approach has been criticized by processualists as lacking scientic rigor, and the
validity of both processualism and post-processualism is
still under debate. Meanwhile, another theory, known as
historical processualism has emerged seeking to incorporate a focus on process and post-processual archaeologys
emphasis of reexivity and history.[40]
Archaeological theory now borrows from a wide range
of inuences, including neo-Darwinian evolutionary
thought, phenomenology, postmodernism, agency theory,
cognitive science, structural functionalism, gender-based
and feminist archaeology, and systems theory.

2.2.3 Methods
An archaeological investigation usually involves several
distinct phases, each of which employs its own variety of
methods. Before any practical work can begin, however,
a clear objective as to what the archaeologists are looking to achieve must be agreed upon. This done, a site is

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

33

surveyed to nd out as much as possible about it and the


surrounding area. Second, an excavation may take place
to uncover any archaeological features buried under the
ground. And, third, the data collected from the excavation is studied and evaluated in an attempt to achieve the
original research objectives of the archaeologists. It is
then considered good practice for the information to be
published so that it is available to other archaeologists and
historians, although this is sometimes neglected.[41]

Remote sensing
Before actually starting to dig in a location, satellite imagery can be used to look where sites are located within
a large area.[42] There are two types of remote sensing
instrumentspassive and active. Passive instruments detect natural energy that is reected or emitted from the
observed scene. Passive instruments sense only radiation
emitted by the object being viewed or reected by the
object from a source other than the instrument. Here are
other two instruments that are passive in remote sensing.
Lidar (Light Detection and Ranging) A lidar uses a
laser (light amplication by stimulated emission of radiation) to transmit a light pulse and a receiver with sensitive detectors to measure the backscattered or reected
light. Distance to the object is determined by recording the time between the transmitted and backscattered
pulses and using the speed of light to calculate the distance traveled. Lidars can determine atmospheric proles of aerosols, clouds, and other constituents of the atmosphere.

Monte Alban archaeological site

survey of all levels became prominent with the rise of processual archaeology some years later.[46]
Survey work has many benets if performed as a preliminary exercise to, or even in place of, excavation. It requires relatively little time and expense, because it does
not require processing large volumes of soil to search
out artifacts. (Nevertheless, surveying a large region
or site can be expensive, so archaeologists often employ sampling methods.)[47] As with other forms of nondestructive archaeology, survey avoids ethical issues (of
particular concern to descendant peoples) associated with
destroying a site through excavation. It is the only way to
gather some forms of information, such as settlement patterns and settlement structure. Survey data are commonly
assembled into maps, which may show surface features
and/or artifact distribution.

Laser Altimeter A laser altimeter uses a lidar (see


above) to measure the height of the instrument platform
above the surface. By independently knowing the height
of the platform with respect to the mean Earths surface,
the topography of the underlying surface can be determined. [43]

Field survey
Main article: Archaeological survey
The archaeological project then continues (or alternatively, begins) with a eld survey. Regional survey is the
attempt to systematically locate previously unknown sites
in a region. Site survey is the attempt to systematically
locate features of interest, such as houses and middens,
within a site. Each of these two goals may be accomplished with largely the same methods.
Survey was not widely practiced in the early days of archaeology. Cultural historians and prior researchers were
usually content with discovering the locations of monumental sites from the local populace, and excavating only
the plainly visible features there. Gordon Willey pioneered the technique of regional settlement pattern survey in 1949 in the Viru Valley of coastal Peru,[44][45] and

Inverted kite aerial photo of an excavation of a Roman building


at Nesley near Tetbury in Gloucestershire.

The simplest survey technique is surface survey. It involves combing an area, usually on foot but sometimes
with the use of mechanized transport, to search for fea-

34

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

tures or artifacts visible on the surface. Surface survey


cannot detect sites or features that are completely buried
under earth, or overgrown with vegetation. Surface survey may also include mini-excavation techniques such as
augers, corers, and shovel test pits. If no materials are
found, the area surveyed is deemed sterile.
Aerial survey is conducted using cameras attached to
airplanes, balloons, or even Kites.[48] A birds-eye view
is useful for quick mapping of large or complex sites.
Aerial photographs are used to document the status of
the archaeological dig. Aerial imaging can also detect
many things not visible from the surface. Plants growing above a buried man made structure, such as a stone
wall, will develop more slowly, while those above other
types of features (such as middens) may develop more Excavations at the 3800-year-old Edgewater Park Site, Iowa
rapidly. Photographs of ripening grain, which changes
colour rapidly at maturation, have revealed buried structures with great precision. Aerial photographs taken at
dierent times of day will help show the outlines of
structures by changes in shadows. Aerial survey also
employs ultraviolet, infrared, ground-penetrating radar
wavelengths, LiDAR and thermography.[49]
Geophysical survey can be the most eective way to see
beneath the ground. Magnetometers detect minute deviations in the Earths magnetic eld caused by iron artifacts, kilns, some types of stone structures, and even
ditches and middens. Devices that measure the electrical
resistivity of the soil are also widely used. Archaeological features whose electrical resistivity contrasts with that
of surrounding soils can be detected and mapped. Some
archaeological features (such as those composed of stone
or brick) have higher resistivity than typical soils, while
others (such as organic deposits or unred clay) tend to
have lower resistivity.
Although some archaeologists consider the use of metal
detectors to be tantamount to treasure hunting, others
deem them an eective tool in archaeological surveying.
Examples of formal archaeological use of metal detectors include musketball distribution analysis on English
Civil War battleelds, metal distribution analysis prior to
excavation of a 19th-century ship wreck, and service cable location during evaluation. Metal detectorists have
also contributed to archaeology where they have made detailed records of their results and refrained from raising
artifacts from their archaeological context. In the UK,
metal detectorists have been solicited for involvement in
the Portable Antiquities Scheme.

Archaeological excavation that discovered prehistoric caves in


Vill (Innsbruck), Austria

source of the majority of data recovered in most eld


projects. It can reveal several types of information usually not accessible to survey, such as stratigraphy, threedimensional structure, and veriably primary context.

Regional survey in underwater archaeology uses geophys- Modern excavation techniques require that the preical or remote sensing devices such as marine magne- cise locations of objects and features, known as their
provenance or provenience, be recorded. This always intometer, side-scan sonar, or sub-bottom sonar.[50]
volves determining their horizontal locations, and sometimes vertical position as well (also see Primary Laws of
Excavation
Archaeology). Likewise, their association, or relationship
with nearby objects and features, needs to be recorded
Main article: Excavation (archaeology)
for later analysis. This allows the archaeologist to deduce
Archaeological excavation existed even when the eld which artifacts and features were likely used together and
was still the domain of amateurs, and it remains the which may be from dierent phases of activity. For ex-

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

35
Once artifacts and structures have been excavated, or collected from surface surveys, it is necessary to properly
study them, to gain as much data as possible. This process is known as post-excavation analysis, and is usually
the most time-consuming part of the archaeological investigation. It is not uncommon for the nal excavation
reports on major sites to take years to be published.

At its most basic, the artifacts found are cleaned, cataloged and compared to published collections, to classify them typologically and to identify other sites with
similar artifact assemblages. However, a much more
comprehensive range of analytical techniques are available through archaeological science, meaning that arAn archaeologist sifting for POW remains on Wake Island.
tifacts can be dated and their compositions examined.
The bones, plants and pollen collected from a site can
all be analyzed (using the techniques of zooarchaeology,
ample, excavation of a site reveals its stratigraphy; if a paleoethnobotany, and palynology), while any texts can
site was occupied by a succession of distinct cultures, ar- usually be deciphered.
tifacts from more recent cultures will lie above those from
These techniques frequently provide information that
more ancient cultures.
would not otherwise be known and therefore contribute
Excavation is the most expensive phase of archaeological greatly to the understanding of a site.
research, in relative terms. Also, as a destructive process,
it carries ethical concerns. As a result, very few sites are
excavated in their entirety. Again the percentage of a site Virtual archaeology
excavated depends greatly on the country and method
statement issued. In places 90% excavation is common. Main article: virtual archaeology
Sampling is even more important in excavation than in
survey. It is common for large mechanical equipment,
Some time around 1995 archaeologists started using
such as backhoes (JCBs), to be used in excavation, escomputer graphics to build virtual 3D models of sites such
pecially to remove the topsoil (overburden), though this
as the throne room of an ancient Assyrian palace or anmethod is increasingly used with great caution. Followcient Rome.[51] This is done by collecting normal phoing this rather dramatic step, the exposed area is usually
tographs and using computer graphics to build the virtual
hand-cleaned with trowels or hoes to ensure that all fea3D model.[51] In more general terms, computers can be
tures are apparent.
used to recreate the environment and conditions of the
The next task is to form a site plan and then use it to help past, such as objects, buildings, landscapes and even andecide the method of excavation. Features dug into the cient battles.[51] Computer simulation can be used to simnatural subsoil are normally excavated in portions to pro- ulate the living conditions of an ancient community and to
duce a visible archaeological section for recording. A fea- see how it would have reacted to various scenarios (such
ture, for example a pit or a ditch, consists of two parts: the as how much food to grow, how many animals to slaughcut and the ll. The cut describes the edge of the feature, ter, etc.)[51] Computer-built topographical models have
where the feature meets the natural soil. It is the features been combined with astronomical calculations to verify
boundary. The ll is what the feature is lled with, and whether or not certain structures (such as pillars) were
will often appear quite distinct from the natural soil. The aligned with astronomical events such as the suns posicut and ll are given consecutive numbers for recording tion at a solstice.[51]
purposes. Scaled plans and sections of individual features are all drawn on site, black and white and colour
photographs of them are taken, and recording sheets are Drones
lled in describing the context of each. All this information serves as a permanent record of the now-destroyed In Peru archaeologists use drones to speed up survey
archaeology and is used in describing and interpreting the work and protect sites from squatters, builders and minsite.
ers. Small drones helped researchers produce threedimensional models of Peruvian sites instead of the usual
at maps and in days and weeks instead of months and
years.[52]
Analysis
Main article: Post excavation

Drones have replaced expensive and clumsy small planes,


kites and helium balloons. Drones costing as little as 650
have proven useful. In 2013 drones have own over at

36

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

least six Peruvian archaeological sites, including the colo- Experimental archaeology
nial Andean town Machu Llacta 4,000 metres (13,000
ft) above sea level. The drones continue to have altitude Main article: Experimental archaeology
problems in the Andes, leading to plans to make a drone
blimp, employing open source software.[52]
Experimental archaeology represents the application of
Jerey Quilter, an archaeologist with Harvard University the experimental method to develop more highly consaid, You can go up three metres and photograph a room, trolled observations of processes that create and im300 metres and photograph a site, or you can go up 3,000 pact the archaeological record.[65][66][67][68][69] In the conmetres and photograph the entire valley.[52]
text of the logical positivism of processualism with its
In September 2014 drones weighing about 5 kg (11 lb) goals of improving the scientic rigor of archaeological
were used for 3D mapping of the above-ground ruins of epistemologies the experimental method gained importhe Greek city of Aphrodisias. The data is being analysed tance. Experimental techniques remain a crucial component to improving the inferential frameworks for interby the Austrian Archaeological Institute in Vienna.[53]
preting the archaeological record.

2.2.4

Academic sub-disciplines

Main article: Archaeological sub-disciplines


As with most academic disciplines, there are a very large
number of archaeological sub-disciplines characterised
by a specic method or type of material (e.g., lithic analysis, music, archaeobotany), geographical or chronological focus (e.g. Near Eastern archaeology, Islamic archaeology, Medieval archaeology), other thematic concern (e.g. maritime archaeology, landscape archaeology,
battleeld archaeology), or a specic archaeological culture or civilization (e.g. Egyptology, Indology, Sinology).
Historical archaeology
Historical archaeology is the study of cultures with some
form of writing.
In England, archaeologists have uncovered the long-lost
layouts of medieval villages abandoned after crises of the
14th century (such as the Black Death) and the equally
lost layouts of 17th-century parterre gardens swept away
by a change in fashion. In downtown New York City archaeologists have exhumed the 18th century remains of
the African burial ground.
Ethnoarchaeology

Archaeometry
Archaeometry is a eld of study that aims to systematize
archaeological measurement. It emphasizes the application of analytical techniques from physics, chemistry, and
engineering. It is a eld of research that frequently focuses on the denition of the chemical composition of archaeological remains for source analysis.[70] Archaeometry also investigates dierent spatial characteristics of
features, employing methods such as space syntax techniques and geodesy as well as computer-based tools such
as geographic information system technology.[71] Rare
earth elements patterns may also be used.[72] A relatively
nascent subeld is that of archaeological materials, designed to enhance understanding of prehistoric and nonindustrial culture through scientic analysis of the structure and properties of materials associated with human
activity.[73]
Cultural resources management
While archaeology can be done as a pure science, it can
also be an applied science, namely the study of archaeological sites that are threatened by development. In such
cases, archaeology is a subsidiary activity within Cultural
resources management (CRM), also called heritage management in the United Kingdom.[74] Today, CRM accounts for most of the archaeological research done in
the United States and much of that in western Europe as
well. In the US, CRM archaeology has been a growing
concern since the passage of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) of 1966, and most taxpayers, scholars, and politicians believe that CRM has helped preserve
much of that nations history and prehistory that would
have otherwise been lost in the expansion of cities, dams,
and highways. Along with other statutes, the NHPA mandates that projects on federal land or involving federal
funds or permits consider the eects of the project on
each archaeological site.

Ethnoarchaeology is the archaeological study of living


people.[54][55][56][57][58][59] The approach gained notoriety during the emphasis on middle range theory that
was a feature of the processual movement of the 1960s.
Early ethnoarchaeological research focused on hunting
and gathering or foraging societies. Ethnoarchaeology
continues to be a vibrant component of post-processual
and other current archaeological approaches.[60][61][62][63]
Ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnography to increase
and improve analogs, which are then used as analogies to interpret the archaeological record. In short,
ethnoarchaeology is the application of ethnography to The application of CRM in the United Kingdom is not
limited to government-funded projects. Since 1990 PPG
archaeology.[64]

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

37

16[75] has required planners to consider archaeology as


a material consideration in determining applications for
new development. As a result, numerous archaeological organisations undertake mitigation work in advance
of (or during) construction work in archaeologically sensitive areas, at the developers expense.

considered an intellectual backwater for individuals with


strong backs and weak minds[81] has reaped the benet
of this massive pool of well educated professionals. This
results in CRM oces increasingly staed by advance degreed individuals with a track record of producing scholarly articles but who have the notches on their trowels to
In England, ultimate responsibility of care for the historic show they have been in the trenches as a shovelbum.
environment rests with the Department for Culture, Media and Sport[76] in association with English Heritage.[77]
In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, the same re- 2.2.5 Popular views of archaeology
sponsibilities lie with Historic Scotland,[78] Cadw[79] and
the Northern Ireland Environment Agency[80] respectively.
Among the goals of CRM are the identication, preservation, and maintenance of cultural sites on public and
private lands, and the removal of culturally valuable materials from areas where they would otherwise be destroyed
by human activity, such as proposed construction. This
study involves at least a cursory examination to determine whether or not any signicant archaeological sites
are present in the area aected by the proposed construction. If these do exist, time and money must be allotted
for their excavation. If initial survey and/or test excavation indicates the presence of an extraordinarily valuable Extensive excavations at Beit She'an, Israel
site, the construction may be prohibited entirely. CRM is
a thriving entity, especially in the United States and Europe where archaeologists from private companies and all
levels of government engage in the practice of their discipline.
Cultural resources management has, however, been criticized. CRM is conducted by private companies that bid
for projects by submitting proposals outlining the work
to be done and an expected budget. It is not unheardof for the agency responsible for the construction to simply choose the proposal that asks for the least funding.
CRM archaeologists face considerable time pressure, often being forced to complete their work in a fraction of
the time that might be allotted for a purely scholarly endeavor. Compounding the time pressure is the vetting
process of site reports that are required (in the US) to be
submitted by CRM rms to the appropriate State Historic
Preservation Oce (SHPO). From the SHPOs perspective there is to be no dierence between a report submitted by a CRM rm operating under a deadline, and a
multi-year academic project. The end result is that for a
Cultural Resource Management archaeologist to be successful, they must be able to produce academic quality
documents at a corporate world pace.
The annual ratio of open academic archaeology positions (inclusive of Post-Doc, temporary, and non tenure
track appointments) to the annual number of archaeology
MA/MSc and PhD students is grossly disproportionate.
This dearth of academic positions causes a predictable
excess of well educated individuals who join the ranks of
the following years crop of non-academically employed
archaeologists. Cultural Resource Management, once

Permanent exhibition in a German multi-storey car park, explaining the archaeological discoveries made during the construction
of this building

Early archaeology was largely an attempt to uncover spectacular artifacts and features, or to explore vast and mysterious abandoned cities. Early archaeology was mostly
done by upper class, scholarly men. This generalization
laid the foundation for the modern popular view of archaeology and archaeologists. This generalization has
been with western culture for a long time. Another popular thought that dates back to this era is that archaeology
is monetarily lucrative. A large majority of the general
public is under the impression that excavations are undertaken for money and not historical data. It is easy for
the general public to hold this notion for that is what is
presented to them through general media, and has been
for many decades.

38

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

The majority of the public view archaeology as being


something only available to a narrow demographic. The
job of archaeologist is depicted as a romantic adventurist
occupation.[82] To generalize, the public views archaeology as a fantasized hobby more than a job in the scientic community. The audience may not take away scientic methods from popular cinema but they do form a
notion of who archaeologists are, why they do what they
do, and how relationships to the past are constituted.[82]
The modern depiction of archaeology is sensationalized
so much that it has incorrectly formed the publics perception of what archaeology is. The public is often under
the impression that all archaeology takes place in a distant
and foreign land, only to collect monetarily or spiritually
priceless artifacts.
Such pursuits continue to fascinate the public. Books,
lms, and video games, such as Indiana Jones, King
Solomons Mines, The City of Brass, Relic Hunter, The
Mummy, Stargate, and Tomb Raider all testify to the
publics interest in the discovery aspect of archaeology.
Many practitioners cite their childhood fascination with
Indiana Jones as their inspiration to enter the eld.[83][84]
Much thorough and productive research has indeed been
conducted in dramatic locales such as Copn and the
Valley of the Kings, but the bulk of activities and nds of
modern archaeology are not so sensational. Archaeological adventure stories tend to ignore the painstaking work
involved in carrying out modern surveys, excavations, and
data processing. Some archaeologists refer to such othe-mark portrayals as "pseudoarchaeology".[85] Archaeologists are also very much reliant on public support; the
Excavations at the site of Gran Dolina, in the Atapuerca Mounquestion of exactly who they are doing their work for is
tains, Spain, 2008
[86]
often discussed.

2.2.6

Current issues and controversy

Public archaeology
Motivated by a desire to halt looting, curb
pseudoarchaeology, and to help preserve archaeological sites through education and fostering public
appreciation for the importance of archaeological
heritage, archaeologists are mounting public-outreach
campaigns.[87] They seek to stop looting by combatting
people who illegally take artifacts from protected sites,
and by alerting people who live near archaeological sites
of the threat of looting. Common methods of public outreach include press releases, and the encouragement of
school eld trips to sites under excavation by professional
archaeologists. Public appreciation of the signicance
of archaeology and archaeological sites often leads to
improved protection from encroaching development or
other threats.

they have a responsibility to educate and inform the public about archaeology. Local heritage awareness is aimed
at increasing civic and individual pride through projects
such as community excavation projects, and better public presentations of archaeological sites and knowledge.
The U.S.Dept. of Agriculture, Forest Service (USFS) operates a volunteer archaeology and historic preservation
program called the Passport in Time (PIT). Volunteers
work with professional USFS archaeologists and historians on national forests throughout the U.S. Volunteers are
involved in all aspects of professional archaeology under
expert supervision.[88]

In the UK, popular archaeology programs such as Time


Team and Meet the Ancestors have resulted in a huge
upsurge in public interest. Where possible, archaeologists now make more provisions for public involvement
and outreach in larger projects than they once did, and
many local archaeological organizations operate within
the Community archaeology framework to expand public involvement in smaller-scale, more local projects. ArOne audience for archaeologists work is the public. chaeological excavation, however, is best undertaken by
They increasingly realize that their work can benet well-trained sta that can work quickly and accurately.
non-academic and non-archaeological audiences, and that Often this requires observing the necessary health and

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

39

safety and indemnity insurance issues involved in working on a modern building site with tight deadlines. Certain charities and local government bodies sometimes offer places on research projects either as part of academic
work or as a dened community project. There is also a
ourishing industry selling places on commercial training
excavations and archaeological holiday tours.
Archaeologists prize local knowledge and often liaise
with local historical and archaeological societies, which
is one reason why Community archaeology projects are
starting to become more common. Often archaeologists
are assisted by the public in the locating of archaeological
sites, which professional archaeologists have neither the
funding, nor the time to do.
The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI), selfdescribed as an independent, nonprot, tax-exempt
(501[c][3])", is a research and education corporation
registered in Oregon in 1999. The ALI founded an online Archaeology Channel to support the organizations
mission to develop ways to make archaeology more
eective both in gathering important information about
past human lifeways and in delivering that information
to the public and the profession.[89]

A looters pit on the morning following its excavation, taken at


Rontoy, Huaura Valley, Peru in June 2007. Several small holes
left by looters prospecting probes can be seen, as well as their
footprints.

Pseudoarchaeology
Main article: Pseudoarchaeology
Pseudoarchaeology is an umbrella term for all activities
that falsely claim to be archaeological but in fact violate
commonly accepted and scientic archaeological practices. It includes much ctional archaeological work (discussed above), as well as some actual activity. Many nonction authors have ignored the scientic methods of processual archaeology, or the specic critiques of it contained in post-processualism.
An example of this type is the writing of Erich von
Dniken. His 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods?, together
with many subsequent lesser-known works, expounds a
theory of ancient contacts between human civilisation
on Earth and more technologically advanced extraterrestrial civilisations. This theory, known as palaeocontact
theory, or Ancient astronaut theory, is not exclusively
Dnikens, nor did the idea originate with him. Works of
this nature are usually marked by the renunciation of wellestablished theories on the basis of limited evidence, and
the interpretation of evidence with a preconceived theory
in mind.
Looting
Looting of archaeological sites is an ancient problem. For
instance, many of the tombs of the Egyptian pharaohs
were looted during antiquity.[90] Archaeology stimulates
interest in ancient objects, and people in search of ar-

Stela of a king named Adad-Nirari. Object stolen from the Iraq


National Museum in the looting in connection with the Iraq war
of 2003.

40
tifacts or treasure cause damage to archaeological sites.
The commercial and academic demand for artifacts unfortunately contributes directly to the illicit antiquities
trade. Smuggling of antiquities abroad to private collectors has caused great cultural and economic damage
in many countries whose governments lack the resources
and or the will to deter it. Looters damage and destroy
archaeological sites, denying future generations information about their ethnic and cultural heritage. Indigenous
peoples especially lose access to and control over their
'cultural resources, ultimately denying them the opportunity to know their past.[91]

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


tralian archaeologists especially have explored this issue
and attempted to survey these sites to give them some protection from being developed. Such work requires close
links and trust between archaeologists and the people they
are trying to help and at the same time study.

While this cooperation presents a new set of challenges


and hurdles to eldwork, it has benets for all parties involved. Tribal elders cooperating with archaeologists can
prevent the excavation of areas of sites that they consider
sacred, while the archaeologists gain the elders aid in interpreting their nds. There have also been active eorts
to recruit aboriginal peoples directly into the archaeologIn 1937 W. F. Hodge the Director of the Southwest ical profession.
Museum released a statement that the museum would
no longer purchase or accept collections from looted
contexts.[92] The rst conviction of the transport of artifacts illegally removed from private property under the Repatriation
Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA; Public
Law 96-95; 93 Statute 721; 16 U.S.C. 470aamm) was
in 1992 in the State of Indiana.[93]
See Repatriation and reburial of human remains
Descendant peoples

A new trend in the heated controversy between First Nations groups and scientists is the repatriation of native
artifacts to the original descendants. An example of this
occurred June 21, 2005, when community members and
elders from a number of the 10 Algonquian nations in
the Ottawa area convened on the Kitigan Zibi reservation near Maniwaki, Quebec, to inter ancestral human remains and burial goods some dating back 6,000 years.
It was not determined, however, if the remains were directly related to the Algonquin people who now inhabit
the region. The remains may be of Iroquoian ancestry,
since Iroquoian people inhabited the area before the Algonquin. Moreover, the oldest of these remains might
have no relation at all to the Algonquin or Iroquois, and
belong to an earlier culture who previously inhabited the
area.

In the United States, examples such as the case of


Kennewick Man have illustrated the tensions between
Native Americans and archaeologists, which can be summarized as a conict between a need to remain respectful
toward sacred burial sites and the academic benet from
studying them. For years, American archaeologists dug
on Indian burial grounds and other places considered sacred, removing artifacts and human remains to storage
facilities for further study. In some cases human remains
were not even thoroughly studied but instead archived
rather than reburied. Furthermore, Western archaeologists views of the past often dier from those of tribal
peoples. The West views time as linear; for many natives, it is cyclic. From a Western perspective, the past is
long-gone; from a native perspective, disturbing the past
can have dire consequences in the present.
The remains and artifacts, including jewelry, tools and
weapons, were originally excavated from various sites in
As a consequence of this, American Indians attempted
the
Ottawa Valley, including Morrison and the Allumette
to prevent archaeological excavation of sites inhabited by
Islands. They had been part of the Canadian Museum
their ancestors, while American archaeologists believed
that the advancement of scientic knowledge was a valid of Civilization's research collection for decades, some
reason to continue their studies. This contradictory situ- since the late 19th century. Elders from various Algoation was addressed by the Native American Graves Pro- nquin communities conferred on an appropriate reburial,
tection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA, 1990), which eventually deciding on traditional redcedar and birchbark
sought to reach a compromise by limiting the right of re- boxes lined with redcedar chips, muskrat and beaver
search institutions to possess human remains. Due in part pelts.
to the spirit of postprocessualism, some archaeologists An inconspicuous rock mound marks the reburial site
have begun to actively enlist the assistance of indigenous where close to 80 boxes of various sizes are buried. Bepeoples likely to be descended from those under study.
cause of this reburial, no further scientic study is possiArchaeologists have also been obliged to re-examine what ble. Although negotiations were at times tense between
and museum, they were able
constitutes an archaeological site in view of what native the Kitigan Zibi community
[94]
to
reach
agreement.
peoples believe to constitute sacred space. To many native peoples, natural features such as lakes, mountains Kennewick Man is another repatriation candidate that has
or even individual trees have cultural signicance. Aus- been the source of heated debate.

2.2. ARCHAEOLOGY

2.2.7

Fictional archaeologists

Blue Beetle
Lara Croft
Doctor Fate
Sydney Fox
Hawkgirl
Hawkwoman
Daniel Jackson (Stargate)
Indiana Jones
Scrooge McDuck
Metamorpho
Amelia Peabody
Dirk Pitt
Elijah Snow
Adam Strange
Bernice Summereld

41

[12] Hunter, Michael (1975). John Aubrey and the Realm of


Learning. London: Duckworth. pp. 1567, 1626, 181.
ISBN 0-7156-0818-5.
[13] Dorothy King, The Elgin Marbles (Hutchinson, January
2006)
[14] Everill, P. 2010. The Parkers of Heytesbury: Archaeological pioneers. Antiquaries Journal 90: 441-53
[15] Everill, P. 2009. Invisible Pioneers. British Archaeology
108: 40-43
[16] Bowden, Mark (1984) General Pitt Rivers: The father of
scientic archaeology. Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum. ISBN 0-947535-00-4.
[17] Hicks, Dan (2013). Hicks, Dan; Stevenson, Alice, eds.
Characterizing the World Archaeology Collections of the
Pitt Rivers Museum. World Archaeology at the Pitt Rivers
Museum: a characterization (Oxford: Archaeopress).
[18] Sir William Flinders Petrie. Palestine Exploration
Fund. 2000. Retrieved 2007-11-19.
[19] Kenneth W. Harl. Great Ancient Civilizations of Asia
Minor. Retrieved November 23, 2012.
[20] MacGillivray, Joseph Alexander (2000). Minotaur: Sir
Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of the Minoan Myth.
New York: Hill and Wang (Farrar, Straus and Giroux).
[21] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:33-35)

2.2.8

See also

[22] Kevin Greene - ''Archaeology: an Introduction''".


Sta.ncl.ac.uk. Retrieved 2010-08-12.

Outline of archaeology

[23] Schier, M. B. 1972. Archaeological Context and Systemic Context. American Antiquity 37: 156-165

2.2.9

[24] Trigger (1989)

References

[1] Society for American Archaeology, retrieved 2011-01-15


[2] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:13)
[3] Haviland et al. 2010, p. 7,14
[4] McPherron, S. P., Z. Alemseged, C. W. Marean, J. G.
Wynn, D. Reed, D. Geraads, R. Bobe, and H. A. Bearat.
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[25] Binford (1962)


[26] Flannery (1967)
[27] Shanks and Tilley (1987)
[28] Shanks and Tilley (1988)
[29] Shanks (1991)
[30] Shanks (1993)
[31] Tilley (1993)

[5] Wylie, Alison (2002), Thinking from things: essays in the


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[32] Miller and Tilley1984

[6] Aldenderfer and Maschner (1996)

[34] Hodder (1982)

[7] Gladfelter (1977)

[35] Hodder (1985)

[8] Watters (1992)

[36] Hodder (1987)

[9] Watters (2000)

[37] Hodder (1990)

[33] Miller et al. (1989)

[10] archaeology. Online Etymology Dictionary.

[38] Hodder (1991)

[11] The History of the Science of Archaeology

[39] Hodder (1992)

42

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[40] Pauketat, Timothy R. (2001)

[70] Glascock et al. 1994

[41] Renfrew and Bahn (2004 [1991]:75)

[71] Hacgzeller, Piraye (2012), GIS, critique, representation and beyond, Journal of Social Archaeology 12 (2):
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[42] Remote sensing for archaeology


[43] http://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/Features/
RemoteSensing/
[44] Willey (1953)

[72] Saiano, F. and Scalenghe, R. (2009), An anthropic


soil transformation ngerprinted by REY patterns, Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (11): 25022506,
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[45] Willey (1968)


[46] Billman and Feinman (1999)
[47] Redman (1974)
[48] Kite Aerial Photography. Retrieved 2012-12-02.
[49] Reeves, D. (1936). Aerial photography and archaeology. American Antiquity, 2(2), 102-107. Retrieved from:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/275881
[50] Hall, E. T. (1970). Survey techniques in underwater archaeology. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series A, Mathematical and Physical Sciences, 269(1193), 121-124. Retrieved from http:
//www.jstor.org/stable/73925
[51] Michael Bawaya, Virtual Archaeologists Recreate Parts
of Ancient Worlds, Science, 8 January 2010, vol. 327, p.
140.
[52] Reuters in Lima. Perus archaeologists turn to drones to
help protect and explore ancient ruins | World news. theguardian.com. Retrieved 2013-08-27.

[73] MIT Archaeological Materials and CMRAE Mission


Statement
[74] The University of Exeter - SoGAER - Department of Archaeology, Sogaer.ex.ac.uk, 2008-10-28, retrieved 200905-05
[75] Planning Policy Guidance 16: Archaeology and planning
- Planning, building and the environment - Communities and Local Government. Web.archive.org. Archived
from the original on 2008-02-12. Retrieved 2009-07-25.
[76] Department for Culture Media and Sport (2009-04-28),
Department for Culture Media and Sport - historic environment, Culture.gov.uk, archived from the original on 21
May 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05
[77] English Heritage - Stonehenge & the History of England:
English Heritage, English Heritage, archived from the
original on 30 April 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05
[78] Historic Scotland, Historic Scotland, archived from the
original on 26 April 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05

[53] Hudson, Hal (24 September 2014). Air-chaeological


drones search for ancient treasures (2988). New Scientist. Retrieved 2 October 2014.

[79] Cadw, Cadw.wales.gov.uk, archived from the original on


29 April 2009, retrieved 2009-05-05

[54] Gould (1971a)

[80] Built Environment, Ehsni.gov.uk, archived from the original on 2007-12-25, retrieved 2009-05-05

[55] Gould (1971b)


[81] Flannery (1982)
[56] Yellen (1972)
[57] Yellen (1977)
[58] Gould and Yellen 1987
[59] Yellen (1991)

[82] McGeough, Kevin (2006), Heroes, Mummies, and Treasure: Near Eastern Archaeology in the Movies, Near
Eastern Archaeology 69: 174185
[83] Indiana Jones Inspires Fans. ABC News. Retrieved
2011-01-11.

[60] Sillet et al. (2006)


[61] Schott and Sillitoe (2005)
[62] Ogundele (2005)
[63] Kuznar (2001)
[64] Ashcer (1961) as cited in Wylie (1985)

[84] Strong, Meghan (2007-04-19), The Indiana Jones Eect


(PDF), Lycoming College, p. 40
[85] Romancing the Past-Archaeology. Denison University.
Retrieved 2011-01-11.
[86] Denning 2004, Internet Archaeology 15. Intarch.ac.uk.
2004-01-28. Retrieved 2010-08-12.

[65] Ascher (1961)


[66] Saraydar and Shimada (1971)
[67] Saraydar and Shimada (1973)
[68] Giord-Gonzalez (1985)
[69] Frison (1989)

[87] Anthropological Studies Center (ASC), Sonoma.edu,


archived from the original on 28 March 2009, retrieved
2009-05-05
[88] "^ ''Rapid City Journal'' Published Online: 14 Nov 2008.
Rapidcityjournal.com. 2008-11-14. Retrieved 2010-0812.

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[89] The Archaeological Legacy Institute (ALI). The Archaeology Channel and About Us: Archaeological Legacy Institute. ArchaeologyChannel.org. Retrieved 29 December 2011.
[90] Time Life Lost Civilizations series: Ramses II: Magnicence on the Nile (1993)
[91] Sheets (1973)
[92] Hodge (1937)
[93] Munson et al. (1995)
[94] Canadian Geographic Online

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2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

2.2.11

Further reading

Main articles: Bibliography of anthropology and Table


of years in archaeology

45

2.2.12 External links


400,000 records of archaeological sites and architecture in England
Archaeolog.org

Archaeology (magazine)
Lewis Binford - New Perspectives in Archaeology
(1968) ISBN 0-202-33022-2
Glyn Daniel - A Short History of Archaeology (1991)
Kevin Greene - Introduction to Archaeology (1983)

Archaeological news updated daily


Archaeology Daily News
Archaeology Times | The top archaeology news
from around the world
Council for British Archaeology
Estudio de Museologa Rosario

Thomas Hester, Harry Shafer, and Kenneth L. Feder


- Field Methods in Archaeology 7th edition (1997)

Fasti Online - an online database of archaeological


sites

Ian Hodder & Scott Hutson - Reading the Past 3rd.


edition (2003)

Great Archaeology

Rich Hutchings and Marina La Salle. 2014. Teaching Anti-Colonial Archaeology. Archaeologies: The
Journal of the World Archaeological Congress 10(1):
27-69.

NPS Archeology Program:


(Archeology travel guides)

International Journal of South American Archaeology - IJSA (magazine)

The Archaeological Institute of America

Internet Archaeology, e-journal


C. U. Larsen - Sites and Monuments (1992)
Adrian Praetzellis - Death by Theory, AltaMira Press (2000). ISBN 0-7425-0359-3 /
9780742503595
Colin Renfrew & Paul Bahn - Archaeology: theories,
methods and practice, 2nd edition (1996)
Smekalova, T. N.; Voss O.; & Smekalov S. L.
(2008). "Magnetic Surveying in Archaeology.
More than 10 years of using the Overhauser GSM19 gradiometer. Wormianum.
David Hurst Thomas - Archaeology, 3rd. edition
(1998)
Robert J. Sharer & Wendy Ashmore - Archaeology:
Discovering our Past 2nd edition (1993)

Kite Aerial Photographers - Archaeology


Visit Archeology

Sri Lanka Archaeology - New Knowledge in Archaeology in Sri Lanka

The Archaeology Channel


The Archaeology Data Service - Open access online
archive for UK and global archaeology
The Archaeology Division of the American Anthropological Association
The Canadian Museum of Civilization - Archaeology
The Society for American Archaeology
The World Archaeological Congress
US Forest Service Volunteer program Passport in
Time
World Archaeology News - weekly update from
BBC Radio archaeologist, Win Scutt

2.3 Cultural anthropology

Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology fo Bruce Trigger - A History of Archaeological cused on the study of cultural variation among humans
and is in contrast to social anthropology which perceives
Thought 2nd. edition (2007)
cultural variation as a subset of the anthropological con Alison Wylie - Thinking From Things: Essays in the stant.
Philosophy of Archaeology, University of California A variety of methods are part of anthropological methodPress, Berkeley CA, 2002
ology, including participant observation (often called

46

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

eldwork because it involves the anthropologist spend- The critique of evolutionism


ing an extended period of time at the research location),
Anthropology is concerned with the lives of people within
interviews, and surveys.[1]
dierent parts of the world, particularly in relation to
One of the earliest articulations of the anthropological
the discourse of beliefs and practices. In addressing this
meaning of the term culture came from Sir Edward
question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two
Tylor who writes on the rst page of his 1897 book:
schools of thought. Some, like Grafton Elliot Smith, arCulture, or civilization, taken in its broad, ethnographic
gued that dierent groups must somehow have learned
sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge,
from one another, however indirectly; in other words,
belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities
[2] they argued that cultural traits spread from one place to
and habits acquired by man as a member of society.
another, or "diused".
The term civilization later gave way to denitions by
V. Gordon Childe, with culture forming an umbrella term
and civilization becoming a particular kind of culture.[3]
The anthropological concept of culture reects in part
a reaction against earlier Western discourses based on
an opposition between "culture" and "nature", according to which some human beings lived in a state of nature. Anthropologists have argued that culture is human nature, and that all people have a capacity to classify experiences, encode classications symbolically (i.e.
in language), and teach such abstractions to others.
Since humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, people living in
dierent places or dierent circumstances develop different cultures. Anthropologists have also pointed out
that through culture people can adapt to their environment in non-genetic ways, so people living in dierent
environments will often have dierent cultures. Much
of anthropological theory has originated in an appreciation of and interest in the tension between the local (particular cultures) and the global (a universal human nature, or the web of connections between people in distinct
places/circumstances).[4]

In the unilineal evolution model at left, all cultures progress


through set stages, while in the multilineal evolution model at
right, distinctive culture histories are emphasized.

Other ethnologists argued that dierent groups had the


capability of creating similar beliefs and practices independently. Some of those who advocated independent
invention, like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that dierent groups had
passed through the same stages of cultural evolution (See
also classical social evolutionism). Morgan, in particular,
acknowledged that certain forms of society and culture
could not possibly have arisen before others. For example, industrial farming could not have been invented before simple farming, and metallurgy could not have developed without previous non-smelting processes involving metals (such as simple ground collection or mining).
Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from
the primitive to the civilized.

The rise of cultural anthropology occurred within the


context of the late 19th century, when questions regarding which cultures were primitive and which were civilized occupied the minds of not only Marx and Freud,
but many others. Colonialism and its processes increasingly brought European thinkers in contact, directly or
indirectly with primitive others.[5] The relative status
of various humans, some of whom had modern advanced
technologies that included engines and telegraphs, while
others lacked anything but face-to-face communication
techniques and still lived a Paleolithic lifestyle, was of in20th-century anthropologists largely reject the notion that
terest to the rst generation of cultural anthropologists.
all human societies must pass through the same stages in
Parallel with the rise of cultural anthropology in the
the same order, on the grounds that such a notion does not
United States, social anthropology, in which sociality is
t the empirical facts. Some 20th-century ethnologists,
the central concept and which focuses on the study of solike Julian Steward, have instead argued that such simcial statuses and roles, groups, institutions, and the reilarities reected similar adaptations to similar environlations among themdeveloped as an academic disciments. Although 19th-century ethnologists saw difpline in Britain and in France.[6] An umbrella term sociofusion and independent invention as mutually exclucultural anthropology makes reference to both cultural
sive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly
and social anthropology traditions.[7]
reached a consensus that both processes occur, and that
both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities.
But these ethnographers also pointed out the supercial2.3.1 Theoretical foundations
ity of many such similarities. They noted that even traits

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY


that spread through diusion often were given dierent
meanings and function from one society to another. Analyses of large human concentrations in big cities, in multidisciplinary studies by Ronald Daus, show how new methods may be applied to the understanding of man living
in a global world and how it was caused by the action of
extra-European nations, so high-lighting the role of Ethics
in modern anthropology.

47
ones culture may mediate and thus limit ones perceptions in less obvious ways. This understanding of culture
confronts anthropologists with two problems: rst, how
to escape the unconscious bonds of ones own culture,
which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to
the world, and second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture. The principle of cultural relativism thus
forced anthropologists to develop innovative methods and
heuristic strategies.

Accordingly, most of these anthropologists showed less


interest in comparing cultures, generalizing about human
nature, or discovering universal laws of cultural develop- Theoretical approaches
ment, than in understanding particular cultures in those
cultures own terms. Such ethnographers and their stu- 2.3.2 Foundational thinkers
dents promoted the idea of "cultural relativism", the view
that one can only understand another persons beliefs and
behaviors in the context of the culture in which he or she
lived or lives.
Others, such as Claude Lvi-Strauss (who was inuenced both by American cultural anthropology and by
French Durkheimian sociology), have argued that apparently similar patterns of development reect fundamental similarities in the structure of human thought (see
structuralism). By the mid-20th century, the number of
examples of people skipping stages, such as going from
hunter-gatherers to post-industrial service occupations in
one generation, were so numerous that 19th-century evolutionism was eectively disproved.[8]
Cultural relativism
Main article: Cultural relativism
Cultural relativism is a principle that was established as
axiomatic in anthropological research by Franz Boas and
later popularized by his students. Boas rst articulated
the idea in 1887: "...civilization is not something absolute, but ... is relative, and ... our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes.[9] Although, Boas did not coin the term, it became common
among anthropologists after Boas death in 1942, to express their synthesis of a number of ideas Boas had developed. Boas believed that the sweep of cultures, to
be found in connection with any sub-species, is so vast
and pervasive that there cannot be a relationship between
culture and race.[10] Cultural relativism involves specic
epistemological and methodological claims. Whether or
not these claims require a specic ethical stance is a matter of debate. This principle should not be confused with
moral relativism.
Cultural relativism was in part a response to Western
ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism may take obvious forms,
in which one consciously believes that ones peoples arts
are the most beautiful, values the most virtuous, and beliefs the most truthful. Franz Boas, originally trained
in physics and geography, and heavily inuenced by the
thought of Kant, Herder, and von Humboldt, argued that

Edward Burnett Tylor

Boas and his students realized that if they were to conduct


scientic research in other cultures, they would need to
employ methods that would help them escape the limits
of their own ethnocentrism. One such method is that of
ethnography: basically, they advocated living with people
of another culture for an extended period of time, so that
they could learn the local language and be enculturated,
at least partially, into that culture.
In this context, cultural relativism is of fundamental
methodological importance, because it calls attention to
the importance of the local context in understanding the
meaning of particular human beliefs and activities. Thus,
in 1948 Virginia Heyer wrote, Cultural relativity, to
phrase it in starkest abstraction, states the relativity of the
part to the whole. The part gains its cultural signicance
by its place in the whole, and cannot retain its integrity in

48
a dierent situation.[11]
Lewis Henry Morgan
Lewis Henry Morgan (18181881), a lawyer from
Rochester, New York, became an advocate for and ethnological scholar of the Iroquois. His comparative analyses of religion, government, material culture, and especially kinship patterns proved to be inuential contributions to the eld of anthropology. Like other scholars
of his day (such as Edward Tylor), Morgan argued that
human societies could be classied into categories of cultural evolution on a scale of progression that ranged from
savagery, to barbarism, to civilization. Generally, Morgan used technology (such as bowmaking or pottery) as
an indicator of position on this scale.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


how little civilization they had. He believed that each
culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued
that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the
natural sciences, were not possible.
In doing so, he fought discrimination against immigrants,
blacks, and indigenous peoples of the Americas.[12] Many
American anthropologists adopted his agenda for social
reform, and theories of race continue to be popular subjects for anthropologists today. The so-called Four Field
Approach has its origins in Boasian Anthropology, dividing the discipline in the four crucial and interrelated
elds of sociocultural, biological, linguistic, and archaic
anthropology (e.g. archaeology). Anthropology in the
United States continues to be deeply inuenced by the
Boasian tradition, especially its emphasis on culture.

Franz Boas, founder of the modern discipline

Margaret Mead (1901-1978)

Kroeber, Mead and Benedict


Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, often
called the Father of American Anthropology

Franz Boas established academic anthropology in the


United States in opposition to this sort of evolutionary
perspective. His approach was empirical, skeptical of
overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish
universal laws. For example, Boas studied immigrant
children to demonstrate that biological race was not immutable, and that human conduct and behavior resulted
from nurture, rather than nature.

Boas used his positions at Columbia University and the


American Museum of Natural History to train and develop multiple generations of students. His rst generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie,
Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict, who each produced
richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures. They provided a wealth of details used to attack
the theory of a single evolutionary process. Kroeber and
Sapirs focus on Native American languages helped establish linguistics as a truly general science and free it from
its historical focus on Indo-European languages.

Inuenced by the German tradition, Boas argued that The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook, Anthrothe world was full of distinct cultures, rather than soci- pology, marked a turning point in American anthropoleties whose evolution could be measured by how much or ogy. After three decades of amassing material, Boasians

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY

49
and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton
challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian analysis into anthropological study. In England,
British Social Anthropologys paradigm began to fragment as Max Gluckman and Peter Worsley experimented
with Marxism and authors such as Rodney Needham and
Edmund Leach incorporated Lvi-Strausss structuralism
into their work. Structuralism also inuenced a number
of developments in 1960s and 1970s, including cognitive
anthropology and componential analysis.
In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and opposition to the Vietnam War;[13] Marxism
became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in
the discipline.[14] By the 1970s the authors of volumes
such as Reinventing Anthropology worried about anthropologys relevance.

Ruth Benedict in 1937

felt a growing urge to generalize. This was most obvious in the 'Culture and Personality' studies carried out by
younger Boasians such as Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict. Inuenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought
to understand the way that individual personalities were
shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which
they grew up.

Since the 1980s issues of power, such as those examined in Eric Wolf's Europe and the People Without History, have been central to the discipline. In the 1980s
books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropologys ties to colonial inequality, while
the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio
Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power
and hegemony into the spotlight. Gender and sexuality became popular topics, as did the relationship between history and anthropology, inuenced by Marshall
Sahlins (again), who drew on Lvi-Strauss and Fernand
Braudel to examine the relationship between symbolic
meaning, sociocultural structure, and individual agency in
the processes of historical transformation. Jean and John
Comaro produced a whole generation of anthropologists at the University of Chicago that focused on these
themes. Also inuential in these issues were Nietzsche,
Heidegger, the critical theory of the Frankfurt School,
Derrida and Lacan.[15]

Though such works as Coming of Age in Samoa and


The Chrysanthemum and the Sword remain popular with
the American public, Mead and Benedict never had the
impact on the discipline of anthropology that some expected. Boas had planned for Ruth Benedict to succeed
him as chair of Columbias anthropology department, but
she was sidelined by Ralph Linton, and Mead was limited Geertz, Schneider and interpretive anthropology
to her oces at the AMNH.
Main articles: Cliord Geertz and David M. Schneider
Wolf, Sahlins, Mintz and political economy

Many anthropologists reacted against the renewed emphasis on materialism and scientic modelling derived
Main articles: Political Economy in anthropology, Eric from Marx by emphasizing the importance of the concept
Wolf, Marshall Sahlins and Sidney Mintz
of culture. Authors such as David Schneider, Cliord
Geertz, and Marshall Sahlins developed a more eshedIn the 1950s and mid-1960s anthropology tended increas- out concept of culture as a web of meaning or signicaingly to model itself after the natural sciences. Some an- tion, which proved very popular within and beyond the
thropologists, such as Lloyd Fallers and Cliord Geertz, discipline. Geertz was to state:
focused on processes of modernization by which newly
independent states could develop. Others, such as Julian
Believing, with Max Weber, that man is
Steward and Leslie White, focused on how societies
an animal suspended in webs of signicance
evolve and t their ecological nichean approach pophe himself has spun, I take culture to be those
ularized by Marvin Harris.
webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not
Economic anthropology as inuenced by Karl Polanyi

an experimental science in search of law but an

50

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


interpretive one in search of meaning.
Cliord Geertz[16]

involves the organized comparison of human societies.


Scholars like E.B. Tylor and J.G. Frazer in England
worked mostly with materials collected by others usuGeertzs interpretive method involved what he called ally missionaries, traders, explorers, or colonial ocials
"thick description. The cultural symbols of rituals, po- earning them the moniker of arm-chair anthropololitical and economic action, and of kinship, are read by gists.
the anthropologist as if they are a document in a foreign
language. The interpretation of those symbols must be
re-framed for their anthropological audience, i.e. transformed from the experience-near but foreign concepts
of the other culture, into the experience-distant theoretical concepts of the anthropologist. These interpretations must then be reected back to its originators, and its Participant observation
adequacy as a translation ne-tuned in a repeated way, a
process called the hermeneutic circle. Geertz applied his
method in a number of areas, creating programs of study Main article: Participant observation
that were very productive. His analysis of religion as a
cultural system was particularly inuential outside of an- Participant observation is a widely used methodology in
thropology. David Schnieders cultural analysis of Amer- many disciplines, particularly cultural anthropology, less
ican kinship has proven equally inuential.[17] Schneider so in sociology, communication studies, and social psydemonstrated that the American folk-cultural emphasis chology. Its aim is to gain a close and intimate familiaron blood connections had an undue inuence on an- ity with a given group of individuals (such as a religious,
thropological kinship theories, and that kinship is not a occupational, sub cultural group, or a particular commubiological characteristic but a cultural relationship estab- nity) and their practices through an intensive involvement
lished on very dierent terms in dierent societies.[18]
with people in their cultural environment, usually over an
Prominent British symbolic anthropologists include extended period of time. The method originated in the
eld research of social anthropologists, especially BroVictor Turner and Mary Douglas.
nislaw Malinowski in Britain, the students of Franz Boas
in the United States, and in the later urban research of the
The post-modern turn
Chicago School of sociology.
Such research involves a range of well-dened,
though variable methods: informal interviews, direct observation, participation in the life of the group,
collective discussions, analyses of personal documents
produced within the group, self-analysis, results from
activities undertaken o or online, and life-histories.
Although the method is generally characterized as
qualitative research, it can (and often does) include
quantitative dimensions. Traditional participant observation is usually undertaken over an extended period of
time, ranging from several months to many years, and
even generations. An extended research time period
means that the researcher is able to obtain more detailed
and accurate information about the individuals, community, and/or population under study. Observable details
(like daily time allotment) and more hidden details (like
taboo behavior) are more easily observed and interpreted
over a longer period of time. A strength of observation
and interaction over extended periods of time is that
researchers can discover discrepancies between what
participants sayand often believeshould happen
(the formal system) and what actually does happen,
Socio-cultural anthropology subelds
or between dierent aspects of the formal system; in
contrast, a one-time survey of peoples answers to a
set of questions might be quite consistent, but is less
2.3.3 Methods
likely to show conicts between dierent aspects of the
Modern cultural anthropology has its origins in, and de- social system or between conscious representations and
veloped in reaction to, 19th century "ethnology", which behavior.[22]

In the late 1980s and 1990s authors such as George Marcus and James Cliord pondered ethnographic authority, in particular how and why anthropological knowledge was possible and authoritative. They were reecting trends in research and discourse initiated by
Feminists in the academy, although they excused themselves from commenting specically on those pioneering critics.[19] Nevertheless, key aspects of feminist theorizing and methods became de rigueur as part of the
'post-modern moment' in anthropology: Ethnographies
became more interpretative and reexive,[20] explicitly
addressing the authors methodology, cultural, gender and
racial positioning, and their inuence on his or her ethnographic analysis. This was part of a more general trend of
postmodernism that was popular contemporaneously.[21]
Currently anthropologists pay attention to a wide variety
of issues pertaining to the contemporary world, including
globalization, medicine and biotechnology, indigenous
rights, virtual communities, and the anthropology of
industrialized societies.

2.3. CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY


Ethnography

Main article: Ethnography


In the 20th century, most cultural and social anthropologists turned to the crafting of ethnographies. An ethnography is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular
place and time. Typically, the anthropologist lives among
people in another society for a period of time, simultaneously participating in and observing the social and cultural
life of the group.
Numerous other ethnographic techniques have resulted in
ethnographic writing or details being preserved, as cultural anthropologists also curate materials, spend long
hours in libraries, churches and schools poring over
records, investigate graveyards, and decipher ancient
scripts. A typical ethnography will also include information about physical geography, climate and habitat. It is
meant to be a holistic piece of writing about the people
in question, and today often includes the longest possible
timeline of past events that the ethnographer can obtain
through primary and secondary research.
Bronisaw Malinowski developed the ethnographic
method, and Franz Boas taught it in the United States.
Boas students such as Alfred L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict
and Margaret Mead drew on his conception of culture
and cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology
in the United States. Simultaneously, Malinowski and
A.R. Radclie Browns students were developing social
anthropology in the United Kingdom. Whereas cultural
anthropology focused on symbols and values, social
anthropology focused on social groups and institutions.
Today socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these
elements.

51
Cross-cultural comparison
One means by which anthropologists combat ethnocentrism is to engage in the process of cross-cultural comparison. It is important to test so-called human universals
against the ethnographic record. Monogamy, for example, is frequently touted as a universal human trait, yet
comparative study shows that it is not. The Human Relations Area Files, Inc. (HRAF) is a research agency based
at Yale University. Since 1949, its mission has been to
encourage and facilitate worldwide comparative studies
of human culture, society, and behavior in the past and
present. The name came from the Institute of Human
Relations, an interdisciplinary program/building at Yale
at the time. The Institute of Human Relations had sponsored HRAFs precursor, the Cross-Cultural Survey (see
George Peter Murdock), as part of an eort to develop an
integrated science of human behavior and culture. The
two eHRAF databases on the Web are expanded and updated annually. eHRAF World Cultures includes materials
on cultures, past and present, and covers nearly 400 cultures. The second database, eHRAF Archaeology, covers major archaeological traditions and many more subtraditions and sites around the world.
Comparison across cultures includies the industrialized
(or de-industrialized) West. Cultures in the more traditional standard cross-cultural sample of small scale societies are:

Multi-sited ethnography
Ethnography dominates socio-cultural anthropology.
Nevertheless, many contemporary socio-cultural anthropologists have rejected earlier models of ethnography as
treating local cultures as bounded and isolated. These
anthropologists continue to concern themselves with the
distinct ways people in dierent locales experience and
understand their lives, but they often argue that one cannot understand these particular ways of life solely from
a local perspective; they instead combine a focus on the
local with an eort to grasp larger political, economic,
and cultural frameworks that impact local lived realities.
Notable proponents of this approach include Arjun Appadurai, James Cliord, George Marcus, Sidney Mintz,
Michael Taussig, Eric Wolf and Ronald Daus.

In the early 20th century, socio-cultural anthropology developed in dierent forms in Europe and in the United
States. European "social anthropologists" focused on observed social behaviors and on social structure, that is,
on relationships among social roles (for example, husband
and wife, or parent and child) and social institutions (for
A growing trend in anthropological research and analexample, religion, economy, and politics).
American cultural anthropologists focused on the ways ysis is the use of multi-sited ethnography, discussed in
people expressed their view of themselves and their George Marcus article, Ethnography In/Of the World
world, especially in symbolic forms, such as art and System: the Emergence of Multi-Sited Ethnography.
myths. These two approaches frequently converged and Looking at culture as embedded in macro-constructions
generally complemented one another. For example, of a global social order, multi-sited ethnography uses trakinship and leadership function both as symbolic systems ditional methodology in various locations both spatially
and as social institutions. Today almost all socio-cultural and temporally. Through this methodology, greater inanthropologists refer to the work of both sets of prede- sight can be gained when examining the impact of worldcessors, and have an equal interest in what people do and systems on local and global communities.
in what people say.

Also emerging in multi-sited ethnography are greater in-

52

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

terdisciplinary approaches to eldwork, bringing in methods from cultural studies, media studies, science and
technology studies, and others. In multi-sited ethnography, research tracks a subject across spatial and temporal
boundaries. For example, a multi-sited ethnography may
follow a thing, such as a particular commodity, as it is
transported through the networks of global capitalism.

Intangible Cultural Heritage


List of important publications in anthropology
Nomads
Shame society vs Guilt society

Sociology
Multi-sited ethnography may also follow ethnic groups in
diaspora, stories or rumours that appear in multiple locations and in multiple time periods, metaphors that ap- 2.3.5 References
pear in multiple ethnographic locations, or the biographies of individual people or groups as they move through [1] In his earlier work, like many anthropologists of this genspace and time. It may also follow conicts that transcend
eration, Levi-Strauss draws attention to the necessary and
boundaries. An example of multi-sited ethnography is
urgent task of maintaining and extending the empirical
foundations of anthropology in the practice of eldwork.":
Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black
In Christopher Johnson, Claude Levi-Strauss: the formamarket for the trade of human organs. In this research,
tive years, Cambridge University Press, 2003, p.31
she follows organs as they are transferred through various
legal and illegal networks of capitalism, as well as the ru[2] Tylor, Edward. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. Vol 1.
mours and urban legends that circulate in impoverished
New York: J.P. Putnams Sons.
communities about child kidnapping and organ theft.
Sociocultural anthropologists have increasingly turned
their investigative eye on to Western culture. For example, Philippe Bourgois won the Margaret Mead Award in
1997 for In Search of Respect, a study of the entrepreneurs
in a Harlem crack-den. Also growing more popular are
ethnographies of professional communities, such as laboratory researchers, Wall Street investors, law rms, or
information technology (IT) computer employees.[23]

[3] Sherratt, Andrew V. Gordon Childe: Archaeology and


Intellectual History, Past and Present, No. 125.

2.3.4

Community studies

[7] Campbell, D.T. (1983) The two distinct routes beyond kin
selection to ultrasociality: Implications for the Humanities and Social Sciences. In: The Nature of Prosocial Development: Theories and Strategies D. Bridgeman (ed.),
pp. 11-39, Academic Press, New York

Communitas

[8] Diamond, Jared. Guns, Germs and Steel.

Cross-cultural studies

[9] Franz Boas 1887 Museums of Ethnology and their classication Science 9: 589

See also

Age-area hypothesis

Cross-cultural psychology
Cultural psychology
Cyber anthropology
Dual inheritance theory
Engaged theory
Ethnobotany
Ethnography
Ethnomusicology
Ethnozoology
Human behavioral ecology
Human Relations Area Files
Hunter-gatherers

[4] Giulio Angioni (2011). Fare dire sentire: l'identico e il


diverso nelle culture. Nuoro: il Maestrale
[5] Rosaldo, Renato. Culture and Truth. 1993. Beach Press.
[6] Dianteill, Erwan, Cultural Anthropology or Social Anthropology? A Transatlantic Dispute, LAnne sociologique 1/2012 (Vol. 62), p. 93-122.

[10] http://www.utpa.edu/faculty/mglazer/theory/cultural_
relativism.htm
[11] Heyer, Virginia 1948 In Reply to Elgin Williams in
American Anthropologist 50(1) 163-166
[12] Stocking, George W. (1968) Race, Culture, and Evolution:
Essays in the history of anthropology. London: The Free
Press.
[13] Fanon, Frantz. (1963) The Wretched of the Earth, transl.
Constance Farrington. New York, Grove Weidenfeld.
[14] Nugent, Stephen Some reections on anthropological
structural Marxism The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Volume 13, Number 2, June 2007, pp.
419-431(13)
[15] Lewis, Herbert S. (1998) The Misrepresentation of Anthropology and its Consequences American Anthropologist
100:" 716-731

2.4. CULTURAL HISTORY

53

[16] Geertz, Cliord (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures.


Basic Books. p. 5.
[17] Roseberry, William (1989). Balinese Cockghts and the
Seduction of Anthropology in Anthropologies and Histories: essays in culture, history and political economy. New
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. pp. 1728.
[18] Carsten, Janet (2004). After Kinship. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1820.
[19] Cliord, James and George E. Marcus (1986) Writing culture: the poetics and politics of ethnography. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
[20] Dolores Janiewski, Lois W. Banner (2005) Reading Benedict / Reading Mead: Feminism, Race, and Imperial Visions, p.200 quotation:
Within anthropologys two cultures
the positivist/objectivist style of comparative
anthropology versus a reexive/interpretative
anthropologyMead has been characterized
as a humanist heir to Franz Boass historical particularismhence, associated with
the practices of interpretation and reexivity
[...]

[21] Gellner, Ernest (1992) Postmodernism, Reason, and Religion. London/New York: Routledge. Pp: 26-50
[22] DeWalt, K. M., DeWalt, B. R., & Wayland, C. B. (1998).
Participant observation. In H. R. Bernard (Ed.), Handbook of methods in cultural anthropology. Pp: 259-299.
Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
[23] Dissertation Abstract

2.3.6

External links

Template:Wikibooks-inlineCultural Anthropology
Human Relations Area Files
A Basic Guide to Cross-Cultural Research
Webpage History of German
ogy/Ethnology 1945/49-1990

Anthropol-

2.4 Cultural history


Cultural history combines the approaches of
anthropology and history to look at popular cultural
traditions and cultural interpretations of historical
experience. It examines the records and narrative
descriptions of past knowledge, customs, and arts of a
group of people. Its subject matter encompasses the
continuum of events occurring in succession leading
from the past to the present and even into the future
pertaining to a culture.
Cultural history records and interprets past events involving human beings through the social, cultural, and
political milieu of or relating to the arts and manners that
a group favors. Jacob Burckhardt helped found cultural
history as a discipline. Cultural history studies and interprets the record of human societies by denoting the various distinctive ways of living built up by a group of people
under consideration. Cultural history involves the aggregate of past cultural activity, such as ceremony, class in
practices, and the interaction with locales.

2.4.1 Description
Cultural history overlaps in its approaches with the
French movements of histoire des mentalits (Philippe
Poirrier, 2004) and the so-called new history, and in the
U.S. it is closely associated with the eld of American
studies. As originally conceived and practiced by 19th
Century Swiss historian Jakob Burckhardt with regard to
the Italian Renaissance, cultural history was oriented to
the study of a particular historical period in its entirety,
with regard not only for its painting, sculpture and architecture, but for the economic basis underpinning society,
and the social institutions of its daily life as well.[1]
Most often the focus is on phenomena shared by nonelite groups in a society, such as: carnival, festival, and
public rituals; performance traditions of tale, epic, and
other verbal forms; cultural evolutions in human relations (ideas, sciences, arts, techniques); and cultural expressions of social movements such as nationalism. Also
examines main historical concepts as power, ideology,
class, culture, cultural identity, attitude, race, perception
and new historical methods as narration of body. Many
studies consider adaptations of traditional culture to mass
media (television, radio, newspapers, magazines, posters,
etc.), from print to lm and, now, to the Internet (culture
of capitalism). Its modern approaches come from art history, Annales, Marxist school, microhistory and new cultural history.

The Moving Anthropology Student Networkwebsite - The site oers tutorials, information
on the subject, discussion-forums and a large
link-collection for all interested scholars of cultural
Common theoretical touchstones for recent cultural hisanthropology
tory have included: Jrgen Habermas's formulation of
Hungarian military forces in Africa past and fu- the public sphere in The Structural Transformation of the
ture. Recovering lost knowledge, exploiting cultural Bourgeois Public Sphere; Cliord Geertz's notion of 'thick
anthropology resources, creating a comprehensive description' (expounded in, for example, The Interpretation of Cultures); and the idea of memory as a culturalsystem of training and preparation

54

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

historical category, as discussed in Paul Connerton's How 2.4.3 See also


Societies Remember.
Collective unconscious
History of mentalities
Historiography and the French Revolution

Ethnohistory

An area where new-style cultural history is often pointed


to as being almost a paradigm is the 'revisionist' his- 2.4.4 References
tory of the French Revolution, dated somewhere since
[1] Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture (6th ed.),
Franois Furet's massively inuential 1978 essay Interp 3.
preting the French Revolution. The 'revisionist interpretation' is often characterised as replacing the allegedly
dominant, allegedly Marxist, 'social interpretation' which 2.4.5 Further reading
locate the causes of the Revolution in class dynamics.
The revisionist approach has tended to put more empha Arcangeli, Alessandro. (2011) Cultural History: A
sis on 'political culture'. Reading ideas of political culture
Concise Introduction (Routledge, 2011)
through Habermas conception of the public sphere, his Burke, Peter. (2004). What is Cultural History?.
torians of the Revolution in the past few decades have
Cambridge: Polity Press.
looked at the role and position of cultural themes such
as gender, ritual, and ideology in the context of pre Cook, James W., et al. The Cultural Turn in U. S.
revolutionary French political culture.
History: Past, Present, and Future (2009) excerpt;
Historians who might be grouped under this umbrella
14 topical essays by scholars
are Roger Chartier, Robert Darnton, Patrice Higonnet,
Ginzburg, Carlo (1989). Clues, Myths and the HisLynn Hunt, Keith Baker, Joan Landes, Mona Ozouf and
torical Method. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Sarah Maza. Of course, these scholars all pursue fairly diISBN 0-8018-4388-X. Ginzburg challenges us all
verse interests, and perhaps too much emphasis has been
to retrieve a cultural and social world that more conplaced on the paradigmatic nature of the new history of
ventional history does not record. -Back Cover
the French Revolution. Colin Jones, for example, is no
stranger to cultural history, Habermas, or Marxism, and
Hrubel, Jean-Pierre V.M. (2010, January). Obhas persistently argued that the Marxist interpretation is
servations on an Emergent Specialization: Contemnot dead, but can be revivied; after all, Habermas logic
porary French Cultural History. Signicance for
was heavily indebted to a Marxist understanding. MeanScholarship. Journal of Scholarly Publishing 41#2
while, Rebecca Spang has also recently argued that for
pp. 216240.
all its emphasis on dierence and newness, the 'revisionist' approach retains the idea of the French Revolution as
Kelly, Michael. Le regard de ltranger: What
a watershed in the history of (so-called) modernity, and
French cultural studies brings to French cultural histhat the problematic notion of 'modernity' has itself attory. French Cultural Studies (2014) 25#3-4 pp:
tracted scant attention.
253-261.

2.4.2

Cultural studies

Cultural studies is an academic discipline popular among


a diverse group of scholars. It combines political economy, geography, sociology, social theory, literary theory,
lm/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy,
and art history/criticism to study cultural phenomena in
various societies. Cultural studies researchers often concentrate on how a particular phenomenon relates to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, and/or
gender. The term was coined by Richard Hoggart in 1964
when he founded the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. It has since become strongly associated with Stuart Hall, who succeeded Hoggart as Director.

Krl, Cengiz. From Economic History to Cultural


History in Ottoman Studies. International Journal
of Middle East Studies (2014) 46#2 pp: 376-378.
McCaery, Peter Gabriel, and Ben Marsden, eds.
The Cultural History Reader (Routledge, 2014)
Melching, W., & Velema, W. (1994). Main trends
in cultural history: ten essays. Amsterdam: Rodopi.
Morris, I. (1999). Archaeology as Cultural History:
Words and Things in Iron Age Greece. Blackwell
Publishing.
Munslow, Alun (1997). Deconstructing History.
Routledge. ISBN 0-415-13192-8
Poirrier, Philippe (2004), Les Enjeux de lhistoire
culturelle, Seuil.

2.5. DIASPORA

55

Poster, M. (1997). Cultural history and postmodernity: disciplinary readings and challenges. New
York: Columbia University Press.
Ritter, H. (1986). Dictionary of concepts in history.
Reference sources for the social sciences and humanities, no. 3. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press.
Salmi, H. (2011). Cultural History, the Possible,
and the Principle of Plenitude. History and Theory
50 (May 2011), 171-187.
Schlereth, T. J. (1990). Cultural history and material culture: everyday life, landscapes, museums.
American material culture and folklife. Ann Arbor,
Mich: UMI Research Press.
Spang, Rebecca. (2008). Paradigms and Paranoia:
how modern is the French Revolution]?" American
Historical Review, in JSTOR

2.4.6

External links

International Society for Cultural History

Emigrants Leave Ireland depicting the emigration to America following the Great Famine in Ireland.

Web Portal on Historical Culture and Historiogra2.5.1


phy

2.5 Diaspora
For other uses, see Diaspora (disambiguation).
A diaspora (from Greek , scattering,
dispersion)[1] is a scattered population with a common
origin in a smaller geographic locale. Diaspora can also
refer to the movement of the population from its original homeland.[2][3] Diaspora has come to refer particularly to historical mass dispersions of an involuntary nature, such as the expulsion of Jews from Judea, the eeing of Greeks after the fall of Constantinople, the African
Trans-Atlantic slave trade, the southern Chinese or Hindus of South Asia during the coolie trade, the deportation
of Palestinians in the 20th century,[3][4] and the exile and
deportation of Circassians.

Origins and development of the term

The term is derived from the Greek verb (diaspeir), I scatter, I spread about[1] and that form
(dia), between, through, across[1] + the verb
(speir), I sow, I scatter.[1] In Ancient Greece the term
(diaspora) hence meant scattering[1] and
was inter alia used to refer to citizens of a dominant citystate who emigrated to a conquered land with the purpose of colonization, to assimilate the territory into the
empire.[5] An example of a diaspora from classical antiquity is the century-long exile of the Messenians under
Spartan rule.
Its use began to develop from this original sense when
the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek;[6] the rst
mention of a diaspora created as a result of exile is found
in the Septuagint,[1] rst in
Deuteronomy 28:25, in the phrase , es en
diaspora en pasais tais basileiais ts gs, translated to
mean thou shalt be a dispersion in all kingdoms of
the earth

Recently, scholars have distinguished between dierent kinds of diaspora, based on its causes such as
imperialism, trade or labor migrations, or by the kind
of social coherence within the diaspora community and
its ties to the ancestral lands. Some diaspora communities maintain strong political ties with their homeland. and secondly in
Other qualities that may be typical of many diasporas are
Psalms 146(147).2, in the phrase thoughts of return, relationships with other communities
K in the diaspora, and lack of full integration into the host
, oikodomn Ierousalm ho Kyrios
country.[3]

56

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

kai tas diasporas tou Isral episynax, translated to Expanding denition


mean The Lord doth build up Jerusalem: he gathIn an article published in 1991, William Safran set out six
ereth together the outcasts of Israel.
rules to distinguish diasporas from migrant communities.
These included criteria that the group maintains a myth
or collective memory of their homeland; they regard their
ancestral homeland as their true home, to which they will
eventually return; being committed to the restoration or
maintenance of that homeland; and they relate personSo after the Bibles translation into Greek, the word Dias- ally or vicariously to the homeland to a point where it
pora would then have been used to refer to the Northern shapes their identity.[12][13][14] While Safrans denitions
Kingdom exiled between 740-722 BC from Israel by the were inuenced by the idea of the Jewish diaspora, he
Assyrians,[7] as well as Jews, Benjaminites, and Levites recognised the expanding use of the term.[15]
exiled from the Southern Kingdom in 587 BCE by the
Babylonians, and from Roman Judea in 70 CE by the Rogers Brubaker (2005) also notes that use of the term
Roman Empire.[8] It subsequently came to be used to diaspora has been widening. He suggests that one elerefer to the historical movements of the dispersed eth- ment of this expansion in use involves the application of
nic population of Israel, to the cultural development of the term diaspora to an ever-broadening set of cases: escategory
that population or to that population itself.[9] In English sentially to any and every nameable population
[16]
that
is
to
some
extent
dispersed
in
space.
Brubaker
when capitalized and without modiers (that is simply,
the Diaspora), the term refers specically to the Jewish has used the WorldCat database to show that 17 out of
diaspora;[2] when uncapitalized the word diaspora may the 18 books on diaspora published between 1900 and
be used to refer to refugee or immigrant populations of 1910 were on the Jewish diaspora. The majority of works
other origins or ethnicities living away from an estab- in the 1960s were also about the Jewish diaspora, but in
lished or ancestral homeland.[2] The wider application 2002 only two out of 20 books sampled (out of a total
case, with a total of eight
of diaspora evolved from the Assyrian two-way mass de- of 253) were about the Jewish
[17]
dierent
diasporas
covered.
portation policy of conquered populations to deny future
territorial claims on their part.[10]
Brubaker outlines the original use of the term diaspora as
According to the Oxford English Dictionary Online, the follows:
rst known recorded usage of the word diaspora in the
English language was in 1876 referring extensive diaspora work (as it is termed) of evangelizing among the National Protestant Churches on the continent.[11] The term
became more widely assimilated into English by the mid
1950s, with long-term expatriates in signicant numbers
from other particular countries or regions also being referred to as a diaspora. An academic eld, diaspora studies, has become established relating to this sense of the
word.
In all cases, the term diaspora carries a sense of
displacement the population so described nds itself for
whatever reason separated from its national territory, and
usually its people have a hope, or at least a desire, to return to their homeland at some point, if the homeland
still exists in any meaningful sense. Some writers have
noted that diaspora may result in a loss of nostalgia for
a single home as people re-root in a series of meaningful displacements. In this sense, individuals may have
multiple homes throughout their diaspora, with dierent
reasons for maintaining some form of attachment to each.
Diasporic cultural development often assumes a dierent
course from that of the population in the original place
of settlement. Over time, remotely separated communities tend to vary in culture, traditions, language and other
factors. The last vestiges of cultural aliation in a diaspora is often found in community resistance to language
change and in maintenance of traditional religious practice.

Most early discussions of diaspora were


rmly rooted in a conceptual 'homeland'; they
were concerned with a paradigmatic case, or
a small number of core cases. The paradigmatic case was, of course, the Jewish diaspora;
some dictionary denitions of diaspora, until
recently, did not simply illustrate but dened
the word with reference to that case.[18]
Brubaker argues that the initial expansion of the use of
the phrase extended it to other, similar cases, such as
the Armenian and Greek diasporas. More recently, it
has been applied to emigrant groups that continue their
involvement in their homeland from overseas, such as
the category of long-distance nationalists identied by
Benedict Anderson. Brubaker notes that (as examples):
Albanians, Basques, Hindu Indians, Irish, Japanese,
Kashmiri, Koreans, Kurds, Palestinians, and Tamils have
been conceptualised as diasporas in this sense. Furthermore, labour migrants who maintain (to some degree)
emotional and social ties with a homeland have also been
described as diasporas.[18]
In further cases of the use of the term, the reference to
the conceptual homeland to the 'classical' diasporas
has become more attenuated still, to the point of being
lost altogether. Here, Brubaker cites transethnic and
transborder linguistic categories...such as Francophone,
Anglophone and Lusophone 'communities", along with

2.5. DIASPORA

57

Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Confucian, Huguenot, Muslim


and Catholic 'diasporas.[19] Brubaker notes that, as of
2005, there were also academic books or articles on the
Dixie, white, liberal, gay, queer and digital diasporas.[17]
Some observers have labeled evacuation from New Orleans and the Gulf Coast in the wake of Hurricane Katrina the New Orleans diaspora, since a signicant number of evacuees have not been able to return, yet maintain aspirations to do so.[20][21] Agnieszka Weinar (2010)
notes the widening use of the term, arguing that recently,
a growing body of literature succeeded in reformulating the denition, framing diaspora as almost any population on the move and no longer referring to the specic
context of their existence.[13] It has even been noted that
as charismatic Christianity becomes increasingly globalized, many Christians conceive of themselves as a diaspora, and form an imaginary that mimics salient features
of ethnic diasporas.[22]

Greek Homeland and Diaspora 6th century BCE

Greek ruling classes established in Egypt, southwest Asia


and northwest India.[26] Subsequent waves of colonization and migration during the Middle Ages added to the
older settlements, or created new ones, thus replenishng
the Greek diaspora and making it one of the most longProfessional communities of individuals no longer in their standing and widespread in the world.
homeland can also be considered diaspora. For examThe Migration Period relocations, which included sevple, science diasporas are communities of scientists who
eral phases, are just one set of many in history. The rst
[23]
conduct their research away from their homeland.
In
phase Migration Period displacement from between CE
[24]
an article published in 1996, Khachig Tllyan argues
300 and 500 included relocation of the Goths (Ostrogoths
that the media have used the term corporate diaspora in
and Visigoths), Vandals, Franks, various other Germanic
a rather arbitrary and inaccurate fashion, for example as
people (Burgundians, Lombards, Angles, Saxons, Jutes,
applied to mid-level, mid-career executives who have
Suebi, Alemanni, Varangians and Normans), Alans and
been forced to nd new places at a time of corporate upnumerous Slavic tribes. The second phase, between CE
heaval (10) The use of corporate diaspora reects the
500 and 900, saw Slavic, Turkic, and other tribes on the
increasing popularity of the diaspora notion to describe
move, resettling in Eastern Europe and gradually making
a wide range of phenomena related to contemporary miit predominantly Slavic, and aecting Anatolia and the
gration, displacement and transnational mobility. While
Caucasus as the rst Turkic tribes (Avars, Huns, Khazars,
corporate diaspora seems to avoid or contradict connotaPechenegs), as well as Bulgars, and possibly Magyars artions of violence, coercion and unnatural uprooting hisrived. The last phase of the migrations saw the coming
torically associated to the notion of diaspora, its scholarly
of the Hungarian Magyars and the Viking expansion out
use may heuristically describe the ways in which corpoof Scandinavia into Europe and the British Isles, as well
rations function alongside diasporas. In this way, coras Greenland and Iceland.
porate diaspora might foreground the racial histories of
diasporic formations without losing sight of the cultural Such colonizing migrations cannot be considered indelogic of late capitalism in which corporations orchestrate nitely as diasporas; over very long periods, eventually the
the transnational circulation of people, images, ideologies migrants assimilate into the settled area so completely
that it becomes their new homeland. Thus the modern
and capital.
population of Hungary do not feel that they belong in the
Western Siberia that the Hungarian Magyars left 12 cen2.5.2 European diasporas
turies ago; and the English descendants of the Angles,
Saxons and Jutes do not yearn to reoccupy the plains of
Further information: European diaspora
Northwest Germany.
European history contains numerous diaspora-like
events. In ancient times, the trading and colonising ac- In 1492, a Spanish expedition headed by Christopher
tivities of the Greek tribes from the Balkans and Asia Columbus arrived in the Americas, after which European
Minor spread people of Greek culture, religion and lan- exploration and colonization rapidly expanded. Histoleft Euguage around the Mediterranean and Black Sea basins, rian James Axtell estimates that 240,000 people
[27]
rope
for
the
Americas
in
the
16th
century.
Immigraestablishing Greek city states in Magna Graecia (Sicily,
southern Italy), northern Libya, eastern Spain, the south tion continued. In the 19th century alone over 50 million
[28]
of France, and the Black Sea coasts. Greeks founded Europeans migrated to North and South America.
more than 400 colonies.[25] Alexander the Great's con- A specic 19th-century example is the Irish diaspora, bequest of the Achaemenid Empire marked the beginning ginning in the mid-19th century and brought about by An
of the Hellenistic period, which was characterized by a Gorta Mr or The Great Hunger of the Irish Famine.
new wave of Greek colonization in Asia and Africa, with Estimates are that between 45% and 85% of Irelands

58

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

population emigrated, to countries including Britain, the


United States, Canada, Argentina, Australia and New
Zealand. The size of the diaspora is demonstrated by the
number of people around the world who claim Irish ancestry; some sources put the gure at 80-100 million.

2.5.3

African diaspora

Further information: African diaspora


One of the largest diaspora of modern times is the African
Diaspora, which dates back several centuries. During
the Atlantic Slave Trade, 9.4 to 12 million people from
North, West, West-Central and South-east Africa survived transportation to arrive in the Western Hemisphere
as slaves.[29] This population and their descendants were
major inuences on the culture of English, French, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish New World colonies. Prior
to the trans-Atlantic slave trade, millions of Africans had
moved and settled as merchants, seamen and slaves in different parts of Asia and Europe.
In Black Europe and the African Diaspora Alexander Weheliye (2009) writes a section and clearly explains diaspora this way: Diaspora oers pathways that retrace
laverings of dierence in the aftermath of colonialism
and slavery, as well as the eects of other forms of migration and displacement. Thus, diaspora enables the desedimentation of the nation from the interior by taking into
account the groups that fail to comply with the reigning
denition of the people as a cohesive political subject due
to sharing one culture, one race, one language, one religion, and so on, and from the exterior by drawing attention to the movements that cannot be contained by the
nations administrative and ideological borders (162).

2.5.4

Asian diaspora

Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora)[30] rst occurred thousands of years ago. The
mass emigration that occurred from the 19th century
to 1949 was caused mainly by wars and starvation in
mainland China, as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and
coolies (Chinese:
, literally hard labor), who immigrated to developing countries in need of labor, such as
the Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia,
Malaya and other places.
The largest Asian diaspora outside of Southeast Asia is
the Indian diaspora. The overseas Indian community, estimated at over 25 million, is spread across many regions
in the world, on every continent. It constitutes a diverse,
heterogeneous and eclectic global community representing dierent regions, languages, cultures, and faiths (see
Desi).
The Romani are widely dispersed, with their largest concentrated populations in Europe. Linguistic and genetic
evidence indicates the Romanies originated on the Indian
subcontinent, emigrating from India towards the northwest no earlier than the 11th century.[31]
At least three waves of Nepalese diaspora can be identied. The earliest wave dates back to hundreds of years
as early marriage and high birthrates propelled Hindu
settlement eastward across Nepal, then into Sikkim and
Bhutan. A backlash developed in the 1980s as Bhutans
political elites realized that Bhutanese Buddhists were at
risk of becoming a minority in their own country. At
least 60,000 ethnic Nepalese from Bhutan have been resettled in the United States.[32] A second wave was driven
by British recruitment of mercenary soldiers beginning
around 1815 and resettlement after retirement in the
British Isles and southeast Asia. The third wave began
in the 1970s as land shortages intensied and the pool of
educated labor greatly exceeded job openings in Nepal.
Job-related emigration created Nepalese enclaves in India, the wealthier countries of the Middle East, Europe
and North America. Current estimates of the number of
Nepalese living outside Nepal range well up into the millions.
In Siam, regional power struggles among several kingdoms in the region led to a large diaspora of ethnic Lao
between the 1700s-1800s by Siamese rulers to settle large
areas of the Siamese kingdoms northeast region, where
Lao ethnicity is still a major factor in 2012. During this
period, Siam decimated the Lao capital, capturing, torturing and killing the Lao king Anuwongse.
From the 1860s, Circassians were dispersed through the
Levant, Europe, North America, Australia, and within
historical Circassia in the North Caucasus currently in
Russia.
Further information: Circassian diaspora

Bukharan Jews in Samarkand, Central Asia, c. 1910

2.5. DIASPORA

2.5.5

Internal diasporas

In the US, approximately 4.3 million people moved outside their home states in 2010, according to IRS tax
exemption data.[33] In a 2011 TEDx presentation, Detroit native Garlin Gilchrist referenced the formation of
distinct Detroit diaspora communities in Seattle and
Washington, D.C.,[34] while layos in the auto industry
also led to substantial blue-collar migration from Michigan to Wyoming in the mid 2000s.[35] In response to a
statewide exodus of talent, the State of Michigan continues to host MichAGAIN career recruiting events in
places throughout the US with signicant Michigan diaspora populations.[36]
In Mainland China, millions of migrant workers have
sought greater opportunity in the countrys booming
coastal metropolises, though this trend has slowed with
the further development of Chinas interior.[37] Migrant
social structures in these Chinese mega-cities are often
based on place of origin, such as a shared hometown or
province, and it is common for recruiters and foremen to
select entire work crews from the same village.[38] In two
separate June 2011 incidents, Sichuanese migrant workers organized violent protests against alleged police misconduct and migrant labor abuse near the southern manufacturing hub of Guangzhou.[39]

2.5.6

20th century

The 20th century saw huge population movements. Some


involved large-scale transfers of people by government
action. Some migrations occurred to avoid conict and
warfare. Other diasporas were created as a consequence
of political decisions, such as the end of colonialism.
World War II and the end of colonial rule
As World War II unfolded, Nazi Germany deported
and killed millions of Jews and many millions of others
were likewise enslaved or murdered, including Ukrainians, Russians and other Slavs. Some Jews ed from
persecution to unoccupied parts of western Europe and
the Americas before borders closed. Later, other eastern European refugees moved west, away from Soviet
annexation,[40] and the Iron Curtain regimes after World
War II. Hundreds of thousands of these anti-Soviet political refugees and Displaced Persons ended up in western Europe, Australia, Canada and the United States of
America.

59
cluding western Europe, and with tens of thousands seeking refuge in the United States.
Spain sent many political activists into exile during
Franco's military regime from 1936 to his death in 1975.
Following World War II, the creation of the state of
Israel, and a series of uprisings against colonialist rule,
the Middle East nations became more hostile in relation to their historic Jewish populations, sepharadim and
mizrahiml, of nearly 1 million people. Most of them emigrated, with the majority resettling in Israel.
At the same time, the Palestinian diaspora resulted from
Israels creation in 1948, in which 750,000 people were
expelled or ed from their homes. The diaspora was enlarged by the eects of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. Many
Palestinians continue to live in refugee camps maintained
by Middle Eastern nations, but others have resettled in the
Middle East and other countries.
The 1947 Partition resulted in the migration of millions
of people between India and Pakistan. Millions were
murdered in the religious violence of the period, with estimates of fatalities up to 2 million people. Thousands of
former subjects of the British Raj went to the UK from
the Indian subcontinent after India and Pakistan became
independent in 1947.
From the late 19th century, and formally from 1910,
Japan made Korea a colony. Millions of Chinese ed to
western provinces not occupied by Japan (that is, in particular Ssuchuan/Szechwan and Yunnan in the Southwest
and Shensi and Kansu in the Northwest) and to Southeast Asia. More than 100,000 Koreans moved across the
Amur River into Eastern Russia (then the Soviet Union)
away from the Japanese.

The Cold War and the formation of post-colonial


states
During and after the Cold War-era, huge populations of
refugees migrated from conict, especially from thendeveloping countries.
Upheaval in the Middle East and Central Asia, some of
which was related to power struggles between the United
States and the Soviet Union, created new refugee populations which developed into global diasporas.
In Southeast Asia, many Vietnamese people emigrated to
France and later millions to the United States, Australia
and Canada after the Cold War-related Vietnam War.
Later, 30,000 French colons from Cambodia were displaced after being expelled by the Khmer Rouge regime
under Pol Pot. A small, predominantly Muslim ethnic
group, the Cham people long residing in Cambodia, were
nearly eradicated. The mass exodus of Vietnamese people from Vietnam coined the term 'Boat people'.

After World War II, the Soviet Union and Communistcontrolled Poland, Hungary and Yugoslavia expelled millions of ethnic Germans, most of whom were descendants
of immigrants who had settled in those areas nearly two
centuries before. This was allegedly in retaliation for the
German Nazi invasion and their pan-German attempts at In Southwest China, many Tibetan people emigrated to
annexation. Most of the refugees moved to the West, in- India, following the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959 after the

60
failure of his Tibetan uprising. This wave lasted until
the 1960s, and another wave followed when Tibet was
opened up to trade and tourism in the 1980s. It is estimated that about 200,000 Tibetans live now dispersed
worldwide, half of whom in are India, Nepal and Bhutan.
In lieu of lost citizenship papers, the Central Tibetan Administration oers Green Book identity documents to Tibetan refugees.
Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to nd
work, notably during the British colonial period. Since
the beginning of the civil war in 1983, more than 800,000
Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka as local diaspora, and over a half million Tamils living as the Tamil
diaspora in destinations such as India, Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, the UK and Europe.
The Afghan diaspora resulted from the 1979 invasion
by the former Soviet Union; both ocial and unocial
records indicate that the war displaced over 6 million people, resulting in the creation of the largest refugee population worldwide today.
Many Iranians ed the 1979 Iranian Revolution which
culminated in the fall of the USA/British-ensconced
Shah.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


of refugees from deteriorating conditions in Zimbabwe
have gone to South Africa. The long war in Congo, in
which numerous nations have been involved, has also created millions of refugees.

2.5.7 21st century


Following the Iraq War, nearly 3 million Iraqis had been
displaced as of 2011, with 1.3 million within the Iraq and
1.6 million in neighboring countries, mainly Jordan and
Syria.[43]
Following the presidency of Hugo Chvez and the establishment of his Bolivarian Revolution, over 1.6 million Venezuelans emigrated from Venezuela in what has
been called the Bolivarian diaspora.[44][45][46] The analysis of a study by the Central University of Venezuela
titled Venezuelan Community Abroad. A New Method of
Exile by El Universal states that the Bolivarian diaspora in
Venezuela has been caused by the deterioration of both
the economy and the social fabric, rampant crime, uncertainty and lack of hope for a change in leadership in the
near future.[44]

The Assyrian diaspora expanded by the Civil War in


2.5.8 Diaspora populations on the Internet
Lebanon, the coming into power of the Islamic republic of Iran, the Ba'athist dictatorship in Iraq, and the
There are numerous web-based news portals and fopresent-day unrest in Iraq pushed Assyrians on the roads
rum sites dedicated to specic diaspora communiof exile.[41]
ties, often organized on the basis of an origin charIn Africa, a new series of diasporas formed following acteristic and a current location characteristic (e.g.
the end of colonial rule. In some cases as countries be- ChineseInBoston.com).[47] The location-based networkcame independent, numerous minority descendants of ing features of mobile applications such as Chinas
Europeans emigrated; others stayed in the lands which WeChat have also created de facto online diaspora comhad been family homes for generations. Uganda expelled munities when used outside of their home markets.[48]
80,000 South Asians in 1972 and took over their busi- Now, large companies from the emerging countries are
nesses and properties. The 1990s Civil war in Rwanda looking at leveraging diaspora communities to enter the
between rival ethnic groups Hutu and Tutsi turned deadly more mature market. [49]
and produced a mass eux of refugees.
In Latin America, following the 1959 Cuban Revolution
2.5.9 In popular culture
and the introduction of communism, over a million peo[42]
ple have left Cuba.
Gran Torino, a 2008 drama starring Clint Eastwood, was
There was a Jamaican diaspora around the start of the the rst mainstream American lm to feature the Hmong
21st century. More than 1 million Dominicans live American diaspora.[50]
abroad a majority living in the US.Nearly 20 Percent of
All Dominicans Live Abroad. Dominican Today
A million Colombian refugees have left Colombia since 2.5.10 See also
1965 to escape the countrys violence and civil wars. In
List of diasporas
South America, thousands of Argentinan, Chilean and
Uruguayan refugees ed to Europe during periods of
Armenian Genocide
military rule in the 1970s and 1980s. In Central America, Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans,
Boat people
Costa Ricans (however, the country had no dictators) and
Displaced person
Panamanians ed conict and poor economic conditions.
Hundreds of thousands of people ed from the Rwandan
Genocide in 1994 into neighboring countries. Thousands

Ethnic cleansing
Exodus

2.5. DIASPORA

61

Expatriate

[16] Brubaker 2005, p. 3.

Forced migration

[17] Brubaker 2005, p. 14.

Holocaust

[18] Brubaker 2005, p. 2.

Human migration

[19] Brubaker 2005, pp. 23.

Immigration

[20] Kennedy, Bruce (31 August 2010). The Economic Impact of the 'Katrina Diaspora'". Daily Finance. Retrieved
23 February 2011.

Long Walk of the Navajo


Nakba
Population transfer
Refugee
Rural exodus
Slave trade
Stateless nation
Trail of Tears
Ummah

[21] Walden, Will (1 September 2005). Katrina scatters a


grim diaspora. BBC News. Retrieved 23 February 2011.
[22] McAlister, Elizabeth. Listening for Geographies. Routledge. Retrieved 5 November 2012.
[23] Burns, William (December 9, 2013). The Potential of
Science Diasporas. Science & Diplomacy 2 (4).
[24] Tllyan, Khachig (December 1996). Rethinking Diaspora(s): Stateless Power in the Transnational Moment.
Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 3 (36).
[25] Early
development
of
Greek
society.
Highered.mcgraw-hill.com. Retrieved 2014-01-05.
[26] Hellenistic Civilization

2.5.11

Notes

[1] . Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A


GreekEnglish Lexicon at the Perseus Project
[2] Diaspora. Merriam Webster. Retrieved 2011-02-22.
[3] Melvin Ember, Carol R. Ember and Ian Skoggard, ed.
(2004). Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and
Refugee Cultures Around the World. Volume I: Overviews
and Topics; Volume II: Diaspora Communities. ISBN 9780-306-48321-9.
[4] Rozen, Mina (2008). Homelands and Diasporas: Greeks,
Jews and Their Migrations (International Library of Migration Studies). London, England: I. B. Tauris. ISBN
1845116429.
[5] pp.1-2, Tetlow
[6] p.81, Kantor
[7] Assyrian captivity of Israel - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. En.wikipedia.org. Retrieved 2014-01-05.

[27] Axtell, James (SeptemberOctober 1991).


The
Columbian Mosaic in Colonial America. Humanities 12
(5): 1218. JSTOR 4636419. Archived from the original
on November 19, 2009.
[28] Eltis, Kingston David (1987). Economic Growth and the
Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Oxford University Press. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-19-536481-1.
[29] ""Welcome to Encyclopdia Britannicas Guide to Black
History, ''Encyclopdia Britannica''". Britannica.com.
Retrieved 2014-01-05.
[30] Ma, Laurence J. C.; Cartier, Carolyn L. (2003). The Chinese diaspora: space, place, mobility, and identity. ISBN
978-0-7425-1756-1.
[31] Kalaydjieva, Luba; Gresham, D; Calafell, F (2001).
Genetic studies of the Roma (Gypsies): A review.
BMC Medical Genetics 2: 5. doi:10.1186/1471-2350-2-5.
PMC 31389. PMID 11299048. Retrieved 2008-06-16.
[32] Bhaumik, Subir (November 7, 2007). Bhutan refugees
are 'intimidated'". BBC News. Retrieved 2008-04-25.

[8] pp.53, 105-106, Kantor


[9] p.1, Barclay
[10] pp.96-97, Galil & Weinfeld
[11] diaspora, n.. Oxford English Dictionary Online. November 2010. Retrieved 22 February 2011.
[12] Brubaker 2005, p. 5.
[13] Weinar 2010, p. 75.
[14] Cohen 2008, p. 6.
[15] Cohen 2008, p. 4.

[33] Bruner, Jon (16 November 2011). Migration in America. Forbes. Retrieved 30 September 2013.
[34] Gilchrist, Garlin (6 August 2011). From Detroit. To
Detroit. TEDxLansing. TED. Retrieved 30 September
2013.
[35] Silke Carty, Sharon (5 December 2006). Wyoming wins
over Michigan job seekers. USA Today. Retrieved 30
September 2013.
[36] Walsh, Tom (10 April 2011). MichAgain program aims
to return talented people, investments to Michigan. Detroit Free Press. Retrieved 1 October 2013.

62

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

[37] Kenneth, Rapoza (19 February 2013). Chinese Migrant


Workers Enticed To Stay Home. Forbes. Retrieved 1
October 2013.
[38] Chinas migrant workers. Wildcat. Winter 2007/08
(80). Retrieved 1 October 2013.
[39] Demick, Barbara (13 June 2011). China tries to restore
order after migrant riots. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved
3 October 2013.
[40] An International Conference on the Baltic Archives
Abroad. Kirmus.ee. Retrieved 2014-01-05.
[41] Codeswitching Worldwide II, by Rodolfo Jacobson
[42] 1959: The Cuban Revolution. Upfront: The Newsmagazine for Teens. Scholastic.

Brubaker, Rogers (2005). The 'diaspora' diaspora


(PDF). Ethnic and Racial Studies 28 (1): 119.
doi:10.1080/0141987042000289997. Retrieved 22
February 2011.
Bueltmann, Tanja, et al. eds. Locating the English
Diaspora, 1500-2010 (Liverpool University Press,
2012)
Cohen, Robin (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0415-43550-1.
Galil, Gershon, & Weinfeld, Moshe, Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography: Presented to Zekharyah alai, BRILL, 2000

[43] Sengupta, Kim (16 December 2011). Will Iraqs 1.3 million refugees ever be able to go home?". The Independent
(London).

Forbes, Andrew, and Henley, David, People of


Palestine (Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books, 2012),
ASIN: B0094TU8VY

[44] Olivares, Francisco (13 September 2014). Best and


brightest for export. El Universal. Retrieved 24 September 2014.

Kenny, Kevin, Diaspora: A Very Short Introduction.


New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.

[45] Hugo Chavez is Scaring Away Talent. Newsweek. 30


June 2009. Retrieved 24 September 2014.
[46] La emigracin venezolana a diferencia de otras se va con
un diploma bajo el brazo"". El Impulso. 17 December
2014. Retrieved 21 December 2014.
[47] Van Den Bos, Matthijs; Nell, Liza (2006). Territorial
bounds to virtual space: transnational online and ofine networks of Iranian and TurkishKurdish immigrants in the Netherlands (PDF). Global Networks:
A Journal of Transnational Aairs 6 (2): 201220.
doi:10.1111/j.1471-0374.2006.00141.x. Retrieved 30
September 2013.

Kantor, Mattis, The Jewish time line encyclopedia:


a year-by-year history from Creation to the Present,
(New updated edition), Jason Aronson, Northvale
NJ, 1992
Luciuk, Lubomyr, Searching for Place: Ukrainian
Displaced Persons, Canada and the Migration of
Memory, University of Toronto Press, 2000.
Oonk, G, 'Global Indian Diasporas: trajectories
of migration and theory, Amsterdam University
Press, 2007Free download: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/
en/record/260518

[48] Chester, Ken (7 August 2013). How WeChat And Zalo


Shine a Light On The Asian American Diaspora. Tech in
Asia. Retrieved 30 September 2013.

Shain, Yossi, Kinship and Diasporas in International


Politics, Michigan University Press, 2007

[49] The Globe: Diaspora Marketing, Nirmalya Kumar and


Jan-Benedict E.M. Steenkamp. Harvard Business Review. October 2013.

Sami Mahroum, Cynthia Eldridge, Abdallah S Daar


(2006), Transnational diaspora options: How developing countries could benet from their emigrant
populations. International Journal on Multicultural
Societies, 2006.

[50] Peterson-de la Cueva, Lisa (24 November 2008). Gran


Torino connects Hmong Minnesotans with Hollywood.
Twin Cities Daily Planet. Retrieved 30 September 2013.

2.5.12

References

Barclay, John M. G., (ed.), Negotiating Diaspora:


Jewish Strategies in the Roman Empire, Continuum
International Publishing Group, 2004
Baser, B and Swain, A. Diasporas as Peacemakers:
Third Party Mediation in Homeland Conicts with
Ashok Swain. International Journal on World Peace
25, 3, September 2008.
Braziel, Jana Evans. 2008. Diaspora - an introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

S Mahroum, P De Guchteneire (2007), Transnational Knowledge Through Diaspora NetworksEditorial. International Journal of Multicultural Societies 8 (1), 1-3
Tetlow, Elisabeth Meier, Women, Crime, and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2005
Weinar, Agnieszka (2010). Instrumentalising diasporas for development: International and European policy discourses. In Baubck, Rainer; Faist,
Thomas. Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts,
Theories and Methods. Amsterdam: Amsterdam
University Press. pp. 7389. ISBN 90-8964-238-2.

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY

63

B. Xharra and M. Whlisch, Beyond Remittances:


Public Diplomacy and Kosovos Diaspora, Foreign
Policy Club, Pristina (2012), http://papers.ssrn.
com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2108317.

substantivists examine the ways in which so-called pure


market exchange in market societies fails to t market
ideology. Economic anthropologists have abandoned the
primitivist niche they were relegated to by economists.
They now study the operations of corporations, banks,
Weheliye, Alexander G. My Volk to Come: Peo- and the global nancial system from an anthropological
plehood in Recent Diaspora Discourse and Afro- perspective.
German Popular Music. Black Europe and the
African Diaspora. Ed. Darlene Clark. Hine, Trica
Danielle. Keaton, and Stephen Small. Urbana: U of
Illinois, 2009. 161-79. Print.
2.6.1 Reciprocity and the gift

2.5.13

External links

Livius.org: Diaspora
http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/260518 Open access book on Diasporas
DIASPORAS.SE
Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS)
UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on
Good Practices of Integration of Migrants across the
World

2.6 Economic anthropology


Economic anthropology is a eld that attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and cultural scope. It is practiced by anthropologists and has a complex relationship with the discipline
of economics, of which it is highly critical. Its origins as a
sub-eld of anthropology began with work by the PolishBritish founder of anthropology Bronislaw Malinowski
and his French compatriot[?] Marcel Mauss on the nature of reciprocity as an alternative to market exchange.
For the most part, studies in economic anthropology fo- Bronislaw Malinowski, anthropologist at the London School of
cus on exchange. In contrast, the Marxian school known Economics
as "political economy" focuses on production.
Post-World War II, economic anthropology was highly
inuenced by the work of economic historian Karl
Polanyi. Polanyi drew on anthropological studies to argue that true market exchange was limited to a restricted
number of western, industrial societies. Applying formal
economic theory (Formalism) to non-industrial societies
was mistaken, he argued. In non-industrial societies, exchange was embedded in such non-market institutions
as kinship, religion, and politics (an idea he borrowed
from Mauss). He labelled this approach Substantivism.
The Formalist vs Substantivist debate was highly inuential and dened an era.[1]
As globalization became a reality, and the division between market and non-market economies between the
west and the rest became untenable, anthropologists began to look at the relationship between a vari- A Kula bracelet from the Trobriand Islands.
ety of types of exchange within market societies. Neo-

64
Malinowski and Mauss on Kula exchange
Bronislaw Malinowskis path-breaking work, Argonauts
of the Western Pacic (1922), addressed the question,
why would men risk life and limb to travel across huge
expanses of dangerous ocean to give away what appear
to be worthless trinkets?" (He could have asked this as
well about the Dutch giving trinkets to the aboriginals
of Manhattan Island). Malinowski carefully traced the
network of exchanges of bracelets and necklaces across
the Trobriand Islands, and established that they were part
of a system of exchange (the Kula ring). He stated
that this exchange system was clearly linked to political
authority.[2]

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


1992 critique was twofold: she noted rst that Trobriand
Island society has a matrilineal kinship system, and that
women hold a great deal of economic and political power,
as inheritance is passed through the female lines. Malinowski missed this and ignored womens exchanges in his
study. Secondly, Weiner has developed Mauss argument
about reciprocity and the spirit of the gift in terms of
"inalienable possessions: the paradox of keeping while
giving.[4] Weiner contrasts moveable goods, which can
be exchanged, with immoveable goods, which serve to
draw the gifts back (in the Trobriand case, male Kula gifts
are moveable gifts compared to those of womens landed
property). She argues that the specic goods given, such
as Crown Jewels, are so identied with particular groups
that, even when given, they are not truly alienated. Not
all societies, however, have these kinds of goods, which
depend upon the existence of particular kinds of kinship groups. French anthropologist Maurice Godelier[5]
pushed the analysis further in The Enigma of the Gift
(1999).[6]

In the 1920s and later, Malinowskis study became the


subject of debate with the French anthropologist, Marcel Mauss, author of The Gift (Essai sur le don, 1925).[3]
Malinowski emphasised the exchange of goods between
individuals, and their non-altruistic motives for giving:
they expected a return of equal or greater value (colloquially referred to as Indian giving). In other words, Albert Schrauwers has argued that the kinds of socireciprocity is an implicit part of gifting; no free gift is eties used as examples by Weiner and Godelier (including the Kula ring in the Trobriands, the Potlatch of the
given without expectation of reciprocity.
Indigenous peoples of the Pacic Northwest Coast in
Mauss, in contrast, has emphasized that the gifts were
the United States, and the Toraja of South Sulawesi,
not between individuals, but between representatives of
Indonesia) are all characterized by ranked aristocratic kin
larger collectivities. These gifts were, he argued, a total
groups that t with Claude Lvi-Strauss' model of House
prestation. They were not simple, alienable commodiSocieties (where House refers to both noble lineage
ties to be bought and sold, but, like the "Crown jewels",
and their landed estate). Total prestations are given, he arembodied the reputation, history and sense of identity of
gues, to preserve landed estates identied with particular
a corporate kin group, such as a line of kings. Given
kin groups and maintain their place in a ranked society.[6]
the stakes, Mauss asked why anyone would give them
away?" His answer was an enigmatic concept, the spirit
of the gift. A good part of the confusion (and resulting
debate) was due to a bad translation. Mauss appeared
to be arguing that a return gift is given to keep the very
relationship between givers alive; a failure to return a
gift ends the relationship and the promise of any future
gifts. Based on an improved translate, Jonathan Parry has
demonstrated that Mauss was arguing that the concept of
a pure gift given altruistically only emerges in societies
with a well-developed market ideology.[2]

Three tongkonan noble houses in a Torajan village.

Gifts and Commodities


Main article: Moka exchange
The misunderstanding about what Mauss meant by the
spirit of the gift led some anthropologists to contrast
gift economies with market economies, presenting
Mauss concept of total prestations has been developed them as polar opposites and implying that non-market exin the later 20th century by Annette Weiner, who revis- change was always altruistic. Marshall Sahlins, a wellited Malinowskis eldsite in the Trobriand Islands. Her known American cultural anthropologist, identied three

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY

65

main types of reciprocity in his book Stone Age Eco- place has to be preserved as separate from short-term
nomics (1972).[7] Gift or generalized reciprocity is the ex- market relations.[13]
change of goods and services without keeping track of
their exact value, but often with the expectation that their
value will balance out over time. Balanced or Symmet- Charity: the poison of the gift
rical reciprocity occurs when someone gives to someone
else, expecting a fair and tangible return - at a specied
amount, time, and place. Market or Negative reciprocity
is the exchange of goods and services whereby each party
intends to prot from the exchange, often at the expense
of the other. Gift economies, or generalized reciprocity,
occur within closely knit kin groups, and the more distant
the exchange partner, the more imbalanced or negative
the exchange becomes.
This opposition was classically expressed by Chris Gregory in his book Gifts and Commodities (1982). Gregory argued that
Commodity exchange is an exchange of
alienable objects between people who are in
a state of reciprocal independence that establishes a quantitative relationship between the
objects exchanged Gift exchange is an exchange of inalienable objects between people
who are in a state of reciprocal dependence
that establishes a qualitative relationship between the transactors" (emphasis added.)[8]
Other anthropologists, however, refused to see these different "exchange spheres" as polar opposites. Marilyn
Strathern, writing on a similar area in Papua New Guinea,
dismissed the utility of the opposition in The Gender of
the Gift (1988).[9]
Spheres of Exchange
Main article: Spheres of exchange
The relationship of new market exchange systems to indigenous non-market exchange remained a perplexing
question for anthropologists. Paul Bohannan (see below, under substantivism) argued that the Tiv of Nigeria had three spheres of exchange, and that only certain kinds of goods could be exchanged in each sphere;
each sphere had its own dierent form of money.[10]
Similarly, Cliord Geertz's model of dual economy
in Indonesia,[11] and James C. Scotts model of moral
economy[12] hypothesized dierent exchange spheres
emerging in societies newly integrated into the market;
both hypothesized a continuing culturally ordered traditional exchange sphere resistant to the market. Geertz
used the sphere to explain peasant complacency in the
face of exploitation, and Scott to explain peasant rebellion. This idea was taken up lastly by Jonathan Parry and
Maurice Bloch, who argued in Money and the Morality
of Exchange (1989) that the transactional order through
which long-term social reproduction of the family takes

The Sharon Temple, Sharon, Ontario circa 1860.

In his classic summation of the gift exchange debate,


Jonathan Parry highlighted that ideologies of the pure
gift (as opposed to total prestations) is most likely
to arise in highly dierentiated societies with an advanced division of labour and a signicant commercial sector.[14] Schrauwers illustrated the same points
in two dierent areas in the context of the transition
to capitalism debate (see Political Economy). He documented the transformations among the To Pamona of
Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, as they were incorporated
in global market networks over the twentieth century.
As their everyday production and consumption activities
were increasingly commodied, they developed an oppositional gift (posintuwu) exchange system that funded
social reproductive activities, thereby preserving larger
kin, political and religious groups. This pure gift exchange network emerged from an earlier system of total
prestations.[15]
Similarly, in analyzing the same transition to capitalist
debate in early 19th century North America, Schrauwers
documented how new, oppositional "moral economies"
grew in parallel with the emergence of the market economy. As the market became increasingly institutionalized, so too did early utopian socialist experiments such
as the Children of Peace, in Sharon, Ontario, Canada.
They built an ornate temple dedicated to sacralizing the
giving of charity; this was eventually institutionalized as a
mutual credit organization, land sharing, and co-operative
marketing. In both cases, Schrauwers emphasizes that
these alternate exchange spheres are tightly integrated

66

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


exchange. They shifted attention away from the character of the human relationships formed through exchange,
and placed it on the social life of things instead. They
examined the strategies by which an object could be
"singularized" (made unique, special, one-of-a-kind) and
so withdrawn from the market. A marriage ceremony that
transforms a purchased ring into an irreplaceable family
heirloom is one example; the heirloom, in turn, makes a
perfect gift.

Singularization is the reverse of the seemingly irresistible


process of commodication. These scholars show how
all economies are a constant ow of material objects that
enter and leave specic exchange spheres. A similar ap'Free gifts of Posintuwu culminate in the exchange of bridewealth
proach is taken by Nicholas Thomas, who examines the
at a To Pamona wedding.
same range of cultures and the anthropologists who write
about them, and redirects attention to the entangled ob[18]
and mutualistic with markets as commodities move in jects and their roles as both gifts and commodities.
and out of each circuit.[16] Parry had also underscored, This emphasis on things has led to new explorations in
using the example of charitable giving of alms in India consumption studies (see below).
(Dna), that the pure gift of alms given with no expectation of return could be poisonous. That is, the gift of
2.6.2 Cultural construction of economic
alms embodying the sins of the giver, when given to ritsystems: the substantivist approach
ually pure priests, saddled these priests with impurities
that they could not cleanse themselves of. Pure gifts
given without a return, can place recipients in debt, and Formalist vs Substantivist debate
hence in dependent status: the poison of the gift.[17] Although the Children of Peace tried to sacralize the pure Main article: The Formalist vs Substantivist debate
giving of alms, they found charity created diculties for The opposition between substantivist and formalist ecorecipients. It highlighted their near bankruptcy and hence
opened them to lawsuits and indenite imprisonment for
debt. Rather than accept charity, the free gift, they opted
for loans.[16]
'The social life of things and singularization
Main article: Commodity Pathway Diversion
Rather than emphasize how particular kinds of objects

Non-market subsistence farming in New Mexico: household provisioning or 'economic' activity?

nomic models was rst proposed by Karl Polanyi in his


work The Great Transformation (1944). He argued that
the term 'economics has two meanings: the formal meaning refers to economics as the logic of rational action
and decision-making, as rational choice between the alternative uses of limited (scarce) means. The second,
Wedding rings: commodity or pure gift?
substantive meaning, however, presupposes neither rational decision-making nor conditions of scarcity. It simply
are either gifts or commodities to be traded in restricted refers to the study of how humans make a living from
spheres of exchange, Arjun Appadurai and others began their social and natural environment. A societys livelito look at how objects owed between these spheres of hood strategy is seen as an adaptation to its environment

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY


and material conditions, a process which may or may not
involve utility maximisation. The substantive meaning of
'economics is seen in the broader sense of 'economising'
or 'provisioning'. Economics is simply the way members of society meet their material needs. Anthropologists embraced the substantivist position as empirically
oriented, as it did not impose western cultural assumptions on other societies where they might not be warranted. The Formalist vs. Substantivist debate was not
between anthropologists and economists, however, but
a disciplinary debate largely conned to the journal Research in Economic Anthropology. In many ways, it reects the common debates between etic and emic explanations as dened by Marvin Harris in cultural anthropology of the period. The principal proponents of the
substantivist model were George Dalton and Paul Bohannan. Formalists such as Raymond Firth and Harold K.
Schneider asserted that the neoclassical model of economics could be applied to any society if appropriate
modications are made, arguing that its principles have
universal validity.

67
to arrogate to themselves a privileged right to model the
economies of their subjects, anthropologists should seek
to understand and interpret local models (1986:38).[19]
Such local models may dier radically from their Western counterparts. For example, the Iban use only hand
knives to harvest rice. Although the use of sickles could
speed up the harvesting process, they believe that this may
cause the spirit of the rice to ee, and their desire to prevent that outcome is greater than their desire to economize the harvesting process.
Gudeman brings post-modern cultural relativism to its
logical conclusion. Generally speaking, however, culturalism can also be seen as an extension of the substantivist view, with a stronger emphasis on cultural constructivism, a more detailed account of local understandings
and metaphors of economic concepts, and a greater focus on socio-cultural dynamics than the latter (cf. Hann,
2000).[20] Culturalists tend to be both less taxonomic and
more culturally relativistic in their descriptions while critically reecting on the power relationship between the
ethnographer (or 'modeller') and the subjects of his or her
research. While substantivists generally focus on institutions as their unit of analysis, culturalists lean towards
detailed and comprehensive analyses of particular local
communities. Both views agree in rejecting the formalist
assumption that all human behaviour can be explained in
terms of rational decision-making and utility maximisation.

For some anthropologists, the substantivist position does


not go far enough. Stephen Gudeman, for example, argues that the processes of making a livelihood are culturally constructed. Therefore, models of livelihoods and
related economic concepts such as exchange, money or
prot must be analyzed through the locals ways of understanding them. Rather than devising universal models rooting in Western economic terminologies and then Culturalism can be criticized from various perspectives.
applying them indiscriminately to all societies, scholars
Marxists argue that culturalists are too idealistic in their
must come to understand the 'local model'.
notion of the social construction of reality and too weak in
their analysis of external (i.e. material) constraints on individuals that aect their livelihood choices. If, as GudeStephen Gudeman and the Culturalist approach
man argues, local models cannot be held against a univerIn his work on livelihoods, Gudeman seeks to present the sal standard, then they cannot be related to hegemonic
peoples own economic construction (1986:1);[19] that ideologies propagated by the powerful, which serve to
is, peoples own conceptualizations or mental maps of neutralise resistance. This is further complicated by the
economics and its various aspects. His description of a fact that in an age of globalization most cultures are being
peasant community in Panama reveals that the locals did integrated into the global capitalist system and are inunot engage in exchange with each other in order to make enced to conform to Western ways of thinking and acting.
a prot but rather viewed it as an exchange of equiva- Local and global discourses are mixing, and the distinclents, with the exchange value of a good being dened tions between the two are beginning to blur. Even though
by the expenses spent on producing it. Only outside mer- people will retain aspects of their existing worldviews,
chants made prots in their dealings with the community; universal models can be used to study the dynamics of
it was a complete mystery to the locals how they managed their integration into the rest of the world.
to do so.
Gudeman also criticizes the substantivist position for imposing their universal model of economics on preindustrial societies and so making the same mistake as the
formalists. While conceding that substantivism rightly
emphasises the signicance of social institutions in economic processes, Gudeman considers any deductive universal model, be it formalist, substantivist or Marxist,
to be ethnocentric and tautological. In his view they
all model relationships as mechanistic processes by taking the logic of natural science based on the material
world and applying it to the human world. Rather than

Householding
Entrepreneurs in imperfect markets
Inspired by a collection on "Trade and Market in the early
Empires" edited by Karl Polanyi, the substantivists conducted a wide comparative study of market behavior in
traditional societies where such markets were embedded
in kinship, religion and politics. They thus remained focused on the social and cultural processes that shaped
markets, rather than on the individual focused study

68

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

of economizing behavior found in economic analysis.


George Dalton and Paul Bohannon, for example, published a collection on markets in sub-Saharan Africa.[21]
Pedlars and Princes: Social Development and Economic
Change in Two Indonesian Towns by Cliord Geertz
compared the entrepreneurial cultures of Islamic Java
with Hinduized Bali in the post-colonial period.[22] In
Java, trade was in the hands of pious Muslims, whereas in
Bali, larger enterprises were organized by aristocrats.[23]
Over time, this literature was refocused on informal
economies, those market activities lying on the periphery of legal markets.[24] Modernization theory of development had led economists in the 1950s and 1960s
to expect that traditional forms of work and production
would disappear in developing countries. Anthropologists found, however, that the sector had not only persisted, but expanded in new and unexpected ways. In
accepting that these forms of productions were there to
stay, scholars began using the term informal sector, which
is credited to the British anthropologist Keith Hart in a
study on Ghana in 1973. This literature focuses on the
invisible work done by those who fall outside the formal
production process, such as the production of clothing by
domestic workers, or those who are bound labourers in
sweatshops. As these studies have shifted to the informal sector of western economies, the eld has been dominated by those taking a political economy approach.[25]
Neo-Substantivism and capitalism as a cultural system
While many anthropologists like Gudeman were concerned with peasant economic behaviour, others turned
to the analysis of market societies. Economic Sociologist Mark Granovetter provided a new research paradigm
(neo-substantivism) for these researchers. Granovetter argued that the neo-liberal view of economic action
which separated economics from society and culture promoted an 'undersocialized account' that atomises human
behavior. Similarly, he argued, substantivists had an
over-socialized view of economic actors, refusing to
see the ways that rational choice could inuence the ways
they acted in traditional, embedded social roles. NeoSubstantivism overlaps with 'old' and especially new institutional economics.
Actors do not behave or decide as atoms
outside a social context, nor do they adhere
slavishly to a script written for them by the
particular intersection of social categories
that they happen to occupy. Their attempts at
purposive action are instead embedded in concrete, ongoing systems of social relations.[26]

social ties.[26] In his study of ethnic Chinese business networks in Indonesia, Granovetter found individuals economic agency embedded in networks of strong personal
relations. In processes of clientelization the cultivation of
personal relationships between traders and customers assumes an equal or higher importance than the economic
transactions involved. Economic exchanges are not carried out between strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships.

2.6.3 Money and nance

A sample picture of a ctional ATM card. The largest part of


the worlds money exists only as accounting numbers which are
transferred between nancial computers. Various plastic cards
and other devices give individual consumers the power to electronically transfer such money to and from their bank accounts,
without the use of currency.

Special and general purpose monies


Early anthropologists of the substantivist school were
struck by the number of special purpose monies, like
wampum and shell money, that they encountered. These
special purpose monies were used to facilitate trade,
but were not the universal money of market-based
economies. Universal money served ve functions:
Medium of exchange: they facilitated trade
Unit of account: they are an abstract measure of
value or worth
Store of value: they allow wealth to be preserved
over time
Standard of deferred payment: they are a measure
of debt
Means of payment: they can be used in non-market
situations to pay debts (like taxes).[27]

Granovetter applied the concept of embeddedness to Special purpose monies, in contrast, were frequently remarket societies, demonstrating that even there, ratio- stricted in their use; they might be limited to a specic
nal economic exchanges are inuenced by pre-existing exchange sphere such as the brass rods used by the Tiv

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY


of Nigeria in the early twentieth century (see "spheres
of exchange" above). Most of this early work documented the eects of universal money on these special
purpose monies. Universal money frequently weakened
the boundaries between exchange spheres. Others have
pointed out, however, how alternative currencies such as
Ithaca HOURS in New York state are used to create new
community based spheres of exchange in western market
economies by fostering barter.[28][29]
Much of this work was updated and retheorized in the
edited collection: Money and Modernity: State and Local
Currencies in Melanesia.[30] A second collection, Money
and the morality of exchange examined how general purpose money could be transformed into a special purpose money - how money could be socialized and
stripped of its moral danger so that it abets domestic
economies free of market demands.[31]
William Reddy undertook the same kind of analysis
of the meanings of monetary exchange in terms of the
growth of Liberalism in early modern Europe. Reddy critiques what he calls the Liberal illusion that developed
in this period, that money is a universal equivalent and a
principle of liberation. He underscores the dierent values and meanings that money has for those of dierent
classes.[32]
Barter

69
ones economic self-interest, and that before money, exchange was fostered through the processes of reciprocity
and redistribution, not barter.[38] Everyday exchange relations in such societies are characterized by generalized
reciprocity, or a non-calculative familial communism
where each takes according to their needs, and gives as
they have.[39]
Other anthropologists have questioned whether barter
is typically between total strangers, a form of barter
known as "silent trade". However, Benjamin Orlove has
shown that barter occurs through silent trade (between
strangers), but also in commercial markets as well. Because barter is a dicult way of conducting trade, it will
occur only where there are strong institutional constraints
on the use of money or where the barter symbolically
denotes a special social relationship and is used in welldened conditions. To sum up, multipurpose money in
markets is like lubrication for machines - necessary for
the most ecient function, but not necessary for the existence of the market itself.[40]
Barter may occur in commercial economies, usually during periods of monetary crisis. During such a crisis, currency may be in short supply, or highly devalued through
hyperination. In such cases, money ceases to be the universal medium of exchange or standard of value. Money
may be in such short supply that it becomes an item of
barter itself rather than the means of exchange. Barter
may also occur when people cannot aord to keep money
(as when hyperination quickly devalues it).[41]

Main article: Barter


David Graeber argues that the ineciencies of barter in
archaic society has been used by economists since Adam
Smith to explain the emergence of money, the economy, and hence the discipline of economics itself.[33]
Economists of the contemporary orthodoxy... propose an evolutionary development of economies which
places barter, as a 'natural' human characteristic, at the
most primitive stage, to be superseded by monetary exchange as soon as people become aware of the latters
greater eciency.[34] However, extensive investigation
since then has established that No example of a barter
economy, pure and simple, has ever been described,
let alone the emergence from it of money; all available
ethnography suggests that there never has been such a
thing. But there are economies today which are nevertheless dominated by barter.[35]

Money as Commodity Fetish

Anthropologists have analyzed these cultural situations


where universal money is being introduced as a means
of revealing the underlying cultural assumptions about
money that market based societies have internalized.
Michael Taussig, for example, examined the reactions of
peasant farmers in Colombia as they struggled to understand how money could make interest. Taussig highlights
that we have fetishized money. We view money as an active agent, capable of doing things, of growth. In viewing
money as an active agent, we obscure the social relationships that actually give money its power. The Colombian
peasants, seeking to explain how money could bear interest, turned to folk beliefs like the baptism of money
to explain how money could grow. Dishonest individuals
Anthropologists have argued that when something re- would have money baptized, which would then become
goods, it would essembling barter does occur in stateless societies it is al- an active agent; whenever used to buy
[42]
cape
the
till
and
return
to
its
owner.
most always between strangers, people who would otherwise be enemies.[36] Barter occurred between strangers, Schrauwers similarly examines a situation where paper
not fellow villagers, and hence cannot be used to nat- money was introduced for the rst time, in early nineuralistically explain the origin of money without the teenth century Ontario, Canada. Paper money, or bank
state. Since most people engaged in trade knew each notes, were not a store of wealth; they were an I.O.U., a
other, exchange was fostered through the extension of promisory note, a fetish of debt. Banks in the era had
credit.[35][37] Marcel Mauss, author of 'The Gift', ar- limited capital. They didn't loan that capital. Instead,
gued that the rst economic contracts were to not act in they issued paper notes promising to pay that amount

70

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


nality works, and how it is embedded in particular kinds
of social networks.[46]
Bill Maurer has examined how Islamic bankers who are
seeking to avoid religiously proscribed interest payments
have remade money and nance in Indonesia. His book,
Mutual Life, Limited, compares these Islamic attempts to
remake the basis of money to local currency systems in
the United States, such as Ithaca Hours. In doing so,
he questions what it is that gives money its value.[28] This
same question of what gives money its value is also addressed in David Graebers book Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own
dreams.[47]

Metal money fetishism: A political poster shows gold coin as the


basis of prosperity. (ca. 1896)

should the note be presented in their oce. Since these


notes stayed in circulation for lengthy periods, banks had
little fear they would have to pay, and so issued many
more notes than they could redeem, and charged interest
on all of them. Utilizing Bourdieus concept of symbolic
capital, Schrauwers examines the way that elite social status was converted into economic capital (the bank note).
The bank notes value depended entirely on the publics
perceptions that it could be redeemed, and that perception was based entirely on the social status of the banks
shareholders.[43]

Banking, nance and the stock market


More recent work has focused on nance capital and
stock markets. Anna Tsing for example, analyzed the
"Bre-X stock scandal in Canada and Indonesia in terms
of The economy of appearances.[44] Ellen Hertz, in
contrast, looked at the development of stock markets in
Shanghai, China, and the particular ways in which this
free market was embedded in local political and cultural
realities; markets do not operate in the same manner in
all countries.[45] A similar study was done by Karen Ho
on Wall Street, in the midst of the nancial crisis of
2008. Her book, Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall
Street, provides an insiders view of how market ratio-

James Carrier has extended the cultural economic and


neo-substantivist position by applying their methods to
the science of economics as a cultural practice. He
has edited two collection that examine free market ideologies, comparing them to the culturally embedded economic practices they purport to describe. The edited collection, Meanings of the market: the Free Market in
Western Culture,[48] examined the use of market models
in policy-making in the United States. A second edited
collection Virtualism: A New Political Economy, examined the cultural and social eects on western nations forced to adhere to abstract models of the free market: Economic models are no longer measured against
the world they seek to describe, but instead the world
is measured against them, found wanting and made to
conform.[49]

2.6.4 Consumption studies


Pierre Bourdieu on Distinction

2.6.5 The anthropology of corporate capitalism


Symbolic and economic capital
Similar insights were developed by Pierre Bourdieu,
who also rejected the arguments of the new institutional
economists. While these economists attempted to incorporate culture in their models, they did so by arguing that
non-market tradition was the product of rational maximizing action in the market (i.e., to show they are the solution to an economic problem, rather than having deep
cultural roots). Bourdieu argued strongly against what
he called RAT (Rational Action Theory) theory, arguing
that any actor, when asked for an explanation for their behaviour will provide a rational post hoc answer, but that
excuse does not in fact guide the individual in the act.
Driving a car is an example; individuals do so out of an
acquired instinct, obeying the rules of the road without actually focusing upon them. Bourdieu utilized an
alternate model, which emphasized how economic capital could be translated into symbolic capital and vice

2.6. ECONOMIC ANTHROPOLOGY

71

versa. For example, in traditional Mexican villages, those 2.6.7 References


of wealth would be called upon to fulll cargo oces in
the church, and host feasts in honour of the saints. These [1] Hann, Chris; Keith Hart (2011). Economic Anthropology.
Cambridge: Polity Press. pp. 5571.
oces used up their economic capital, but in so doing, it
was translated into status (symbolic capital) in the tradi- [2] Parry, Jonathan (1986). The Gift, the Indian Gift
tional role. This symbolic capital could, in turn, be used
and the 'Indian Gift'".
Man 21 (3): 45373.
to draw customers in the marketplace because of a repudoi:10.2307/2803096.
tation for honesty and selessness.

[3] Mauss, Marcel (1970). The Gift: Forms and Functions of


Exchange in Archaic Societies. London: Cohen & West.

Actor-Network theory
Michel Callon has spearheaded the movement of applying ANT approaches to study economic life (notably economic markets). This body of work interrogates the interrelation between the economy and economics, highlighting the ways in which economics (and economics-inspired
disciplines such as marketing) shapes the economy (see
Callon, 1998 and 2005).

[4] Weiner, Annette (1992). Inalienable Possessions: The


Paradox of Keeping-while-Giving. Berkeley: University
of California Press.
[5] Godelier, Maurice (1999). The Enigma of the Gift. Cambridge: Polity Press.
[6] Schrauwers, Albert (2004). H(h)ouses, E(e)states and
Class: On the importance of capitals in central Sulawesi.
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 160 (1): 72
94. doi:10.1163/22134379-90003735.

Ethnographies of the corporation

[7] Sahlins, Marshall (1972). Stone Age Economics. Chicago:


Aldine-Atherton. ISBN 0-202-01099-6.

Corporations are increasingly hiring anthropologists as


employees and consultants, leading to an increasingly
critical appraisal about the organizational forms of postmodern capitalism.[50] Aihwa Ongs Spirits of resistance
and capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia
(1987) was pathbreaking in this regard.[51] Her work
inspired a generation of anthropologists who have examined the incorporation of women within corporate
economies, especially in the new Free trade zones
of the newly industrializing third world.[52][53] Others
have focused on the former industrialized (now rust-belt)
economies.[54] Daromir Rudnyckyj has analyzed how
neo-liberal economic discourses have been utilized by Indonesian Muslims operating the Krakatau Steel Company
to create a spiritual economy conducive to globalization
while enhancing the Islamic piety of workers.[55] George
Marcus has called for anthropologists to study up and
to focus on corporate elites, and has edited a series called
Late Editions: Cultural Studies for the End of the Century.

[8] Gregory, Chris (1982). Gifts and Commodities. London:


Academic Press. pp. 100101.

2.6.6

See also

Charity (practice)
Cultural economics
Dna
Economic sociology
Money
Palace economy
Society for Economic Anthropology

[9] Strathern, Marilyn (1988). The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia.
Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 1437.
[10] Bohannan, Paul (1959).
The Impact of money
on an African subsistence economy.
The Journal of Economic History 19 (4):
491503.
doi:10.1017/S0022050700085946.
[11] Geertz, Cliord (1963). Agricultural involution; the process of ecological change in Indonesia. Berkeley: University of California Press for the Association of Asian Studies.
[12] Scott, James C. (1976). The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia. New
Haven, MA: Yale University Press.
[13] Parry, Jonathan; Maurice Bloch (1989). Money and the
Morality of Exchange. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press. pp. 2830.
[14] Parry, Jonathan (1986). The Gift, the Indian Gift and the
'Indian Gift'". Man 21 (3): 467. doi:10.2307/2803096.
[15] Schrauwers, Albert (2000). Colonial Reformation in
the Highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 12969.
[16] Schrauwers, Albert (2011). "'Money bound you
money shall loose you': Gift Giving, Social Capital
and the Meaning of Money in Upper Canada. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2): 130.
doi:10.1017/S0010417511000077.
[17] Parry, Jonathan (1986). The Gift, the Indian Gift
and the 'Indian Gift'".
Man 21 (3): 46367.
doi:10.2307/2803096.

72

[18] Thomas, Nicholas (1991). Entangled Objects: Exchange,


Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacic. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
[19] Gudeman, S. (1986). Economics as culture : models and
metaphors of livelihood. London: Routledge. ISBN 9780-7102-0560-5.
[20] Hann, C. M. (2000). Social Anthropology. London: Teach
Yourself. ISBN 978-0-340-72482-8.
[21] George Dalton, Paul Bohannon (1962). Markets in Africa.
Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press.
[22] Geertz, Cliord (1963). Pedlars and Princes: Social
Development and Economic Change in Two Indonesian
Towns. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
[23] Wertheim, W.F. (1964). Peasants, Peddlers and Princes
in Indonesia: A Review Article. Pacic Aairs 37 (3):
30711. doi:10.2307/2754978.
[24] Halperin, Rhoda H. (1988). Cultural Economies: Past and
Present. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press.
[25] Narotzky, Susana (1997). New Directions in Economic
Anthropoogy. London: Pluto Press. pp. 359.
[26] Granovetter, M. (1985). Economic action and social
structure: the problem of embeddedness. The American
Journal of Sociology 91 (3): 487. doi:10.1086/228311.
[27] Dalton, George (1971). Economic Anthropology and Development: Essays on Tribal and Peasant Economies. New
York: Basic Books. pp. 16792.
[28] Maurer, Bill (2005). Mutual Life, Limited: Islamic Banking, Alternative Currencies, Lateral Reason. Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
[29] Herrmann, Gretchen (2006). Special Money: Ithaca
Hours and Garage Sales. Ethnology 45 (2): 12541.
doi:10.2307/4617570.
[30] Akin, David, Robbins, Joel (1999). Money and Modernity: State and Local Currencies in Melanesia. Pittsburgh:
University of Pittsburgh Press.
[31] Parry, J., Bloch, M. (1989). Money and the morality of
exchange. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
[32] Reddy, William M. (1987). Money and liberty in modern
Europe: a critique of historical understanding. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
[33] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: the rst 5,000 years. New
York: Melville House. pp. 2141.
[34] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). Barter and Economic Disintegration. Man 20 (1): 49. doi:10.2307/2802221.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

[37] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: the rst 5,000 years. New
York: Melville House. pp. 4041.
[38] Graeber, David (2001). Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams. New
York: Palgrave. pp. 1534.
[39] Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5,000 Years.
Brooklyn, NY: Melville House. pp. 94102.
[40] Plattner, Stuart (1989). Plattner, Stuart, ed. Economic
Anthropology. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
p. 179.
[41] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). Barter and Economic Disintegration. Man 20 (1): 52. doi:10.2307/2802221.
[42] Taussig, Michael (1977). The genesis of capitalism amongst a South American peasantry: Devils
labor and the baptism of money.
Comparative
Studies in Society and History 19 (2): 130155.
doi:10.1017/S0010417500008586.
[43] Schrauwers, Albert (2011). ""Money bound you money shall loose you": Micro-credit, Social Capital,
and the meaning of money in Upper Canada. Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2): 314343.
doi:10.1017/S0010417511000077.
[44] Tsing, Anna L. (2005). Friction: An Ethnography of
Global Connection. Princeton: Princeton University
Press.
[45] Hertz, Ellen (1998). The Trading Crowd: An Ethnography
of the Shanghai Stock Market. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
[46] Ho, Karen (2009). Liquidated: an ethnography of Wall
Street. Durham: Duke University Press.
[47] Graeber, David (2001). Towards an Anthropological Theory of Value: The false coin of our own dreams. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
[48] Carrier, James (1997). Meanings of the market: the Free
Market in Western Culture. Oxford: Berg.
[49] Carrier, James (1998). Virtualism: A New Political Economy. Oxford: Berg.
[50] Cefkin, Melissa (2009). Ethnography and the Corporate
Encounter. Oxford: Berghahn.
[51] Ong, Aihwa (1987). Spirits of resistance and capitalist discipline: factory women in Malaysia. Albany, NY: State
University of New York Press.
[52] Brenner, Suzanne (1998). The domestication of desire: women, wealth, and modernity in Java. Princeton:
Princeton University Press.

[35] Humphrey, Caroline (1985). Barter and Economic Disintegration. Man 20 (1): 48. doi:10.2307/2802221.

[53] Freeman, Carla (2000). High tech and high heels in the
gobal economy: women, work, and pink-collar identities
in the Caribbean. Durham NC: Duke University Press.

[36] Graeber, David (2001). Toward an Anthropological Theory of Value: The False Coin of our Dreams. New York:
Palgrave. p. 154.

[54] Mollona, Massimiliano (2009). Made in Sheeld. An


ethnography of industrial work and politics. Oxford:
Berghahn.

2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY

[55] Rudnyckyj, Daromir (2010). Spiritual Economies: Islam,


Globalization and the Afterlife of Development. Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press.

2.6.8

73

2.7 Ethnobiology

Further reading

Wirtschaftsanthropologie, special issue of the


journal Historische Anthropologie, 17-2, 2009.
Dunham, S. Ann (2009). Dewey, Alice G.; Cooper,
Nancy I., eds. Surviving against the Odds: Village
Industry in Indonesia. a John Hope Franklin Center Book. Contributors: Maya Soetoro-Ng, Alice
G. Dewey, Nancy I. Cooper, Robert W. Hefner.
Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. ISBN
9780822346876.
Earle, Timothy (2008). Economic anthropology,
The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd
Edition. Abstract.
Graeber, David (2001). Toward an anthropological
theory of value: the false coin of our own dreams. Logo for the Society of Ethnobiology
New York: Palgrave. ISBN 978-0-312-24044-8.
Ethnobiology is the scientic study of the way plants and
OCLC 46822270.
animals are treated or used by dierent human cultures. It
Graeber, David (2011). Debt: The First 5000 studies the dynamic relationships between peoples, biota,
Years. Brooklyn, N.Y: Melville House. ISBN 978- and environments, from the distant past to the immediate
present.[1]
1-933633-86-2. OCLC 426794447.
Gudeman, Stephen (2001). The Anthropology of People-biota-environment interactions around the
Economy: Community, Market, and Culture. Black- world are documented and studied through time, across
cultures, and across disciplines in a search for valid,
well publishers.
reliable answers to two 'dening' questions: How and in
Halperin, Rhoda H. "New and Old in Economic An- what ways do human societies use nature, and how and
thropology" American Anthropologist 84(2): 339- in what ways do human societies view nature?"[2]
349. 1982
Haugerud, Angelique (2013). No Billionaire Left 2.7.1 History
Behind: Satirical Activism in America. Stanford University Press. ISBN 9780804781534.
Beginnings (15th century-19th century)
Landa, J.T. (1994). Trust, Ethnicity, and IdenNaturalists have been interested in local biological knowltity: Beyond the New Institutional Economics of
edge since the time Europeans started colonising the
Ethnic Trading Networks, Contract Law, and Giftworld, from the 15th century onwards.[3]
Exchange. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0472-10361-X.
Europeans not only sought to understand
Orlove, B. S. (1986). Barter and Cash Sale
the new regions they intruded into but also
on Lake Titicaca: A Test of Competing Apwere on the look-out for resources that they
proaches. Current Anthropology 27 (2): 85106.
might protably exploit, engaging in practices
doi:10.1086/203399.
that today we should consider tantamount to
biopiracy. Many new crops .. entered into
Wilk, R. (1996). Economies and Cultures: FoundaEurope during this period, such as the potato,
tions of Economic Anthropology. Westview Press.
tomato, pumpkin, maize, and tobacco.[3] (Page
ISBN 0-8133-2059-3.
121)

2.6.9

External links

The Society for Economic Anthropology

Local biological knowledge, collected and sampled over


these early centuries signicantly informed the early development of modern biology:[3]

74

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


Phase II (1950s-1970s)
Arising out of practices in Phase I (above) came a 'second phase' in the development of 'ethnobiology', with researchers now striving to better document and better understand how other peoples themselves conceptualise
and categorise the natural world around them.[4]
By the mid-20th century .. utilitarianfocussed studies started to give way to
more cognitively framed ones, notably studies that centred on elucidating classicatory
schemes.[3] (Page 122)

16th-century English map of the world showing extent of western


geographic knowledge at that time (1599)

during the 17th century Georg Eberhard Rumphius


beneted from local biological knowledge in producing his catalogue, Herbarium Amboinense,
covering more than 1 200 species of the plants of
Indonesia;
during the 18th century, Carl Linnaeus relied upon
Rumphiuss work, and also corresponded with other
people all around the world when developing the
biological classication scheme that now underlies
the arrangement of much of the accumulated knowlSome Mangyan (who count the Hanuno among their members)
edge of the biological sciences.
men, on Mindoro island, Philippines, where Harold Conklin did
his ethnobiological work

during the 19th century, Charles Darwin, the 'father'


of evolutionary theory, on his Voyage of the BeaThis 'second' phase is marked:[4]
gle took interest in the local biological knowledge
of peoples he encountered.
in Northern America (mid 1950s) with Harold Conklin's completing his doctorate entitled The relation
of Hanuno culture to the plant world [6]
Phase I (1900s-1940s)
Ethnobiology itself, as a distinctive practice, only
emerged during the 20th century as part of the records
then being made about other peoples, and other cultures.
As a practice, it was nearly always ancillary to other pursuits when documenting others languages, folklore, and
natural resource use:
At it earliest and most rudimentary, this
comprised listing the names and uses of plants
and animals in native non-Western or 'traditional' populations often in the context of salvage ethnography ..[ie] ethno-biology as the
descriptive biological knowledge of 'primitive'
peoples.[4]

in Britain (mid 1960s) with the publication of


Claude Lvi-Strauss' book The Savage Mind [7] legitimating folk biological classication as a worthy cross-cultural research endeavour
in France (mid 1970s) with Andr-Georges Haudricourt's linguistic studies of botanical nomenclature[8] and R. Porteres and others work in economic
biology.[9]
Present (1980s-2000s)

By the turn of the 21st century ethnobiological practices, research, and ndings have had a signicant impact and inuence across a number of elds of biological
inquiry including ecology,[10] conservation biology,[11]
[12]
[13]
This 'rst phase' in the development of ethnobiology as a development studies, and political ecology.
practice has been described as still having an essentially The Society of Ethnobiology advises on its web page:
utilitarian purpose, often focusing on identifying those
'native' plants, animals and technologies of some potenEthnobiology is a rapidly growing eld of
tial use and value within increasingly dominant western
research, gaining professional, student, and
economic systems[4][5]
public interest .. internationally

2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY
Ethnobiology has come out from its place as an ancillary
practice in the shadows of other core pursuits, to arise
as a whole eld of inquiry and research in its own right:
taught within many tertiary institutions and educational
programmes around the world;[4] with its own methods
manuals,[14] its own readers,[15] and its own textbooks[16]

2.7.2

Subjects of inquiry

Usage

75
Cross-cultural ethnobiology
In cross cultural ethnobiology research, two or more communities participate simultaneously. This enables the researcher to compare how a bio-resource is used by different communities.[18]

2.7.3 Subdisciplines
Ethnobotany
Main article: Ethnobotany

All societies make use of the biological world in which


they are situated, but there are wide dierences in use,
informed by perceived need, available technology, and
the cultures sense of morality and sustainability. Ethnobiologists investigate what lifeforms are used for what
purposes, the particular techniques of use, the reasons for
these choices, and symbolic and spiritual implications of
them.

Taxonomy
Dierent societies divide the living world up in dierent
ways. Ethnobiologists attempt to record the words used in
particular cultures for living things, from the most specic
terms (analogous to species names in Linnean biology) to
more general terms (such as 'tree' and even more generally
'plant'). They also try to understand the overall structure
or hierarchy of the classication system (if there is one;
there is ongoing debate as to whether there must always
be an implied hierarchy.[17]

Cosmological, moral and spiritual signicance

Ethnobotany investigates the relationship between human societies and plants: how humans
use plants- as food, technology, medicine, and
in ritual contexts; how they view and understand them; and their symbolic and spiritual
role in a culture.
Ethnozoology
Main article: Ethnozoology

The subeld ethnozoology focuses on the relationship between animals and humans throughout human history. It studies human practices such as hunting, shing and animal husbandry in space and time, and human perspectives about animals such as their place in the
moral and spiritual realms.
Ethnoecology

Societies invest themselves and their world with meaning Main article: Ethnoecology
partly through their answers to questions like how did
the world happen?", how and why did people come to
Ethnoecology refers to an increasingly dombe?", what are proper practices, and why?", and what
inant 'ethnobiological' research paradigm forealities exist beyond or behind our physical experience?"
cused, primarily, on documenting, describing,
Understanding these elements of a societies perspective
and understanding how other peoples perceive,
is important to cultural research in general, and ethnobimanage, and use whole ecosystems.
ologists investigate how a societies view of the natural
world informs and is informed by them.

2.7.4 Other disciplines


Traditional ecological knowledge

Studies and writings within ethnobiology involve and


draw upon the research and researchers from across such
In order to live eectively in a given place, a people needs
disciplines and elds of knowledge as;[1]
to understand the particulars of their environment, and
many traditional societies have complex and subtle under archaeology,
standings of the places in which they live. Ethnobiologists
seek to share in these understandings, subject to ethical
geography,
concerns regarding intellectual property and cultural appropriation.
linguistics,

76

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

systematics,

Ethnomedicine

population biology,

Ethnomycology

ecology,

Hawaiian Ethnobiology

cultural anthropology,

Indigenous intellectual property

ethnography,

Historical ecology

pharmacology,

Traditional knowledge

nutrition,
conservation, and
sustainable development.

2.7.5

Ethics

2.7.7 Footnotes
[1] Society of Ethnobiologys What is Ethnobiology webpage Accessed 12 April 2008
[2] Berlin, Brent (1992) Page 4

Through much of the history of ethnobiology, its practitioners were primarily from dominant cultures, and the
benet of their work often accrued to the dominant culture, with little control or benet invested in the indigenous peoples whose practice and knowledge they
recorded.

[3] Sillitoe, Paul (2006)

Just as many of those indigenous societies work to assert


legitimate control over physical resources such as traditional lands or artistic and ritual objects, many work to
assert legitimate control over their intellectual property.

[6] Conklin, H.C. (1954)

[4] Ellen, Roy (2006)


[5] Examples of studies from this 'rst' phase in the development of ethnobiology include Stevenson (1915), Castetter
(1944) and Harrington (1947)

[7] Lvi-Strauss, Claude (1966)


[8] Haudricourt, Andre-Georges (1973)

In an age when the potential exists for large prots from


the discovery of, for example, new food crops or medici- [9] Porteres, R. (1977)
nal plants, modern ethnobiologists must consider intellec[10] for instances of ethnobiologys inuence on ecology, see
tual property rights, the need for informed consent, the
Bale (1998); Plotkin (1995); Schultes & von Reis (1995)
potential for harm to informants, and their debt to the
societies in which they work.[19]
[11] for instances of ethnobiologys inuence on conservation
biology see Cunningham (2001); Johannes (1989); Laird
Furthermore, these questions must be considered not only
(2002); Tuxill & Nabhan (2001)
in light of western industrialized nations common understanding of ethics and law, but also in light of the ethical [12] for an instancing of ethnobiologys inuence on develand legal standards of the societies from which the ethopment studies, see Warren, Slikkerveer & Brokensha
nobiologist draws information.[20]
(1995)

2.7.6

See also

Anthropology
Biocultural diversity
Cultural landscapes
Darrell A. Posey
Declaration of Belem
Ethnobotany
Ethnoecology

[13] for an instancing of ethnobiologys inuence on political


ecology see Zerner (2000)
[14] Ethnbiology methods manuals include Alexiades (1996)
and Martin (1995)
[15] one Ethnobiology reader is Minnis (2000)
[16] one Ethnobiology textbook is Cotton (1996)
[17] Ellen, Roy (1993) pages 216 forward
[18] Franco, F.M. and Narasimhan, D. (2012). Ethnobotany
of the Kondh, Poraja, Gadaba and Bonda of the Koraput
region of Odisha, India. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi

Ethnoentomology

[19] Code of Ethics of the American Anthropological Association, section A

Ethnoichthyology

[20] Dodson (2007)

2.7. ETHNOBIOLOGY

2.7.8

References

ALEXIADES, M.N. (1996) Selected guidelines for


ethnobotanical research: a eld manual. The New
York Botanical Garden. New York.
BALLEE, W (1998) (ed.) Advances in historical
ecology. New York: Columbia University Press.

77
LEVI-STRAUSS, Claude (1966). The savage mind.
Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London.
MARTIN, G.J (1995) Ethnobotany: a methods
manual. Chapman & Hall. London.
MINNIS, P (Ed) (2000) Ethnobotany: a reader.
University of Oklahoma Press. Norman.

BERLIN, Brent (1992) Ethnobiological Classication - Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies. Princeton University
Press, 1992.

PLOTKIN, M.J (1995) The importance of ethnobotany for tropical forest conservation. in R.E.
Schultes & Siri von Reis (Eds) Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London.
Pages 147-156.

CASTETTER, E.F. (1944) The domain of ethnobiology. The American Naturalist. Volume 78.
Number 774. Pages 158-170.

PORTERES, R. (1977)."Ethnobotanique. Encyclopaedia Universalis Organum Number 17. Pages


326-330.

CONKLIN, H.C. (1954) The relation of Hanuno


culture to the plant world. PhD dissertation, Yale
University.

POSEY, D.A & W. L. Overal (Eds.), 1990) Ethnobiology: Implications and Applications. Proceedings
of the First International Congress of Ethnobiology.
Belm: Museu Paraense Emlio Goeldi.

COTTON, C.M (1996) Ethnobotany: principles and


applications. John Wiley. London.
CUNNINGHAM, A.B (2001) Applied ethnobotany:
people, wild plant use and conservation. Earthscan.
London
DODSON, Michael (2007). Report of the Secretariat on Indigenous traditional knowledge (PDF).
Report to the United Nations Economic and Social
Councils Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues,
Sixth Session, New York, 1425 May. United Nations Economic and Social Council. New York.
Retrieved 2007-11-28.
ELLEN, Roy (1993) The Cultural Relations of Classication, an Analysis of Nuaulu Animal Categories
from Central Seram. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
ELLEN, Roy (2006). Introduction (PDF). Special
Edition of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute. S1-S22. Retrieved 2008-04-21.
HARRINGTON, J.P (1947) Ethnobiology. Acta
Americana. Number 5. Pages 244-247
HAUDRICOURT, Andre-Georges (1973) Botanical nomenclature and its translation. In M. Teich
& R Young (Eds) Changing perspectives in the history of science: Essays in honour of Joseph Needham
Heinemann. London. Pages 265-273.

POSEY, D. A. (Ed.), (1999) Cultural and Spiritual


Values of Biodiversity. London: United Nations Environmental Programme & Intermediate Technology Publications.
SCHULTES, R.E. & VON REIS, S (1995) (Eds)
Ethnobotany: evolution of a discipline (eds) Chapman & Hall. London. Part 6.
SILLITOE, Paul (2006) Ethnobiology and applied
anthropology: rapprochement of the academic with
the practical. Special Edition of the Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute S119-S142
STEVENSON, M.C. (1914) Ethnobotany of the
Zuni Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report. Volume 30. Number 31102, Government Printing Oce. Washington, D.C.
TUXILL, J & NABHAN, G.P (2001) People, plants
and protected area. Earthscan. London.
WARREN, D.M; SLIKKERVEER, L; & BROKENSHA, D. (Eds) (1995) The cultural dimension
of development: indigenous knowledge systems. Intermediate Technology Publications. London.
ZERNER, C (Ed) (2000) People, plants and justice:
the politics of nature conservation. Columbia University Press. New York.
Balancing Act Research and Education (B.A.R.E.)
(1996) Ecosystem Management Director and Ethnobotanist Lyncho Ruiz

JOHANNES, R.E (Ed)(1989) Traditional ecological knowledge. IUCN, The World Conservation
Participatory ethnobotanical lab and eld research station
Union. Cambridge
to encourage the involvement of local youth in detailed
LAIRD, S.A. (Ed) (2002) Biodiversity and tradi- nutrition methodological propagation and restoration of
tional knowledge: equitable partnerships in practice. local threatened species. Will provide a unique opportuEarthscan. London.
nity to further its goal of protecting our natural heritage.

78

2.7.9

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

External links

Biology on-line Ethnobiology articles

time. Ethnography is a qualitative design, where the researcher explains about shared learnt patterns of values,
behaviour, beliefs, and language of a culture shared by a
group of people.

Ethnobiology Traditional Biological Knowledge


in Contemporary Global Context. (Athabasca Uni- The eld of anthropology originated from Europe and
England designed in late 19th century. It spread its
versity Course Resource List)
roots to the United States at the beginning of the 20th
century. Some of the main contributors like E.B Tay International Society of Ethnobiology
lor (1832-1917) from Britain and Lewis Henry Morgan (1818-1881), an American scientist were consid Journal of Ethnobiology
ered as founders of cultural and social dimensions.
Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine
Franz Boas (1858-1942), Bronislaw Malinowski (1858
1942), Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead (1901-1978),
Society of Ethnobiology
were a group of researchers from United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature.
Boass approach focused on the utilization of documents
and informants, whereas, Malinowski stated that a re2.8 Ethnography
searcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the eld and do a participant observation by living
For the journal, see Ethnography (journal).
with the informant and experiencing their way of life. He
gives the view point of the native and this became the oriEthnography (from Greek ethnos folk, people, gin of eld work and eld methods.
nation and grapho I write) is the systematic
study of people and cultures. It is designed to explore Since Malinowski was very rm with his approach he apcultural phenomena where the researcher observes soci- plied it practically and travelled to Trobriand Island which
ety from the point of view of the subject of the study. was located o the eastern coast of New Guinea. He was
An ethnography is a means to represent graphically and interested in learning the language of the islanders and
in writing the culture of a group. The word can thus be stayed there for a long time doing his eld work. The eld
said to have a double meaning, which partly depends on of ethnography became very popular in the late 19th cenwhether it is used as a count noun or uncountably.[1] The tury, as many social scientists gained an interest in studyresulting eld study or a case report reects the knowl- ing modern society. Again, in the latter part of the 19th
edge and the system of meanings in the lives of a cultural century, the eld of anthropology became a good support
for scientic formation. Though the eld was ourishgroup.[2][3][4]
ing it had a lot of threat to encounter. Post colonialism,
Ethnography, as the presentation of empirical data on the research climate shifted towards post-modernism and
human societies and cultures, was pioneered in the bi- feminism. Therefore, the eld of anthropology moved
ological, social, and cultural branches of anthropology, into discipline of social science.
but it has also become popular in the social sciences in
generalsociology,[5] communication studies, history
wherever people study ethnic groups, formations, compositions, resettlements, social welfare characteristics, ma- 2.8.2 Origins
teriality, spirituality, and a peoples ethnogenesis.[6] The
typical ethnography is a holistic study[7][8] and so includes
Gerhard Friedrich Mller developed the concept of
a brief history, and an analysis of the terrain, the climate,
ethnography as a separate discipline whilst participatand the habitat. In all cases it should be reexive, make a
ing in the Second Kamchatka Expedition (173343) as
substantial contribution toward the understanding of the
a professor of history and geography. Whilst involved
social life of humans, have an aesthetic impact on the
in the expedition, he dierentiated Vlker-Beschreibung
reader, and express a credible reality. An ethnography
as a distinct area of study. This became known
records all observed behavior and describes all symbolas Ethnography.[9] August Ludwig von Schlzer and
meaning relations, using concepts that avoid causal exChristoph Wilhelm Jacob Gatterer of the University of
planations.
Gttingen introduced the term into academic discourse
in an attempt to reform the contemporary understanding
of world history.[9]
2.8.1 History and meaning
The word 'Ethnography' is derived from the Greek
(ethns), meaning a company, later a people, nation and
'-graphy meaning eld of study. Ethnographic studies
focus on large cultural groups of people who interact over

Herodotus known as the Father of History had signicant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the
Hellenic realm such as nations in Scythia, which earned
him the title Barbarian lover and may have produced
the rst ethnographic works.

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY

2.8.3

Forms of ethnography

There are dierent forms of ethnography, confessional


ethnography, life history, feminist ethnography etc. Two
popular forms of ethnography are realist ethnography and
critical ethnography. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research
Design, 93)

79
is mainly verbal explanations, where statistical analysis and quantication play a subordinate role.
Methodological discussions focus more on questions
about how to report ndings in the eld than on
methods of data collection and interpretation.
Ethnographies focus on describing the culture of a
group in very detailed and complex manner. The
ethnography can be of the entire group or a subpart
of it.

Realist ethnography: is a traditional approach used by


cultural anthropologists. Characterized by Van Maanen
(1988), it reects a particular instance taken by the researcher toward the individual being studied. Its an ob It involves engaging in extensive eld work where
jective study of the situation. Its composed from a third
data collection is mainly by interviews, symbols,
persons perspective by getting the data from the members
artefacts, observations, and many other sources of
on the site. The ethnographer stays as omniscient corredata.
spondent of actualities out of sight. The realist reports
The researcher in ethnography type of research,
information in a measured style uncontaminated by indilooks for patterns of the groups mental activities,
vidual predisposition, political objectives and judgment.
that is their ideas and beliefs expressed through lanThe analyst will give detailed report of everyday life of
guage or other activities, and how they behave in
the individuals under study. The ethnographer also uses
their groups as expressed through their actions that
standard categories for cultural description (e.g., family
the researcher observed.
life, communication network). The ethnographer produces the participants views through closely edited quotations and has the nal work on how the culture is to be
2.8.5 Procedures for conducting ethnograinterpreted and presented. (Qualitative Inquiry and Rephy
search Design, 93)
Critical ethnography: is a kind of ethnographic research
in which the creators advocate for the liberation of groups
which are marginalized in society. Critical researchers
typically are politically minded people who look for to
take a stand in opposition to inequality and domination.
For example, critical ethnographer might study schools
that provide privileges to certain types of students, or
counselling practices that serve to overlook the needs of
underrepresented groups. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94). The important components of a
critical ethnography incorporate a value- laden introduction, empowering people by giving them more authority,
challenging the status quo and addressing concerns about
power and control. A critical ethnographer will study issues of power, empowerment, inequality inequity, dominance, repression, hegemony and victimization. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)

2.8.4

Features of ethnographic research

Involves investigation of very few cases, maybe just


one case, in detail.
Often involves working with primarily unconstructed data. This data had not been coded at the
point of data collection in terms of a closed set of
analytic categories.
Emphasises on exploring social phenomenon rather
than testing hypotheses.
Data analysis involves interpretation of the functions
and meanings of human actions. The product of this

Determine if ethnography is the most appropriate


design to use to study the research problem. Ethnography is suitable if the needs are to describe how
a cultural group works and to explore their beliefs,
language, behaviours and also issues faced by the
group, such as power, resistance and dominance.
(Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 94)
Then identify and locate a culture sharing group to
study. This group is one whose members have been
together for an extended period of time, so that their
shared language, patterns of behaviour and attitudes
have merged into discernable patterns. This group
can also be a group that has been marginalized by
society. (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design,
94)
Select cultural themes, issues or theories to study
about the group. These themes, issues and theories
provide an orienting framework for the study of the
culture-sharing group. As discussed by Hammersley
and Arkinson (1995), Wolcott (1987, 1994b, 20081), and Fetterman (2010). The ethnographer begins
the study by examining people in interaction in ordinary settings and discerns pervasive patterns such as
life cycles, events and cultural themes. (Qualitative
Inquiry and Research Design, 94-95)
For studying cultural concepts, determine which
type of ethnography to use. Perhaps how the group
works need to be described, or a critical ethnography can expose issues such as power, hegemony and
advocacy for certain groups (Qualitative Inquiry and
Research Design, 95)

80
Should collect information in the context or setting
where the group works or lives. This is called eldwork. Types of information typically needed in
ethnography are collected by going to the research
site, respecting the daily lives of individuals at the
site and collecting a wide variety of materials. Field
issues of respect, reciprocity, deciding who owns the
data and others are central to ethnography (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
From the many sources collected, the ethnographer
analyzes the data for a description of the culturesharing group, themes that emerge from the group
and an overall interpretation (Wolcott, 1994b). The
researcher begins to compile a detailed description
of the culture-sharing group, by focusing on a single
event, on several activities, or on the group over a
prolonged period of time.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


It is dialogic. It is conducted by a researcher whose
interpretations and ndings may be expounded on
by the studys participants while conclusions are still
in the process of formulation.
It is holistic. It is conducted so as to yield the fullest
possible portrait of the group under study.

2.8.7 Data collection methods

Data collection methods are meant to capture the social


meanings and ordinary activities [10] of people (informants) in naturally occurring settings [10] that are commonly referred to as the eld. The goal is to collect
data in such a way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of personal bias on the data.[10] Multiple
methods of data collection may be employed to facili Forge a working set of rules or generalisations as tate a relationship that allows for a more personal and
to how the culture sharing group works as the nal in-depth portrait of the informants and their community.
product of this analysis. The nal product is a holis- These can include participant observation, eld notes, intic cultural portrait of the group that incorporates the terviews, and surveys.
views of the participants (emic) as well as the views Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing
of the researcher (etic). It might also advocate for the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but
the needs of the group or suggest changes in society. with all information available later for full analysis. Sec(Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 96)
ondary research and document analysis are also used to
provide insight into the research topic. In the past, kinship charts were commonly used to discover logical pat2.8.6 Ethnography as method
terns and social structure in non-Western societies.[11] In
the 21st century, anthropology focuses more on the study
The ethnographic method is dierent from other ways of of people in urban settings and the use of kinship charts
conducting social science approach due to the following is seldom employed.
reasons:
In order to make the data collection and interpretation
It is eld-based. It is conducted in the settings in transparent, researchers creating ethnographies often atwhich real people actually live, rather than in labo- tempt to be reexive. Reexivity refers to the reratories where the researcher controls the elements searchers aim to explore the ways in which [the] researchers involvement with a particular study inuences,
of the behaviours to be observed or measured.
acts upon and informs such research.[12] Despite these
It is personalized. It is conducted by researchers attempts of reexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiwho are in day-to day, face-to-face contact with the ased. This factor has provided a basis to criticize ethnogpeople they are studying and who are thus both par- raphy.
ticipants in and observers of the lives under study.
Traditionally, the ethnographer focuses attention on a
It is multifactorial. It is conducted through the use of community, selecting knowledgeable informants who
[13]
These intwo or more data collection techniques - which may know the activities of the community well.
be qualitative or quantitative in nature - in order to formants are typically asked to identify other informants
who represent the community, often using snowball or
get a conclusion.
chain sampling.[13] This process is often eective in re It requires a long term commitment i.e. it is con- vealing common cultural denominators connected to the
ducted by researcher who intends to interact with topic being studied.[13] Ethnography relies greatly on uppeople they are studying for an extended period of close, personal experience. Participation, rather than just
time. The exact time frame can vary from several observation, is one of the keys to this process.[14] Ethnogweeks to a year or more.
raphy is very useful in social research.
It is inductive. It is conducted in such a way to use
an accumulation of descriptive detail to build toward
general patterns or explanatory theories rather than
structured to test hypotheses derived from existing
theories or models.

Ybema et al. (2010) examine the ontological and


epistemological presuppositions underlying ethnography.
Ethnographic research can range from a realist perspective, in which behavior is observed, to a constructivist
perspective where understanding is socially constructed

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY

81
is the novel contains a specic image in the perspective
of the interpreting individual and can only be expressed
by the individual in the terms of I can tell you what an
image is by telling you what it feels like.[16] The idea of
an image relies on the imagination and has been seen to
be utilized by children in a very spontaneous and natural manner. Eectively, the idea of the image is a primary tool for ethnographers to collect data. The image
presents the perspective, experiences, and inuences of
an individual as a single entity and in consequence the individual will always contain this image in the group under
study.

A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (zmir Etnografya


Mzesi) from the courtyard.

2.8.8 Dierences across disciplines


The ethnographic method is used across a range of
dierent disciplines, primarily by anthropologists but
also occasionally by sociologists. Cultural studies,
sociology, economics, social work, education, design,
psychology, computer science, human factors and ergonomics, ethnomusicology, folklore, religious studies, geography, history, linguistics, communication studies, performance studies, advertising, urban planning,
usability, political science,[17] , social movement [18] , and
criminology are other elds which have made use of
ethnography.

Cultural and social anthropology

Ethnography museum

by the researcher and subjects. Research can range from


an objectivist account of xed, observable behaviors to an
interpretivist narrative describing the interplay of individual agency and social structure.[15] Critical theory researchers address issues of power within the researcherresearched relationships and the links between knowledge
and power.

Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical
texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts
of the Western Pacic (1922) by Bronisaw Malinowski,
Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas
Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by
Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. EvansPritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or
"The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value
on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views
of where the culture begins and ends. Using language
or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is
common.[19] Ethnographies are also sometimes called
case studies.[20] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through ethnographic study based on eldwork. An ethnography is a
specic kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The eldwork usually involves spending a year
or more in another society, living with the local people
and learning about their ways of life.

Another form of data collection is that of the image.


The image is the projection that an individual puts onto
an object or abstract idea. An image can be contained
within the physical world through a particular individuals
perspective, primarily based on that individuals past ex- Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part
periences. One example of an image is how an individual in events they study because it helps with understandviews a novel after completing it. The physical entity that ing local behavior and thought. Classic examples are

82
Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[21] Jean Briggs Never in
Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor
Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis AkewShavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and
Claude Lvi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of
ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist
camp include Joseph W. Bastiens "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Deans recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[22]

Bronisaw Malinowski among Trobriand tribe

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


culturation, and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[24] Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an
interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[25]
As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more
interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as
values, worldview and what Cliord Geertz termed the
ethos of the culture. In his eldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just
the doings of people, but the cultural elements themselves. For example, if within a group of people, winking
was a communicative gesture, he sought to rst determine
what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean
several things). Then, he sought to determine in what
contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved
about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same
way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication
could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline,
moved outside that outline to talk about webs instead
of outlines[26] of culture.
Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early
1960s, anthropologists began writing bio-confessional
ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of
ethnographic research. Famous examples include Tristes
Tropiques (1955) by Lvi-Strauss, The High Valley by
Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David
Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly ctionalized Return
to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).

Part of the ethnographic collection of the Meimurje County Museum in Croatia

A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic[7][8] and


typically follows an outline to include a brief history of
the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology
are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside
references from the formal sciences. Material culture,
technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated
next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography
and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and
social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth,
if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken,
dialects, and the history of language change are another
group of standard topics.[23] Practices of childrearing, ac-

Later "reexive" ethnographies rened the technique to


translate cultural dierences by representing their eects
on the ethnographer. Famous examples include Deep
Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockght by Cliord Geertz,
Reections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow,
The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami
by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of
ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the
discipline, under the general inuence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. Experimental ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild
Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael
F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the
Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by
Kim Fortun.
This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the
mid-1980s can be traced to the inuence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James
Cliord and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped
bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reexive,'

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in
that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic
and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as
plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[27]
Where Geertzs and Turners interpretive anthropology
recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed
their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists
attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of
the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating
an ethnographic account, thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether
impossible.[28] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe dierent cultures and societies
without denying the subjectivity of those individuals
and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so
without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[29] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative
ethnography,'[30] and 'literary ethnography',[31] Writing
Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[32] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a
central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped
blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic eldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[32][33][34]
Sociology
Sociology is another eld which prominently features
ethnographies. Urban sociology and the Chicago School
in particular are associated with ethnographic research,
with some well-known early examples being Street Corner Society by William Foote Whyte and Black Metropolis
by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Jr.. Major inuences on this development were anthropologist Lloyd
Warner, on the Chicago sociology faculty, and to Robert
Park's experience as a journalist. Symbolic interactionism developed from the same tradition and yielded such
sociological ethnographies as Shared Fantasy by Gary
Alan Fine, which documents the early history of fantasy
role-playing games. Other important ethnographies in sociology include Pierre Bourdieu's work on Algeria and
France.
Jaber F. Gubriums series of organizational ethnographies
focused on the everyday practices of illness, care, and recovery are notable. They include Living and Dying at
Murray Manor, which describes the social worlds of a
nursing home; Describing Care: Image and Practice in
Rehabilitation, which documents the social organization
of patient subjectivity in a physical rehabilitation hospital; Caretakers: Treating Emotionally Disturbed Children,
which features the social construction of behavioral disor-

83
ders in children; and Oldtimers and Alzheimers: The Descriptive Organization of Senility, which describes how the
Alzheimers disease movement constructed a new subjectivity of senile dementia and how that is organized in a
geriatric hospital. Another approach to ethnography in
sociology comes in the form of institutional ethnography,
developed by Dorothy E. Smith for studying the social
relations which structure peoples everyday lives.
Other notable ethnographies include Paul Willis's Learning to Labour, on working class youth; the work of Elijah
Anderson, Mitchell Duneier, and Loc Wacquant on
black America, and Lai Olurodes Glimpses of Madrasa
From Africa. But even though many sub-elds and theoretical perspectives within sociology use ethnographic
methods, ethnography is not the sine qua non of the discipline, as it is in cultural anthropology.

Communication studies
Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, ethnographic research methods began to be widely used by communication scholars. As the purpose of ethnography is to
describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns
of values, behaviors, beliefs and language of a culturesharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that
ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. Studies such as Gerry Philipsens analysis of cultural communication strategies in a blue-collar, workingclass neighborhood on the south side of Chicago, Speaking 'Like a Man' in Teamsterville, paved the way for the
expansion of ethnographic research in the study of communication.
Scholars of communication studies use ethnographic research methods to analyze communicative behaviors and
phenomena. This is often characterized in the writing
as attempts to understand taken-for-granted routines by
which working denitions are socially produced. Ethnography as a method is a storied, careful, and systematic examination of the reality-generating mechanisms
of everyday life (Coulon, 1995). Ethnographic work in
communication studies seeks to explain how ordinary
methods/practices/performances construct the ordinary
actions used by ordinary people in the accomplishments
of their identities. This often gives the perception of trying to answer the why and how come questions of
human communication.[35] Often this type of research results in a case study or eld study such as an analysis of
speech patterns at a protest rally, or the way remen communicate during down time at a re station. Like anthropology scholars, communication scholars often immerse themselves, and participate in and/or directly observe the particular social group being studied.[36]

84

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

Other elds
The American anthropologist George Spindler was a pioneer in applying ethnographic methodology to the classroom.
Anthropologists such as Daniel Miller and Mary Douglas
have used ethnographic data to answer academic questions about consumers and consumption. In this sense,
Tony Salvador, Genevieve Bell, and Ken Anderson describe design ethnography as being a way of understanding the particulars of daily life in such a way as to increase
the success probability of a new product or service or,
more appropriately, to reduce the probability of failure
specically due to a lack of understanding of the basic
behaviors and frameworks of consumers.[37] Sociologist
Sam Ladner argues in her book,[38] that understanding
consumers and their desires requires a shift in standpoint, one that only ethnography provides. The results
are products and services that respond to consumers unmet needs.
Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to
understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference
in 2008 was evidence of this. Ethnographers systematic
and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by
product developers, who use the method to understand
unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about
what people really do, ethnography links what people say
to what they doavoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.

2.8.9

Evaluating ethnography

Ethnographic methodology is not usually evaluated in


terms of philosophical standpoint (such as positivism and
emotionalism). Ethnographic studies need to be evaluated in some manner. No consensus has been developed on evaluation standards, but Richardson (2000, p.
254)[39] provides ve criteria that ethnographers might
nd helpful. Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holsteins
(1997) monograph, The New Language of Qualitative
Method, discusses forms of ethnography in terms of their
methods talk.
1. Substantive contribution: Does the piece contribute
to our understanding of social-life?"
2. Aesthetic merit: Does this piece succeed aesthetically?"
3. Reexivity: How did the author come to write
this textIs there adequate self-awareness and selfexposure for the reader to make judgments about the
point of view?"[40]

4. Impact: Does this aect me? Emotionally? Intellectually?" Does it move me?
5. Expresses a reality: Does it seem 'true'a credible
account of a cultural, social, individual, or communal sense of the 'real'?"

2.8.10 Challenges of ethnography


Ethnography is one of the most in-depth studies. Ethnography, which is a method dedicated entirely to eld work,
is aimed at gaining a deeper insight of a certain peoples
knowledge and social culture.
Ethnographys advantages are due to:
It can open up certain experiences during group research where other research methods fail to cover.
The notions that are taken for granted can be undoubtedly covered and confronted.
Most essentially it helps in vast varied understanding
about the depth of knowledge.
However, there are certain challenges faced by when
we tend to use ethnography method of research during eld work, they are as mentioned below:
An expert knowledge required: Ethnographers need
to have vast knowledge about their arena and need
good training, experience along with supervision,
and a proper Know how about their methods of
data analysis.
Sensitivity Level: The level of sensitivity of the subjective individual being studied is most vital, as culture is a very vulnerable issue and proper care must
be seen to avoid harm to individuals.
Access: Negotiating access to eld sites and participants can be time-consuming and dicult. Secretive or guarded organizations may require dierent
approaches in order for researchers to succeed.[41]
Duration: Research can involve prolonged time in
the eld, particularly because building trust with
participants is necessary for obtaining rich data.
Ethics and values: In terms of ethics - as sensitive
cultures are brought for studies, ethnographers can
bring their own experiences which can cause biasedness during the study conducted.
Descriptive approach: It has a story telling approach
which can impose as a limitation for the audience to
link and can be a bit challenging for the authors that
are used to the conventional approach to scientic
writing.
Ethnography provides the key to help people use
outside their culture see what other cultures do and
why do they do accordingly.

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY

2.8.11

Ethics

Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and
idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted
in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have
adapted over time, but are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical
dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of
conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not
as ethical as they claim or assume to be and that each
job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know.[42]

85
Conducting Research-When conducting research
Anthropologists need to be aware of the potential
impacts of the research on the people and animals
they study.[48] If the seeking of new knowledge will
negatively impact the people and animals they will
be studying they may not undertake the study according to the code of ethics.[48]
Teaching-When teaching the discipline of anthropology, instructors are required to inform students
of the ethical dilemmas of conducting ethnographies
and eld work.[49]
Application-When conducting an ethnography, Anthropologists must be open with funders, colleagues, persons studied or providing information,
and relevant parties aected by the work about the
purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work. [50]

Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers, but tries to show that researchers often make
idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inher Dissemination of Results-When disseminating reently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine
sults of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an
also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and
ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of
self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that ilboth their research and the communication or dislusions are essential to maintain an occupational reputasemination of the results of their research on all dition and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He
rectly or indirectly involved. [51] Research results
claims, Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying,
of ethnographies should not be withheld from parwe reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold.[43]
ticipants in the research if that research is being obBased on these assertions, Fine establishes three concepserved by other people.[50]
tual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can
be situated: Classic Virtues, Technical Skills, and
Classic virtues
Ethnographic Self.
Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon
Chagnon conducted his ethnographic eldwork with the
Yanomani people of South America.

The kindly ethnographer Most ethnographers


present themselves as being more sympathetic than
they are, which aids in the research process, but is
also deceptive. The identity that we present to subjects is dierent from who we are in other circumstances.

While there is no international standard on Ethnographic


Ethics, many western anthropologists look to the American Anthropological Association for guidance when con The friendly ethnographer Ethnographers operducting ethnographic work.[44] In 2009 the Association
ate under the assumption that they should not disadopted a code of ethics, stating: Anthropologists have
like anyone. When ethnographers nd they intensely
moral obligations as members of other groups, such
dislike individuals encountered in the research, they
as the family, religion, and community, as well as the
may crop them out of the ndings.[52]
[45]
profession. The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider scholarly and political network,
The honest ethnographer If research participants
as well as human and natural environment, which needs
know the research goals, their responses will likely
to be reported on respectfully.[45] The code of ethics
be skewed. Therefore, ethnographers often conceal
recognizes that sometimes very close and personal relawhat they know in order to increase the likelihood
tionship can sometimes develop from doing ethnographic
of acceptance by participants.[52]
work.[45] The Association acknowledges that the code
is limited in scope; ethnographic work can sometimes
be multidisciplinary, and anthropologists need to be fa- Technical skills
miliar with ethics and perspectives of other disciplines
The Precise Ethnographer Ethnographers often
as well.[46] The eight-page code of ethics outlines ethical considerations for those conducting Research, Teachcreate the illusion that eld notes are data and reect
ing, Application and Dissemination of Results, which are
what really happened. They engage in the oppobriey outlined below.[47]
site of plagiarism, giving undeserved credit through

86

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


loose interpretations and paraphrasing. Researchers
take near-ctions and turn them into claims of fact.
The closest ethnographers can ever really get to reality is an approximate truth.

The Observant Ethnographer Readers of


ethnography are often led to assume the report of
a scene is complete that little of importance was
missed. In reality, an ethnographer will always miss
some aspect because of lacking omniscience. Everything is open to multiple interpretations and misunderstandings. As ethnographers skills in observation and collection of data vary by individual, what
is depicted in ethnography can never be the whole
picture.

2. Observe the world from the point of view of the subject, while maintaining the distinction between everyday and scientic perceptions of reality.
3. Link the groups symbols and their meanings with
the social relationships.
4. Record all behaviour.
5. Methodology should highlight phases of process,
change, and stability.
6. The act should be a type of symbolic interactionism.
7. Use concepts that would avoid casual explanations.

The Unobtrusive Ethnographer As a partici- 2.8.12 Examples of studies that can use an
ethnographic approach
pant in the scene, the researcher will always have
an eect on the communication that occurs within
To study the behaviour of workers at a store in a mall
the research site. The degree to which one is an
- when the manager is present, and when he is not.
active member aects the extent to which sym[53]
pathetic understanding is possible.
To observe the kind of punishments children are
given for not completing their homework at a particular school.
Ethnographic self
The following are commonly misconceived conceptions
of ethnographers:
The Candid Ethnographer Where the researcher
personally situates within the ethnography is ethically problematic. There is an illusion that everything reported was observed by the researcher.

To follow hygiene patterns of adolescents in a particular dormitory.


To study altruistic behaviour members of a particular church display for each other.
To examine health habits of sex workers from a particular locality.

The Chaste Ethnographer When ethnographers


Notable ethnographers
participate within the eld, they invariably develop
relationships with research subjects/participants.
Gerhard Friedrich Mller (1705-1783)
These relationships are sometimes not accounted for
within the reporting of the ethnography, although
Adriaen Cornelissen van der Donck (c. 1618
they may inuence the research ndings.
1655)
The Fair Ethnographer Fine claims that objectivity is an illusion and that everything in ethnography is known from a perspective. Therefore, it is
unethical for a researcher to report fairness in ndings.
The Literary Ethnographer Representation is a
balancing act of determining what to show through
poetic/prosaic language and style, versus what to
tell via straightforward, 'factual' reporting. The
individual skills of an ethnographer inuence what
appears to be the value of the research.[54]
According to Norman K. Denzin, ethnographers should
consider the following eight principles when observing,
recording, and sampling data:
1. The groups should combine symbolic meanings with
patterns of interaction.

Manuel Anczar Basterra (1812-1882)


Franz Boas (18581942)
Sergey Oldenburg (1863-1934)
Edward Sapir (18841939)
Raymond Firth (19012002)
Margaret Mead (19011978)
Gregory Bateson (19041980)
Mary Douglas (19212007)
Napoleon Chagnon (born 1938)
Marilyn Strathern (born 1941)
Elijah Anderson (born 1943)
Veena Das (born 1945)

2.8. ETHNOGRAPHY
Kristen R. Ghodsee (born 1970)
Zuzana Beukov (born 1960)
Zalpa Bersanova
Jaber F. Gubrium
Katrina Karkazis
Diamond Jenness
Ruth Landes
Edmund Leach
Jos Leite de Vasconcelos
Claude Lvi-Strauss
Bronisaw Malinowski
David Maybury-Lewis
Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay
Nikolai Nadezhdin
Lubor Niederle
Dositej Obradovi
Alexey Okladnikov
Richard Price
August Ludwig von Schlzer

87

2.8.14 References
[1] Technical denition of ethnography, American Ethnography
[2] Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture.
[3] In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp. 330). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers
[4] Philipsen, G. (1992). Speaking Culturally: Explorations in
Social Communication. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press
[5] Ethnology at dictionary.com.
[6] , (1978). (in Russian). .
[7] Ember, Carol and Melvin Ember, Cultural Anthropology
(Prentice Hall, 2006), chapter one.
[8] Heider, Karl. Seeing Anthropology. 2001. Prentice Hall,
Chapters One and Two.
[9] Vermeulen, Hans (2008). Early History of Ethnograph
and Ethnolog in the German Enlightenment: Anthropological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1710-1808. Leiden:
Privately published.
[10] [Brewer, John D. (2000). Ethnography. Philadelphia:
Open University Press. p.10.]

Lila Abu-Lughod

[11]

Barrie Thorne

[12] [Nightingale, David & Cromby, John. Social Constructionist Psychology: A Critical Analysis of Theory and Practice. Philadelphia: Open University Press. p.228.]

Sudhir Venkatesh
Susan Visvanathan
Paul Willis

2.8.13

See also

Area studies
Critical ethnography
Ethnography of communication
Ethnology
Ethnosemiotics
Realist ethnography
Online ethnography: a form of ethnography that involves conducting ethnographic studies on the Internet
Participant observation
Ethnoarchaeology
Video ethnography
Living lab

[13] G. David Garson (2008). Ethnographic Research: Statnotes, from North Carolina State University, Public Administration Program. Faculty.chass.ncsu.edu. Retrieved 2011-03-27.
[14] Genzuk, Michael, PH.D., A Synthesis of Ethnographic,
Center for Multilingual, Multicultural Research, University of Southern California
[15] S. Ybema, D. Yanow, H. Wels, & F. Kamsteeg (2010).
Ethnography. In A. Mills, G. Durepos, & E. Wiebe
(Eds.), Encyclopedia of Case Study Research. (pp. 348352). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.
[16] Barry, Lynda. Lynda Barry: The answer is in the picture. YouTube. INKtalks. Retrieved 5 May 2015.
[17] Schatz, Edward, ed. Political Ethnography: What Immersion Contributes to the Study of Power. University Of
Chicago Press. 2009.
[18] Balsiger, P., Lambelet, A., Participant Observation. In
D. Della Porta (Ed.), Methodological Practices in Social
Movement Research (pp. 144-172). Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2014
[19] Naroll, Raoul. Handbook of Methods in Cultural Anthropology.

88

[20] Chavez, Leo. Shadowed Lives: Undocumented Workers


in American Society (Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology). 1997, Prentice Hall.
[21] Stack, Carol B. (1974). All Our Kin:Strategies for Survival
in a black community. New York, New York: Harper and
Row. ISBN 0-06-013974-9.
[22] University Press of Florida: Urarina Society, Cosmology,
and History in Peruvian Amazonia. Upf.com. 2009-1115. Retrieved 2011-03-27.
[23] cf. Ember and Ember 2006, Heider 2001 op cit.
[24] Ember and Ember 2006, op cit., Chapters 7 and 8
[25] Truner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols. remainder of citation forthcoming
[26] Geertz, Cliord. The Interpretation of Culture, Chapter
one.
[27] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture: Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010). New York: Berghahn Books.
ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pgs. 1-4
[28] Paul A. Erickson & Liam D. Murphy. A History of Anthropological Theory, Third Edition. (2008). Toronto:
Broadview Press. ISBN 978-1-55111-871-0. Pg. 190
[29] Erickson & Murphy (2008). A History of Anthropological Theory, Pgs. 190-191
[30] Kristen
Ghodsee,
Writing
Ethnographies
that Ordinary People Can Read. http://www.
anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/05/24/
writing-ethnographies-that-ordinary-people-can-read/
[31] Literary Ethnography http://literary-ethnography.tumblr.
com/
[32] Olaf Zenker & Karsten Kumoll. Beyond Writing Culture:
Current Intersections of Epistemologies and Representational Practices. (2010). New York: Berghahn Books.
ISBN 978-1-84545-675-7. Pg. 12
[33] Luke E. Lassiter (2001). From 'Reading over the Shoulders of Natives to 'Reading alongside Natives, Literally:
Toward a Collaborative and Reciprocal Ethnography, in
Journal of Anthropologcal Research, 57(2):137-149
[34] Luke E. Lassiter. Collaborative Ethnography and Public
Anthropology. (2005). Current Anthropology, 46(1):83106

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

[39] Richardson,L. (2000). Evaluating ethnography, in


Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 253-255
[40] For post-colonial critiques of ethnography from various
locations, see essays in Prem Poddar et al, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and
its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008.
[41] Monahan, Torin, Fisher, Jill A. (2014). Strategies
for Obtaining Access to Secretive or Guarded Organizations. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography.
doi:10.1177/0891241614549834.
[42] Fine, p. 267
[43] Fine, p. 291
[44] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics
http://www.aaanet.org/issues/policy-advocacy/upload/
AAA-Ethics-Code-2009.pdf, p.1
[45] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.1
[46] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.2
[47] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.18
[48] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.23
[49] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.4
[50] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.5
[51] American Anthropology Association Code of Ethics, p.56
[52] Fine, p. 270-77
[53] Fine, p. 277-81
[54] Fine, p. 282-89

2.8.15 Further reading


Agar, Michael (1996) The Professional Stranger: An
Informal Introduction to Ethnography. Academic
Press.
Cliord, James & George E. Marcus (Eds.). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. (1986). Berkeley: University of California
Press.

[35] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication Research: Strategies and Sources. Belmont,
California: Thomson Wadworth. pp. 229.

Douglas, Mary and Baron Isherwood (1996) The


World of Goods: Toward and Anthropology of Consumption. Routledge, London.

[36] Bentz, V. M., and Shapiro, J. J. (1998). Mindful Inquiry


in Social Research. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. pp.
117.

Erickson, Ken C. and Donald D. Stull (1997) Doing


Team Ethnography : Warnings and Advice. Sage,
Beverly Hills.

[37] Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson


(1999) Design Ethnography, Design Management Journal (pp. 35-41). p.37

Fine, G. A. (1993). Ten lies of ethnography. Journal


of Contemporary Ethnography, 22(3), p. 267-294.

[38] Practical Ethnography

Geertz, Cliord. The Interpretation of Cultures.

2.9. ETHNOLOGY

89

Ghodsee, Kristen (2013) Writing Ethnographies


That Ordinary People Can Read. Anthropology
News.

Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference

Gubrium, Jaber F. (1988). Analyzing Field Reality. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Division of Anthropology, American Museum of


Natural History - Over 160,000 objects from Pacic, North American, African, Asian ethnographic
collections with images and detailed description,
linked to the original catalogue pages, eld notebooks, and photographs are available online.

Gubrium, Jaber F. and James A. Holstein. (1997)


The New Language of Qualitative Method. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Gubrium, Jaber F. and James A. Holstein. (2009).
Analyzing Narrative Reality. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Heath, Shirley Brice & Brian Street, with Molly
Mills. On Ethnography.
Hymes, Dell. (1974). Foundations in sociolinguistics: An ethnographic approach. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Kottak, Conrad Phillip (2005) Window on Humanity : A Concise Introduction to General Anthropology, (pages 23, 16-17, 34-44). McGraw Hill, New
York.
Marcus, George E. & Michael Fischer. Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment
in the Human Sciences. (1986). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Moelker, Rene (2014) Being one of the Guys or the
Fly on the Wall? Participant Observation of Veteran
Bikers. in (eds.) J. Soeters, P. Shields, S Rietjens.
Routledge Handbook of Research Methods in Military Studies New York: Routledge. pp. 104114.
Miller, Daniel (1987) Material Culture and Mass
Consumption. Blackwell, London.
Spradley, James P. (1979) The Ethnographic Interview. Wadsworth Group/Thomson Learning.
Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson
(1999) Design Ethnography. Design Management
Journal.
Van Maanen, John. 1988. Tales of the Field:
On Writing Ethnography Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.

Genzuk, Michael (2003) A Synthesis of Ethnographic Research

Ross Archive of African Images


Ethnographic material collection from Northern
Anatolia and Caucasus -Photo Gallery
Ethnography.com A community based Ethnography website for academic and professional ethnographers and interested parties
New Zealand Museum Images of objects from Pacic cultures.
University of Pennsylvanias What is Ethnography?" Penns Public Interest Anthropology Web Site
American Ethnography -- Denitions: What is
Ethnography? A collection of quotes about ethnography (Malinowski, Lvi-Strauss, Geertz, ...)
Doing ethnographies (Concepts and Techniques in
Modern Geography)
Cornell University Library Southeast Asia Visions
Ethnography for the masses 2CVs Practical Application of Ethnography in Market Research
Scott Polar Research Institute Arctic Material Culture Collection
Texts on Wikisource:
Otis Tufton Mason (1905). "Ethnography".
New International Encyclopedia.
"Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopdia
Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
"Ethnography".
Encyclopedia Americana.
1920.
"Ethnography". Colliers New Encyclopedia.
1921.

Westbrook, David A. Navigators of the Contempo- 2.9 Ethnology


rary: Why Ethnography Matters. (2008). Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Not to be confused with Ethology.
For the journal, see Ethnology (journal).

2.8.16

External links

Human Relations Area Files


100 of the Most Inuential Ethnographies and Anthropology Texts

Ethnology (from the Greek , ethnos meaning


nation[1] ) is the branch of anthropology that compares
and analyzes the characteristics of dierent peoples and
the relationship between them (cf. cultural, social, or
sociocultural anthropology).[2]

90

2.9.1

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

Scientic discipline

A picture of the Izmir Ethnography Museum (zmir Etnografya


Mzesi) from the courtyard.

Balkans.[5]

Adam Frantiek Kollr, 1779

Claude Lvi-Strauss

Compared to ethnography, the study of single groups


through direct contact with the culture, ethnology takes
the research that ethnographers have compiled and then
compares and contrasts dierent cultures.

Among the goals of ethnology have been the reconstruction of human history, and the formulation of cultural
invariants, such as the incest taboo and culture change,
and the formulation of generalizations about "human
nature", a concept which has been criticized since the
19th century by various philosophers (Hegel, Marx,
structuralism, etc.). In some parts of the world ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical doctrine, with cultural anthropology
becoming dominant especially in the United States, and
social anthropology in Great Britain. The distinction between the three terms is increasingly blurry. Ethnology
has been considered an academic eld since the late 18th
century especially in Europe and is sometimes conceived
of as any comparative study of human groups.
The 15th-century exploration of America by European
explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of the Occidental, such as, the notion of the "Other".
This term was used in conjunction with savages, which
was either seen as a brutal barbarian, or alternatively,
as "noble savage". Thus, civilization was opposed in a
dualist manner to barbary, a classic opposition constitutive of the even more commonly shared ethnocentrism.
The progress of ethnology, for example with Claude
Lvi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a linear progress, or the pseudoopposition between societies with histories and societies without histories, judged too dependent on a
limited view of history as constituted by accumulative
growth.

The term ethnologia (ethnology) is credited to Adam


Franz Kollr (1718-1783) who used and dened it in his
Historiae ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates published in Vienna in 1783.[3] as: the science of nations and
peoples, or, that study of learned men in which they inquire into the origins, languages, customs, and institutions
of various nations, and nally into the fatherland and an- Lvi-Strauss often referred to Montaigne's essay on
cient seats, in order to be able better to judge the nations cannibalism as an early example of ethnology. Lviand peoples in their own times. [4]
Strauss aimed, through a structural method, at discoverKollrs interest in linguistic and cultural diversity was ing universal invariants in human society, chief among
aroused by the situation in his native multi-lingual which he believed to be the incest taboo. However, the
Kingdom of Hungary and his roots among its Slovaks, claims of such cultural universalism have been criticized
and by the shifts that began to emerge after the grad- by various 19th and 20th century social thinkers, includual retreat of the Ottoman Empire in the more distant ing Marx, Nietzsche, Foucault, Derrida, Althusser and

2.10. HUMAN

91

2.9.6 External links

Deleuze.
The French school of ethnology was particularly signicant for the development of the discipline since the early
1950s with Paul Rivet, Marcel Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Claude Lvi-Strauss and Jean Rouch.

2.9.2

List of scholars of ethnology

See also

2.9.4

References

Oxford University

[3] Zmago mitek and Boidar Jezernik, The anthropological tradition in Slovenia. In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldn, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
[4] Kollr, Adam Frantiek Historiae jurisque publici regni
Ungariae amoenitates, I-II. Vienna., 1783
[5] Gheorghi Gean, Discovering the whole of humankind:
the genesis of anthropology through the Hegelian lookingglass. In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez Roldn,
eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of
European Anthropology. 1995.

2.9.5

Anthropol-

Division of Anthropology, American Museum of


Natural History - Over 160,000 objects from Pacic, North American, African, Asian ethnographic
collections with images and detailed description,
linked to the original catalogue pages, eld notebooks, and photographs are available online.

[1] ethno-". Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press.


Retrieved 21 March 2013.
[2] ethnology. Oxford Dictionaries.
Press. Retrieved 21 March 2013.

Webpage History of German


ogy/Ethnology 1945/49-1990

Languages describes the languages and ethnic


groups found worldwide, grouped by host nationstate.

Scholars

2.9.3

What is European Ethnology?

Bibliography

Forster, Johann Georg Adam. Voyage round the


World in His Britannic Majestys Sloop, Resolution,
Commanded by Capt. James Cook, during the Years
1772, 3, 4, and 5 (2 vols), London (1777).

National Museum of Ethnology - Osaka, Japan


Texts on Wikisource:
G. A. F. Van Rhyn (1879). "Ethnology". The
American Cyclopdia.
W. J. McGee (1905). "Ethnology". New International Encyclopedia.
"Ethnology".
1907.

The Nuttall Encyclopdia.

"Ethnology and ethnography". Encyclopdia


Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
"Ethnology".
Work. 1914.

The New Students Reference

Amos W. Butler (1920).


Encyclopedia Americana.
"Ethnology".
1921.

"Ethnology".

Colliers New Encyclopedia.

2.10 Human

Lvi-Strauss, Claude. The Elementary Structures of This article is about humans as a species. For other
uses, see Human (disambiguation), Humanity (virtue),
Kinship, (1949), Structural Anthropology (1958)
Human nature, or Human condition.
Mauss, Marcel. originally published as Essai sur le
don. Forme et raison de l'change dans les socits
archaques in 1925, this classic text on gift economy Modern humans (Homo sapiens, primarily ssp. Homo
appears in the English edition as The Gift: The Form sapiens sapiens) are the only extant members of the
hominin clade (or human clade), a branch of the great
and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies.
apes; they are characterized by erect posture and bipedal
Maybury-Lewis, David. Akwe-Shavante society locomotion, manual dexterity and increased tool use, and
(1967), The Politics of Ethnicity: Indigenous Peoples a general trend toward larger, more complex brains and
societies.[3][4]
in Latin American States (2003).
Early homininsparticularly the australopithecines,
whose brains and anatomy are in many ways more simi Pop, Mihai and Glauco Sanga. Problemi generali lar to ancestral non-human apesare less often referred
dell'etnologia europea, La Ricerca Folklorica, No. to as human than hominins of the genus Homo.[5]
1, La cultura popolare. Questioni teoriche (April Some of the latter used re, occupied much of Eurasia,
and gave rise to [6][7] anatomically modern Homo sapiens
1980), pp. 8996.
Clastres, Pierre. Society Against the State (1974).

92

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

in Africa about 200,000 years ago. They began to exhibit


evidence of behavioral modernity around 50,000 years
ago, and migrated in successive waves to occupy[8] all
but the smallest, driest, and coldest lands. In the last 100
years, this has extended to permanently manned bases in
Antarctica, oshore platforms, and to orbiting the Earth.
The spread of humans and their large and increasing
population has had a profound impact on large areas of
the environment and millions of native species worldwide. Advantages that explain this evolutionary success include a relatively larger brain with a particularly
well-developed neocortex, prefrontal cortex and temporal
lobes, which enable high levels of abstract reasoning,
language, problem solving, sociality, and culture through
social learning. Humans use tools to a much higher degree than any other animal, are the only extant species
known to build res and cook their food, as well as the
only extant species to clothe themselves and create and
use numerous other technologies and arts.
Humans are uniquely adept at utilizing systems of symbolic communication (such as language and art) for selfexpression and the exchange of ideas, and for organizing
themselves into purposeful groups. Humans create complex social structures composed of many cooperating and
competing groups, from families and kinship networks
to political states. Social interactions between humans
have established an extremely wide variety of values,[9]
social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of human society. Curiosity and the human desire
to understand and inuence the environment and to explain and manipulate phenomena (or events) has provided the foundation for developing science, philosophy,
mythology, religion, anthropology, and numerous other
elds of knowledge.
Humans began to practice sedentary agriculture about
12,000 years ago, domesticating plants and animals, thus
allowing for the growth of civilization. Humans subsequently established various forms of government, religion, and culture around the world, unifying people
within a region and leading to the development of states
and empires. The rapid advancement of scientic and
medical understanding in the 19th and 20th centuries led
to the development of fuel-driven technologies and improved health, causing the human population to rise exponentially. By 2014 the global human population was
estimated to be around 7.2 billion.[10][11]

2.10.1

Etymology and denition

Further information: Man (word) and Names for the


human species
In common usage, the word human generally refers to
the only extant species of the genus Homo anatomically and behaviorally modern Homo sapiens. Its usage often designates dierences between that species as

a whole and any other group or entity.


In scientic terms, the meanings of "hominid" and
"hominin" have changed during the recent decades with
advances in the discovery and study of the fossil ancestors of modern humans. The previously clear boundary
between humans and apes has blurred, resulting in now
acknowledging the hominids as encompassing multiple
species, and Homo and close relatives since the split from
chimpanzees as the only hominins. There is also a distinction between anatomically modern humans and Archaic
Homo sapiens, the earliest fossil members of the species.
The English adjective human is a Middle English
loanword from Old French humain, ultimately from Latin
hmnus, the adjective form of hom man. The words
use as a noun (with a plural: humans) dates to the 16th
century.[12] The native English term man can refer to the
species generally (a synonym for humanity), and could
formerly refer to specic individuals of either sex, though
this latter use is now obsolete.[13] Generic uses of the term
man are declining, in favor of reserving it for referring specically to adult males. The word is from ProtoGermanic mannaz, from a Proto-Indo-European (PIE)
root man-.
The species binomial Homo sapiens was coined by Carl
Linnaeus in his 18th century work Systema Naturae, and
he himself is the lectotype specimen.[14] The generic
name Homo is a learned 18th century derivation from
Latin hom man, ultimately earthly being (Old Latin
hem, a cognate to Old English guma man, from
PIE demon-, meaning earth or ground).[15] The
species-name sapiens means wise or sapient. Note
that the Latin word homo refers to humans of either gender, and that sapiens is the singular form (while there is
no such word as sapien).[16]

2.10.2 History
Evolution and range
Main article: Human evolution
Further information: Anthropology, Homo (genus) and
Timeline of human evolution
The genus Homo evolved and diverged from other
hominins in Africa, after the human clade split from
the chimpanzee lineage of the hominids (great apes)
branch of the primates. Modern humans, dened as
the species Homo sapiens or specically to the single
extant subspecies Homo sapiens sapiens, proceeded to
colonize all the continents and larger islands, arriving
in Eurasia 125,00060,000 years ago,[17][18] Australia
around 40,000 years ago, the Americas around 15,000
years ago, and remote islands such as Hawaii, Easter Island, Madagascar, and New Zealand between the years
300 and 1280.[19][20]

2.10. HUMAN
Evidence

93
from

molecular

biology through Africa, Asia, and Europe between 1.3 to 1.8


million
years ago. One population of H. erectus, also
Hominoidea
Superfamily
sometimes classied as a separate species Homo ergaster,
Hominidae
in Africa and evolved into Homo sapiens. It is beHylobatidaestayed
Family
lieved that these species were the rst to use re and comHomininae
Ponginae
plexSubfamily
tools. The earliest transitional fossils between H. ergaster/erectus and archaic humans are from Africa such
Hominini
Gorillini
Tribe rhodesiensis, but seemingly transitional forms
as Homo
are also found at Dmanisi, Georgia. These descendants
Homo Pan
Gorilla
Pongo
Hylobates
Genus
of African H. erectus spread through Eurasia from ca.
The closest living relatives of humans are chimpanzees 500,000 years ago evolving into H. antecessor, H. heidel(genus Pan) and gorillas (genus Gorilla).[21] With the bergensis and H. neanderthalensis. The earliest fossils of
sequencing of both the human and chimpanzee genome, anatomically modern humans are from the Middle Palecurrent estimates of similarity between human and olithic, about 200,000 years ago such as the Omo remains
chimpanzee DNA sequences range between 95% and of Ethiopia and the fossils of Herto sometimes classied
[30]
99%.[21][22][23] By using the technique called a molecular as Homo sapiens idaltu. Later fossils of archaic Homo
clock which estimates the time required for the num- sapiens from Skhul in Israel and Southern Europe begin
[31]
ber of divergent mutations to accumulate between two around 90,000 years ago.
lineages, the approximate date for the split between lineages can be calculated. The gibbons (Hylobatidae) and
orangutans (genus Pongo) were the rst groups to split
from the line leading to the humans, then gorillas (genus
Gorilla) followed by the chimpanzees (genus Pan). The
splitting date between human and chimpanzee lineages
is placed around 48 million years ago during the late
Miocene epoch.[24][25][26]

Evidence from the fossil record There is little fossil


evidence for the divergence of the gorilla, chimpanzee
and hominin lineages.[27][28] The earliest fossils that have
been proposed as members of the hominin lineage are
Sahelanthropus tchadensis dating from 7 million years
ago, Orrorin tugenensis dating from 5.7 million years ago,
and Ardipithecus kadabba dating to 5.6 million years ago.
Each of these species has been argued to be a bipedal ancestor of later hominins, but all such claims are contested.
It is also possible that any one of the three is an ancestor of another branch of African apes, or is an ancestor
shared between hominins and other African Hominoidea
(apes). The question of the relation between these early
fossil species and the hominin lineage is still to be resolved. From these early species the australopithecines
arose around 4 million years ago diverged into robust Reconstruction of Homo habilis, the earliest known species of the
(also called Paranthropus) and gracile branches, possibly genus Homo and the rst human ancestor to use stone tools
one of which (such as A. garhi, dating to 2.5 million years
ago) is a direct ancestor of the genus Homo.
Anatomical adaptations Human evolution is characThe earliest members of the genus Homo are Homo terized by a number of morphological, developmental,
habilis which evolved around 2.8 million years ago.[29] physiological, and behavioral changes that have taken
Homo habilis is the rst species for which there is clear place since the split between the last common ancestor of
evidence of the use of stone tools. The brains of these humans and chimpanzees. The most signicant of these
early hominins were about the same size as that of a adaptations are 1. bipedalism, 2. increased brain size,
chimpanzee, and their main adaptation was bipedalism 3. lengthened ontogeny (gestation and infancy), 4. deas an adaptation to terrestrial living. During the next mil- creased sexual dimorphism. The relationship between all
lion years a process of encephalization began, and with these changes is the subject of ongoing debate.[32] Other
the arrival of Homo erectus in the fossil record, cranial signicant morphological changes included the evolution
capacity had doubled. Homo erectus were the rst of of a power and precision grip, a change rst occurring in
the hominina to leave Africa, and these species spread H. erectus.[33]

94
Bipedalism is the basic adaption of the hominin line,
and it is considered the main cause behind a suite
of skeletal changes shared by all bipedal hominins.
The earliest bipedal hominin is considered to be either
Sahelanthropus[34] or Orrorin, with Ardipithecus, a full
bipedal, coming somewhat later. The knuckle walkers,
the gorilla and chimpanzee, diverged around the same
time, and either Sahelanthropus or Orrorin may be humans last shared ancestor with those animals. The early
bipedals eventually evolved into the australopithecines
and later the genus Homo. There are several theories of
the adaptational value of bipedalism. It is possible that
bipedalism was favored because it freed up the hands for
reaching and carrying food, because it saved energy during locomotion, because it enabled long distance running
and hunting, or as a strategy for avoiding hyperthermia
by reducing the surface exposed to direct sun.
The human species developed a much larger brain than
that of other primates typically 1,330 cc in modern
humans, over twice the size of that of a chimpanzee or
gorilla.[35] The pattern of encephalization started with
Homo habilis which at approximately 600 cc had a brain
slightly larger than chimpanzees, and continued with
Homo erectus (8001100 cc), and reached a maximum in
Neanderthals with an average size of 1200-1900cc, larger
even than Homo sapiens (but less encephalized).[36] The
pattern of human postnatal brain growth diers from that
of other apes (heterochrony), and allows for extended periods of social learning and language acquisition in juvenile humans. However, the dierences between the structure of human brains and those of other apes may be even
more signicant than dierences in size.[37][38][39][40] The
increase in volume over time has aected dierent areas
within the brain unequally the temporal lobes, which
contain centers for language processing have increased
disproportionately, as has the prefrontal cortex which has
been related to complex decision making and moderating social behavior.[35] Encephalization has been tied to
an increasing emphasis on meat in the diet,[41][42] or with
the development of cooking,[43] and it has been proposed
that intelligence increased as a response to an increased
necessity for solving social problems as human society
became more complex.
The reduced degree of sexual dimorphism is primarily
visible in the reduction of the male canine tooth relative
to other ape species (except gibbons). Another important
physiological change related to sexuality in humans was
the evolution of hidden estrus. Humans are the only ape
in which the female is fertile year round, and in which
no special signals of fertility are produced by the body
(such as genital swelling during estrus). Nonetheless humans retain a degree of sexual dimorphism in the distribution of body hair and subcutaneous fat, and in the
overall size, males being around 25% larger than females.
These changes taken together have been interpreted as a
result of an increased emphasis on pair bonding as a possible solution to the requirement for increased parental

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


investment due to the prolonged infancy of ospring.
Rise of Homo sapiens
Further information: Recent African origin of modern humans, Multiregional origin of modern humans,
Anatomically modern humans, Archaic human admixture with modern humans and Early human migrations
By the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic period (50,000

World map of early human migrations according to


mitochondrial population genetics (numbers are millennia
before present, the North Pole is at the center).

BP), full behavioral modernity, including language,


music and other cultural universals had developed.[44][45]
As modern humans spread out from Africa they encountered other hominids such as Homo neanderthalensis and
the so-called Denisovans. The nature of interaction between early humans and these sister species has been a
long-standing source of controversy, the question being
whether humans replaced these earlier species or whether
they were in fact similar enough to interbreed, in which
case these earlier populations may have contributed genetic material to modern humans.[46] Recent studies of
the human and Neanderthal genomes suggest gene ow
between archaic Homo sapiens and Neanderthals and
Denisovans.[47][48][49]
This dispersal out of Africa is estimated to have begun
about 70,000 years BP from Northeast Africa. Current
evidence suggests that there was only one such dispersal
and that it only involved a few hundred individuals. The
vast majority of humans stayed in Africa and adapted to
a diverse array of environments.[50] Modern humans subsequently spread globally, replacing earlier hominins (either through competition or hybridization). They inhabited Eurasia and Oceania by 40,000 years BP, and the
Americas at least 14,500 years BP.[51][52]
Transition to civilization
Main articles: Neolithic Revolution and Cradle of civilization

2.10. HUMAN

95

Further information: History of the world


ments in mathematics and astronomy in Muslim emUntil c. 10,000 years ago, humans lived as hunter- pires.[56] In Europe, the rediscovery of classical learning and inventions such as the printing press led to the
Renaissance in the 14th and 15th centuries. Over the next
500 years, exploration and European colonialism brought
great parts of the world under European control, leading
to later struggles for independence. The Scientic Revolution in the 17th century and the Industrial Revolution in
the 18th19th centuries promoted major innovations in
transport, such as the railway and automobile; energy development, such as coal and electricity; and government,
such as representative democracy and Communism.

The rise of agriculture, and domestication of animals, led to stable human settlements.

gatherers. They generally lived in small nomadic groups


known as band societies. The advent of agriculture
prompted the Neolithic Revolution, when access to food
surplus led to the formation of permanent human settlements, the domestication of animals and the use of metal
tools for the rst time in history. Agriculture encouraged
trade and cooperation, and led to complex society. Because of the signicance of this date for human society,
it is the epoch of the Holocene calendar or Human Era.
The more complex human societies, called the rst
civilisations emerged around around 3000 BC in the river
valleys of Mesopotamia, India and China, Egypt, from
the latter of which the Western civilisation borrowed
much, especially in technology.[53] An increase in food
production led to the signicant growth in human population and the rise of cities. Eorts to control the ow of
water for farming also led to organised governments in the
new urban civilisations. The peoples of Southwest Asia
and Egypt laid the foundations of Western civilization,
they developed cities and struggled with the problems of
organised states as they moved from individual communities to larger territorial units and eventually to empires.
These rst civilisations invented writing to keep records
and created literature, while developing military, social
and religious structures to deal with the basic problems
of human existence and organization.[54] Ancient Greece
is the origin of many ideas and concepts that are central to
Western culture, such as Western philosophy, democracy,
as well as major scientic, mathematical, and literary
advances.[55] Inuential religions, such as Judaism, originating in West Asia, and Hinduism, originating in South
Asia, also rose to prominence at this time.
The Late Middle Ages saw the rise of revolutionary ideas
and technologies. In China, an advanced and urbanized society promoted innovations and sciences, such
as printing and seed drilling. In India, major advancements were made in mathematics, philosophy, religion
and metallurgy. The Islamic Golden Age saw advance-

With the advent of the Information Age at the end of the


20th century, modern humans live in a world that has
become increasingly globalized and interconnected. As
of 2010, almost 2 billion humans are able to communicate with each other via the Internet,[57] and 3.3 billion by
mobile phone subscriptions.[58]
Although interconnection between humans has encouraged the growth of science, art, discussion, and
technology, it has also led to culture clashes and the development and use of weapons of mass destruction. Human civilization has led to environmental destruction and
pollution signicantly contributing to the ongoing mass
extinction of other forms of life called the Holocene extinction event,[59] which may be further accelerated by
global warming in the future.[60]

2.10.3 Habitat and population


Further information: Human migration, Demography
and World population
Early human settlements were dependent on prox-

The Earth, as seen from space in October 2000, showing the extent of human occupation of the planet. The bright lights signify
both the most densely inhabited areas and ones nancially capable of illuminating those areas.

imity to water and, depending on the lifestyle, other


natural resources used for subsistence, such as populations of animal prey for hunting and arable land
for growing crops and grazing livestock. But humans have a great capacity for altering their habitats
by means of technology, through irrigation, urban
planning, construction, transport, manufacturing goods,
deforestation and desertication. Deliberate habitat alteration is often done with the goals of increasing ma-

96

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

terial wealth, increasing thermal comfort, improving the 2.10.4


amount of food available, improving aesthetics, or improving ease of access to resources or other human settlements. With the advent of large-scale trade and transport
infrastructure, proximity to these resources has become
unnecessary, and in many places, these factors are no
longer a driving force behind the growth and decline of
a population. Nonetheless, the manner in which a habitat is altered is often a major determinant in population
change.

Biology

Technology has allowed humans to colonize all of the


continents and adapt to virtually all climates. Within the
last century, humans have explored Antarctica, the ocean
depths, and outer space, although large-scale colonization
of these environments is not yet feasible. With a population of over seven billion, humans are among the most
numerous of the large mammals. Most humans (61%)
live in Asia. The remainder live in the Americas (14%),
Africa (14%), Europe (11%), and Oceania (0.5%).
Human habitation within closed ecological systems in
hostile environments, such as Antarctica and outer space,
is expensive, typically limited in duration, and restricted
to scientic, military, or industrial expeditions. Life in
space has been very sporadic, with no more than thirteen humans in space at any given time.[61] Between 1969
and 1972, two humans at a time spent brief intervals on
the Moon. As of August 2015, no other celestial body
has been visited by humans, although there has been a
continuous human presence in space since the launch of
the initial crew to inhabit the International Space Station
on October 31, 2000.[62] However, other celestial bodies
have been visited by human-made objects.

Basic anatomical features of female and male humans. These


models have had body hair and male facial hair removed and
head hair trimmed. The female model is wearing red nail polish
on her toenails and a ring.

Since 1800, the human population has increased from one


billion[63] to over seven billion,[64] In 2004, some 2.5 billion out of 6.3 billion people (39.7%) lived in urban areas. In February 2008, the U.N. estimated that half the
worlds population would live in urban areas by the end
of the year.[65] Problems for humans living in cities include various forms of pollution and crime,[66] especially
in inner city and suburban slums. Both overall population
numbers and the proportion residing in cities are expected
to increase signicantly in the coming decades.[67]
Humans have had a dramatic eect on the environment.
Humans are apex predators, being rarely preyed upon
by other species.[68] Currently, through land development, combustion of fossil fuels, and pollution, humans
are thought to be the main contributor to global climate
change.[69] If this continues at its current rate it is predicted that climate change will wipe out half of all plant
and animal species over the next century.[70][71]
See also: City, Town, Nomad, Camping, Farm, House,
Watercraft, Infrastructure, Architecture, Building and
Engineering
Vitruvian Man, Leonardo da Vinci's image is often used as an
implied symbol of the essential symmetry of the human body,
and by extension, of the universe as a whole.

2.10. HUMAN

97

Anatomy and physiology

more developed cerebral cortex, with a larger number of


neurons. The mental abilities of humans are remarkable
compared to other apes. Humans ability of speech is
Main article: Human body
unique among primates. Humans are able to create new
Further information: Human physical appearance, and complex ideas, and to develop technology, which is
Anatomically modern humans and Sex dierences in unprecedented among other organisms on Earth.[75]
humans
It is estimated that the worldwide average height for an
adult human male is about 172 cm, while the worldwide
Most aspects of human physiology are closely average height for adult human females is about 158 cm.
homologous to corresponding aspects of animal Shrinkage of stature may begin in middle age in some
physiology. The human body consists of the legs, the individuals, but tends to be universal in the extremely
torso, the arms, the neck, and the head. An adult human aged.[77] Through history human populations have unibody consists of about 100 trillion (1014 ) cells. The versally become taller, probably as a consequence of betmost commonly dened body systems in humans are ter nutrition, healthcare, and living conditions.[78] The avthe nervous, the cardiovascular, the circulatory, the erage mass of an adult human is 5464 kg (120140 lbs)
digestive, the endocrine, the immune, the integumentary, for females and 7683 kg (168183 lbs) for males.[79]
the lymphatic, the muscoskeletal, the reproductive, the Like many other conditions, body weight and body type is
respiratory, and the urinary system.[72][73]
inuenced by both genetic susceptibility and environment
[80][81]
Humans, like most of the other apes, lack external and varies greatly among individuals. (see obesity)
tails, have several blood type systems, have opposable
thumbs, and are sexually dimorphic. The comparatively minor anatomical dierences between humans and
chimpanzees are a result of human bipedalism. As
a result, humans are slower over short distances, but
are among the best long-distance runners in the animal
kingdom.[74][75] Humans thinner body hair and more productive sweat glands help avoid heat exhaustion while
running for long distances.[76]

Although humans appear hairless compared to other primates, with notable hair growth occurring chiey on the
top of the head, underarms and pubic area, the average
human has more hair follicles on his or her body than the
average chimpanzee. The main distinction is that human
hairs are shorter, ner, and less heavily pigmented than
the average chimpanzees, thus making them harder to
see.[82] Humans have about 2 million sweat glands spread
over their entire bodies, many more than chimpanzees,
on
As a consequence of bipedalism, human females have whose sweat glands are scarce and are mainly located
[83]
the
palm
of
the
hand
and
on
the
soles
of
the
feet.
narrower birth canals. The construction of the human
pelvis diers from other primates, as do the toes. A The dental formula of humans is: 2.1.2.32.1.2.3. Hutrade-o for these advantages of the modern human mans have proportionately shorter palates and much
pelvis is that childbirth is more dicult and danger- smaller teeth than other primates. They are the only prious than in most mammals, especially given the larger mates to have short, relatively ush canine teeth. Humans
head size of human babies compared to other primates. have characteristically crowded teeth, with gaps from lost
This means that human babies must turn around as they teeth usually closing up quickly in young individuals. Hupass through the birth canal, which other primates do mans are gradually losing their wisdom teeth, with some
not do, and it makes humans the only species where fe- individuals having them congenitally absent.[84]
males require help from their conspecics to reduce the
risks of birthing. As a partial evolutionary solution, human fetuses are born less developed and more vulnera- Genetics
ble. Chimpanzee babies are cognitively more developed
than human babies until the age of six months, when Main article: Human genetics
the rapid development of human brains surpasses chim- Further information: Human evolutionary genetics
panzees. Another dierence between women and chim- Like all mammals, humans are a diploid eukaryotic
Each somatic cell has two sets of 23
panzee females is that women go through the menopause species.
and become unfertile decades before the end of their chromosomes, each set received from one parent;
lives. All species of non-human apes are capable of giv- gametes have only one set of chromosomes, which is a
ing birth until death. Menopause probably developed as mixture of the two parental sets. Among the 23 pairs of
it has provided an evolutionary advantage (more caring chromosomes there are 22 pairs of autosomes and one
pair of sex chromosomes. Like other mammals, humans
time) to young relatives.[75]
Apart from bipedalism, humans dier from chimpanzees have an XY sex-determination system, so that females
mostly in smelling, hearing, digesting proteins, brain size, have the sex chromosomes XX and males have XY.
and the ability of language. Humans brains are about
three times bigger than in chimpanzees. More importantly, the brain to body ratio is much higher in humans
than in chimpanzees, and humans have a signicantly

One human genome was sequenced in full in 2003, and


currently eorts are being made to achieve a sample
of the genetic diversity of the species (see International
HapMap Project). By present estimates, humans have

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CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


lution but are strikingly dierent in humans. They are
named according to their degree of dierence between
humans and their nearest animal relative (chimpanzees)
(HAR1 showing the largest degree of human-chimpanzee
dierences).
Found by scanning through genomic
databases of multiple species, some of these highly
mutated areas may contribute to human-specic traits.
The forces of natural selection have continued to operate on human populations, with evidence that certain regions of the genome display directional selection in the
past 15,000 years.[92]
Life cycle
See also: Childbirth and Life expectancy
As with other mammals, human reproduction takes place

A graphical representation of the ideal human karyotype, including both the male and female variant of the sex chromosome
(number 23).

approximately 22,000 genes.[85] The variation in human


DNA is very small compared to other species, possibly
suggesting a population bottleneck during the Late Pleistocene (around 100,000 years ago), in which the human
population was reduced to a small number of breeding
pairs.[86][87] Nucleotide diversity is based on single mutations called single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs).
The nucleotide diversity between humans is about 0.1%,
i.e. 1 dierence per 1,000 base pairs.[88][89] A dierence
of 1 in 1,000 nucleotides between two humans chosen
at random amounts to about 3 million nucleotide dierences, since the human genome has about 3 billion nucleotides. Most of these single nucleotide polymorphisms
(SNPs) are neutral but some (about 3 to 5%) are func- A 10 mm human embryo at 5 weeks
tional and inuence phenotypic dierences between humans through alleles.
as internal fertilization by sexual intercourse. During this
process, the male inserts his erect penis into the females
By comparing the parts of the genome that are not under
natural selection and which therefore accumulate muta- vagina and ejaculates semen, which contains sperm. The
sperm travels through the vagina and cervix into the
tions at a fairly steady rate, it is possible to reconstruct a
genetic tree incorporating the entire human species since uterus or Fallopian tubes for fertilization of the ovum.
the last shared ancestor. Each time a certain mutation Upon fertilization and implantation, gestation then occurs
(SNP) appears in an individual and is passed on to his within the females uterus.
or her descendants, a haplogroup is formed including all
of the descendants of the individual who will also carry
that mutation. By comparing mitochondrial DNA, which
is inherited only from the mother, geneticists have concluded that the last female common ancestor whose genetic marker is found in all modern humans, the so-called
mitochondrial Eve, must have lived around 200,000 years
ago.

The zygote divides inside the females uterus to become


an embryo, which over a period of 38 weeks (9 months)
of gestation becomes a fetus. After this span of time, the
fully grown fetus is birthed from the womans body and
breathes independently as an infant for the rst time. At
this point, most modern cultures recognize the baby as a
person entitled to the full protection of the law, though
some jurisdictions extend various levels of personhood
Human accelerated regions, rst described in August earlier to human fetuses while they remain in the uterus.
2006,[90][91] are a set of 49 segments of the human Compared with other species, human childbirth is dangenome that are conserved throughout vertebrate evo- gerous. Painful labors lasting 24 hours or more are

2.10. HUMAN

99

not uncommon and sometimes lead to the death of the Diet


mother, the child or both.[93] This is because of both the
relatively large fetal head circumference and the mothers Main article: Human nutrition
relatively narrow pelvis.[94][95] The chances of a success- Humans are omnivorous, capable of consuming a wide
ful labor increased signicantly during the 20th century
in wealthier countries with the advent of new medical
technologies. In contrast, pregnancy and natural childbirth remain hazardous ordeals in developing regions of
the world, with maternal death rates approximately 100
times greater than in developed countries.[96]
In developed countries, infants are typically 34 kg (69
pounds) in weight and 5060 cm (2024 inches) in height
at birth.[97] However, low birth weight is common in developing countries, and contributes to the high levels of
infant mortality in these regions.[98] Helpless at birth, humans continue to grow for some years, typically reaching sexual maturity at 12 to 15 years of age. Females
continue to develop physically until around the age of
18, whereas male development continues until around
age 21. The human life span can be split into a number of stages: infancy, childhood, adolescence, young
adulthood, adulthood and old age. The lengths of these
stages, however, have varied across cultures and time
periods. Compared to other primates, humans experience an unusually rapid growth spurt during adolescence,
where the body grows 25% in size. Chimpanzees, for
example, grow only 14%, with no pronounced spurt.[99]
The presence of the growth spurt is probably necessary
to keep children physically small until they are psychologically mature. Humans are one of the few species
in which females undergo menopause. It has been proposed that menopause increases a womans overall reproductive success by allowing her to invest more time and
resources in her existing ospring and/or their children
(the grandmother hypothesis), rather than by continuing
to bear children into old age.[100][101]

Humans preparing a meal in Bali, Indonesia

variety of plant and animal material.[108][109] Varying


with available food sources in regions of habitation,
and also varying with cultural and religious norms, human groups have adopted a range of diets, from purely
vegetarian to primarily carnivorous. In some cases, dietary restrictions in humans can lead to deciency diseases; however, stable human groups have adapted to
many dietary patterns through both genetic specialization and cultural conventions to use nutritionally balanced
food sources.[110] The human diet is prominently reected
in human culture, and has led to the development of food
science.
Until the development of agriculture approximately
10,000 years ago, Homo sapiens employed a huntergatherer method as their sole means of food collection.
This involved combining stationary food sources (such
as fruits, grains, tubers, and mushrooms, insect larvae
and aquatic mollusks) with wild game, which must be
hunted and killed in order to be consumed.[111] It has
been proposed that humans have used re to prepare and
cook food since the time of Homo erectus.[112] Around ten
thousand years ago, humans developed agriculture,[113]
which substantially altered their diet. This change in diet
may also have altered human biology; with the spread of
dairy farming providing a new and rich source of food,
leading to the evolution of the ability to digest lactose in
some adults.[114][115] Agriculture led to increased populations, the development of cities, and because of increased
population density, the wider spread of infectious diseases. The types of food consumed, and the way in which
they are prepared, have varied widely by time, location,
and culture.

For various reasons, including biological/genetic


causes,[102] women live on average about four years
longer than men as of 2013 the global average life
expectancy at birth of a girl is estimated at 70.2 years
compared to 66.1 for a boy.[103] There are signicant
geographical variations in human life expectancy, mostly
correlated with economic development for example
life expectancy at birth in Hong Kong is 84.8 years for
girls and 78.9 for boys, while in Swaziland, primarily
because of AIDS, it is 31.3 years for both sexes.[104] The
developed world is generally aging, with the median age
around 40 years. In the developing world the median age
is between 15 and 20 years. While one in ve Europeans
is 60 years of age or older, only one in twenty Africans is
60 years of age or older.[105] The number of centenarians
(humans of age 100 years or older) in the world was
estimated by the United Nations at 210,000 in 2002.[106]
At least one person, Jeanne Calment, is known to have In general, humans can survive for two to eight weeks
reached the age of 122 years;[107] higher ages have been without food, depending on stored body fat. Survival
without water is usually limited to three or four days.
claimed but they are not well substantiated.
About 36 million humans die every year from causes directly or indirectly related to hunger.[116] Childhood mal-

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CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

nutrition is also common and contributes to the global


burden of disease.[117] However global food distribution
is not even, and obesity among some human populations has increased rapidly, leading to health complications and increased mortality in some developed, and a
few developing countries. Worldwide over one billion
people are obese,[118] while in the United States 35% of
people are obese, leading to this being described as an
"obesity epidemic".[119] Obesity is caused by consuming
more calories than are expended, so excessive weight gain
is usually caused by a combination of an energy-dense
high fat diet and insucient exercise.[118]
Biological variation
Main article: Human genetic variation
Young Russian peasant women in front of traditional wooden
No two humans not even monozygotic twins are

house, in a rural area along the Sheksna River near the small
town of Kirillov. Early color photograph from Russia, created
by Sergei Mikhailovich Prokudin-Gorskii as part of his work to
document the Russian Empire from 1909 to 1915.

physiology to disease susceptibly to mental abilities. The


exact inuence of genes and environment on certain traits
is not well understood.[120][121]

People in warm climates are often relatively slender, tall and dark
skinned, such as these Maasai men from Kenya.

Most current genetic and archaeological evidence supports a recent single origin of modern humans in East
Africa,[122] with rst migrations placed at 60,000 years
ago. Compared to the great apes, human gene sequences
even among African populations are remarkably homogeneous.[123] On average, genetic similarity between
any two humans is 99.9%.[124][125] There is about 23
times more genetic diversity within the wild chimpanzee
population on a single hillside in Gombe, than in the entire human gene pool.[126][127][128][129]
The human bodys ability to adapt to dierent environmental stresses is remarkable, allowing humans to acclimatize to a wide variety of temperatures, humidity, and
altitudes. As a result, humans are a cosmopolitan species
found in almost all regions of the world, including tropical
rainforests, arid desert, extremely cold arctic regions, and
heavily polluted cities. Most other species are conned to
a few geographical areas by their limited adaptability.[130]

There is biological variation in the human species with


traits such as blood type, cranial features, eye color, hair
color and type, height and build, and skin color varying
across the globe. Human body types vary substantially.
The typical height of an adult human is between 1.4 m
(4 ft 7 in) and 1.9 m (6 ft 3 in), although this varies
signicantly depending, among other things, on sex and
ethnic origin.[131][132] Body size is partly determined by
People in cold climates tend to be relatively short, heavily built genes and is also signicantly inuenced by environmental factors such as diet, exercise, and sleep patterns, esand fair skinned such as these Inuit women from Canada.
pecially as an inuence in childhood. Adult height for
genetically identical. Genes and environment inuence each sex in a particular ethnic group approximately folhuman biological variation from visible characteristics to lows a normal distribution. Those aspects of genetic vari-

2.10. HUMAN

101

ation that give clues to human evolutionary history, or are


relevant to medical research, have received particular attention. For example, the genes that allow adult humans
to digest lactose are present in high frequencies in populations that have long histories of cattle domestication,
suggesting natural selection having favored that gene in
populations that depend on cow milk. Some hereditary
diseases such as sickle cell anemia are frequent in populations where malaria has been endemic throughout history
it is believed that the same gene gives increased resistance to malaria among those who are unaected carriers of the gene. Similarly, populations that have for a
long time inhabited specic climates, such as arctic or
tropical regions or high altitudes, tend to have developed A Libyan, a Nubian, a Syrian, and an Egyptian, drawing by an
specic phenotypes that are benecial for conserving en- unknown artist after a mural of the tomb of Seti I.
ergy in those environments short stature and stocky
build in cold regions, tall and lanky in hot regions, and
with high lung capacities at high altitudes. Similarly, skin
color varies clinally with darker skin around the equator
where the added protection from the suns ultraviolet
radiation is thought to give an evolutionary advantage
and lighter skin tones closer to the poles.[133][134][135][136]
The hue of human skin and hair is determined by the
presence of pigments called melanins. Human skin color
can range from darkest brown to lightest peach, or even
nearly white or colorless in cases of albinism.[129] Human hair ranges in color from white to red to blond to
brown to black, which is most frequent.[137] Hair color depends on the amount of melanin (an eective sun blocking pigment) in the skin and hair, with hair melanin concentrations in hair fading with increased age, leading to
grey or even white hair. Most researchers believe that
skin darkening is an adaptation that evolved as protection against ultraviolet solar radiation, which also helps
balancing folate, which is destroyed by ultraviolet radiation. Light skin pigmentation protects against depletion
of vitamin D, which requires sunlight to make.[138] Skin
pigmentation of contemporary humans is clinally distributed across the planet, and in general correlates with
the level of ultraviolet radiation in a particular geographic
area. Human skin also has a capacity to darken (tan) in
response to exposure to ultraviolet radiation.[139][140][141]

Structure of variation Within the human species, the


greatest degree of genetic variation exists between males
and females. While the nucleotide genetic variation of individuals of the same sex across global populations is no
greater than 0.1%, the genetic dierence between males
and females is between 1% and 2%. Although dierent
in nature, this approaches the genetic dierentiation between men and male chimpanzees or women and female
chimpanzees. The genetic dierence between sexes contributes to anatomical, hormonal, neural, and physiological dierences between men and women, although the
exact degree and nature of social and environmental inuences on sexes are not completely understood. Males
on average are 15% heavier and 15 cm taller than females.

The ancestors of Native Americans, such as this Yanomami


woman, crossed into the Americas from Northeast Asia, and genetic and linguistic evidence links them to North Asian populations, particularly those of East Siberia.[142]

An older adult human male European in Paris - playing chess at


the Jardins du Luxembourg.

There is a dierence between body types, body organs


and systems, hormonal levels, sensory systems, and muscle mass between sexes. On average, there is a dierence of about 4050% in upper body strength and 20

102

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

30% in lower body strength between men and women.


Women generally have a higher body fat percentage than
men. Women have lighter skin than men of the same
population; this has been explained by a higher need for
vitamin D (which is synthesized by sunlight) in females
during pregnancy and lactation. As there are chromosomal dierences between females and males, some X and
Y chromosome related conditions and disorders only affect either men or women. Other conditional dierences
between males and females are not related to sex chromosomes. Even after allowing for body weight and volume,
the male voice is usually an octave deeper than females.
Women have a longer life span in almost every population
Most of the worlds genetic diversity is represented in Africa.
around the world.[143][144][145][146][147][148][149][150][151]
Males typically have larger tracheae and branching
bronchi, with about 30% greater lung volume per unit
body mass. They have larger hearts, 10% higher red
blood cell count, and higher hemoglobin, hence greater
oxygen-carrying capacity. They also have higher circulating clotting factors (vitamin K, prothrombin and
platelets). These dierences lead to faster healing of
wounds and higher peripheral pain tolerance.[152] Females typically have more white blood cells (stored and
circulating), more granulocytes and B and T lymphocytes.
Additionally, they produce more antibodies at a faster rate
than males. Hence they develop fewer infectious diseases
and these continue for shorter periods.[152] Ethologists argue that females, interacting with other females and multiple ospring in social groups, have experienced such
traits as a selective advantage.[153][154][155][156][157] According to Daly and Wilson, The sexes dier more in
human beings than in monogamous mammals, but much
less than in extremely polygamous mammals.[158] But
given that sexual dimorphism in the closest relatives of
humans is much greater than among humans, the human
clade must be considered to be characterized by decreasing sexual dimorphism, probably due to less competitive
mating patterns. One proposed explanation is that human sexuality has developed more in common with its
close relative the bonobo, which exhibits similar sexual
dimorphism, is polygynandrous and uses recreational sex
to reinforce social bonds and reduce aggression.[159]
Humans of the same sex are 99.9% genetically identical. There is extremely little variation between human
geographical populations, and most of the variation that
does occur is at the personal level within local areas, and
not between populations.[129][160][161] Of the 0.1% of human genetic dierentiation, 85% exists within any randomly chosen local population, be they Italians, Koreans, or Kurds. Two randomly chosen Koreans may be
genetically as dierent as a Korean and an Italian. Any
ethnic group contains 85% of the human genetic diversity of the world. Genetic data shows that no matter
how population groups are dened, two people from the
same population group are about as dierent from each
other as two people from any two dierent population
groups.[129][162][163][164]

Current genetic research has demonstrated that humans on the African continent are the most genetically
diverse.[165] There is more human genetic diversity in
Africa than anywhere else on Earth. The genetic structure of Africans was traced to 14 ancestral population
clusters. Human genetic diversity decreases in native
populations with migratory distance from Africa and this
is thought to be the result of bottlenecks during human
migration.[166][167] Humans have lived in Africa for the
longest time, which has allowed accumulation of a higher
diversity of genetic mutations in these populations. Only
part of Africas population migrated out of the continent,
bringing just part of the original African genetic variety
with them. African populations harbor genetic alleles that
are not found in other places of the world. All the common alleles found in populations outside of Africa are
found on the African continent.[129]
Geographical distribution of human variation is complex
and constantly shifts through time which reects complicated human evolutionary history. Most human biological variation is clinally distributed and blends gradually from one area to the next. Groups of people around
the world have dierent frequencies of polymorphic
genes. Furthermore, dierent traits are non-concordant
and each have dierent clinal distribution. Adaptability varies both from person to person and from population to population. The most ecient adaptive responses
are found in geographical populations where the environmental stimuli are the strongest (e.g. Tibetans are highly
adapted to high altitudes). The clinal geographic genetic
variation is further complicated by the migration and
mixing between human populations which has been occurring since prehistoric times.[129][168][169][170][171][172]
Human variation is highly non-concordant: most of the
genes do not cluster together and are not inherited together. Skin and hair color are not correlated to height,
weight, or athletic ability. Human species do not share
the same patterns of variation through geography. Skin
color varies with latitude and certain people are tall or
have brown hair. There is a statistical correlation between particular features in a population, but dierent
features are not expressed or inherited together. Thus,

2.10. HUMAN

103

genes which code for supercial physical traits such as


skin color, hair color, or height represent a minuscule
and insignicant portion of the human genome and do not
correlate with genetic anity. Dark-skinned populations
that are found in Africa, Australia, and South Asia are
not closely related to each other.[136][141][171][172][173][174]
Even within the same region, physical phenotype is not
related to genetic anity: dark-skinned Ethiopians are
more closely related to light-skinned Armenians than to
dark-skinned Bantu populations.[175] Despite pygmy populations of South East Asia (Andamanese) having similar
physical features with African pygmy populations such as
short stature, dark skin, and curly hair, they are not genetically closely related to these populations.[176] Genetic
variants aecting supercial anatomical features (such as
skin color) from a genetic perspective, are essentially
meaningless they involve a few hundred of the billions
of nucleotides in a persons DNA.[177] Individuals with
the same morphology do not necessarily cluster with each
other by lineage, and a given lineage does not include only
individuals with the same trait complex.[129][163][178]
Due to practices of group endogamy, allele frequencies cluster locally around kin groups and lineages,
or by national, ethnic, cultural and linguistic boundaries, giving a detailed degree of correlation between
genetic clusters and population groups when considering many alleles simultaneously. Despite this, there
are no genetic boundaries around local populations
that biologically mark o any discrete groups of humans. Human variation is continuous, with no clear
points of demarcation. There are no large clusters
of relatively homogeneous people and almost every
individual has genetic alleles from several ancestral
groups.[129][170][171][179][180][181][182][183][184][185][186][187]

Drawing of the human brain, showing several important structures

Sleep and dreaming


Main articles: Sleep and Dream

Humans are generally diurnal. The average sleep requirement is between seven and nine hours per day for an adult
and nine to ten hours per day for a child; elderly people
usually sleep for six to seven hours. Having less sleep
than this is common among humans, even though sleep
deprivation can have negative health eects. A sustained
restriction of adult sleep to four hours per day has been
shown to correlate with changes in physiology and mental
state, including reduced memory, fatigue, aggression, and
2.10.5 Psychology
bodily discomfort.[189] During sleep humans dream. In
dreaming humans experience sensory images and sounds,
Main article: Psychology
in a sequence which the dreamer usually perceives more
Further information: Human brain and Mind
The human brain, the focal point of the central ner- as an apparent participant than as an observer. Dreaming
vous system in humans, controls the peripheral nervous is stimulated by the pons and mostly occurs during the
system. In addition to controlling lower, involuntary, REM phase of sleep.
or primarily autonomic activities such as respiration and
digestion, it is also the locus of higher order functionConsciousness and thought
ing such as thought, reasoning, and abstraction.[188] These
cognitive processes constitute the mind, and, along with
their behavioral consequences, are studied in the eld of Main articles: Consciousness and Cognition
psychology.
Generally regarded as more capable of these higher or- Humans are one of the relatively few species to have sufself-awareness to recognize themselves in a mirder activities, the human brain is believed to be more cient
[190]
Already at 18 months, most human children are
ror.
intelligent in general than that of any other known
aware
that
the mirror image is not another person.[191]
species. While some non-human species are capable
of creating structures and using simple toolsmostly
through instinct and mimicryhuman technology is
vastly more complex, and is constantly evolving and improving through time.

The human brain perceives the external world through the


senses, and each individual human is inuenced greatly
by his or her experiences, leading to subjective views of
existence and the passage of time. Humans are vari-

104

Lecture at the Faculty of Biomedical Engineering, CTU, in


Prague.

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


Some philosophers divide consciousness into phenomenal consciousness, which is experience itself, and access
consciousness, which is the processing of the things in
experience.[192] Phenomenal consciousness is the state of
being conscious, such as when they say I am conscious.
Access consciousness is being conscious of something in
relation to abstract concepts, such as when one says I
am conscious of these words. Various forms of access
consciousness include awareness, self-awareness, conscience, stream of consciousness, Husserls phenomenology, and intentionality. The concept of phenomenal
consciousness, in modern history, according to some, is
closely related to the concept of qualia. Social psychology links sociology with psychology in their shared study
of the nature and causes of human social interaction, with
an emphasis on how people think towards each other and
how they relate to each other. The behavior and mental processes, both human and non-human, can be described through animal cognition, ethology, evolutionary
psychology, and comparative psychology as well. Human
ecology is an academic discipline that investigates how
humans and human societies interact with both their natural environment and the human social environment.

ously said to possess consciousness, self-awareness, and


a mind, which correspond roughly to the mental processes of thought. These are said to possess qualities
such as self-awareness, sentience, sapience, and the ability to perceive the relationship between oneself and ones
environment. The extent to which the mind constructs
or experiences the outer world is a matter of debate, as
are the denitions and validity of many of the terms used
Motivation and emotion
above.

The physical aspects of the mind and brain, and by exMain articles: Motivation and Emotion
tension of the nervous system, are studied in the eld of
Motivation is the driving force of desire behind all
neurology, the more behavioral in the eld of psychology, and a sometimes loosely dened area between in the
eld of psychiatry, which treats mental illness and behavioral disorders. Psychology does not necessarily refer to the brain or nervous system, and can be framed
purely in terms of phenomenological or information processing theories of the mind. Increasingly, however, an
understanding of brain functions is being included in psychological theory and practice, particularly in areas such
as articial intelligence, neuropsychology, and cognitive
neuroscience.
The nature of thought is central to psychology and related
elds. Cognitive psychology studies cognition, the mental
processes underlying behavior. It uses information processing as a framework for understanding the mind. Perception, learning, problem solving, memory, attention,
language and emotion are all well researched areas as
well. Cognitive psychology is associated with a school
of thought known as cognitivism, whose adherents argue for an information processing model of mental function, informed by positivism and experimental psychology. Techniques and models from cognitive psychology
are widely applied and form the mainstay of psychological theories in many areas of both research and applied
psychology. Largely focusing on the development of the
human mind through the life span, developmental psychology seeks to understand how people come to perceive, understand, and act within the world and how these
processes change as they age. This may focus on intellectual, cognitive, neural, social, or moral development.

Illustration of grief from Charles Darwin's book The Expression


of the Emotions in Man and Animals.

deliberate actions of humans. Motivation is based on


emotionspecically, on the search for satisfaction (positive emotional experiences), and the avoidance of conict. Positive and negative is dened by the individual
brain state, which may be inuenced by social norms:
a person may be driven to self-injury or violence because their brain is conditioned to create a positive re-

2.10. HUMAN

105

sponse to these actions. Motivation is important because


it is involved in the performance of all learned responses.
Within psychology, conict avoidance and the libido are
seen to be primary motivators. Within economics, motivation is often seen to be based on incentives; these may
be nancial, moral, or coercive. Religions generally posit
divine or demonic inuences.
Happiness, or the state of being happy, is a human emotional condition. The denition of happiness is a common philosophical topic. Some people might dene it as
the best condition that a human can havea condition of
mental and physical health. Others dene it as freedom
from want and distress; consciousness of the good or- Human parents continue caring for their ospring long after they
der of things; assurance of ones place in the universe or are born.
society.
Emotion has a signicant inuence on, or can even be
said to control, human behavior, though historically many
cultures and philosophers have for various reasons discouraged allowing this inuence to go unchecked. Emotional experiences perceived as pleasant, such as love,
admiration, or joy, contrast with those perceived as
unpleasant, like hate, envy, or sorrow. There is often a
distinction made between rened emotions that are socially learned and survival oriented emotions, which are
thought to be innate. Human exploration of emotions as
separate from other neurological phenomena is worthy
of note, particularly in cultures where emotion is considered separate from physiological state. In some cultural
medical theories emotion is considered so synonymous
with certain forms of physical health that no dierence
is thought to exist. The Stoics believed excessive emotion was harmful, while some Su teachers felt certain extreme emotions could yield a conceptual perfection, what
is often translated as ecstasy.

tures among them hidden ovulation, the evolution of external scrotum and penis suggesting sperm competition,
the absence of an os penis, permanent secondary sexual
characteristics and the forming of pair bonds based on
sexual attraction as a common social structure. Contrary
to other primates that often advertise estrus through visible signs, human females do not have a distinct or visible
signs of ovulation plus they experience sexual desire outside of their fertile periods. These adaptations indicate
that the meaning of sexuality in humans is similar to that
found in the bonobo, and that the complex human sexual
behavior has a long evolutionary history.[193]
Human choices in acting on sexuality are commonly inuenced by cultural norms which vary widely. Restrictions are often determined by religious beliefs or social
customs. The pioneering researcher Sigmund Freud believed that humans are born polymorphously perverse,
which means that any number of objects could be a
source of pleasure. According to Freud humans then
pass through ve stages of psychosexual development and
can xate on any stage because of various traumas during the process. For Alfred Kinsey, another inuential
sex researcher, people can fall anywhere along a continuous scale of sexual orientation, with only small minorities
fully heterosexual or homosexual.[194][195] Recent studies of neurology and genetics suggest people may be born
predisposed to various sexual tendencies.[196][197]

In modern scientic thought, certain rened emotions


are considered a complex neural trait innate in a variety
of domesticated and non-domesticated mammals. These
were commonly developed in reaction to superior survival
mechanisms and intelligent interaction with each other
and the environment; as such, rened emotion is not in all
cases as discrete and separate from natural neural function as was once assumed. However, when humans function in civilized tandem, it has been noted that uninhibited
acting on extreme emotion can lead to social disorder and
crime.
2.10.6
Sexuality and love
Main articles: Love and Human sexuality
For humans, sexuality has important social functions: it
creates physical intimacy, bonds and hierarchies among
individuals, besides ensuring biological reproduction.
Sexual desire or libido, is experienced as a bodily urge,
often accompanied by strong emotions such as love,
ecstasy and jealousy. The signicance of sexuality in the
human species is reected in a number of physical fea-

Behavior

Main articles: Culture, Society and Human behavior


Humans are highly social beings and tend to live in
large complex social groups. More than any other
creature, humans are capable of utilizing systems of
communication for self-expression, the exchange of
ideas, and organization, and as such have created complex social structures composed of many cooperating and
competing groups. Human groups range from the size of
families to nations. Social interactions between humans
have established an extremely wide variety of values, social norms, and rituals, which together form the basis of

106

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


are approximately six thousand dierent languages currently in use, including sign languages, and many thousands more that are extinct.[200]

Gender roles
Main articles: Gender role and Gender
The sexual division of humans into male and female has
been marked culturally by a corresponding division of
roles, norms, practices, dress, behavior, rights, duties,
privileges, status, and power. Cultural dierences by gender have often been believed to have arisen naturally out
of a division of reproductive labor; the biological fact that
women give birth led to their further cultural responsibility for nurturing and caring for children. Gender roles
have varied historically, and challenges to predominant
gender norms have recurred in many societies.

Kinship
Humans often live in family-based social structures.

Main articles: Kinship and Marriage


human society.
Culture is dened here as patterns of complex symbolic
behavior, i.e. all behavior that is not innate but which has
to be learned through social interaction with others; such
as the use of distinctive material and symbolic systems,
including language, ritual, social organization, traditions,
beliefs and technology.

Language
While many species communicate, language is unique to
humans, a dening feature of humanity, and a cultural
universal. Unlike the limited systems of other animals,
human language is open an innite number of meanings can be produced by combining a limited number
of symbols. Human language also has the capacity of
displacement, using words to represent things and happenings that are not presently or locally occurring, but
reside in the shared imagination of interlocutors.[84] Language diers from other forms of communication in that
it is modality independent; the same meanings can be
conveyed through dierent media, auditively in speech,
visually by sign language or writing, and even through tactile media such as braille. Language is central to the communication between humans, and to the sense of identity
that unites nations, cultures and ethnic groups. The invention of writing systems at least ve thousand years ago
allowed the preservation of language on material objects,
and was a major technological advancement. The science of linguistics describes the structure and function of
language and the relationship between languages. There

All human societies organize, recognize and classify


types of social relationships based on relations between parents and children (consanguinity), and relations
through marriage (anity). These kinds of relations are
generally called kinship relations. In most societies kinship places mutual responsibilities and expectations of
solidarity on the individuals that are so related, and those
who recognize each other as kinsmen come to form networks through which other social institutions can be regulated. Among the many functions of kinship is the ability to form descent groups, groups of people sharing a
common line of descent, which can function as political
units such as clans. Another function is the way in which
kinship unites families through marriage, forming kinship
alliances between groups of wife-takers and wife-givers.
Such alliances also often have important political and
economical ramications, and may result in the formation of political organization above the community level.
Kinship relations often includes regulations for whom an
individual should or shouldn't marry. All societies have
rules of incest taboo, according to which marriage between certain kinds of kin relations are prohibited such
rules vary widely between cultures. Some societies also
have rules of preferential marriage with certain kin relations, frequently with either cross or parallel cousins.
Rules and norms for marriage and social behavior among
kinsfolk is often reected in the systems of kinship terminology in the various languages of the world. In many societies kinship relations can also be formed through forms
of co-habitation, adoption, fostering, or companionship,
which also tends to create relations of enduring solidarity
(nurture kinship).

2.10. HUMAN

107

Ethnicity
Main article: Ethnic group
Humans often form ethnic groups, such groups tend to be
larger than kinship networks and be organized around a
common identity dened variously in terms of shared ancestry and history, shared cultural norms and language, or
shared biological phenotype. Such ideologies of shared
characteristics are often perpetuated in the form of powerful, compelling narratives that give legitimacy and continuity to the set of shared values. Ethnic groupings often
correspond to some level of political organization such
as the band, tribe, city state or nation. Although ethnic
groups appear and disappear through history, members
of ethnic groups often conceptualize their groups as having histories going back into the deep past. Such ideologies give ethnicity a powerful role in dening social
identity and in constructing solidarity between members
of an ethno-political unit. This unifying property of ethnicity has been closely tied to the rise of the nation state
as the predominant form of political organization in the
19th and 20th century.[201][202][203][204][205][206]

Russian honor guard at Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.

hierarchy. Politics is the process by which decisions are


made within groups; this process often involves conict as
well as compromise. Although the term is generally applied to behavior within governments, politics is also observed in all human group interactions, including corporate, academic, and religious institutions. Many dierent
political systems exist, as do many dierent ways of understanding them, and many denitions overlap. Examples of governments include monarchy, Communist state,
military dictatorship, theocracy, and liberal democracy,
Society, government, and politics
the last of which is considered dominant today. All of
Main articles: Origins of society, Society, Government, these issues have a direct relationship with economics.
Politics and State (polity)
Society is the system of organizations and institutions
Trade and economics
Main articles: Trade and Economics
Trade is the voluntary exchange of goods and services,

The United Nations Headquarters in New York City, which


houses one of the largest political organizations in the world

arising from interaction between humans. A state is an


organized political community occupying a denite territory, having an organized government, and possessing
internal and external sovereignty. Recognition of the
states claim to independence by other states, enabling
it to enter into international agreements, is often important to the establishment of its statehood. The state can
also be dened in terms of domestic conditions, specically, as conceptualized by Max Weber, a state is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly
of the 'legitimate' use of physical force within a given
territory.[207]

Buyers and sellers bargaining in a market

and is a form of economics. A mechanism that allows


trade is called a market. Modern traders instead generally negotiate through a medium of exchange, such as
money. As a result, buying can be separated from selling, or earning. Because of specialization and division
of labor, most people concentrate on a small aspect of
Government can be dened as the political means of manufacturing or service, trading their labor for products.
creating and enforcing laws; typically via a bureaucratic Trade exists between regions because dierent regions

108

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

have an absolute or comparative advantage in the production of some tradable commodity, or because dierent
regions size allows for the benets of mass production.
Economics is a social science which studies the production, distribution, trade, and consumption of goods
and services. Economics focuses on measurable variables, and is broadly divided into two main branches:
microeconomics, which deals with individual agents,
such as households and businesses, and macroeconomics,
which considers the economy as a whole, in which case
it considers aggregate supply and demand for money,
capital and commodities. Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production, Soldiers in front of the wood of Hougoumont during the reendistribution, trade, and competition. Economic logic is actment of the battle of Waterloo (1815), June 2011, Waterloo,
increasingly applied to any problem that involves choice Belgium.
under scarcity or determining economic value.
sovereignty, territory, resources, religion, or other issues.
A war between internal elements of a state is a civil war.
Among animals, all-out war against fellow members of
Main article: War
the same species occurs only among large societies of huWar is a state of organized armed conict between mans and ants.
War

There have been a wide variety of rapidly advancing tactics throughout the history of war, ranging from
conventional war to asymmetric warfare to total war and
unconventional warfare. Techniques include hand to
hand combat, the use of ranged weapons, naval warfare,
and, more recently, air support. Military intelligence has
often played a key role in determining victory and defeat.
Propaganda, which often includes information, slanted
opinion and disinformation, plays a key role in maintaining unity within a warring group, and/or sowing discord among opponents. In modern warfare, soldiers and
combat vehicles are used to control the land, warships
the sea, and aircraft the sky. These elds have also overlapped in the forms of marines, paratroopers, aircraft carriers, and surface-to-air missiles, among others. Satellites
in low Earth orbit have made outer space a factor in warfare as well as it is used for detailed intelligence gathering, however no known aggressive actions have been
taken from space.
Material culture and technology
The mushroom cloud of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki on August 9, 1945, the nal act of World War II.

Main articles: Tool and Technology


Stone tools were used by proto-humans at least 2.5
million years ago.[209] The controlled use of re began
around 1.5 million years ago. Since then, humans have
made major advances, developing complex technology
to create tools to aid their lives and allowing for other
advancements in culture. Major leaps in technology include the discovery of agriculture what is known as the
Neolithic Revolution, and the invention of automated machines in the Industrial Revolution.

states or non-state actors. War is characterized by the


use of lethal violence between combatants and/or upon
non-combatants to achieve military goals through force.
Lesser, often spontaneous conicts, such as brawls, riots,
revolts, and melees, are not considered to be warfare.
Revolutions can be nonviolent or an organized and armed
revolution which denotes a state of war. During the 20th
century, it is estimated that between 167 and 188 million people died as a result of war.[208] A common def- Archaeology attempts to tell the story of past or lost culinition denes war as a series of military campaigns be- tures in part by close examination of the artifacts they
tween at least two opposing sides involving a dispute over produced. Early humans left stone tools, pottery, and

2.10. HUMAN

An array of Neolithic artifacts, including bracelets, axe heads,


chisels, and polishing tools.

jewelry that are particular to various regions and times.

109

His Grace Dr Rowan Williams, Archibishop of Canterbury, visiting Abbaye du Bec in le Bec-Hellouin on the 26th & 27th of
May 2005.

Body culture Main articles: Clothing, Body modication and Haircut


Throughout history, humans have altered their appearance by wearing clothing[210][211] and adornments, by
[213][214][215]
Howtrimming or shaving hair or by means of body modi- areas of active scientic investigation.
ever,
in
the
course
of
its
development,
religion
has
taken
cations.
on many forms that vary by culture and individual perBody modication is the deliberate altering of the human spective. Some of the chief questions and issues religions
body for any non-medical reason, such as aesthetics, sex- are concerned with include life after death (commonly
ual enhancement, a rite of passage, religious reasons, to involving belief in an afterlife), the origin of life, the nadisplay group membership or aliation, to create body ture of the universe (religious cosmology) and its ultimate
art, shock value, or self-expression.[212] In its most broad fate (eschatology), and what is moral or immoral. A comdenition it includes plastic surgery, socially acceptable mon source for answers to these questions are beliefs in
decoration (e.g. common ear piercing in many societies), transcendent divine beings such as deities or a singular
and religious rites of passage (e.g. circumcision in a num- God, although not all religions are theistic. Spirituality,
ber of cultures).[212]
belief or involvement in matters of the soul or spirit, is
one of the many dierent approaches humans take in trying to answer fundamental questions about humankinds
Religion and spirituality
place in the universe, the meaning of life, and the ideal
way to live ones life. Though these topics have also been
Main articles: Religion and Spirituality
Religion is generally dened as a belief system con- addressed by philosophy, and to some extent by science,
spirituality is unique in that it focuses on mystical or supernatural concepts such as karma and God.

Religion and spirituality are important aspects of human cultures,


as is seen in The Creation of Adam by Michelangelo.

cerning the supernatural, sacred or divine, and practices,


values, institutions and rituals associated with such belief.
Some religions also have a moral code. The evolution
and the history of the rst religions have recently become

Although the exact level of religiosity can be hard to


measure,[216] a majority of humans professes some variety of religious or spiritual belief, although many (in
some countries a majority) are irreligious. This includes
humans who have no religious beliefs or do not identify
with any religion. Humanism is a philosophy which seeks
to include all of humanity and all issues common to humans; it is usually non-religious. Most religions and spiritual beliefs are clearly distinct from science on both a
philosophical and methodological level; the two are not
generally considered mutually exclusive and a majority of
humans hold a mix of both scientic and religious views.
The distinction between philosophy and religion, on the
other hand, is at times less clear, and the two are linked
in such elds as the philosophy of religion and theology.

110
Philosophy and self-reection
Main articles: Philosophy and Human self-reection
See also: Human nature
Philosophy is a discipline or eld of study involving

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


abstract, quantities, and to recognize and understand algorithmic patterns which enables innite counting routines and algebra, something that is not found in any other
species.
Art, music, and literature
Main articles: Art, Music and Literature
Art is a cultural universal, and humans have been produc-

Statue of Confucius on Chongming Island in Shanghai

the investigation, analysis, and development of ideas at


a general, abstract, or fundamental level. It is the discipline searching for a general understanding of reality,
reasoning and values. Major elds of philosophy include
logic, metaphysics, epistemology, philosophy of mind,
and axiology (which includes ethics and aesthetics). Philosophy covers a very wide range of approaches, and is
used to refer to a worldview, to a perspective on an issue,
or to the positions argued for by a particular philosopher
or school of philosophy.

Allegory of Music (ca. 1594), a painting of a woman writing


sheet music by Lorenzo Lippi

ing artistic works at least since the days of Cro Magnon.


As a form of cultural expression, art may be dened by
the pursuit of diversity and the usage of narratives of liberation and exploration (i.e. art history, art criticism, and
art theory) to mediate its boundaries. This distinction
may be applied to objects or performances, current or historical, and its prestige extends to those who made, found,
exhibit, or own them. In the modern use of the word,
art is commonly understood to be the process or result
Science
of making material works that, from concept to creation,
adhere to the creative impulse of human beings. Art
Main article: Science
is distinguished from other works by being in large part
unprompted by necessity, by biological drive, or by any
Another unique aspect of human culture and thought undisciplined pursuit of recreation.
is the development of complex methods for acquiring Music is a natural intuitive phenomenon based on the
knowledge through observation and quantication. The three distinct and interrelated organization structures
scientic method has been developed to acquire knowl- of rhythm, harmony, and melody. Listening to muedge of the physical world and the rules, processes and sic is perhaps the most common and universal form
principles of which it consists, and combined with math- of entertainment, while learning and understanding it
ematics it enables the prediction of complex patterns of are popular disciplines. There are a wide variety of
causality and consequence. Some other animals are able music genres and ethnic musics. Literature, the body
to recognize dierences in small quantities, but humans of writtenand possibly oralworks, especially creative
are able to understand and recognize much larger, even ones, includes prose, poetry and drama, both ction and

2.10. HUMAN
non-ction. Literature includes such genres as epic, legend, myth, ballad, and folklore.

2.10.7

See also

Human impact on the environment

2.10.8

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2.10.9 Further reading


Freeman, Scott; Jon C. Herron, Evolutionary Analysis (4th ed.) Pearson Education, Inc., 2007. ISBN
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[202] Smith, Anthony D. (1999) Myths and Memories of the


Nation. Oxford University Press. pp.47
[203] Banton, Michael. (2007) Weber on Ethnic Communities:
A critique. Nations and Nationalism 13 (1), 2007, 1935.
[204] Delanty,Gerard & Krishan Kumar (2006) The SAGE
Handbook of Nations and Nationalism. SAGE. ISBN
1412901014 p. 171
[205] Ronald Cohen 1978 Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in
Anthropology in Annual Review of Anthropology 7: 383
Palo Alto: Stanford University Press
[206] Thomas Hylland Eriksen (1993) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. London: Pluto Press

2.10.10 External links


Archaeology Info
Homo sapiens The Smithsonian Institutions Human Origins Program
Homo sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 at the Encyclopedia
of Life
View the human genome on Ensembl

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Weber, 1918. Retrieved March 17, 2006.
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Aairs, Sep/Oct 2006

2.11 Interpersonal relationship

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(1994). African Homo erectus: old radiometric ages
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doi:10.1126/science.8009220. PMID 8009220.

An interpersonal relationship is a strong, deep, or


close association or acquaintance between two or more
people that may range in duration from brief to enduring. This association may be based on inference, love,
solidarity, regular business interactions, or some other
type of social commitment. Interpersonal relationships
are formed in the context of social, cultural and other inuences. The context can vary from family or kinship
relations, friendship, marriage, relations with associates,
work, clubs, neighborhoods, and places of worship. They
may be regulated by law, custom, or mutual agreement,
and are the basis of social groups and society as a whole.

[210] Balter M (2009). Clothes Make the (Hu) Man. Science 325 (5946): 1329. doi:10.1126/science.325_1329a.
PMID 19745126.
[211] Kvavadze E, Bar-Yosef O, Belfer-Cohen A, Boaretto
E,Jakeli N, Matskevich Z, Meshveliani T. (2009).30,000Year-Old Wild Flax Fibers Science 325(5946)
1359. doi:10.1126/science.1175404 PMID 19745144
Supporting Online Material
[212] Margo DeMello (2007). Encyclopedia of Body Adornment. ABC-CLIO. pp. 17. ISBN 978-0-313-33695-9.
Retrieved 6 April 2012.

2.11.1 Field of study

The study of interpersonal relationships involves several


branches of the social sciences, including such disciplines as sociology, communication studies, psychology,
[214] Boyer, Pascal (2008).
Being human: Religion: anthropology, and social work. Interpersonal skills are
bound to believe?". Nature 455 (7216): 10381039. vital when trying to develop a relationship with another
doi:10.1038/4551038a. PMID 18948934.
person. The scientic study of relationships evolved durand came to be referred to as 'relationship
[215] Emmons, Robert A.; Paloutzian, Raymond F. ing the 1990s
[1]
which
distinguishes itself from anecdotal evscience',
(2003).
The psychology of religion.
Annual Review of Psychology 54 (1):
377402. idence or pseudo-experts by basing conclusions on data
doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145024. PMID and objective analysis. Interpersonal ties are also a sub12171998.
ject in mathematical sociology.[2]
[213] Evolutionary Religious Studies: A New Field of Scientic Inquiry.

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP

2.11.2

Importance

Human beings are innately social and are shaped by their


experiences with others. There are multiple perspectives
to understand this inherent motivation to interact with
others.

Need to belong
According to Maslows hierarchy of needs, humans need
to feel love (sexual/nonsexual) and acceptance from social groups (family, peer groups). In fact, the need to belong is so innately ingrained that it may be strong enough
to overcome physiological and safety needs, such as childrens attachment to abusive parents or staying in abusive
romantic relationships. Such examples illustrate the extent to which the psychobiological drive to belong is entrenched.

Social exchange
Another way to appreciate the importance of relationships is in terms of a reward framework. This perspective suggests that individuals engage in relations that are
rewarding in both tangible and intangible ways. The concept ts into a larger theory of social exchange. This theory is based on the idea that relationships develop as a
result of cost-benet analysis. Individuals seek out rewards in interactions with others and are willing to pay a
cost for said rewards. In the best-case scenario, rewards
will exceed costs, producing a net gain. This can lead
to shopping around or constantly comparing alternatives to maximize the benets (rewards) while minimizing costs.

Relational self
Relationships are also important for their ability to help
individuals develop a sense of self. The relational self
is the part of an individuals self-concept that consists
of the feelings and beliefs that one has regarding oneself that develops based on interactions with others.[3] In
other words, ones emotions and behaviors are shaped by
prior relationships. Thus, relational self theory posits that
prior and existing relationships inuence ones emotions
and behaviors in interactions with new individuals, particularly those individuals that remind him or her of others
in his or her life. Studies have shown that exposure to
someone who resembles a signicant other activates specic self-beliefs, changing how one thinks about oneself
in the moment more so than exposure to someone who
does not resemble ones signicant other.[4]

119

2.11.3 Stages
Interpersonal relationships are dynamic systems that
change continuously during their existence. Like living
organisms, relationships have a beginning, a lifespan, and
an end. They tend to grow and improve gradually, as people get to know each other and become closer emotionally, or they gradually deteriorate as people drift apart,
move on with their lives and form new relationships with
others. One of the most inuential models of relationship development was proposed by psychologist George
Levinger.[5] This model was formulated to describe heterosexual, adult romantic relationships, but it has been
applied to other kinds of interpersonal relations as well.
According to the model, the natural development of a relationship follows ve stages:
1. Acquaintance and acquaintanceship Becoming acquainted depends on previous relationships, physical proximity, rst impressions, and a variety of
other factors. If two people begin to like each other,
continued interactions may lead to the next stage,
but acquaintance can continue indenitely. Another
example is association.
2. Buildup During this stage, people begin to trust
and care about each other. The need for intimacy,
compatibility and such ltering agents as common
background and goals will inuence whether or not
interaction continues.
3. Continuation This stage follows a mutual
commitment to quite a strong and close longterm friendships, romantic relationship, or even
marriage. It is generally a long, relative stable
period. Nevertheless, continued growth and development will occur during this time. Mutual trust is
important for sustaining the relationship.
4. Deterioration Not all relationships deteriorate, but
those that do tend to show signs of trouble. Boredom, resentment, and dissatisfaction may occur, and
individuals may communicate less and avoid selfdisclosure. Loss of trust and betrayals may take
place as the downward spiral continues, eventually
ending the relationship. (Alternately, the participants may nd some way to resolve the problems
and reestablish trust and belief in others.)
5. Termination The nal stage marks the end of the
relationship, either by breakups, death, or by spatial separation for quite some time and severing all
existing ties of either friendship or romantic love.
Friendships may involve some degree of transitivity. In
other words, a person may become a friend of an existing friends friend. However, if two people have a sexual relationship with the same person, they may become
competitors rather than friends. Accordingly, sexual behavior with the sexual partner of a friend may damage

120

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES

the friendship (see love triangle). Sexual activities be- in LDRs are actually more satised with their relationtween two friends tend to alter that relationship, either by ships compared to individuals in PRs (Staord, 2005).
taking it to the next level or by severing it.
This can be explained by unique aspects of the LDRs,
how the individuals use relationship maintenance behavA list of interpersonal skills includes:
iors, and the attachment styles of the individuals in the
relationships. Therefore, the costs and benets of the re Verbal communication What we say and how we lationship are subjective to the individual, and recent resay it.
search implies that people in LDRs tend to report lower
Nonverbal communication What we communicate costs and higher rewards in their relationship compared
to PRs (Staord, 2005).
without words, body language is an example.
Listening skills How we interpret both the verbal
2.11.5
and non-verbal messages sent by others.

Flourishing, budding, blooming,


blossoming relationships

Negotiation Working with others to nd a mutually


agreeable outcome.
Positive psychologists use the various terms ourish Problem solving Working with others to identify, ing, budding, blooming, blossoming relationships to
describe interpersonal relationships that are not merely
dene and solve problems.
happy, but instead characterized by intimacy, growth, and
[6]
Decision making Exploring and analysing options resilience. Flourishing relationships also allow a dynamic balance between focus on the intimate relationto make sound decisions.
ships and focus on other social relationships.
Assertiveness Communicating our values, ideas,
beliefs, opinions, needs and wants freely.
Background

2.11.4

Relationship satisfaction

Social exchange theory and Rusbults investment model


shows that relationship satisfaction is based on three
factors: rewards, costs, and comparison levels (Miller,
2012). Rewards refer to any aspects of the partner or
relationship that are positive. Adversely, costs are the
negative or unpleasant aspects of the partner or their relationship. Comparison level includes what each partner
expects of the relationship. The comparison level is inuenced by past relationships, and general relationship expectations they are taught by family and friends.
There is research showing that individuals in long distance relationship, LDRs, rated their relationships as
more satisfying than individuals in proximal relationship,
PRs (Staord, & Reske, 1990; Staord, 2005). Alternatively, Holt and Stone (1988) found that long distance
couples who were able to meet with their partner at least
once a month had similar satisfaction levels to unmarried
couples who cohabitated. Also, the relationship satisfaction was lower for members of LDRs who saw their partner less frequently than once a month. Agreeing with Holt
and Stone was Guldner and Swenson (1995), who found
that LDR couples reported same level of relationship satisfaction as couples in PRs, despite only seeing each other
on average once every 23 days.
Social exchange theory and the investment model both
theorize that relationships that are high in costs would
be less satisfying than relationships that are low in costs.
LDRs have a higher level of costs than PRs, therefore, one
would assume that LDRs are less satisfying than PRs. As
previously stated, current research shows that individuals

While traditional psychologists specializing in close relationships have focused on relationship dysfunction,
positive psychology argues that relationship health is not
merely the absence of relationship dysfunction.[7] Healthy
relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachment and are maintained with love and purposeful positive relationship behaviors. Additionally, healthy relationships can be made to ourish. Positive psychologists are exploring what makes existing relationships
ourish and what skills can be taught to partners to enhance their existing and future personal relationships. A
social skills approach posits that individuals dier in their
degree of communication skill, which has implications
for their relationships. Relationships in which partners
possess and enact relevant communication skills are more
satisfying and stable than relationships in which partners
lack appropriate communication skills.[8]
Adult attachment and attachment theory Healthy
relationships are built on a foundation of secure attachments. Adult attachment models represent an internal set
of expectations and preferences regarding relationship intimacy that guide behavior.[7] Secure adult attachment,
characterized by low attachment-related avoidance and
anxiety, has numerous benets. Within the context of
safe, secure attachments, people can pursue optimal human functioning and ourishing.[7] This is because social acts that reinforce feelings of attachment also stimulate the release of neurotransmitters such as oxytocin and
endorphin, which alleviate stress and create feelings of
contentment.[9] Attachment theory can also be used as a
means of explaining adult relationships.[10]

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP


Secure attachment styles are characterized by low avoidance of intimacy and low anxiety over abandonment.
Secure individuals are comfortable with intimacy and
interdependence, and are usually optimistic and social
in everyday life. Securely attached individuals usually
use their partners for emotion regulation so they prefer to have their partners in close proximity (Conde,
Figueiredo, & Bifulco, 2011; Miller, 2012). Preoccupied
individuals tend to be low on avoidance of intimacy and
high on anxiety about abandonment. Preoccupied people are normally uneasy and vigilant towards any threat
to the relationship and tend to be needy and jealous. Dismissing individuals are low on anxiety over abandonment
and high in avoidance of intimacy. Dismissing people are
usually self-reliant and uninterested in intimacy, and are
independent and indierent towards acquiring romantic
partners (Chopik, Edelstein, & Fraley, 2013). Fearful
attachment styled individuals are high in avoidance of
intimacy and high in anxiety over abandonment, which
means they rarely allow themselves to be in relationships,
and if they do get into one, are very anxious about losing
the partner. They are very fearful of rejection, mistrustful of others, and tend to be suspicious and shy in everyday life. Attachment styles are created during childhood
but can adapt and evolve to become a dierent attachment style based on individual experiences (Chopik et
al., 2013). A bad breakup or a bad romantic situation
can change someone from being in a secure attachment
to insecure. On the contrary, a good romantic relationship can take a person from an avoidant attachment style
to more of a secure attachment style.
Romantic love Main article: Romantic love
The capacity for love gives depth to human relationships,
brings people closer to each other physically and emotionally, and makes people think expansively about themselves and the world.[7]
Stages of romantic interpersonal relationships can also be
characterized more generally by the following: attraction; initiation; development; sustaining vs. terminating.
Attraction Premeditated or automatic, attraction can occur between acquaintances, coworkers,
lovers, etc., be based on sexual arousal, intellectual stimulation, or respect. Studies have shown
that attraction can be susceptible to inuence based
on context and externally induced arousal, with the
caveat that participants be unaware of the source
of their arousal. A study by Cantor, J. R., Bryant,
J., & Zillmann, D. (1975), induced arousal through
physical exercise and found that participants rated
erotic pictures highly 4 min post-exercise (when no
longer realized aroused by exercise) than either immediately after (when arousal and awareness were
greater) or 10 minutes later (when exercise-induced

121
arousal had dissipated). As supported by a series
of studies, Zillman and colleagues showed that a
preexisting state of arousal can heighten reactions
to aective stimuli.[11] A classic study by Dutton
& Aron (1974) showed that fear arousal from suspension bridges leads to higher attraction ratings by
males of a female confederate.[12]
Initiation There are several catalysts in the initiation of a new relationship. One commonly studied
factor is physical proximity (also known as propinquity). The MIT Westgate studies famously showed
that greater physical proximity between incoming
students in a university residential hall led to greater
relationship initiation. More specically, only 10%
of those living on opposite ends of Westgate West
considered each other friends while more than 40%
of those living in adjacent apartments considered
each other friends.[13] The theory behind this effect is that proximity facilitates chance encounters,
which lead to initiation of new relationships. This
is closely related to the mere exposure eect, which
states that the more an individual is exposed to a
person or object, the more s/he likes it. Another important factor in the initiation of new relationships
is similarity. Put simply, individuals tend to be attracted to and start new relationships with those who
are similar to them. These similarities can include
beliefs, rules, interests, culture, education, etc. Individuals seek relationships with like others because
like others are most likely to validate shared beliefs
and perspectives, thus facilitating interactions that
are positive, rewarding and without conict.
Development Development of interpersonal relationships can be further split into committed versus non-committed romantic relationships, which
have dierent behavioral characteristics. In a study
by Miguel & Buss (2011), men and women were
found to dier in a variety of mate-retention strategies depending on whether their romantic relationships were committed or not. More committed relationships by both genders were characterized by
greater resource display, appearance enhancement,
love and care, and verbal signs of possession. In contrast, less committed relationships by both genders
were characterized by greater jealousy induction. In
terms of gender dierences, men used greater resource display than women, who used more appearance enhancement as a mate-retention strategy than
men.[14]
Sustaining vs. terminating After a relationship
has had time to develop, it enters into a phase where
it will be sustained if it is not otherwise terminated.
Some important qualities of strong, enduring relationships include emotional understanding and effective communication between partners. Research

122

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


has also shown that idealization of ones partner is
linked to stronger interpersonal bonds. Idealization
is the pattern of overestimating a romantic partners
positive virtues or underestimating a partners negative faults in comparison to the partners own selfevaluation. In general, individuals who idealize their
romantic partners tend to report higher levels of relationship satisfaction.[15] Other research has examined the impact of joint activity on relationship quality. In particular, studies have shown that romantic
partners that engage in a novel and exciting physical activity together are more likely to report higher
levels of relationship satisfaction than partners that
complete a mundane activity.[16]

are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence and seniors have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. A focus on mutuality is prevalent in
East Asian cultures to this day.
Minding relationships The mindfulness theory of relationships shows how closeness in relationships may be
enhanced. Minding is the reciprocal knowing process
involving the nonstop, interrelated thoughts, feelings, and
behaviors of persons in a relationship.[20] Five components of minding include:[7]
1. Knowing and being known: seeking to understand
the partner

In his triangular theory of love, psychologist Robert


2. Making relationship-enhancing attributions for beSternberg theorizes that love is a mix of three comhaviors: giving the benet of the doubt
ponents: some (1) passion, or physical attraction; (2)
3. Accepting and respecting: empathy and social skills
intimacy, or feelings of closeness; and (3) commitment,
involving the decision to initiate and sustain a relation4. Maintaining reciprocity: active participation in reship. The presence of all three components characterizes
lationship enhancement
consummate love, the most durable type of love. In addition, the presence of intimacy and passion in marital rela5. Continuity in minding: persisting in mindfulness
tionships predicts marital satisfaction. Also, commitment
is the best predictor of relationship satisfaction, especially in long-term relationships. Positive consequences Theory of intertype relationships Socionics has proof being in love include increased self-esteem and self- posed a theory of intertype relationships between psychological types based on a modied version of C.G.
ecacy.[7]
Jung's theory of psychological types. Communication beReferring to the emotion of love, Psychiatrist Daniel Cas- tween types is described using the concept of information
riel dened the logic of love as the logic of pleasure metabolism proposed by Antoni Kpiski. Socionics aland pain in the concept of a Relationship Road Map locates 16 types of the relations from most attracthat became the foundation of PAIRS' relationship edu- tive and comfortable up to disputed. The understandcation classes.[17]
ing of a nature of these relations helps to solve a number
of problems of the interpersonal relations, including asWe are drawn to what we anticipate will
pects of psychological and sexual compatibility. The rebe a source of pleasure and will look to avoid
searches of married couples by Aleksandr Bukalov et al.,
what we anticipate will be a source of pain.
have shown that the family relations submit to the laws,
The emotion of love comes from the anticipawhich are opened by socionics. The study of socionic
tion of pleasure.[17]
type allocation in casually selected married couples conrmed the main rules of the theory of intertype relations
Based on Casriels theory, sustaining feelings of love in an in socionics.[21][22] So, the dual relations (full addition)
interpersonal relationship requires eective communi- make 45% and the intraquadral relations make 64% of
cation, emotional understanding and healthy conict res- investigated couples.
olution skills.[18]
Theories and empirical research
Confucianism Confucianism is a study and theory
of relationships especially within hierarchies.[19] Social
harmonythe central goal of Confucianismresults in
part from every individual knowing his or her place in the
social order, and playing his or her part well. Particular
duties arise from each persons particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in
several dierent relationships with dierent people: as a
junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in
relation to younger siblings, students, and others. Juniors

Culture of appreciation After studying married couples for many years, psychologist John Gottman has
proposed the theory of the magic ratio for successful marriages. The theory says that for a marriage to
be successful, couples must average a ratio of ve positive interactions to one negative interaction. As the ratio moves to 1:1, divorce becomes more likely.[7] Interpersonal interactions associated with negative relationships include criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and
stonewalling. Over time, therapy aims to turn these interpersonal strategies into more positive ones, which include complaint, appreciation, acceptance of responsibility, and self-soothing. Similarly, partners in inter-

2.11. INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIP

123

personal relationships can incorporate positive compo- social interaction. Lastly, the behavior being studied has
nents into dicult subjects in order to avoid emotional to be testable so it can be measured and manipulated, in
disconnection.[23]
order to establish reliability.[27]
In addition, Martin Seligman proposes the concept of
Active-Constructive Responding, which stresses the importance of practicing conscious attentive listening and
feedback skills. In essence, practicing this technique aims
to improve the quality of communication between members of the relationship, and in turn the gratitude expressed between said members.[24]
Capitalizing on positive events People can capitalize on positive events in an interpersonal context to
work toward ourishing relationships. People often turn
to others to share their good news (termed capitalization). Studies show that both the act of telling others
about good events and the response of the person with
whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal consequences, including increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and relationship benets including intimacy, commitment, trust,
liking, closeness, and stability.[25] Studies show that the
act of communicating positive events was associated with
increased positive eect and well-being (beyond the impact of the positive event itself). Other studies have
found that relationships in which partners responded to
good news communication enthusiastically were associated with higher relationship well-being.[26]
Other perspectives
Neurobiology of interpersonal connections
Humans are social creatures, and there is no other behavioral process that is more important than attachment. Attachment requires sensory and cognitive processing that lead to intricate motor responses. As humans, the end goal of attachment is the motivation to
acquire love, which is dierent from other animals who
just seek proximity.[27] There is an emerging body of research across multiple disciplines investigating the neurological basis of attachment and the prosocial emotions
and behaviors that are the prerequisites for healthy adult
relationships.[7] The social environment, mediated by attachment, inuences the maturation of structures in a
childs brain. This might explain how infant attachment
aects adult emotional health. Researchers are currently
investigating the link between positive caregiverchild
relationships and the development of hormone systems,
such as the hypothalamicpituitaryadrenal axis (HPA
axis) and Oxytocinergic system. In order to accurately
study the neurobiology of interpersonal connection, the
behavior must fulll three requirements. The rst is that
the behavior must have a noticeable onset so that researchers are able to examine the formation of the attachment bond or how it is inhibited. Second, the behavior must be selective in order dierentiate it from normal

The motherinfant attachment Key biological


factors have emerged that can explain the motivation behind maternal caregiving behavior in humans
and mammals. However, it does dier from species
to species, due to that some species only exhibit maternal care postpartum, others exhibit it only slightly
and some are very maternal.[27] Two main neuroendocrine systems that revolved around Oxytocin and
Dopamine,[28] and another neuropeptide, prolactin
are directly involved as mediators of maternal
care.[27] The motherinfant bond is so complex and
strong due to these biological systems, that a response to maternal separation exists. The response
to separation is due to the withdrawal of several
dierent components from behavioral and biological systems. Separation anxiety, the psychological
term that describes the response that occurs when
an infant is separated from the mother, causes loss
of those components, as seen in studies done with
rats.[29]
1. Oxytocinergic system Oxytocin is a peptide hormone produced in the hypothalamus that is passed
through the posterior pituitary gland into the bloodstream. Oxytocin acts on the mammary glands and
uterine muscles to stimulate the secretion of milk
and uterine contractions during childbirth. However, it is a crucial factor in many aspects of social bonding,specically the onset of the mother
infant attachment bond.[28] It acts on the medial preoptic area (MPOA) and the ventral tegmental area
(VTA) in the brain which are critical for integration
of sensory information in maternal care.[27] Oxytocin plays a key role in physical proximity and nurturing care and leads (as shown in studies with rats)
the mother to go from avoiding behavior to caring
for their young. Oxytocin knockout rats or injection of an oxytocin receptor antagonist will lead to
neglect of the infant or pup.[28] In mammals, the development of the Oxytocinergic system has led to
the basis of the motherinfant attachment.
2. Dopaminergic system Dopamine is a
neurotransmitter that aects behavior in not
just the mother but in the ospring as well.
Dopamine is essential in for reinforcing behavior
that gives us pleasure because it is part of the
limbic system that deals with emotion. Therefore,
it is able to stimulate responsive maternal care
and reinforce attachment.
Understanding the
dopaminergic system is important because it could
make the dierence between maternal neglect and
nurture.[28]
3. Prolactin As seen in lesion studies of rats pro-

124

CHAPTER 2. SUPPORTING ARTICLES


lactin, which is also involved in lactation, is important in encouraging maternal behavior. Decreasing
the levels of prolactin or lack of the receptor of prolactin leads to inhibition of maternal care in rats.

Relationship status
Relationship forming
Socionics

Adultadult pair bond formation Oxytocin and


vasopressin play a crucial part in the process of 2.11.7 References
bond formation of mates. Vasopressin is a peptide
hormone whose main function is to retain water in [1] Berscheid, Ellen (April 1999). The greening of relationship science. American Psychologist. 4 54 (4): 260266.
the body, and is also known as antidiuretic hordoi:10.1037/0003-066X.54.4.260. PMID 10217995.
mone (ADH). Pair bonding is studied using voles
and it has been found that injection of both hor[2] Berscheid, E., & Peplau, L.A. (1983). The emerging scimones stimulates the behavioral responses needed
ence of relationships. In H.H. Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close
in pair bond formation, even when mating hasn't
relationships. (pp. 119). New York: W.H. Freeman and
occurred.[27] These results are also proven when inCompany.
jection of receptor antagonists of this hormones in[3] Andersen, S. M., & Chen, S. (2002). The relational self:
hibits mating and necessary behaviors.
The ability to study the biological processes behind attachment allows scientists to be able to understand the
fundamental levels to makeup a psychological construct.
It provides a link between a psychological concept and
its physiological foundation.[29]
Applications
Researchers are developing an approach to couples therapy that moves partners from patterns of repeated conict to patterns of more positive, comfortable exchanges.
Goals of therapy include development of social and interpersonal skills. Expressing gratitude and sharing appreciation for a partner is the primary means for creating
a positive relationship. Positive marital counseling also
emphasizes mindfulness. The further study of ourishing relationships could shape the future of premarital and
marital counseling as well.[7]
Controversies

an interpersonal social-cognitive theory. Psychological


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[4] Hinkley, K., & Andersen, S. M. (1996). The working
self-concept in transference: signicant-other activation
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[5] Levinger, G. (1983). Development and change. In H.H.
Kelley, et al. (Eds.), Close relationships. (pp. 315359).
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[6] Fincham, F.D., & Beach, S.R.H. (2010). Of Memes and
Marriage: Toward a Positive Relationship Science. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 2, 424.
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[8] Burleson; Samter (AprilJune 2009). Communication
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[9] Poqurusse, Jessie. The Neuroscience of Sharing. Retrieved 16 August 2012.

Some researchers criticize positive psychology for [10] Hazan, Cindy; Shaver, Phillip R. (1994). Attachment
as an Organizational Framework for Research on Close
studying positive processes in isolation from negative
Relationships. Psychological Inquiry: an International
[30]
processes.
Positive psychologists argue that positive
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each other.[31]
[11] Cantor, J. R., Zillmann, D., & Bryant, J. (1975). En-

2.11.6

See also

Breadwinner model
Intimate relationship
Interpersonal attraction
Interpersonal tie
Outline of relationships

hancement of experienced sexual arousal in response to


erotic stimuli through misattribution of unrelated residual
excitation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
32(1), 69.
[12] Dutton, D. G., & Aron, A. P. (1974). Some evidence for
heightened sexual attraction under conditions of high anxiety. Journal of personality and social psychology, 30(4),
510.
[13] Festinger, L., Back, K. W., & Schachter, S. (1950). Social
pressures in informal groups: A study of human factors in
housing (No. 3). Stanford University Press.

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[14] de Miguel, A., & Buss, D. M. (2011). Mate retention tactics in Spain: Personality, sex dierences, and relationship status. Journal of personality, 79(3), 563-586.
[15] Murray, S. L., Holmes, J. G., & Grin, D. W. (1996).
The benets of positive illusions: Idealization and the construction of satisfaction in close relationships. Journal of
personality and social psychology, 70(1), 79.
[16] Aron, A., Norman, C. C., Aron, E. N., McKenna, C.,
& Heyman, R. E. (2000). Couples shared participation
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[17] Casriel, Daniel (1976). A Scream Away from Happiness.
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[18] Eisenberg, Seth; PAIRS Foundation (2007). PAIRS Essentials. Florida: PAIRS Foundation. p. 72. ISBN
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[19] Richey, Je (2011). Confucius. iep.utm.edu. Internet
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[20] John H. Harvey, J.H., & Pauwels, B.G. (2009). Relationship Connection: A Redux on the Role of Minding and the
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2.11.8 External links


Media related to Relationships at Wikimedia Commons
The dictionary denition of interpersonal at Wiktionary
Quotations related to Interpersonal relationship at
Wikiquote
Learning materials related to interpersonal relationships at Wikiversity

Chapter 3

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KPH2293, BenoniBot~enwiki, Maelgwnbot, Correogsk, Fullobeans, Seeker400, Latics, Maralia, Superbeecat, Denisarona, Eyeintheskye,
Atif.t2, Aandjnmr, Iammargi, Church, Martarius, ClueBot, Deviator13, Avenged Eightfold, PipepBot, The Thing That Should Not Be,
Kafka Liz, Arkalochori, Vallegrande, Brandon1000000, CounterVandalismBot, Parkwells, Neverquick, Puchiko, Chris Kutler, Mackstar1,
Awickert, Robert Skyhawk, Verticalsearch, Alexbot, Jusdafax, Bruceanthro, Techbo, Rhododendrites, Cenarium, Arjayay, DeltaQuad,
CBAHeadofInfo, Man from the Ministry, Calor, Thingg, Aitias, Artifact collector101010, Berean Hunter, SoxBot III, Keyzi, Vanished
user uih38riiw4hjlsd, DumZiBoT, Heironymous Rowe, XLinkBot, Pichpich, Nathan Johnson, Jytdog, Stickee, Rror, Mynameis123456789,
Avoided, Billwhittaker, Patellokesh, Alexius08, Hjarvis, Jabberwoch, Yes, I'm A Scientist, Elrodriguez, Haroldbethwelsh, Some jerk on the
Internet, DOI bot, Dawynn, Dogofthedesert, Mabdul, Lithoderm, D0762, Leszek Jaczuk, Skyezx, MrOllie, Shanghai2008~enwiki, AnnaFrance, Favonian, Setanta747, Tassedethe, Alanscottwalker, Tide rolls, Gail, Greyhood, Margin1522, Luckas-bot, TheSuave, Mooretwin,
TaBOT-zerem, Mauler90, Naudefjbot~enwiki, Namdurclark, Anypodetos, AmeliorationBot,
, TestEditBot, MacTire02, Synchronism, AnomieBOT, Dune Sherban, DemocraticLuntz, Mitchbas, Kristen Eriksen, Jim1138, Galoubet, Ipatrol, AdjustShift, Zacherystaylor, Pr772, VladJ92, ImperatorExercitus, Citation bot, Jtamad, Raven1977, MauritsBot, Xqbot, Wayne Roberson, Austin, Texas, Poetaris,
Jmc6977, Nasnema, Paleodigitalist, J04n, GrouchoBot, Abce2, ProtectionTaggingBot, Omnipaedista, Mathonius, Shadowjams, Haploidavey, FrescoBot, Tangent747, Saha7, Tobby72, Archaeodontosaurus, VI, Callinthepope, Gourami Watcher, Anthonycorns, Citation bot
1, jlfr, Simple Bob, Poolguy613, Flint McRae, Steve Welton, Gautier lebon, Pinethicket, Andrea20~enwiki, Contrebast, Jackrace,
Calmer Waters, A8UDI, OscarKosy, SpaceFlight89, 888 terrorist 888, Sujatha1174, Jonkerz, Lotje, Vrenator, Consultant09, Benskingtut,
Eciencyjacky154, Spn0910, Reaper Eternal, Anu826, Diannaa, Tbhotch, James kolkata, Reach Out to the Truth, Luharring, Obsidian
Soul, The Utahraptor, Meowsaidthecow, RjwilmsiBot, Sammydizzle88, Black85ball, DASHBot, EmausBot, Acather96, Gfoley4, Jauche
vs. Mist, GoingBatty, Heljqfy, Ebe123, NotAnonymous0, Wikipelli, WittyMan1986, Dale.tersey, F, Parsonscat, Jascabaco, Sssy13, Dffgd, Kiwi128, MythMe23, MarinaMichaels, Dacosta rafael, Aidarzver, Noodleki, Reigen, Donner60, Archaeology-excavations, Archaeologist44, Tot12, Desdecado, Wakebrdkid, Brigade Piron, Teapeat, SgftdsA, Miradre, ClueBot NG, Jack Greenmaven, Nantennis, Hyugopdrt,
NordhornerII, S.dugan.iverson, RachaelLibrarian, FelixtheBear, KKennedy87, Hazhk, Rezabot, PatHadley, Helpful Pixie Bot, DBigXray,
Jeraphine Gryphon, BG19bot, Ethanrobots, Roberticus, Scottaleger, Phillip125, Chess, Furkhaocean, Moonlightpegasus, Iselilja, Mpgviolist, PhnomPencil, ElphiBot, Frze, Chombor, CitationCleanerBot, Jinhl, Hws111, Jayadevp13, Gcr114, Glacialfox, Achowat, 1boulder,
Uberstadt, Dan071, Anthrophilos, Joelbennettsa, Jesspower1, ChrisGualtieri, Soilcare, The Heakes, EuroCarGT, MadGuy7023, Enhed,
Dantes1829, Kumioko, Dexbot, Koltuk, Lugia2453, Jamesx12345, Sai Ganesh Popuri, Telfordbuck, Dudesup, Schrauwers, CsDix, Svnti
fav, JamesMoose, Everymorning, Vedhika, Ugog Nizdast, Heritagedailyuk, Vinny Lam, Erkjhgiushfbnkj.xcvns, Mrsdevantier, Blahblahjb123, Tyrannical95, Ethically Yours, Mahusha, Nickiroo8345, Moscarelli65, Kkiiaannaa, Spezigirl, SantiLak, 221btardisisnotonre, Prisencolinensinainciusol, Tryn, SSEEGGilbert, Brianthorpe2424, The swag ranger, Dt Mos Ios, Sfuarchaeology, Physicsmathftw,
Ebonystorm23, Kashish Arora, Trollolololololololol101010120101, Triplestep89, WyattAlex, GangGangQuokka2, Degenerate prodigy,
Futuristech (Jesse Penix), Squiver, KasparBot, Sweepy and Anonymous: 993
Cultural anthropology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_anthropology?oldid=671152358 Contributors: The Epopt,
Slrubenstein, Andre Engels, Netesq, Youandme, Michael Hardy, Dori, Glenn, Dpol, Agtx, N-true, Pedant17, Shizhao, Penfold, AlexPlank,
Robbot, Astronautics~enwiki, Babbage, Sunray, Davidcannon, Alan Liefting, Andycjp, Piotrus, Neutrality, Jfpierce, D6, EugeneZelenko,
Francis Schonken, Westendgirl, LindsayH, El C, Nectarowed, Viriditas, Maurreen, Stephen Bain, Weft, Alex '05, Snowolf, Birdmessenger,
Versageek, Sars~enwiki, Woohookitty, Jannex, Palica, Graham87, Cuchullain, BD2412, FreplySpang, Mayumashu, Quiddity, Stilgar135,
HappyCamper, Kalogeropoulos, Pavlo Shevelo, Chobot, Gdrbot, Roboto de Ajvol, YurikBot, Wavelength, Jhbeck23, Pigman, NawlinWiki, Welsh, Jpbowen, Lipothymia, Maunus, CQ, Zzuuzz, SMcCandlish, GrinBot~enwiki, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, Tarret, Wegesrand,
Gilliam, Mdscher, TheLeopard, Hongooi, Gypsyheart, Mladilozof, Labattblueboy, Maksim-bot, Salt Yeung, Dkusic~enwiki, Clicketyclack, Robotforaday, Codestream, Ergative rlt, Mathsci, Yw16, DabMachine, Iridescent, Hculbert, CapitalR, Tawkerbot2, Ranahki,
Pink Fae, CmdrObot, Penbat, Rsage, Headbomb, CharlotteWebb, Escarbot, WinBot, QuiteUnusual, JAnDbot, Xeno, Douglas R. White,
Efedula, Media anthro, Dalejarvis, J.delanoy, Charles D. Laughlin, Miya100, Stormn, NewEnglandYankee, Inwind, Idioma-bot, Spellcast,
Tertulius, DoorsAjar, Moogwrench, Tomsega, Room429, Gamsbart, PokeYourHeadO, Humboldt, Meldor, Yintan, Lightmouse, DancingPhilosopher, Mr. Stradivarius, Explicit, Tanvir Ahmmed, ClueBot, SummerWithMorons, The Thing That Should Not Be, Edits here and
there, Drmies, SuperHamster, Parkwells, Ordinaterr, Boneyard90, Excirial, Nightop, Estirabot, Aleksd, Another Believer, Taranet, Shaijugt, Feministo, Lauren clark, Kolobok316, SpillingBot, OliverTwisted, Thkim75, LaaknorBot, Tassedethe, Brainmachine, Catsquisher,
Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Pink!Teen, Fraggle81, TaBOT-zerem, Magog the Ogre, AnomieBOT, Rubinbot, AdjustShift, Materialscientist, ArthurBot, Xqbot, Omnipaedista, Canto2009, FrescoBot, Nicolas Perrault III, Taishan88, Levalley, Recognizance, Kwiki, Parsonl4,
Diana LeCrois, GreenZeb, Brionthorpe, FoxBot, Juugo123, Antidiskriminator, Jimtaip, Kati17, EmausBot, Sokker30, Socant, ZroBot,
Dolovis, Moonlight8888, Miradre, ClueBot NG, Cntras, Helpful Pixie Bot, BG19bot, BendelacBOT, Snowcountry1, Mark Arsten, Civeel,
MathewTownsend, TripodPG, Anthrophilos, ChrisGualtieri, Cafemeetsmind, Codename Lisa, Kurline Ravina, Schrauwers, BreakfastJr,
ReconditeRodent, Mrm7171, Woodie Palette, Trackteur, Swiggityshiny, Juhaszpatak, KasparBot and Anonymous: 153
Cultural history Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_history?oldid=675605508 Contributors: Edward, Jahsonic, Charles

3.1. TEXT

129

Matthews, Reddi, Jm34harvey, Bloodshedder, Kizor, Goethean, Naufana, Kuralyov, Discospinster, Stbalbach, Viriditas, Maurreen, Lectonar, Headisdead, Joriki, Woohookitty, Brunnock, SCEhardt, BD2412, Daniel Collins, RJP, Ffaarr, YurikBot, RobotE, Sceptre, JarrahTree, Michael Slone, Arjuna909, Bhny, Rjensen, Alarichall, Ragesoss, Jpbowen, Number 57, Wujastyk, Nikkimaria, Closedmouth,
Katieh5584, KnightRider~enwiki, SmackBot, Unyoyega, Commander Keane bot, Gilliam, Hmains, Salvor, Oatmeal batman, Jwy, Frokor,
MTSbot~enwiki, Themightyquill, Warhorus, Brainybear, Thijs!bot, Biruitorul, Bobblehead, Alphachimpbot, Phanerozoic, MikeLynch,
Athkalani~enwiki, The Transhumanist, Froid, Mausy5043, HarZim, LordAnubisBOT, STBotD, Geekdiva, TXiKiBoT, Broadbot, Logan,
BotMultichill, ClueBot, SummerWithMorons, TheOldJacobite, Joeydakilla, Parkwells, Aleksd, Addbot, WikiUserPedia, Tassedethe, Ptbotgourou, Piano non troppo, Xqbot, RibotBOT, Cunibertus, HRoestBot, LittleWink, Xavier Bell, 777sms, Truelight234, Oswaldoalvizarb,
GrindtXX, L Kensington, EdoBot, ClueBot NG, Loves1011, Helpful Pixie Bot, Justincheng12345-bot, EHaldon, Makecat-bot, Lugia2453,
Tentinator, Dt Mos Ios and Anonymous: 41
Diaspora Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diaspora?oldid=674181451 Contributors: Kpjas, Uriyan, Bryan Derksen, Jeronimo,
DanKeshet, Ed Poor, Youssefsan, Rgamble, Fubar Obfusco, Roadrunner, Stevertigo, Michael Hardy, Llywrch, Jtdirl, Matthewmayer,
Paul A, Ahoerstemeier, Uriber, Csh, Magnus.de, C Fenijn, Joy, Adam Carr, Pollinator, Robbot, Dale Arnett, Astronautics~enwiki,
ChrisO~enwiki, Donreed, Moncrief, Moondyne, Dittaeva, Mathieugp, Modulatum, Rorro, SchmuckyTheCat, DHN, Benc, Mushroom,
Dmn, Tobias Bergemann, Davidcannon, Philwelch, Wwoods, Node ue, Manuel Anastcio, Andycjp, Beland, Brucemcdon, Tal642, Piotrus,
Kusunose, Jossi, 1297, Rdsmith4, Mysidia, SimonLyall, Huaiwei, Neutrality, Deeceevoice, Bluemask, Jayjg, Sysy, Funkelnagelneu, Chris j
wood, Rich Farmbrough, Shermozle, Pedant, Commonbrick, Aecis, Borofkin, El C, Chairboy, Jpgordon, Guettarda, Bobo192, Longhair, El
Moro, BrokenSegue, SpeedyGonsales, Chad A. Woodburn, Pharos, Irishpunktom, Stephen Bain, Carbon Caryatid, Ronline, Tgrain, Hoary,
Goodoldpolonius2, Phocks, EmmetCauleld, SidP, Jheald, Tony Sidaway, Soomaali, Sciurin, SteinbDJ, Instantnood, Richard Arthur Norton (1958- ), OwenX, Woohookitty, Sburke, Je3000, Denge, Feldmarschall, Tabletop, Macaddct1984, Xiong Chiamiov, Palica, Junjk,
Graham87, BD2412, DJ Silversh, Dvyost, Solace098, Rjwilmsi, Mayumashu, Carwil, Koavf, Enzedbrit, Amire80, Peripatetic, Brighterorange, Williamborg, Miskin, FlaBot, Ian Pitchford, Ground Zero, Nihiltres, Hottentot, Gurch, Pinkville, Aaronw, Bartok01, Idaltu, Chobot,
Raymond Cruise, Benlisquare, Ariasne, YurikBot, Wavelength, Retaggio, Alma Pater, Cabiria, Bungleman~enwiki, RussBot, Fabartus,
Hede2000, Bhny, Eupator, Alex Bakharev, DJ Bungi, Pterodactyler, Rjensen, SimFan10076, Robert McClenon, Renata3, Kaycubs, CorbieVreccan, Maunus, Mholland, Marketdiamond, Chase me ladies, I'm the Cavalry, Vino s, Petri Krohn, Kalkim, 4shizzal, MateoP, Carlton Yates, Attilios, 6SJ7, SmackBot, Laughing Man, Unyoyega, Jagged 85, Stephensuleeman, Serte, Compay~enwiki, Jab843, Mdd4696,
Paxse, Hmains, Desiphral, Muuletta, NorbertArthur, Jero77, Chris the speller, Tlsbhaskar, Bluebot, KaragouniS, JMSwtlk, Rex Germanus, Justforasecond, Paddyman1989, Jematt, MalafayaBot, SchftyThree, MichaelWheeley, Danielcohn, Zleitzen, Snowmanradio,
ZachPruckowski, Yidisheryid, Zvar, Pascaweb, Khoikhoi, Downwards, Cordless Larry, Iblardi, Anatoly Vorobey, Josh-Levin@ieee.org,
Lord Eru, Kai Barry, Seibzehn, Springnuts, Wozocoxonoy, Epf, Kukini, Qmwne235, Kkailas, Mersperto, Kuru, Scientizzle, DIEGO RICARDO PEREIRA, Jeenuv, Kseferovic, Girmitya, SandyGeorgia, CharlesMartel, Citicat, Rick marin, Hectorian, Hboss, Joseph Solis
in Australia, Lenoxus, Rattatosk, Avg, Bobfrombrockley, Tom Hillstrom, Ken Gallager, Teccen, Gryakj, Cydebot, Hypercritic, Aristophanes68, 01011000, Tkynerd, Srajan01, Pediac, PKT, Thijs!bot, Barticus88, 23prootie, Keraunos, RevolverOcelotX, John254, Rare
eraR, Dcanem, Dfrg.msc, Philippe, Mentisto, Oleg Kikta, Manu bcn, Myanw, TuvicBot, JAnDbot, Dogru144, Mike D 26, Waya 5, V.
Szabolcs, PhilKnight, Dream Focus, Oktuck, Lisawomersley, MartinDK, Tukes, Appraiser, Smooth0707, Lheydon, Froid, Wanderson9,
K95, Mariapoliantseva, Dwainberg, Boob, NoychoH, Angrycrustacean, Talon Artaine, JaGa, Baristarim, Pax:Vobiscum, Gun Powder Ma,
Hdt83, Rettetast, R'n'B, Benkwood, Gerashsucks, LedgendGamer, Mausy5043, Artaxiad, J.delanoy, Maurice Carbonaro, WeaverBird, Century0, Molly-in-md, Rosenknospe, TWitts, Controlmonkey, Natl1, Bonadea, Pdcook, JavierMC, RjCan, Squids and Chips, CardinalDan,
Pco~enwiki, Idioma-bot, Bozorg, U onecrisp, TreasuryTag, Gsapient, Macedonian, Science4sail, Lognumrg, Fences and windows, Dom
Kaos, Inde2, Epson291, TXiKiBoT, BuickCenturyDriver, Rise Against713, Anonymous Dissident, Ikarushka, Crohnie, DJFrankie2468,
Lvivske, VartanM, Una Smith, DennyColt, Broadbot, Frank G Anderson, Mazi99, Billinghurst, Dirkbb, Synthebot, Falcon8765, Dark
Tea, Thanatos666, Michael Frind, Dimror, Mmarci, Xenovatis, Al Ameer son, M.V.E.i., SieBot, Lyr, PeterCanthropus, Hertz1888,
YourEyesOnly, Dawn Bard, Caltas, Smsarmad, Quest for Truth, LADave, A. Carty, Mr. Neutron, CitizenDAK, Ilhanli, YellowFlag,
Shamwari, Manstorius, Belligero, Altzinn, Jobas, Martarius, MBK004, ClueBot, Lhawrylchak, WurmWoode, RashersTierney, Francine3,
CasualObserver'48, Der Golem, Niceguyedc, Parkwells, Otolemur crassicaudatus, Nike787, Benbenjohn, Excirial, Alexbot, 7&6=thirteen, Kaiba, SchreiberBike, Bwabrass, Polly, Thomaselstedr, Piemaniscool, Haytegha, TJFox, Bcherwrmlein, DumZiBoT, BarretB,
Gerhardvalentin, ErkinBatu, Ismihanoo9, Atomicdor, Ugh3n, The Rationalist, Addbot, Saynitso, Llewelyn MT, Deepaksx, Kman543210,
Barking1, CarsracBot, CUSENZA Mario, GCaisle, LamaLoLeshLa, Meieimatai, Cub457, Lightbot, Czar Brodie, Legobot, Luckas-bot,
Yobot, Timeroot, Hilanin, Angel ivanov angelov, Wbrinkmann, Solo Zone, AnomieBOT, Noq, Rubinbot, Proger, E3spears, A123a, Citation bot, Newsradio5, Eumolpo, SeventhHell, Juhur, Xqbot, Cureden, DSisyphBot, Hokmah, Davshul, Iamregi, Anna Frodesiak, J04n,
GrouchoBot, Omnipaedista, Zarcillo, Nedim Ardoa, Mattis, Devenirchaud, Shadowjams, Alex8541, FrescoBot, Tobby72, Garant^^, Citation bot 1, Pinethicket, HRoestBot, Shanmsho, Assyrianism, RedBot, Primaler, SkyMachine, Marley2289, Lotje, Vrenator, Medizinball,
Diannaa, Bricaniwi, Ivomoregbee, TjBot, Lazypeepers, EmausBot, WikitanvirBot, Handbook3, ZiaLater, Griswaldo, 00edd, Tommy2010,
K6ka, ZroBot, Knowledge123Al, Dolovis, H3llBot, AndrewN, L0ngpar1sh, Aoc.migration, L Kensington, ShapsougSochi1864, Shrigley,
WikiCopter, Mentibot, ChuispastonBot, ReubenET, ClueBot NG, Sharktopus, Reinhard88, JakeSerb, Helpful Pixie Bot, Mr. Credible,
Gob Lofa, BG19bot, Dgdoady, Snaevar-bot, Flix11, Brooktrout51, Konullu, Jakebarrington, BattyBot, Remysam, ChrisGualtieri, TotalMAdMaN, Vivi moony, Mogism, Balakumarcbk, Kches16414, Jogiangi36, Will Soc, Danker Schaareman, Monkbot, SantiLak, Royea,
Ferdoseashraf, Celtic mickey, Borhtofja and Anonymous: 506
Economic anthropology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_anthropology?oldid=668238338 Contributors: Edward, Ihcoyc, Mydogategodshat, Morwen, Topbanana, Tanuki Z, Andycjp, Jfpierce, Jpg, Discospinster, Cretog8, Pearle, John Quiggin, RJFJR,
Woohookitty, Je3000, Mandarax, Rjwilmsi, Jrtayloriv, CJLL Wright, YurikBot, Wavelength, Adrianzenz, RussBot, Pigman, Gaius Cornelius, Exir Kamalabadi, Bota47, Silentrob, Pawyilee, Otebig, That Guy, From That Show!, MUrielw, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, Chris the
speller, Anthon.E, Nakon, Greeklamb, Ligulembot, FlyHigh, CmdrObot, Thomasmeeks, Mattisse, Headbomb, Frank, X96lee15, JAnDbot, Magioladitis, Rich257, Economo, The Future, Xtifr, MartinBot, N4nojohn, Erpava, Idioma-bot, Funandtrvl, Thewolf37, Sreicher,
Bawm79, Mchibnik, AlleborgoBot, SieBot, Skipsievert, Aspects, DancingPhilosopher, ClueBot, Tomas e, Parkwells, BRahn, Lbertolotti,
Hans Adler, Aleksd, Regnwurm~enwiki, Asrghasrhiojadrhr, Addbot, Oenbach, DOI bot, LaaknorBot, Tassedethe, Luckas-bot, Yobot,
Fraggle81, Eduen, AnomieBOT, Citation bot, LilHelpa, Xqbot, Crzer07, Editor br, Julien Demade, Citation bot 1, Octoghlon, Jonkerz,
EmausBot, John of Reading, GoingBatty, Frietjes, Helpful Pixie Bot, BG19bot, IjonTichyIjonTichy, Vanished user sdij4rtltkjasdk3,
Schrauwers, LeeOhRa, Dagglio, Monkbot, Jeblat, KasparBot and Anonymous: 40
Ethnobiology Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnobiology?oldid=641986298 Contributors: Edward, Lquilter, JesseW, Alan Liefting, Jokestress, CALR, LindsayH, Kwamikagami, Viriditas, Amorymeltzer, Search4Lancer, Wavelength, Hede2000, Aeusoes1, Mejor Los
Indios, Hmains, Chris the speller, Audacity, JohnI, Storm Horizon, Meco, Hu12, Rougher07, CSvBibra, Millifolium, Tchoutoye, Astavats, Eurobas, STBot, Belovedfreak, DadaNeem, SJP, DASonnenfeld, VolkovBot, AlnoktaBOT, JhsBot, KAB-J, Mazdakabedi, Sanya3,

130

CHAPTER 3. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

718 Bot, Bruceanthro, Addbot, GlennMatthewE, Lightbot, Yobot, Crzer07, SergeWoodzing, John of Reading, WikitanvirBot, Bwadman,
H3llBot, Valtermas, Lyncho Ruiz, Mallan.mallan, OakRunner, Emaregretable and Anonymous: 18
Ethnography Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnography?oldid=675608263 Contributors: Fred Bauder, Ixfd64, Mdebets, Ronz,
Fraise, Hyacinth, JorgeGG, Matt me, Sam Spade, Mirv, Sunray, GerardM, Dina, Ramir, DocWatson42, Wikilibrarian, Transmod, Ich,
DO'Neil, Jason Quinn, Jackol, Andycjp, Toytoy, Antandrus, Piotrus, Neutrality, Mschlindwein, Ukexpat, Jfpierce, D6, Discospinster, Amit
pande, MisterSheik, El C, Shanes, Guettarda, Bobo192, PeterisP, Foant, Walter Grlitz, Philip Cross, Jnothman, Velella, Ish ishwar, Nilad,
Adrian.benko, Maynich, Jonathanbishop, Taragui, RuM, Qwertyus, Rjwilmsi, Koavf, Jweiss11, FlaBot, Pavlo Shevelo, Margosbot~enwiki,
Nimur, Chobot, JarrahTree, Pigman, Stephenb, Macukali, NawlinWiki, Madcoverboy, Leutha, Tne80, Rmky87, Dkaufman1, Zwobot,
Chase me ladies, I'm the Cavalry, Wsiegmund, Wbrameld, Sardanaphalus, SmackBot, Notay, Jennab, Sebesta, Mcld, Dgilman, Gilliam,
Denisa, Chris the speller, Bluebot, Ph7ve, Colonies Chris, Andrewseal, Retinarow, Hoof Hearted, Just plain Bill, SashatoBot, Korean alpha for knowledge, Perfectblue97, Jaywubba1887, Intranetusa, RichardF, Ksbayer, Mijotoba, Aeternus, Daniel5127, CRGreathouse, CmdrObot, Bobfrombrockley, AshLin, Angryhaggis, The SK, Gregbard, Bddmagic, Chasingsol, LarryQ, Thijs!bot, HappyInGeneral, N5iln,
Mojo Hand, Karl smith, Escarbot, Mentisto, Thadius856, Weaponbb7, AntiVandalBot, Gioto, Seaphoto, Carolmooredc, Bdean1963,
Falsedef, JAnDbot, MER-C, The Transhumanist, Gsaup, Grigri, Daniel Cordoba-Bahle, 20coconuts, Objectivesea, Hveziris, Cpl Syx, JaGa,
Aaronpowers, Electriceel, Stephenchou0722, Vigyani, Hasanisawi, Cpiral, Aboutmovies, DarwinPeacock, Pundit, DorganBot, DASonnenfeld, Samian, Idioma-bot, Burlywood, VolkovBot, Alexandria, TXiKiBoT, WatchAndObserve, Christopher861, Sanfranman59, Lola Voss,
Aphilo, Sydneyej, Enviroboy, Tracerbullet11, Sapphic, Cnilep, Wisamzaqoot, YURiN, SieBot, Chimin 07, France3470, Free Software
Knight, Vanofspain, Comayagua99, Sanya3, OKBot, Smilo Don, Yardi, Geneticstar, Denisarona, Jrochagzz, ClueBot, LAX, Snigbrook,
Infoeco, The Thing That Should Not Be, Farras Octara, Parkwells, Rockfang, Arjayay, Ruthstoops, Cowardly Lion, XLinkBot, BodhisattvaBot, SilvonenBot, Ultramartin, Alexius08, Raso mk, Addbot, Mortense, MrOllie, West.andrew.g, Tassedethe, Tide rolls, Wikiman2001,
Ben Ben, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Themfromspace, Lcyarrington, IW.HG, Synchronism, AnomieBOT, Qazwer753, JackieBot, Xufanc, Dinesh smita, Citation bot, Fritzboyle, Bob Burkhardt, Frankenpuppy, ArthurBot, LilHelpa, Xqbot, Jerey Mall, J04n, GrouchoBot,
Omnipaedista, Shman644, Silverije, Doulos Christos, Moxy, Shadowjams, Nzoel, FrescoBot, Taishan88, Pancocheli, Levalley, Steve
Quinn, Enver62, DrilBot, I dream of horses, Ridhididi, Rambling wrek, Jauhienij, Onishinx, Martsabus, Straussthink, Tbhotch, EmausBot, Themastertree, Rockwurm, TheSoundAndTheFury, Tommy2010, HiW-Bot, PBS-AWB, Ninky76, Moonlight8888, Nel-hinnawy,
Jenks24, Erianna, Philafrenzy, Monroem, Noocene, Est.r, Xanchester, ClueBot NG, Biggleswiki, Very trivial, Wikiedits28, Widr, Anastasiyka0311, Jbeyenbach, BG19bot, Roberticus, Snaevar-bot, Elliewoods92, Newsoas, Snowcountry1, Eudesplopes, Jon talbot56, Davidiad, Canoe1967, Swi521, Shimmeryshad27, 2ytbal, Ryantjohnston8, Meatsgains, Muehleba~enwiki, Flantille, Meclee, Lisafarlow,
Winston Trechane, Fylbecatulous, Caroline K. Gibbons, ChrisGualtieri, Linyent2, Mssclanz, Sociologyindia, ,
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and Anonymous: 334
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3.1. TEXT

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132

CHAPTER 3. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

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Fraggle81, KgKris, Cm001, Legobot II, Julia W, Rick4561, Alex1324423, Denispir, Melvalevis, Wrodger1, Jimmy Xu, Jasontruth,
Mmxx, Ajh16, THEN WHO WAS PHONE?, Simonsaysabc123, Gollymollyzot, Untrue Believer, Maldek2, 545lljkr, Lon oclarino, Vrinan,

3.1. TEXT

133

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EryZ, CurtisOrr, Magog the Ogre 2, Purplefood1, Je Muscato, Pie623, Jasper883, Mahmudmasri, Materialscientist, Chuthya, Inniti28,
Jackertheman, Spoonstabber23, Citation bot, Pitard, Felyza, Brightgalrs, SummaBritt, Maxis ftw, Bci2, DynamoDegsy, Pyro945, GB fan,
ChristianH, Cheddarisbetter, Disneyadventurernicholas, Xqbot, Zad68, TinucherianBot II, Timir2, Nappyrootslistener, Farvin111, Biologicithician, Conay, Capricorn42, Wapondaponda, Marc9510000, Spotxer, TheMelm, A455bcd9, TechBot, Jerey Mall, Semidriver214,
Tad Lincoln, Grim23, Teamjenn, Ubcule, Momobe, Ghostface26, GrouchoBot, Abce2, Nayvik, Frosted14, Nik323, Tarad09, Carolynloupermorris, Earlypsychosis, StPernar, Paulbuchholz22, Mark Schierbecker, RibotBOT, Omar77, Mastershakejb, Amaury, Pakhtano,
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Blasian8705, Joeblowtheplumber, Paine Ellsworth, Chronus, Tobby72, JRMancha, NerdNerdEverybodyknowsYouraNerd, Dmartin969,
Lothar von Richthofen, Danielle001, Sky Attacker, Levalley, Derionyoung, Puersh89, Andy Richter, Mthrandir, Bob0202, Nintendofan5000, VI, Joshskates34, Ahmedace1, THELASTHIERARCH, HJ Mitchell, Weetoddid, Rkr1991, Codfragger, BoundaryRider, Danhomer, Drew R. Smith, Robo37, Boludo29, Citation bot 1, Javert, Amplitude101, PSPatel, Homo Ergaster, AstaBOTh15, Petranella,
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A8UDI, Penis2468561, Jizzle.berries.onerr, Gabs12345, Gpitodws, Haylinmanlord, SpaceFlight89, Yohiggins1277, Evenrd, Ottokarten,
Chaiswside, SapienDeinosRexus, Meaghan, Mistermob, Vasekx, Mikeandamina, Tamsier, Dac04, Turian, Romao3434, Pristino, Facelolburgers, Merlion444, Utility Monster, Josephataya, Samuel Salzman, Luvh8r, FoxBot, Rihanna Knowles, Lando Calrissian, Rebecca Pickles, Tgv8925, Trappist the monk, Buddy23Lee, James Carter, Timothy12345678324, Xook1kai Choa6aur, Ggggggghhh, Vanished user
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WillNess, Brambleclawx, Sideways713, PAnderson88, Wikiborg4711, Vladlen666, EngineerFromVega, Obsidian Soul, Carllikespie,
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Rivaber, Misty MH, Illegitimate Barrister, A2soup, Dolovis, MithrandirAgain, Troodon58, Elspooky, Mar4d, Anonx1995, Ganesh Paudel,
Harbingerdawn, Bo5437, Aavindraa, Lechonero, A930913, H3llBot, Cybergothiche, Cymru.lass, Monterey Bay, Neddy1234, Seemtomatter, Doktordoris, Nanib, Ha'asidi, Yesitsraining, Wiggles007, Brandmeister, Fouadrabah, Couloir007, EvenGreenerFish, Adelson Velsky
Landis, ChuispastonBot, AndyTheGrump, Pierlot, Shnako, Whoop whoop pull up, Mjbmrbot, Eiamagus, Kleopatra, Davey2010, Petrb,
ClueBot NG, Nirmal Dulal, Jorge Morejn, Beastly20, Lhimec, Gilderien, Kikichugirl, Bped1985, Cogware, 993ironman, Snotbot, Frietjes, Delusion23, Daudei, CaroleHenson, TheWilliamson, Wllmevans, Zakhalesh, Argionember, Jarceus, Anupmehra, Coulten, North
Atlanticist Usonian, ClockToolBar, Mightymights, Helpful Pixie Bot, Drakoin, Popcorndu, Narwhals572, Lifelesscat, Chapmanjt, Bobherry, W3k4t101, 00hi00, Coolio321, Legend II, Alexbee2, Superskill007, Gob Lofa, 2001:db8, Mynameisbobby2, TimiNick, Maculosae
tegmine lyncis, Kovac9478, Ephert, BG19bot, Yoda555, Hodeken, MKar, Ketih King, ArtifexMayhem, M0rphzone, Sky6t, ComputerJA,
HIDECCHI001, ElphiBot, JohnChrysostom, MusikAnimal, Frze, AvocatoBot, Zaltaire, Cold Season, Gautehuus, Cadiomals, Altar, WarriorsPride6565, Cgx8253, Nuke1st, Min.neel, DPL bot, NotWith, MisterCake, Wangleetodd, Glowbee, Pietade, Isacdaavid, TBrandley,
Saken kun, Phil.wasag, Bonkers The Clown, DMSchneider, Riley Huntley, HueSatLum, Dawn Eastwood, Acadmica Orientlis, Cyberbot
I, Cyberbot II, ChrisGualtieri, Nick.mon, An678ko, La marts boys, Khazar2, Naltero, Moscowsky, Dexbot, Jsar, Inayity, Profesjonalizm,
Dplcrnj, FonsScientiae, XXzoonamiXX, SpaghettiToastBook, Smohammed2, Membrane-biologist, Dromeosaur34, Reatlas, Xwoodsterchinx, Enoshd, Meeeeeeee39, Tekksavvy, Wajidkanju, Vivamoque, JPaestpreornJeolhlna, Franois Robere, Sonanto, AmericanLemming,
Wethar555, Inglok, WorldCreaterFighter, ZarhanFastre, Abrahamic Faiths, Trenturrs, BJM138, EvergreenFir, Rejancar, ElHef, Clr324,
Oxr033, Monochrome Monitor, Budgielover2988, Kohelet, Eagle3399, Ravidiwaker, Oliszydlowski, VoluminousComputer, Blakeleonard,
Atotalstranger, Inaaaa, Edgth, Nannadeem, Man of Steel 85, Sam.gov, 22merlin, Zincngers, Chickenofhell, Signoredexter, Monkbot,
Poepkop, Filedelinkerbot, E4FZq, De3091, Paleolithic Man, A915, Northern Antarctica, Jakosg1, NewBlueX, CDLX131, Beckgab04,
Jacobroan, Killerbug198, Isarhino, Iste88, Calculator182, Junehua, Trackteur, Terry Blaine, Saurusaurus, Wikipedian 2, DangerousJXD,
Madere, Editor abcdef, Apenuta, Geramany, ApparatumLover, Jtxxtj, ShadowHawk555, Gamingforfun365, Jada Feiri, EditorGuy2, KasparBot, Mr.Bob.298, Coolidon, Evropariver and Anonymous: 1897
Interpersonal relationship Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Interpersonal_relationship?oldid=673885277 Contributors: Robert
Merkel, Little guru, SimonP, Maury Markowitz, Dieter Simon, Rsabbatini, Patrick, Michael Hardy, Tim Starling, Menchi, Ixfd64, TakuyaMurata, Karada, Ronz, Angela, Glenn, Poor Yorick, Next Paige, Ec5618, Pedant17, Cncs wikipedia, Fredrik, Rfc1394, Hadal, Marc
Venot, Ancheta Wis, Madame Sosostris, DocWatson42, Pretzelpaws, Stay, Eequor, Tagishsimon, Andycjp, Quadell, Beland, Piotrus, Scott
Burley, Beginning, Zondor, Lacrimosus, Mike Rosoft, Haiduc, RedWordSmith, Discospinster, FiP, Vsmith, JJJJust, Petersam, Fenice, Mr.
Billion, El C, Sietse Snel, Johnkarp, Viriditas, Rbj, Cohesion, Homerjay, Jojit fb, Pearle, Alansohn, Arthena, Andrew Gray, CJ, Snowolf,
Wtmitchell, Velella, Staeiou, SteinbDJ, Sars~enwiki, Woohookitty, Je3000, Ziji, Firien, JohnC, BD2412, Rjwilmsi, Latka, BMF81,
Psantora, SirGrant, Simesa, Gwernol, Neitherday, RussBot, Wavesmikey, Rodasmith, CambridgeBayWeather, Anomalocaris, Jimphilos,
ONEder Boy, Nick, Aaron Brenneman, Midas touch, Dmoss, Goblin Prince, Ezeu, Matty3672, Maunus, Drboisclair, CQ, GreatAlfredini,
Zzuuzz, Cumbiadude, Jonathan.s.kt, Tom Morris, SmackBot, Deborah909, McGeddon, Kilo-Lima, Jtneill, Finavon, Alephh, Prasadevrk,
MediaMangler, Gilliam, Ohnoitsjamie, Muuletta, ERcheck, Bluebot, Kuratipas, DoctorW, Tommyjb, Addshore, Maratanos, MilitaryTarget, RandomP, DMacks, Sadi Carnot, Kukini, Soulwork, Acidburn24m, Jidanni, JorisvS, Kraybilr, 16@r, Slakr, Special-T, Neddyseagoon, Jcbutler, Levineps, Iridescent, Judgesurreal777, Civil Engineer III, Courcelles, AbsolutDan, CmdrObot, Rurp, Bons, KyraVixen,
Nadyes, Brandon.macuser, Penbat, Pais, Future Perfect at Sunrise, Hello cello, Gogo Dodo, Eu.stefan, Benjiboi, B, Jrgetsin, Kozuch,
CieloEstrellado, Wikid77, Gmeader3, Kathovo, Weathermandan, InNotOf395, Kc62301, Dmitri Lytov, Simon Kilpin, Kahar5, Svaryk,
Eleuther, DorisH, AntiVandalBot, Gioto, Luna Santin, Seaphoto, Prolog, JAnDbot, Barek, The Transhumanist, Ermeyers, Albany NY,
Da baum, Fusionmix, Arno Matthias, Rich257, Indon, Cgingold, EagleFan, DerHexer, JaGa, MartinBot, Joie de Vivre, J.delanoy, Ginsengbomb, Extransit, Richardsonkt, Bobbyd1234, It Is Me Here, McSly, Chiswick Chap, The Transhumanist (AWB), SJP, Juliancolton,
Vanished user 39948282, SoCalSuperEagle, Steel1943, Idioma-bot, Funandtrvl, VolkovBot, Melanie27, Lradrama, Planefreak25, Mr. Absurd, Lova Falk, ScottPetullo, SieBot, Norafem, Winchelsea, Keilana, Happysailor, Flyer22, Jojalozzo, Yahgoo, JuanFox, Allmightyduck,
Walsha13, Sanya3, Emilyken, Denisarona, ClueBot, Ewawer, Ndenison, Uncle Milty, Dsmith113093, Rockfang, Lunchscale, DumZi-

134

CHAPTER 3. TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

BoT, Raysecurity, XLinkBot, Delicious carbuncle, Nathan Johnson, SilvonenBot, MerlinsMagic, PL290, Addbot, Cuaxdon, MrOllie,
Download, Favonian, Tide rolls, Lightbot, The Ukearchy, Fryed-peach, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, 2D, Rhazs, II MusLiM HyBRiD
II, DisillusionedBitterAndKnackered, Allmethods, Sarrus, AnakngAraw, Tccr100, AnomieBOT, Galoubet, JackieBot, Drdac, Citation
bot, ArthurBot, Xqbot, Capricorn42, Jerey Mall, Millahnna, Mlpearc, Omnipaedista, Kurtdriver, Amaury, AdamZMann, Aaron Kauppi,
MethaneSymphony, Nikil44, Thehelpfulbot, FrescoBot, Oldlaptop321, Michael93555, KuroiShiroi, Lilbow3, Javert, I dream of horses,
Focus, MastiBot, Merlion444, PSY7, Lotje, Lauradimmock, SoaManteria, Reaper Eternal, Skakkle, DARTH SIDIOUS 2, Mean as
custard, Kiko4564, Rosaline lin, EmausBot, Eekerz, UchihaDaisy, Dewritech, Animequalslife, Yeoview, Theologianguy, AvicBot, Dominicguadiz, Susfele, Ladokhau, Jonpatterns, Mihi502, Ilstruzzo, Blackjack676, Erianna, Abelmebratu, Gray eyes, Donner60, Interloper2,
Orange Suede Sofa, AndyTheGrump, Cachola316, Seanmcclatchey, Happyritzo, Petrb, ClueBot NG, Sheriroserocks, Gpwhld, Jonelee223,
Supintor19will, Aduialion, Soulmater, Widr, Helpful Pixie Bot, DBigXray, BG19bot, PhnomPencil, Smcg8374, Jedigiorgio, Tarheel 54,
MovingTree, MathewTownsend, Fylbecatulous, BattyBot, Biosthmors, Jcidado, Mrsanitasaha, Louey37, EagerToddler39, EarWaxSpecialist, Makecat-bot, Aymankamelwiki, SFK2, Aussiewole, 7Pathic, Avwezel, CsDix, Princess Frodo, Bvandegrift14, Gere0123, Ginsuloft,
Param Mudgal, Infosourceashra, Ascank, JaconaFrere, Yarboizhu, Bobvancleef38, Monkbot, Ezra.spence, MichMcD, Claudialoyola11,
Bathes, Trackteur, Huxley G, WhingingTigger, Lalith269, StanfordLinkBot, Ahmedelroos, Bluey88, KasparBot, Humanobos and Anonymous: 338

3.2 Images
File:AFKollar_1779.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/AFKollar_1779.jpg License: Public domain
Contributors: library catalog Original artist: Josef Hauzinger
File:Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/12/Adad-Nirari_stela.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
File:Aerial_photograph_of_Maiden_Castle_from_the_west,_1937.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/
2f/Aerial_photograph_of_Maiden_Castle_from_the_west%2C_1937.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Ashmolean Museum Original artist: Major George Allen (18911940)
File:African_sccs_cultures.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/22/African_sccs_cultures.jpg License:
Public domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
File:Alison_Phillips.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9c/Alison_Phillips.jpg License: Public domain
Contributors: Alison Phillips Original artist: Louise Phillips, wife of Alison Phillips
File:Ambox_globe_content.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bd/Ambox_globe_content.svg License:
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File:Ambox_important.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Ambox_important.svg License: Public domain Contributors: Own work, based o of Image:Ambox scales.svg Original artist: Dsmurat (talk contribs)
File:Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels_2.png
Source:
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commons/e/e5/Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels_2.png License: CC0 Contributors: This le was
derived from: Anterior view of human female and male, with labels.jpg: <a href='//commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:
Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels.jpg' class='image'><img alt='Anterior view of human female and male,
with labels.jpg' src='https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/15/Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_
with_labels.jpg/50px-Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg' width='50' height='53' srcset='https://upload.
wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/15/Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg/75px-Anterior_
view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg 1.5x, https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/15/Anterior_
view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg/100px-Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male%2C_with_labels.jpg 2x'
data-le-width='4089' data-le-height='4334' /></a>
Original artist: Anterior_view_of_human_female_and_male,_with_labels.jpg: Mikael Hggstrm
File:Archeologists_sign_at_Lubbock_Lake_Monument_IMG_1591.JPG
Source:
commons/9/9b/Archeologists_sign_at_Lubbock_Lake_Monument_IMG_1591.JPG License:
Original artist: Billy Hathorn

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/
CC BY 3.0 Contributors: Own work

File:Archeoscan_excavation_site.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3e/Archeoscan_excavation_site.jpg


License: CC BY 3.0 Contributors: Photograph taken with a camera suspended from a kite line
Previously published: http://www.armadale.org.uk/archeoscan.htm
Original artist: Dr John Wells
File:Australopithecus_africanus_-_Cast_of_taung_child.jpg Source:
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Australopithecus_africanus_-_Cast_of_taung_child.jpg License: CC BY-SA 4.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Didier
Descouens
File:Bataille_Waterloo_1815_reconstitution_2011_3.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/04/Bataille_
Waterloo_1815_reconstitution_2011_3.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Myrabella
File:Beit_shean1.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b9/Beit_shean1.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
File:Blumenbach{}s_five_races.JPG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/39/Blumenbach%27s_five_races.
JPG License: Public domain Contributors: Treatise on De generis humani varietate nativa, unnumbered page at the end of the book
titled Tab II Original artist: Johann Friedrich Blumenbach
File:Both_Lozenges.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/8/86/Both_Lozenges.jpg License: CC-BY-3.0 Contributors:
Own work
Original artist:
Sitehut (talk) (Uploads)

3.2. IMAGES

135

File:Bronislawmalinowski.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f6/Bronislawmalinowski.jpg License: No


restrictions Contributors: Bronislaw Malinowski, c1930 Original artist: Library of the London School of Economics and Political Science
File:Bronisaw_Malinowski_among_Trobriand_tribe.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/69/Bronis%
C5%82aw_Malinowski_among_Trobriand_tribe.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.spedycje.pl/logistyka/11616/
$-$1-/bronislaw_malinowski_bieg_przez_przeszkody_i_obyczaj_kula.html Original artist:
Unknown (maybe Stanisaw Ignacy
Witkiewicz, 1885-1939)
File:Burkina_Faso_girl.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/21/Burkina_Faso_girl.jpg License: CC BYSA 2.0 Contributors: my hair is really cool ... Original artist: Ferdinand Reus from Arnhem, Holland
File:Cannibalism_in_Brazil_('French_Antarctica')_in_1555,_by_Andr_Thevet.jpg Source:
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extracted from Gutenberg projects zip le linked from [1]. First published in 1868. Original artist: Henry Edward Doyle
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File:Farmer_plowing.jpg Source:
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Mecklenburg-Vorpommern%2C_Germany.jpg License: GFDL Contributors: Transferred from the German Wikipedia. Original le
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? Original artist: ?
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Fridtjof_Nansen%2C_Les_deux_%C3%A9tapes_de_la_faim_%281922%29.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.
artukraine.com/famineart/famine10.htm. Original artist: Fridtjof Nansen (18611930)
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//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/0c/Hominidae.PNG/150px-Hominidae.PNG 1.5x, https://upload.wikimedia.org/
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domain Contributors: The Yorck Project: 10.000 Meisterwerke der Malerei. DVD-ROM, 2002. ISBN 3936122202. Distributed by DIRECTMEDIA Publishing GmbH. Original artist: Lorenzo Lippi
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File:Maasai_tribe.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/99/Maasai_tribe.jpg License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ?


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Original artist: Northwestern Litho. Co, Milwaukee


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Tkgd2007

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File:Red_Pencil_Icon.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/74/Red_Pencil_Icon.png License: CC0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: Peter coxhead
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The Tomb of Pharaoh Seti I, 1991. Original artist:
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File:Tubal_Pregnancy_with_embryo.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/21/Tubal_Pregnancy_with_


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