1952 1971 the genocide and Shahbagh

March 16, 2013

Events in the last few weeks have been painful reminders

of our Liberation War, Jamaat-e-Islamis role, trials and
tribulations surrounding the demand for justice after 42
years. People who are not particularly biased for or
against a particular political school of thought in
Bangladesh, people who have general knowledge of the
events in 1947 but never delved deep into the complex
and conflicting sources of information may wonder
what is going on!
Instead of discussing and debating what pro-Liberation
people think of 71 genocide, the nature of todays
Shahbagh Movement, threats to Islam in Bangladesh;
lets be one sided, lets be biased and count on,
essentially, a single source of information i.e. from
Pakistani and anti-liberation entities like Jamaat. Many
books and reports have been written by Bangladeshis,
Pakistanis, Indians and western scholars/media but lets
concentrate on Pakistani, Muslim League and Jamatis;
lets hear from the horses mouth.

History repeats itself: Un-Islamic Bangla,

communist (atheist) youths of 1952 and todays
youths of Shahbagh
Shahbagh youths have been called atheists, un-Islamic by
Jamaat-e-Islami and its support base. Lets see the history
of such name calling in Bangladesh. It started a long time
ago and it started with our Language Movement in 19481952.
Badruddin Umar in his book Bhasa Andolon Proshongo,
Kotipoy Dolil (1995) included a treatise named Pakistan
Language Formula: A Scientific Study of the Language
Problem of a Uninational, Ideological, Islamic State in a
Multilingual Country produced by Maulana Ragib
Ahsan, Ex Member, Bangal Muslim League Parliamentary
Board, Founder, Jamiat Ulema-I-Islam, March 1952.
Among other things, Maulana Ahsan theorized the
followings:
The Worship of Language for the sake of Language or of
Race and Homeland is the idolatry of the age and
Pakistan has come to smash these idols and emancipate
man from the slavery of Race, Language, territorial
nationalism and materialism. (page 77)
Bengali far from being akin to Islamic spirit it is
absolutely anti-Islamic and anti-Musalman in its origin,
form and spirit. The Musalmani Bengala of the
Muslamans is not fully developed and requires careful
culture to bring it in tune with Islamic culture and
ideology of Pakistan. (page 80)
Bengali-a-medium of Hinduization- Modern sanskritized
Bengali is an alien Braminical Aryan imposition from

without on the soul of Bengali MuslimsIt is a veritable

medium of the process of Hinduization. (page 93)
Bengali should adopt Arabic script to help further
development and Islamization of Musalmani Bengala.
(page 104)
In a book named Political History of
Bangladesh (2001), Dr Mohammed Hannan, says, Prior
to the general election in 1954, the Muslim League
Government of Pakistan even gave a fatwa issued by
their Moulavis that casting vote against the Muslim
League would dissolve marriages of the concerned
voters. (Page 251)
In his memoir, Amar Dekha Rajneeteer Ponchash
Bochor (1989) Abul Mansur Ahmed, provided a vivid
description of the Muslim League and Pakistani mindset in
50s and 60s:
They (i.e. leaders of Muslim League) started to say that
opposition of Muslim League was akin to opposing
Pakistan. Gradually they started to claim that Pakistan
came into being for the wellbeing of Islam. In essence
opposing Muslim League is opposing Pakistan, which in
turn means opposing Pakistan means opposing Islam.
therefore opposition party in Pakistan means enemy of
Pakistan and Islam. (page 40)
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy who was instrumental in
the creation of Pakistan, was rebuked by then Pakistani
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan as the Mad dog
unleashed by Hindustan(page 41).
Later under Ayub Khan, Mr Suhrawardy was accused of
subversion. Therefore they arrested Huseyn Shaheed

Suhrawardy on 31 January 1962 in Karachi under internal

security law. The next day, 1st February President Ayub
Khan arrived in Dacca. He declared at the airport, The
government has arrested Mr. Suhrawardy because he was
about to destroy Pakistan with foreign money
Jamaat-e-Islami often claims that Ghulam Azam
participated in the Language Movement of 1952. He
actually did but later regretted it. Badruddin Umar in
another book Jhuddo-purbo Bangladesh (1987) quotes
the following from The Daily Azad (20 June 1970)- Amir
of East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami said in a lecture that the
language movement of 1952 was a great political mistake
and he expressed his sorrow for his own involvement in
that movement. Because Urdu is the common
language of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, and
their cultural and religious identity is inherent in it. (page
102)
Maulana Ragib Ahsan (1952 page 93-94) declared, The
present day Dacca University has become the citadel and
stronghold of Bengali Linguistic Nationalism, Secularism
and Communism (read atheist) and has been
fountainhead of the Anti-Islam and Anti-Pakistan
movements. The University as at present constituted is
diametrically opposed to Islamic and Pakistani Ideology.
In order to suppress the demand for Bangla to become an
official language of Pakistan, the so-called Islamic
scholar(s) and politicians tried to denigrate Bangla.
Politicians who fought for Pakistan but wanted democracy
were derided and harassed.
Youths, who fought for such worthy causes, were called
atheist and anti-Islamic. Therefore, there is no doubt that

today Jamaat-e-Islami and its apologists would call

Shahbagh youths- atheists. They have been doing it
since 1952.
In 1971, Jamaat was trying to save Pakistan in
order to save Islam in this country
How did Islamic Pakistani army and its top echelons
behave in 1971? What did Pakistani army say about their
own activities and Jamaats role to save Pakistan in order
to save Islam?
After the war, the president of Pakistan appointed the War
Inquiry Commission in December 1971. The commission
was headed by then Chief Justice of Pakistan, Hamoodur
Rahman. His report is known as the Hamoodur Rahman
Commission Report, (October 23, 1974). Here are some
related excerpts from the report:

corruption arising out of the performance of Martial Law

duties, lust for wine and women and greed for lands and
houses, a large number of senior (Pakistani) Army
Officers, particularly those occupying the highest

positions. The report described such life as

disreputable (Chapter I of Part V of the Main Report)
Lt. Gen. Niazi during his stay in East Pakistan he
came to acquire a stinking reputation owing to his
association with women of bad repute, and his nocturnal
visits to places also frequented by several junior officers
under his command; and that he indulged in the
smuggling of Pan from East Pakistan to West Pakistan.
(Paragraphs 30 to 34 of Chapter 1 of Part V of the Main
Report).
The troops used to say that when the Commander (Lt.
Gen. Niazi) was himself a raper, how could they be
stopped?
The report quotes Lt. Gen. Niazi regarding Pakistani
army activities post 25 March, I addressed a letter to all
formations located in the area and insisted that loot,
rape, arson, killing of people at random must stop I had
come to know that looted material had been sent to West
Pakistan which included cars, refrigerators and air
conditioners etc.
Maj. Gen. Rao Forman Ali, Adviser to the Governor of East
Pakistan, told the Commission about Harrowing tales of
rape, loot, arson, harassment, and of insulting and
degrading behaviour by the Pakistani army.
Brigadier Mian Taskeenuddin (Witness No. 282) said:
Many junior and other officers took the law into their
own hands to deal with the so-called miscreants. There
have been cases of interrogation of miscreants, which
were far more severe in character than normal and in
some cases committed in front of the public.

An admission was also made by Lt. Col. S. M. Naeem

(Witness No 258) CO of 39 Baluch that innocent people
were killed by us during sweep operations and it created
estrangement amongst the public.
There was a general feeling of hatred against Bengalis
amongst the soldiers and officers including
Generals. There were verbal instructions to eliminate
Hindus.
Mr. Mohammad Ashraf, Additional Deputy Commissioner,
Dacca said after the military action the Bengalis were
made aliens in their own homeland. The life, property,
and honour of even the most highly placed among them
were not safe. People were picked up from their homes on
suspicion and dispatched to Bangladesh, a term used to
describe summary executions. The victims included
Army and Police Officers, businessmen, civilian officers
etc.
The statements appearing in the evidence of Lt. Col. Aziz
Ahmed Khan (Witness no 276) who was Commanding
Officer 8 Baluch and then CO 86 Mujahid Battalion are
also directly relevant. Brigadier Arbbab also told me to
destroy all houses in Joydepur. To a great extent I
executed this order. General Niazi visited my unit at
Thakurgaon and Bogra. He asked us how many Hindus we
had killed. In May, there was an order in writing to kill
Hindus. This order was from Brigadier Abdullah Malik of
23 Brigade.
Brigadier Siddique Saliq in his book Witness to
Surrender (1997) described the horrific event of the
night of 25th March as follows:

The gates of hell had been cast open. (page 75)

During these operations, some troops, to the shame of
all, indulged in looting, killing and rape (page 104).
Major General Khadim Hossain Raza in his book, A
Stranger in My Own Country, East Pakistan 19691971 (2012) wrote the followings:
Yahyahs moral character: too disgraceful to be put into
print.
General Niazi on 10 March 1971 at a briefing/de-briefing
conference at the headquarters of the Eastern Command
said Main is haramzadi quamki nasal badal doon ga. Ye
mujhe kiya samajhtey hain. He threatened that he would
let his soldiers loose on the womenfolk (page 98).

General Niazi on 11
April at Command Headquarter said to General
Khadim Yar, larai ki fikar nahin karo, woh to hum lain
gey. Abhi to mujhey Bangali girlfriends key phone
number dey do (page 99).
In his book, Major General Rao Forman Ali, How Pakistan
Got Divided (1996 Bangla version) offers the following
information:
Reinforcement troops from (West Pakistan) were from
Civil Armed Forces (CAF). Before coming to Dacca

somebody must have advised them that Bangalis have

revolted against Islamic country Pakistan, Bengalis were
definitely portrayed as kafirs to some such troops. CAF
personnel did not behave well In order to establish
public order a new force was created named Rajakar.
Overall they made a very good contribution (page 94).
Within a short span of time Niazi became infamous for
his obscene language and licentious character. Only Allah
or he knows, what type of person he was. However, his
conversations were obscene and dealings were shameful.
I told the president all his stories, which were circulating
in Dacca. I also expressed my concerns about his safety
as it was known that he would visit homes of women of
bad repute without any bodyguard (Page 99).
He describes Niazis behaviour and antics even when he
was negotiating Pakistani armys surrender with Indian
General Nagra and freedom fighter Kader Siddiqui in the
following way- In my view he was behaving in a
shameful way. When he was discussing the conditions of
surrender to the enemy, he should have been calm and
dignified. He was behaving in an undignified and funny
manner- he was cracking obscene jokes to the Indians as
if they were his long lost friends (Page 157).
Pakistanis themselves have confessed about rape,
murder of innocent civilians, looting, burning, even of
smuggling, lust for wine and women, etc. and what was
the Jamaat saying and doing?
The Daily Prothom Alo published, on 11 January 2012, a
compilation of statements by the Jamaat leaders based
on what was published in Jamaats own newspaper The

Daily Sangram in 1971. Here are a few of those

statements:
On 20 June 1971, Ghulam Azam at a press conference at
Lahore Airport said, With support from many nonMuslims in East Pakistan, Sheik Mujib intends for
secession. (Pakistan) Army has uprooted almost all
miscreants from East Pakistan and now there is no power
which can challenge the dominance of the army.
On August 12, 1971, Azam declared, the supporters of
the so-called Bangladesh Movement are the enemies of
Islam, Pakistan, and Muslims.
On 5 August 1971, Matiur Rahman Nizami (then head of
Al Badr) said Allah entrusted the pious Muslims with the
responsibility to save His beloved Pakistan. (But) when
the Muslims failed to solve the political problem in a
political way, then Allah saved His beloved land through
the (Pakistan) army.
immediately after (the 1965) war, we again
submerged under falsehood. Allahs curse (gojob) came
onto us (referring to 25 March 1971). Pakistan is abode
of Allah. Allah has saved it time and again; He will protect
it in the future. No power of the world will be able to
destroy Pakistan.

Dr Mohammed Hannan (2001) wrote, The Pakistani

soldiers unleashed a reign of terror on the soil of
Bangladesh in 1971. They brutally killed innocent people,
molested Bengali women and ruined the economy. The
Jamaat leaders, Ghulam Azam and Matiur Rahman
Nizami, issued the fatwa that those activities were
permissible to save Islam (Page 252, Bangladeshe
Fatwar Itihas, 1999).
We can make up our minds based on the above without
listening to any lie from the pro-Liberation forces, or
God forbid from the Awami Leagues propaganda. Cant
we?
71 genocide and the role of Peace Committee,
Rajakar, and Al-Badr
According to Brigadier Siddique Saliq (1997), These
operations (post 25 March) were only partial success
because the West Pakistani troops neither knew the faces
of the suspects nor could they read the lane numbers (in
Bengali). They had to depend on the co-operation of the
local peopleThe only people who came forward were

the rightist like Khwaja Khairuddin of the Council Muslim

League, Fazlul Qader Chauwdhury of the Convention
Muslim League, Professor Ghulam Azam of the Jamaat-eIslami and Maulavi Farid Ahmed of the Nizam-i-Islam
Party. (page 92-93)
But the Army, out of sheer necessity valued their
presence and followed their advice. (Page 93)
Instead of eradicating these germs of independence, the
authorities thought it wise to perpetuate the reign of
terror to keep the Bingos under control. They frequently
resorted to search and sweep operations on information
provided by patriotic Pakistanis. (Page 94).
These patriotic elements were organized into two
groups. The elderly and prominent among them formed
the Peace Committees while the young and able-bodied
men were recruited as Razakars. Later General Niazi
would call Razakars Al Badr (headed by Nizami) and Ash
Shams. The Al Badr and Ash Shams groups were a
dedicated lot, keen to help the army. (Page 105)
Regarding brutal murders of intellectuals on 14
December, Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report (1973)
provides the following insight:
26. Maj. Gen. Jamshed said It was on the 9th and 10th
of December 1971 that General Niazi expressed his
apprehension of a general uprising in the Dacca city and
ordered him to examine the possibility of arresting certain
persons according to lists which were already with the
various agencies, namely the Martial Law Authorities and
the Intelligence Branch. A conference was held on the 9th
and 10th of December 1971 in which these lists were

produced by the agencies concerned and the total

number of persons to be arrested came to about two or
three thousand.
Regarding murders of the intellectuals Major General Rao
Farman Ali (1996) said, .. some people were arrested. I
do not till this day know where they were kept. Perhaps
they were confined in an area which was guarded by
mujahids (i.e. Al-Badr and Al Shams).
Army got support of Al Badr, Al Shams and Rajakar
Mujahids created by General Niazi (page 97).
When asked about Farmans refusal to admit his
involvement in the killing of the intellectuals Brigadier
Siddique Saliq, another senior military officer during the
war, said, .He (Farman) was the major general in
charge of civil administration. As such nothing would
happen which he would not know?
Major General Khadim Hossain Raza (2012) refers to the
book written by General Niazi named The Betrayal of
East Pakistan where he described General Farman as an
opportunist, a conspirator and a swindler. Niazi also
said, implicating Farmans involvement in the killing of
the intellectuals, that Farman requested Niazi to send him
back to Pakistan, for, Mukti Bahini would kill him of his
alleged massacre of the Bangalees and intellectuals on
the night of 1516 December. It was a pathetic sight to
see him pale and almost on the verge of break down.
This section shows that Jamaat leaders not only provided
verbal, moral support, religious justifications of Pakistani
armys atrocities but also aided, abetted the enemy and

volunteered/actively participated in the murder, rape,

looting, burning, including murder of the intellectuals.
Other unresolved problems in Bangladesh and an
un-necessary trial
Some patriotic people with good intention and a lot of
Jamaat apologists have said that Bangladesh is suffering
from many chronic problems, deteriorated law and order
situation, corruption, many unresolved, high profile
murder cases, therefore, why should government initiate
this trial? I think it is a frumpy comparison, fraught with
danger of sanitizing Jamaats active participation in the
1971 genocide.
Lets not try to dilute the gravity of Jamaats vocal and
moral support, heinous attempts to offer religious
justifications of torture, murder, rape, looting, arson, etc.
with the general law and order situation in Bangladesh for
the last 42 years. Such questions also provide a moral
cushion to their acts. Comparing usual lawlessness in
Bangladesh, unsolved murders during Ershad, Khaleda
Zia and Sheikh Hasina with the genocide in 1971 is also
an insult to the memories of the martyrs who sacrificed
their lives for the independent country that we have
today.
Pakistani army has confessed that they made mistakes
(by raping, torturing, murdering, looting, and burning) but
Jamaatis have not. They have not said sorry to the
nation nor have they apologized. They have shown no
remorse; therefore, the concept of moving on or forget
and forgive does not apply to them. Jamaat-e-Islami and
its apologists may try, but it will not work.

However, the government could have managed the

current situation the way it should have. They should
have known or anticipated that Jamaat would go berserk
if the trials went on and/or when verdicts would be
delivered. It was necessary for the government to plan
and take precautionary measures to control the situation,
which it did not. Now it seems from an administrative
point of view, the government seems totally paralyzed.
Instead of relying on good intelligence, preventive and
well organized mitigation action; it is solely relying on
police action/reaction, which is never good.
Final note
Police brutality is nothing new in Bangladesh. During the
Awami League rule, they would use excessive force, beat
up and fire on the BNP and Jamaat. On the other hand,
during the BNP/Jamaat rule the same police would use
the same tactics against the Awami League. It is also true
that police in Bangladesh is not only underpaid, undertrained (like most underdeveloped countries) but also ill
equipped to response to coordinated onslaughts from any
motivated, organized, cadre based party like Jamaat.
They just played into the hands of Jamaats ploy of
extracting maximum reaction (in order to save their own
lives, lives of public and public/private properties) and
resulting in deaths, which Jamaat is now showing off as
police brutality aiming to destroy Islam! (Remember they
were also trying to save Islam in 1971?).
Any death is regrettable and those who died due to police
fire may also come under this category. What is
interesting is Jamaats modus operandi. The lone survivor
of 14 December mass murder of intellectuals described in
a recent TV documentary how Al Badr killed Prof Munier
Chowdhury and others. Some were bitten with iron bars

to death and at the final point; they would insert such

bars into the head of their victims to ensure death.
Jamaat-Shibir reportedly did exactly the same couple of
weeks ago when they killed some police constables and
others. It shows Jamaat-Shibirs Standard Operating
Procedure has remained unchanged for the last four
decades.
If a virulent mob attacks a police station or government
building in the UK, USA, Saudi Arabia or Iran, I do not
imagine that there would be no death among the
attackers. One may remember the Waco Siege in 1993.
FBI stormed (with Clintons authorization) a fringe, fanatic
Christian religious group called Branch Davidians, which
led to the death of 76 people including women and
children. In this case Davidians did not attack police
stations, FBI stormed its compound.
Misguided people, people who use religion or an extreme
ideology often use death (death of their own comrades,
innocent bystanders and others) as a mean to make a
point or to achieve their objectives.

Rabiul H. Zaki is a BUET and AIT graduate currently

working in Australia.
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