Professional Documents
Culture Documents
gan (1818-1881), an American scientist were considered as founders of cultural and social dimensions.
Franz Boas (1858-1942), Bronislaw Malinowski (1858
1942), Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead (1901-1978),
were a group of researchers from United States who contributed the idea of cultural relativism to the literature.
Boass approach focused on the utilization of documents
and informants, whereas, Malinowski stated that a researcher should be engrossed with the work for long periods in the eld and do a participant observation by living
with the informant and experiencing their way of life. He
gives the view point of the native and this became the origin of eld work and eld methods.
2 Origins
Herodotus known as the Father of History had signicant works on the cultures of various peoples beyond the
Hellenic realm such as nations in Scythia, which earned
him the title Barbarian lover and may have produced
the rst ethnographic works.
Forms of ethnography
5 Procedures
ethnography
for
conducting
3
For studying cultural concepts, determine which
type of ethnography to use. Perhaps how the group
works need to be described, or a critical ethnography can expose issues such as power, hegemony and
advocacy for certain groups (Qualitative Inquiry and
Research Design, 95)
Should collect information in the context or setting
where the group works or lives. This is called eldwork. Types of information typically needed in
ethnography are collected by going to the research
site, respecting the daily lives of individuals at the
site and collecting a wide variety of materials. Field
issues of respect, reciprocity, deciding who owns the
data and others are central to ethnography (Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design, 95)
From the many sources collected, the ethnographer
analyzes the data for a description of the culturesharing group, themes that emerge from the group
and an overall interpretation (Wolcott, 1994b). The
researcher begins to compile a detailed description
of the culture-sharing group, by focusing on a single
event, on several activities, or on the group over a
prolonged period of time.
Ethnography museum
Cultural anthropology and social anthropology were developed around ethnographic research and their canonical
texts, which are mostly ethnographies: e.g. Argonauts
of the Western Pacic (1922) by Bronisaw Malinowski,
Ethnologische Excursion in Johore (1875) by Nicholas
Miklouho-Maclay, Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) by
Margaret Mead, The Nuer (1940) by E. E. EvansPritchard, Naven (1936, 1958) by Gregory Bateson, or
"The Lele of the Kasai" (1963) by Mary Douglas. Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value
on doing ethnographic research. The typical ethnography is a document written about a particular people, almost always based at least in part on emic views
of where the culture begins and ends. Using language
or community boundaries to bound the ethnography is
common.[17] Ethnographies are also sometimes called
case studies.[18] Ethnographers study and interpret culture, its universalities and its variations through ethnographic study based on eldwork. An ethnography is a
specic kind of written observational science which provides an account of a particular culture, society, or community. The eldwork usually involves spending a year
or more in another society, living with the local people
and learning about their ways of life.
Ethnographers are participant observers. They take part
in events they study because it helps with understanding local behavior and thought. Classic examples are
Carol B. Stack's All Our Kin,[19] Jean Briggs Never in
Anger, Richard Lee's Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, Victor
Turner's Forest of Symbols, David Maybry-Lewis AkewShavante Society, E.E. Evans-Pritchard's The Nuer, and
Claude Lvi-Strauss' Tristes Tropiques. Iterations of
ethnographic representations in the classic, modernist
camp include Joseph W. Bastiens "Drum and Stethoscope" (1992), Bartholomew Deans recent (2009) contribution, Urarina Society, Cosmology, and History in Peruvian Amazonia.[20]
8.1
5
selves. For example, if within a group of people, winking
was a communicative gesture, he sought to rst determine
what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean
several things). Then, he sought to determine in what
contexts winks were used, and whether, as one moved
about a region, winks remained meaningful in the same
way. In this way, cultural boundaries of communication
could be explored, as opposed to using linguistic boundaries or notions about residence. Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline,
moved outside that outline to talk about webs instead
of outlines[24] of culture.
the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. Folk notions of botany and zoology
are presented as ethnobotany and ethnozoology alongside
references from the formal sciences. Material culture,
technology, and means of subsistence are usually treated
next, as they are typically bound up in physical geography
and include descriptions of infrastructure. Kinship and
social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth,
if they exist) are typically included. Languages spoken,
dialects, and the history of language change are another
group of standard topics.[21] Practices of childrearing, acculturation, and emic views on personality and values usually follow after sections on social structure.[22] Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an
interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them.[23]
As ethnography developed, anthropologists grew more
interested in less tangible aspects of culture, such as
values, worldview and what Cliord Geertz termed the
ethos of the culture. In his eldwork, Geertz used elements of a phenomenological approach, tracing not just
the doings of people, but the cultural elements them-
Within cultural anthropology, there are several subgenres of ethnography. Beginning in the 1950s and early
1960s, anthropologists began writing bio-confessional
ethnographies that intentionally exposed the nature of
ethnographic research. Famous examples include Tristes
Tropiques (1955) by Lvi-Strauss, The High Valley by
Kenneth Read, and The Savage and the Innocent by David
Maybury-Lewis, as well as the mildly ctionalized Return
to Laughter by Elenore Smith Bowen (Laura Bohannan).
Later "reexive" ethnographies rened the technique to
translate cultural dierences by representing their eects
on the ethnographer. Famous examples include Deep
Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockght by Cliord Geertz,
Reections on Fieldwork in Morocco by Paul Rabinow,
The Headman and I by Jean-Paul Dumont, and Tuhami
by Vincent Crapanzano. In the 1980s, the rhetoric of
ethnography was subjected to intense scrutiny within the
discipline, under the general inuence of literary theory and post-colonial/post-structuralist thought. Experimental ethnographies that reveal the ferment of the discipline include Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild
Man by Michael Taussig, Debating Muslims by Michael
F. J. Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, A Space on the Side of the
Road by Kathleen Stewart, and Advocacy after Bhopal by
Kim Fortun.
This critical turn in sociocultural anthropology during the
mid-1980s can be traced to the inuence of the now classic (and often contested) text, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, (1986) edited by James
Cliord and George Marcus. Writing Culture helped
bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reexive,'
'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in
that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic
and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as
plaguing ethnographic representations and practices.[25]
Where Geertzs and Turners interpretive anthropology
recognized subjects as creative actors who constructed
their sociocultural worlds out of symbols, postmodernists
attempted to draw attention to the privileged status of
the ethnographers themselves. That is, the ethnographer cannot escape the personal viewpoint in creating
an ethnographic account, thus making any claims of objective neutrality highly problematic, if not altogether
impossible.[26] In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe dierent cultures and societies
without denying the subjectivity of those individuals
and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so
without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority.[27] Along with the development of experimental forms such as 'dialogic anthropology,' 'narrative
ethnography,'[28] and 'literary ethnography',[29] Writing
Culture helped to encourage the development of 'collaborative ethnography.'[30] This exploration of the relationship between writer, audience, and subject has become a
central tenet of contemporary anthropological and ethnographic practice. In certain instances, active collaboration between the researcher(s) and subject(s) has helped
blend the practice of collaboration in ethnographic eldwork with the process of creating the ethnographic product resulting from the research.[30][31][32]
8.2
Sociology
7
Businesses, too, have found ethnographers helpful for understanding how people use products and services. Companies make increasing use of ethnographic methods to
understand consumers and consumption, or for new product development (such as video ethnography). The recent Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference
in 2008 was evidence of this. Ethnographers systematic
and holistic approach to real-life experience is valued by
product developers, who use the method to understand
unstated desires or cultural practices that surround products. Where focus groups fail to inform marketers about
what people really do, ethnography links what people say
to what they doavoiding the pitfalls that come from relying only on self-reported, focus-group data.
Evaluating ethnography
10
Challenges of ethnography
Ethnography is one of the most in-depth studies. Ethnography, which is a method dedicated entirely to eld work,
is aimed at gaining a deeper insight of a certain peoples
knowledge and social culture.
Ethnographys advantages are due to:
It can open up certain experiences during group research where other research methods fail to cover.
The notions that are taken for granted can be undoubtedly covered and confronted.
Most essentially it helps in vast varied understanding
about the depth of knowledge.
However there are certain challenges faced by when
we tend to use ethnography method of research during eld work, they are as mentioned below:
An expert knowledge required: Ethnographers need
to have vast knowledge about their arena and need
good training, experience along with supervision,
and a proper Know how about their methods of
data analysis.
Sensitivity Level: The level of sensitivity of the subjective individual being studied is most vital, as culture is a very vulnerable issue and proper care must
be seen to avoid harm to individuals.
Access: Negotiating access to eld sites and participants can be time-consuming and dicult. Secretive or guarded organizations may require dierent
approaches in order for researchers to succeed.[39]
Duration: Research can involve prolonged time in
the eld, particularly because building trust with
participants is necessary for obtaining rich data.
Ethics and values: In terms of ethics - as sensitive
cultures are brought for studies, ethnographers can
bring their own experiences which can cause biasedness during the study conducted.
Descriptive approach: It has a story telling approach
which can impose as a limitation for the audience to
link and can be a bit challenging for the authors that
are used to the conventional approach to scientic
writing.
Ethnography provides the key to help people use
outside their culture see what other cultures do and
why do they do accordingly.
11 Ethics
Gary Alan Fine argues that the nature of ethnographic inquiry demands that researchers deviate from formal and
idealistic rules or ethics that have come to be widely accepted in qualitative and quantitative approaches in research. Many of these ethical assumptions are rooted
in positivist and post-positivist epistemologies that have
adapted over time, but are apparent and must be accounted for in all research paradigms. These ethical
dilemmas are evident throughout the entire process of
conducting ethnographies, including the design, implementation, and reporting of an ethnographic study. Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not
as ethical as they claim or assume to be and that each
8
job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know.[40]
Fine is not necessarily casting blame at ethnographic researchers, but tries to show that researchers often make
idealized ethical claims and standards which in are inherently based on partial truths and self-deceptions. Fine
also acknowledges that many of these partial truths and
self-deceptions are unavoidable. He maintains that illusions are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially more caustic consequences. He
claims, Ethnographers cannot help but lie, but in lying,
we reveal truths that escape those who are not so bold.[41]
Based on these assertions, Fine establishes three conceptual clusters in which ethnographic ethical dilemmas can
be situated: Classic Virtues, Technical Skills, and
Ethnographic Self.
Much debate surrounding the issue of ethics arose following revelations about how the ethnographer Napoleon
Chagnon conducted his ethnographic eldwork with the
Yanomani people of South America.
11 ETHICS
leagues, persons studied or providing information,
and relevant parties aected by the work about the
purpose(s), potential impacts, and source(s) of support for the work. [48]
Dissemination of Results-When disseminating results of an ethnography, "[a]nthropologists have an
ethical obligation to consider the potential impact of
both their research and the communication or dissemination of the results of their research on all directly or indirectly involved. [49] Research results
of ethnographies should not be withheld from participants in the research if that research is being observed by other people.[48]
9
The Unobtrusive Ethnographer As a participant in the scene, the researcher will always have
an eect on the communication that occurs within
the research site. The degree to which one is an
active member aects the extent to which sympathetic understanding is possible.[51]
11.3
Ethnographic self
Zalpa Bersanova
Jaber F. Gubrium
Katrina Karkazis
Diamond Jenness
Ruth Landes
10
14
Edmund Leach
Jos Leite de Vasconcelos
Claude Lvi-Strauss
REFERENCES
14 References
[1] Technical denition of ethnography, American Ethnography
Bronisaw Malinowski
David Maybury-Lewis
[3] In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (pp. 330). New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers
Nicholas Miklouho-Maclay
Nikolai Nadezhdin
Lubor Niederle
Dositej Obradovi
Alexey Okladnikov
Richard Price
August Ludwig von Schlzer
Lila Abu-Lughod
Barrie Thorne
Sudhir Venkatesh
Paul Willis
Susan Visvanathan
Thor Heyerdahl
13
See also
Area studies
Critical ethnography
Ethnography of communication
Ethnology
Realist ethnography
Online ethnography: a form of ethnography that involves conducting ethnographic studies on the Internet
Participant observation
Ethnoarchaeology
Video ethnography
Living lab
11
[27] Erickson & Murphy (2008). A History of Anthropological Theory, Pgs. 190-191
[28] Kristen
Ghodsee,
Writing
Ethnographies
that Ordinary People Can Read. http://www.
anthropology-news.org/index.php/2013/05/24/
writing-ethnographies-that-ordinary-people-can-read/
15 Further reading
[31] Luke E. Lassiter (2001). From 'Reading over the Shoulders of Natives to 'Reading alongside Natives, Literally:
Toward a Collaborative and Reciprocal Ethnography, in
Journal of Anthropologcal Research, 57(2):137-149
Cliord, James & George E. Marcus (Eds.). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. (1986). Berkeley: University of California
Press.
[33] Rubin, R. B., Rubin, A. M., and Piele, L. J. (2005). Communication Research: Strategies and Sources. Belmont,
California: Thomson Wadworth. pp. 229.
[34] Bentz, V. M., and Shapiro, J. J. (1998). Mindful Inquiry
in Social Research. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage. pp.
117.
[35] Salvador, Tony; Genevieve Bell; and Ken Anderson
(1999) Design Ethnography, Design Management Journal (pp. 35-41). p.37
[36] Practical Ethnography
[37] Richardson,L. (2000). Evaluating ethnography, in
Qualitative Inquiry, 6(2), 253-255
[38] For post-colonial critiques of ethnography from various
locations, see essays in Prem Poddar et al, Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures--Continental Europe and
its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008.
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External links
EXTERNAL LINKS
Encyclopedia Americana.
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17.1
17.2
Images
17.3
Content license