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SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

Fulfilling Social and Family Responsibilities In Light of Gender Equality


Andrew Daywalt
Sociology of Sex Roles SOC 2560
Oakland Community College
March 28, 2015

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

Fulfilling Social and Family Responsibilities In Light of Gender Equality


As western society trudges through the 21st century, its cravings for self change and
improvement prove that it's as ravenous as ever. That isn't to say that our subjective societal
progress isn't being made, but as there is no satisfaction in a world with so many variables, we
must keep going forward. We must be mindful though, not in our goals or intentions, but in how
such goals are met. With one of our biggest social dichotomies being our sex, it is unsurprising
that our society has specific goals in mind, specifically to bring men and women closer together,
or perhaps as close together as possible. Specifically we can see this taking place within our
family structures, including the battle between the public and the private. In order to bring both
sexes closer together, it is paramount that opportunities and options are equally available where
possible, which includes earning an education and pursuing a career. This is the idea of
empowering women, which is wonderful, but as in many cases, when we seek solutions for one
problem, others tend to arise. For example, with more women entering the work force, coupled
with a lack of men opting to become family caretakers, can such social changes have a negative
affect on our children? Is it possible that children and family no longer factor into the future
desires of our young adults, and if so, will society suffer as a result? Unfortunately the answers to
those questions cannot be satisfied with a simple yes or no. Incentive programs acting as tools of
social engineering may act as a way to steer this gender equality train in the right direction, or
perhaps tear it apart It could be said that nations such as Germany, Japan and South Korea are
precursors, or warnings of an ill-fated future for family life, but maybe families can prove that
we merely need to re-imagine the family structure entirely.

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

Masculine and Feminine


In order to understand the problem of gender roles and gender equality in a structural
context, we must first understand masculinity and femininity and how they both fit into the social
equation. From the standpoint of social disparities between genders, it is important to understand
the perceived differences between each gendered half, as well as the origin point of gender and
how men and women meet a social divide. To begin, gender, as well as masculinity and
femininity as a result, is based on a social status or label, as opposed to one's sex, which is based
purely on biological attributes. Traditionally, in a western society, masculinity is tied to the male
gender, and it implies dominant, competitive and autonomous traits (Burke, Stets, n.d.). On the
other hand, femininity is associated with the female gender and implies expressive, warm and
submissive traits (Burke, Stets, n.d.). It is important to note that these traits are not exclusive to
each gender, nor sex, but are merely associated. Burke and Stets are careful to point out that It is
important to distingsuish gender identity...from other gender-related concepts such as gender
roles which are shared expectations of behavior given one's gender (n.d., p. 1). Additionally, a
person can identify as a particular gender and still identify as a personality of the opposite
gender, eg. a feminine male.
Originally, it was viewed that some aspects of gender are innate to one's sex.
Anthropologist Margaret Mead countered this claim during her research of three primitive
societies. In one society, both men and women displayed traits of femininity, in another they both
displayed traits of masculinity, and in the final group they swapped roles with common culture
and the females were masculine and the males were feminine (Burke, Stets, n.d., p. 3). Based on
these mixed results, it would seem questionable to assume that it is human nature for men and

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

women to fit into our more common gender roles. At the very least, it acts as a bit of proof that
our biological sexes, and the differences between them, do not define masculinity and femininity
and can therefore be altered.
When it comes to gender roles in our society in the context of family structure, it is most
common the associate femininity with cooking, cleaning and raising the family in general, while
the masculine male in the family is at work, playing the role of the provider and protector. From
a structural standpoint this works quite well because the financial needs of the family are met,
while the needs of the children and home are met as well. Unfortunately this does not bode well
when viewing it from an ideal place of equality. This leaves very little room to swap roles and
can result in a feeling of disempowerment for women. On the flip side, during our progress for
equality, women have been granted slightly more wiggle room, where men are still heavily
pressured to fulfill their traditional family role.
The Western Family Structure: Change, or Tradition?
Typically when one thinks about a traditional family structure, in its simplest form, it is
common to imagine a heterosexual couple as a mother and father, and somewhere between one
and three children. Loosely defined, a family is a social institution found in all societies that
unites people in cooperative groups to care for one another, including children (Macionis,
2011). Based on this concept of family, we can imagine a much broader range of family
structures, however it should be noted that family typically applies to blood relatives, or an
institution that simulates blood relation. This is most often the case in US families, where we
often see the mother, father, children pattern as mentioned above. While gender inequalities are
shrinking, we still live in a patriarchal society, which pressures family members into common

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

roles based on their gender. According to John Macionis, when it comes to the marriage
marketplace in patriarchal societies, gender roles dictate the elements of exchange: Men bring
wealth and power...and women bring beauty (2011, p. 372). A somewhat accurate depiction,
with the exception of omitting the assumption that women will take care of future children.
Ultimately these prospects often play out accurately, where men fulfill a career, while women are
tasked with raising the children.
This type of family structure, which is the most common general depiction of what an
American family strives for, compliments and fits neatly into the separation of the private and
public realms of society. The stay-at-home parent, almost always the mother, exists primarily
within the private domain, facing and attempting to resolve internal family matters, and more
commonly communicating with other women in similar situations. On the other hand, the
provider or worker tends to stake themselves in the public, usually viewed at as the face of a
family from the outside (Vaughn, 2013). This type of social family structure can be seen as
ultimately flawed because it automatically divides the individual roles on a social level, which
when added to typical gender roles, often means creating a social gap between men and women.
By breaking down either half of this equation offers completely different alternatives. If gender
roles are removed, each part of a couple would have to voluntarily opt in to take up either role. If
the private and public barriers are torn down between men and women, the responsibilities of
each are either divided in some other way, or are shared. Ideally, if both are done away with,
social responsibilities can be freely shared by each party. That being said, is it wise to strive for
such changes without also redefining what we call a strong or important family role?

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

The Private Versus the Public Life


Historically, the split between public and private has been a central theme to the
organization of feminism over the last few decades (Weintraub, 1997). While the public and
private spheres carry many different definitions, as far as gender roles are concerned, the
dichotomy is mostly associated with the social split between civil society and family, or home
life. Traditionally, and still common in western society today, the woman is the master of the
private sphere, where the man is generally associated with the public, often related to working
outside of the home, and bearing the public representation of a family, which as a very notable
example would be titling the family after the husband's name. A major goal of many feminist
scholars and activists is to bridge the gender gap between the private and public realms in order
to achieve a greater sense of opportunity and overall equality between men and women. When it
comes to the gender role split women are often confined to positions of inferiority (1997, p.
29), where men are placed in positions of dominance. According to Carole Pateman, this
dichotomy is viewed from an exclusive male perspective, as the private realm is also the public
for the woman. Pateman states The separation between private and public is thus reestablished
as a division within civil society itself, within the world of men (as cited by Weintraub, 1997, p.
31).
Where feminists believe that gender roles are wrong purely based on the idea that they
generate inequalities, functionalists view the split between the private and public exists in order
to better serve society as a whole, and that we must have designated roles in order for society to
function properly and ultimately sustain itself. Where feminism often tries to break down the
gender role wall by claiming that the public/private split does not exist (Renzetti, Curran, Shana,

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

2012 p. 73, functionalists try to keep the wall in tact in many cases. While feminists may be
correct with its assertion about the lack of a public/private split, the social distinction and
associated roles certainly do.
Even by dismantling or preserving these concepts, each viewpoint can find common
ground, so long as both needs are met. From the feminist perspective, the walls between the
private and public can be less of a hindrance, so long as it is not a wall built of gender roles and
gender status. If the public and private spheres remain genderless and equal, the feminist
problem is reduced greatly. From a functionalist standpoint, the main goal is to keep the wall
standing in order to provide us with societal structure and regardless of whether or not the divide
between private and public is genderless and equal or not, it can still serve its function. Of course
these viewpoints are not without their criticisms. From one perspective, keeping the divide
merely leaves us with a template for inevitable inequality, and from the other, making the split
genderless could potentially remove some stability from the system. Although the alternative
could potentially be desirable, as it does not compromise the main goal of either viewpoint.
The Stay-at-Home Father
As previously discussed in this paper, the typical family structure in the west consists of a
providing father, a caregiver mother, and children. In some rarer cases, these roles can become
reversed, making the mother the family provider, while the father takes care of the household and
children. This, according to the social image of the family is a reversal of masculinity and
femininity. Many modern cases of families such as this can be seen as a result of recent
economic problems here in the west, with popular titles for these marriages being role reversed
marriages, trophy husbands, and recession stay-at-home dads (Floyd, Morman, 2014, p.

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

115). While stay-at-home father families are statistically much lower than the traditional family
model, studies regarding these situations are not any less important because, according to Caryn
Medved, women continue to out-pace men in terms of both educational and earnings growth.
Thus, SAHFs [stay-at-home fathers] and so-called reverse traditional couples (RTCs) are likely
to become more not less prevalent (2014, p. 116). Medved also states that this increase in male
caretakers has the potential to challenge our views of gender roles within families, and
challenge the heteronormative assumptions of masculinity and caregiving (2014, p. 117). In
general, while perhaps this type of change was brought about by a social crisis, this may force
society to place a higher value on the caretaker role, as opposed to continuing to hold it much
lower in the face of an increasing mixed gender population filling the same stay-at-home role.
From a functionalist standpoint, as more women seek out a position in the professional world, it
will be essential that we will still be able to take care of our children, which leaves men to
possibly fill those spots. Unfortunately it will still be a struggle to convince anyone to be in that
position if it continues to be seen as less valuable, and lower down in our social hierarchy.
The Impact on Foreign Nations
Reaching for gender equality and/or redefining gender roles in a society do not come
without potential consequences though, specifically when not all issues are being considered, or
when change occurs inconsistently with other directly linked aspects of society. Here in the
United States, we might not necessarily witness this type of conflict on a grander scale, but it has
certainly caused, or amplified problems in other industrial nations. For example, Japan's
population has seen a population decline, or total fertility rate decline from 4.54 to 1.29 children
between 1947 and the present (Coulmas, 2007). While the fertility rate change of women in

SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES IN LIGHT OF GENDER EQUALITY

Japan over the last 68 years certainly can't be completely chalked up to the structural functional
consequences of two genders trying to occupy the same social space, but there has been a
noticeable link between the rising employment rate of Japanese women since the mid-1980s, and
a sharp decline in the total fertility rate (Coulmas, 2007).
The disinterest in having children could be partially due to couples marrying later, and
then not having children for several years after marriage, cutting down on a couple's window for
child bearing years (Coulmas, 2007), but the rising cost of raising a child might also factor in as
well. According to the Economic and Social Research Institute, based out of Tokyo, Japan, the
average cost of raising a child in Japan, from birth until the age of 18 is about 19 million yen, or
roughly $159,652 (Hori, 2011). The average yearly income for a Japanese worker is about 24%
of that total value, and to put that into perspective, that proportion, between income and
childcare, is about 21% in the United States, based on data from The World Bank (2013). While
that 3% difference is significant, and we do feel the pain of raising children in the US as well, the
crisis of a shrinking fertility rate doesn't seem to be hitting us nearly as hard. What makes Japan
different, as previously mentioned, women have become increasingly active as employers
seeking a paid income and a career. While this is a good sign for the social well-being of
individuals in regards to equality, it has had an effect on childcare in Japan. In many cases, it's
hard to justify the opportunity cost of having a child over having a job, or according to Coulmas,
the increase of paid female employment brought about a change in the sense of time. Time
spend at work came to be percieved as being more valuable than time spent on rearing children
and household chores (2007, p. 12). While women are spending less time working on their
households, men aren't entirely clamoring to pick up the slack in most cases. As opposed to

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spreading gender roles between men and women, this denies the private and begins to pool
everyone in the public end of the spectrum, which, in Japan's case, has added to its diminishing
population of young children.
Japan is not alone in this issue. Nearby in South Korea, the population is facing a similar
crisis as the fertility rate decreases while the current population continues to age. According to
the United Nations Procurement Division, the working age (15-64) in South Korea has increased
since 2000, but has been expected to decline since then due to a substantially lower number of
children aging into that gap, with a larger proportion aging into the senior population of 65+, an
age ratio that is expected to pass population aged 0-14 by 21% by 2030 (as cited by Kim, 2000).
This is due in large part to a similar issue that Japan is facing in the wake of both genders
entering the workforce, leaving little time and interest to raise children and/or build a family. The
negatives stretch beyond an overall population decline as this is an issue that has, and will
continue to face the current population. In the short-run, younger generations will face issues
regarding an ability to seek out an education, as schools continue to increase in price and likely
close in areas outside of major population centers. In the long-run, the ever growing elderly
population will face numerous problems that are already started to affect Korean citizens. The
elderly population suffer from problems of living arrangements, leaving many to live on their
own. As a result of this, many older South Koreans face serious economic problems without
support from working aged family members (Kim, 2000). Between financial difficulty and living
alone, often in rural areas, seniors run higher health risks, especially for those who are already
living with long-term healthcare needs, which accounts for as much as 46.3% of the elderly
population, according to Kwang Jun Park (1999).

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This very problems is also evident in Western society, as Germany is beginning to see the
effects of population decline and an aging population due to a decreased total fertility rate. For
young Germans, career opportunities are relatively equal between both men and women, as is the
case in nearby Scandinavian countries. The major difference between the two is that Germans are
more likely to start a family later in life, or simply never have kids at all, which has dramatically
affected the fertility rate. While the numbers have fluctuated more than in countries like Japan
and Korea, Theoretical and empirical, survey-based deliberations do not leave room for
assuming an increasing fertility in Germany (Hoehn, 2000). The reason for Germany's decline
in fertility, while countries like Norway and Sweden stay relatively strong? Many seem to think
it's the result of young Germans seeking a career over raising a family. Since the burden of child
rearing is still primarily on women in these cultures, they are all faced with the same problem
early in their adulthood, Start a family, or start a career? While in Scandinavian countries,
women tend to start families soon after finishing their education. Many German students believe
it's due to lengthier educational programs in Germany, one student, Shirin Imani says I think it's
extremely difficult to start once you've started working because by then, you like your job, and
you think 'now I want to take the next step at work,' and only after than I'll think about having a
family. She then continues by saying at some point you just to take a leap and stop working,
but you'll always think that you probably won't get the same opportunities after giving birth
(Euronews, 2013). This highlights several problems facing both gender equality and maintaining
a stable fertility rate. Biologically, the burden of birth is currently on women, which for medical
and ethical issues will likely not change any time soon. However this position, while openly
appreciated by society, it is not clearly valued in any way, and is most often seen as a hindrance,

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or an either-or lifestyle. This prevents many women and their family's from both having children
while also maintaining a career that can keep pace with both men and non-childbearing women.
Again, this is an example of a western society crowding the career oriented, working space as the
optimal goal for everyone as some means of achieving equality. This idea that the family life is
undesirable, and that working is ideal, we're seeing a greater number of women pooling into new
gender-roles, while men remain mostly exclusive to their traditional roles, which in turn neglects
social roles that are vital to a thriving society.
Dual Career Parenting and Sharing Roles
From a Functionalist standpoint, such a problem would spring forth as a result of
breaking the common family structure. The lack of a mother figure role becomes likely to result
in the neglect of children, or women who are reluctant to have children in the first place.
Alternatively, a working mother would stretch herself too thin and outside of her societal
function, resulting in potential mental or health crises. From a Feminist standpoint, this is exactly
what the problem is. Women who decide to take on a family with her spouse, as well as have
children, ends up bearing the majority of her family's responsibility. According to recent survey
data released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, women are still shown to take on the vast
majority of household responsibilities at around 83%, regardless of whether they are employed
or not (Sifferlin, 2014). This paints a very different picture in comparison to the families of
Japan, Korea and Germany. While US women are likely to increasingly hold off on children in
the pursuit of a career, many current mothers leave their job in light of having children to care
for; a supposed 43% according to Elance CMO Rich Pearson (Casserly, 2013). The crisis that the
functionalist faces is specifically a lack of social structure, however the structural functional

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roles deemed necessary to promote reproduction, childcare and household labor don't need to lay
on the shoulders of one group. In large part, the stress that dual-career families face is based on
the division of labor at home, during time away from the office. Women are often assumed to
take automatic responsibility for work at home, resulting in working mothers being at a higher
risk of suffering from stress-related conditions, including symptoms of chronic depression
(Greensberg, 2013, p. 369). With the presumed goal of gender equality, including career
opportunities and closing the gender role gap, the potential functionalist aim of designating
gender roles as a structural function is inadequate. Because of this, a popular proposition is the
division of house labor and family responsibilities, as it preserves vital familial roles while also
offering women equal family opportunities without being forced to choose between putting off
children, or facing health risks by working at home and raising a family. This addresses concerns
of both functional and feminist origin while simultaneously promoting the concept of a family
and well-being. While this alternative appears to be satisfactory, a common concern is raised that
fathers, specifically working fathers, might feel that this will see no real beneficial return for
them. On the contrary, fathers sharing family responsibilities can benefit from this change as
well, including higher self-esteem, higher levels of marital satisfaction, and happier fathers due
to their increased family involvement (Russell, 1994).
Conclusion
With the gender gap in the western world closing more and more as we move forward, it
seems that we tend to tackle single problems in an isolated manner as a means of social
progression. While this is certainly an effective means of bringing about social change, such as
gender equality, it is common for isolated solutions to miss or open new wounds. From the

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standpoint of workforce and employment equality, women are graduating and being hired at
higher rates than ever. From a feminist standpoint, this is seen as progress, but as a result there
looms the problem of family versus career. In the United States and in other developed nations,
this split choice has affected both women and families alike. As a society and culture, we still
value masculine roles vastly above most feminine roles and traits. Because of this, more gender
freedom has resulted in both genders flooding the masculine end of the social spectrum, leaving
traditional feminine roles behind. This raises the concern for our families and children, if
children are even had. Women are often left with the choice of a career, children, or trying to
juggle both. While men are more likely to help out than in the past (Sifferlin, 2014), they are still
often reluctant to take on additional responsibilities at home, often those deemed as women's
work. Failing to fulfill both feminine and masculine roles in a family can be detrimental to the
mental health of the parents, but can also have negative effects on the mental well-being of the
children. Rigid divisions of labor and marital stress can behavioral problems and stress
management issues for children (Russel, 1994). As a society with aims at achieving gender
equality, as well as a sustainable social structure, both feminine and masculine roles must be
valued.

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