Koha Digest # 148

Front Page: CANNES - 50 YEARS OF THE FILM FESTIVAL

KOSOVA - 5 YEARS OF A MOVIE PARLIAMENT
Date: 14 May 1997

EDITORIAL

THE CAPITAL OF THE PROCEDURAL DEBATERS

by VETON SURROI

The debate that took place the last and the previous weeks on whether this or that step related
to the Parliament of Kosova and the elections that were to be held for that parliament, was
constitutional or not, was interesting, to the limit of amusement.

Any dilettante jurist could explain that all these political maneuvers were not at all related to
the Constitution and the laws, whereas anyone acquainted with the basic concept of free
elections would laugh at the attempt to organize free elections on a occupied territory.

Naturally, the exciting part would be dominant if we weren't talking about the Kosova we live
in and the conditions in which we are living. The fact is that a kind of debate was carried on
about what kind of legal instruments the actual Kosovar leadership (supporter of the status
quo) would use to go out from this uncomfortable situation, and on the other hand the
political calculation whether it is good or bad (for gaining party positions) to go into elections
now or later?

Both efforts can be criticized with a lot of arguments. For example, the fact that now, after
seven years, it comes out that Kosova is considered to live in a state of emergency as
proclaimed by the Parliament of the Republic of Kosova, although five years ago, in the same
conditions, we had the first parliamentarian elections for that same Parliament. Were the
circumstances better in 1992? Where is the difference between 1992 and 1997?

Or: where does all that insisting to hold new parliamentarian elections now come from, then
the final product of those elections could be a parliament that, in conditions of occupation,
will not have the courage to constitute? There is an infinite list of questions of the kind, and
this is part of the political life. But, I believe that not many have noticed that this year's debate
on the elections has raised to the surface a quality that not many have expressed in the
European post-communism: the determination to build a democratic society.

If something is worth in all these years of silence and expectation is the determination that the
future of Kosova should be projected inside a frame where procedures and laws would be in
power, where the articles of the constitution would be important, where the president of the
republic will be openly criticized in the media and at the same time show tolerance for the

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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right of criticism... In fact, maybe even unconsciously, the citizens of Kosova, with all their
economic and political poverty, have shown a high level of debating capacities, in extremely
limited conditions, on their actual and future life. And, this has not happened often in the
former communist states, and even less in the former Yugoslav republics, where the political
debate ended with the dialogue of arms.

It is a capital which is, nevertheless, there: to underestimate it, as so often done so far, or to
put it in function, as never before.

KOSOVA

ELECTIONS POSTPONE THE SOLUTION

by BEHLUL BEQAJ / Prishtinë

Five years ago, Kosovar political factors invited Albanians to

the first presidential and multi-party elections, in order to put
in function the political will of the people, formally
articulated in the Constitution of Kaçanik and in the referendum
for Kosova as an independent state. The political factors that
gave more promises and those who were the leading figures of the
political scene won in those elections. On the other hand, the
Coordinating Body of Political Parties that participate in the
non-constituted parliament of Republic of Kosova, could not reach
a consensus this week, to finally start with realization of the
political will of the people, since the suggestions of the
friends not to hold the elections were stronger, as opposed to
the obligation for the concretization of the elections. The
postponement of the elections also delays the solution of the
Kosova issue.

The president and the political parties that had the backing of
the people as never before, have more trust in international
factors than in their own people. Although these political
factors gained power thanks to the vote of the people, they think
of staying in power at least for another six months, thanks to
the suggestions of our foreign friends.

Allegedly, they would lose their friends' support if they held

the elections, but, if they don't, they would lose the backing
of the people.

Therefore, they chose a compromise, not that much to satisfy the

friends and the people, as much as to prolong their rule!

After five years of waiting and hoping, without fulfilling their

promises, the President of the Republic of Kosova decided to
extend the mandate of the MPs until 24 December, meanwhile the

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nonexistent Parliament will have to continue its work in
commissions and, if necessary, in plenary meetings, until the
elections are celebrated.

Undoubtedly, this decision is disappointing, but it's most

inopportune side is that it opened the path to endless
disappointment. Because, we are to believe that in the next six
months the political factors will realize the political decisions
that they were unable to put in force during five years! They
expect people to believe in the institutions that can't be seen
and actions that can't be felt, and not to believe in the actions
of the Serbian regime, that are seen and felt on their backs on
a daily basis. Perhaps, those who had no strength to constitute
the parliament, demonstrated their power in disintegrating the
inherited Assembly composed of the MPs of the monist system,
whose decisions are, now still usable, with the internal pretext
that the majority of the MPs, that declared the Constitutional
Declaration and the Constitution of Kaçanik, are risking to
regret it. This pretext, could have perhaps been used by someone
who has shown some results, regardless of how much illogical, but
in no way should it be used by the political factors that didn't
even try to prove the contrary. Since, even after five years of
stagnation, the Parliament of the Republic of Kosova was not
constituted, ex-parliamentarians are right to think that the
dispersion of the old Assembly was only a pretext for the actual
political establishment to take over the power, and the new
postponement of the elections, just gave this matter more
grounds.

These parliamentary parties didn't constitute the parliament in

five long years, however, they think that they gained the credit
to continue their journey, despite the fact that the nation
remains living in a state of neo-colonization. The more the issue
of Kosova is being internationalized, the more it drowning in
Serbia. The more the Albanian rights are being internationalized,
their police files are multiplying. The biggest "success" of the
Albanian political parties is that they prevented Albanians from
participating in Serb elections, and their biggest failure is
that they never realized the results of their own elections.
Thus, Albanians are to suffer double consequences; those caused
by the Serbian regime and those caused by the Albanian politics
of improvisation. The leadership of the actual political
establishment acts as if Serbia were not taking any action in
Kosova, although the consequences are felt on a daily basis.

Therefore, the Serbian regime and a considerable part of the

opposition, acts as if the issue of Kosova didn't exist at all.
While the political elite lives on the "3%", the unbearable
situation forced the most vital part of the nation to seek a
solution abroad and the others continue living as so far, in

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hope... There is no doubt, the people's sacrifices are a sign of
loyalty towards the aspirations and the political determinations
and thus, they represent a form of resistance, but this can turn
into a boomerang if it weakens the nation more than the anti-
Albanian regime. Under the firm of national aspirations,
political factors have jeopardized the national being and
identity. This policy has graded the ruin of the morale on one
hand, and on the other hand, even the fragile institutions are
being disassembled and desecrated day by day, as if they were of
the enemy. It gives the impression that all the conditions are
fulfilled, so the people that are continuously looking for
justifications and pretexts for their futility, instead of
looking for forms and tools to achieve the national rights,
finally demystify their uncertainties, because if the nation has
built some political consciousness, cannot live on their errors
any longer. Thus, the next six months could be more bearable, and
the future would become clearer, wouldn't it?

ALBANIA/KOSOVA

"DON’T UNDERESTIMATE THE POWER OF THE SANCTIONS"

by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington

The second conference of Center for International Studies ended

just recently in Washington. While the first conference was
dedicated to Albania’s crisis, the second one was centered on the
more thorough analyses of the Albanian problems, including the
Albanian crisis proper, the Kosova problem and the issue of human
rights in Macedonia.

‘In these conferences, we will look into one of the most

important critical issues in the Balkans, the problem of
Albanians in the peninsula and the overall security in it's
southern part’, said Janusz Bugajski in his speech.
Nicholas Pano, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences in the
Western Illinois University, described the factors that brought
Albania into the crisis. He stressed that the main factor was
Albania’s low political culture, where the public order is not
comprehended, as well as the political and legal reforms made by
Berisha in order to strengthen his power. ‘These laws clearly
increased Berisha’s bigger role in the juridical field’, said Mr.
Pano. He also reminded of Berisha’s influence on the media, his
tendencies to marginalize opposition parties and to keep a one-
party state system, that of the Democratic Party.

Pano spoke of the deficiencies of the fiscal and banking systems

that actually helped the initiation and the continuation of the

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pyramidal schemes. While explaining the collapse of these
schemes, Pano said that Berisha had accused his opponents of
being communists, but didn't achieve the wanted effect.
‘Now we’ve got an interesting structure. We have the president,
a more or less imposed mixed-party government, a one-party
parliament as well as the ‘salvation committees’‘.

Pano stated that creating conditions for new elections and the
consolidation of public order is necessary, but the biggest
problem, according to him, is the people’s trust. He said that
the consequences of the crisis were big: 200-700 killed,
thousands of wounded, millions in material damage and 15,000
emigrants.

According to Pano, people have lost their trust in the

governmental system and process, he suggested that '92 Electoral
law should be taken as grounds for the election of 92 parliament
members by electoral votes and 43 others according to the proportional
system. Finally, minor party forces will be elected with the
percentage of 3%, not 4%.

‘After the elections are held, the real test for all the parties
will be the respect and support of the people's decision, as well
as the elaboration of the Constitution based on the people’s
sentiment, which would also be a base for a long-term development
of Albania’, said Pano.

The second presenter, Rudolph Perina, U.S. Assistant Under-

Secretary of State for European and Canadian issues, expressed
his satisfaction for taking part in such a conference.

‘I would gladly talk about happier things... unfortunately this

subject is full of sad elements... Albanians had a very difficult
history and they deserve international attention. When we talk
of Albania it is very difficult to limit yourself within the
borders of this country, because the issues linked with Albanians
are hard to avoid, i.e., the Albanians in the former Yugoslavia’.
Referring to Albania, Perina said:’I want to stress how sad the
situation in Albania is. It is a tragedy that Albania caused
itself; and it had just started it's political and democratic
development. And this was one big step backwards from democratic
processes that this nation and country deserve after living for
such a long time subjected to that kind of a regime’.

As he pointed out the American objectives in Albania, Perina

talked of the stabilization of the actual situation, the
political and economic development where OSCE and the European
countries are engaged.

He said that USA helped Albania in these difficult times with an

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assistance worth $1 million, distributed through ICRC and by
sending a contingent of wheat. Chances are that there will be an
additional assistance worth $2,5 million. ‘In general we see that
there is sufficient amount of food and our point of view is that
there is no humanitarian crisis in Albania’. Perina said that the
American government is working closely with it’s European allies,
the OSCE, Vranitzky and his staff, and with Fino’s government.
He stated that the Albanian delegation’s arrival is very
important, because the US wants to host a delegation that
represents all political parties, and not individuals. ‘We will
work closely with Fino because we think that his government is
the best chance and hope for national reconciliation, which
Albania needs’ he said.

Perina also stated that all of them are hoping that the elections
in Albania will be the main factor for the country’s
stabilization. After the elections, he said, Albania will need
help from and the international community will help with
whatever, in order to see Albania recover.

When referring to the regional Albanian issue, Perina mentioned

Macedonia. ‘Our opinion is that Macedonia is one of the most
successful stories in the Balkans and we are very much satisfied
with the developments in Macedonia. Albanians in there are better
off than the Albanians in Albania and Kosova. We know of the
political ethnic tensions in FYROM, but in general, they are very
much under control and they can be solved within the actual
political system’.

As far as Kosova is concerned, he said that ‘two million

Albanians are living under repression and their human and
political rights are not respected at all. We have been very
worried for a long time and we’ve tried to use our influence in
the region in order to find a solution. It's very, very important
that the international community keeps trying to find a solution
for Kosova’.

‘The USA don’t support a solution that is reached with a

unilateral change of borders or by dissolving of political units,
because we’ve learned from Bosnia that further disintegration has
no success and it can’t be achieved without a high price. This
doesn’t mean that we consider the situation tolerable. That’s
wrong. The international community will have to continue working
on giving guarantees for political and human rights of people in
Kosova. We are also fully engaged in this matter. One manner
would be the special status for Kosova. In every discussion with
the Serbian authorities we talk about the Kosova problem and we
have some elements that might help achieving these objectives,
like the outer wall of sanctions. Even though the UN has
withdrawn some of the sanctions, there are still barriers that

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prevent the full integration of Serbia and Montenegro in the
international community. We believe it is very important that
sanctions should be kept until some conditions are fulfilled and
until there is an important progress in finding a solution to
this problem. The outer wall is very effective because it settles
an economic price. We opposed Yugoslavia’s integration in
international financial institutions. There are some variations
in the international community, but USA and EU agree that
Belgrade should be pressured for the resolution of the Kosova
problem. I want to point out that we aren’t trying to be anti-
Serbian. We even think that the whole situation in Serbia and
Montenegro is not natural. We hope Belgrade will get convinced
that the problem of Kosova has to be treated and that this is in
favor for all sides. This is what we’re trying to do in Kosova.
We think that Rugova has led a very brave moral leadership
despite the provocations and the repression there, and we support
his non-violent policy, because violence will destroy not only
Kosova but all Albanians. There are peaceful tools to solve this
and we encourage this kind of solution.

Well, the conclusion is that there aren’t easy and quick

solutions, but these issues need the long-term attention of the
international community. We want to do anything in our power to
avoid violence like in Bosnia and we think there are peaceful
ways to do this’.

After the presentations, came the questions. When asked to

comment on the conspiracy theories of the ex-communists in
Albania, Pano said that ‘there is a mixture of all things in
Albania and there is no doubt that some communists took part in
helping the crisis burst. There are some theories that they are
engaged by somebody, but I don’t think there were operations
orchestrated by Serbia or Greece. There are some Greek
chauvinists who are linked with the crisis somehow, but they
aren’t encouraged by the Greek government. When asked about the
possibility of lifting of the sanctions against Serbia, Perina
said ‘there are some different policies in Europe and USA, but
there is also the determination on the limitations that will stay
until the Kosova issue is solved. He added that he doesn’t
consider the EU trade preferences very important, because the
integration in IMF or World Bank are more important for Serbia.
When asked about Berisha’s future, Perina said that for USA its
very important that he works with the party which is the best at
representing Albania’s people. ‘Berisha's position depends on the
elections and Albanian people should decide about this. For us,
the best is to work with Fino’s government right now’.

But, Stefano Stefanini, political counselor at the Italian

embassy declared that Italy’s concern for Albania its not only
the result of the direct effect that refugees had in Italy. The

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Italian government thinks that Albania is an issue with a long-
term strategic interest for the region’s security. ‘Without
political and economic stabilization there will be no normal
conditions in Albania, therefore there won’t be any stabilization
in the Balkans’, said Stefanini.

Other issues that came up during the conference were the matter
of security during the elections, who will take care for the
observers' security, will people feel safe to go out and vote.
‘We think that the multi-national forces' presence, the Albanian
authorities and police, as well as the national consensus on the
elections, should create optimal conditions’, said Stefanini.
When asked to point out what does he mean with the said "special
status for Kosova", Perina answered that ‘it is not appropriate
that the US or Europe give the formula. The special status is a
concept that could be implemented in many ways. We’re saying that
Kosovars need to have security and need their human and political
rights to be respected within Serbia and Montenegro. The best way
is to give Kosova a special status... we don’t write formulas but
both sides have to achieve this. The mechanisms are there, the
negotiators, the international community, many countries have
offered help, but both sides have to accept the start of process.
But, the main step has to come from Belgrade.

Kosova enjoyed autonomy as a unit, even though it wasn’t

functioning very well, but it exists as an entity, which by some
is called republic and by some province. We accept the fact that
there is an entity, but it is a different thing to call it an
independent unit. Albanians have their support today because of
the policy they followed. I think Rugova has merits for this
policy. We hope that the leadership of Kosova will not take steps
that will cause it's instability. The "special status" offers a
possibility that should be considered. I want to point out again
that Kosova is not forgotten, nor is Rugova or his people, that’s
why we still keep the outer wall of sanctions in force. Don’t
underestimate the sanctions' power, because if they’re kept with
determination, they will give results’.

ALBANIA

HOW IS ALBANIA BEING SOLD

by ARIANA LEKA / Tirana

The ancient year 1612, when some English workers who were angry
on their employees and not being able to attack them, attacked
the machines, seems to have come back in Albania. Although there
isn't any John Lud, the new Ludists have become active. News

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about the destruction of the machines, factories, combines keep
coming in. After the smuggling of fuel during the embargo, now
it is the turn of iron, or being more precise, of steel.

Around 1.200 tons of iron leave from Albania to Montenegro on a

daily basis, destined to the Steel Combine of Niksic, 170 km from
Shkodër. Along the Tirana-Shkodër road, only during one travel,
you can notice around 10 trucks loaded with iron. Maybe this
wouldn't be a reason to be worried about, if this iron were
scrap, but this is not the case.

Unfortunately, everything made of iron is being removed from

factories, but also from old tanks, tractors, unused machine
engines etc. An iron retailer, who wanted to remain anonymous,
said: "Within 25 hours, 150 to 200 trucks loaded with iron cross
the Albanian-Yugoslav border. Each of these vehicles has the
capacity of carrying 6 to 10 tons or perhaps even more". But the
reatiler says that the price of 1 kg of iron is about 10 Lek, and
the Montenegrin middlemen sell it for the price of 15 Lek for a
kilogram.

The retailer is from Lezhë, a place 60 km far from both Tirana

and Hani i Hotit. Two months ago, a paper factory used to exist
there. This was the largest factory in Albania, built in the
seventies. Today, only it's chimney will make one assume that
there used to be a factory. Everything is destroyed, removed,
loaded and on its way to Montenegro. It's a hardly imaginable
massacre. Anyway the iron tradesman gives a cold-blooded
response: "I made the state a favor, because I cleaned the
factory from these old and dysfunctional machines. But others
took tanks, guns and army machines".

Although the center of the city, including the police station is

only 600 meters away, this total destruction goes on. The term
state of emergency here could be rather applied as "state of
emergency destruction".

An old driver from Shkodër says with distress: "I feel pain when
I see the national treasure being grabbed. I worked as a
mechanic, too. I saw a new machine being loaded on a truck". And
an army officer complains that he saw some people dismantling a
tank in order to sell it in pieces. "I have been working my whole
life in the army, but I have never seen such a massacre". The
question is how can this happen when police roadblocks have been
established in Albanian towns and in the border region, there are
police and custom controls. But a solution for this "problem" was
found. Every roadblock can be passed by paying 1 or 2 thousand
Lek. In the Muriqani crossing-point, with 20.000 Lek you'll pay,
the police will allow you to pass. And after crossing the border,
there are no more problems, since Montenegrins offer police

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escorting all the way to the Niksic mill.

The Tirana newspaper "Dita informacion" wrote that "the only

thing that Albanians should do is to give away the large
Metallurgic Combine of Elbasan to their northern neighbor, thus
ending this massacre against the Albanian national wealth".
This is a confirmation that "every bad thing has it's good side",
especially when we are talking about somebody else's bad luck.

ALBANIA

LETHAL COMMERCE

by HAXHI SHABANI / Ulqin

This story begins in Katërkollë, the center Ana e Malit, under

authority of the town of Ulqin, inhabited completely by
Albanians. In Katërkollë's market I met with a person I knew, who
has, in the past 6-7 recent years, been doing "light commerce"
as he calls it.

I have any secrets. This, too, is a "light commerce", but also

a trade that weights a lot, says my friend.

This is a good offer. The sale is certain and I only need a

"pal". It can't be done without one. You for example. This is a
clear offer. "Slow down", I tell him, "let's see what is this all
about". "This is a dangerous business", he tells me. "I am
referring to `Kalashnyikov' machine guns. I found them in Shkodër
and I found a buyer here. I only need to go there and pick them
up". Then he starts calculating. "We buy them at 140 DM each, we
sell them here for 430 DM each and I have an order of 40 pieces.
So, we need to go there four times, each time we will carry 5
pieces. The figures show that we will profit 4000 dollars each.
It is a trade that can cost us a lot but also there is a lot we
can profit from. I've tried it once before. I have decided, if
I don't find a partner until the day after tomorrow, I will go
there alone".

Curiosity makes me learn some more data about this trade. With
another colleague, we went towards the border, just above
Sukubinë, in Lamij where the trucks leave from Albania. Along the
way, we see trucks loaded with iron, some police cars, and the
damaged road. We meet parked trucks with license plates of
different Albanian towns, which legally cross the border at the
"illegal" checkpoint, at a place called Lamij. We stop at the
Draginë village, where many trucks loaded with iron are parked.
Their number varies, since some come and some leave, but there

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are constantly about 20 to 30 trucks. We try to talk to some
people looking like drivers, and one of them approaches us. My
colleague tells me that we are lucky, since he is "our guy". He
can tell us something. After greeting us, he explained his
problem to us. "I'm in trouble, one week passed since my driver
is missing. Somebody had an accident near Niksic. I don't know
if he was the person implicated there. I have contacted the
police in Ulqin and later they contacted the police in Niksic,
but they don't know anything. I'm expecting a call from his
family and I have to tell them something.

In the meanwhile, we remained waiting. Then a driver asked us if

we were heading to the border. He said he would like to join us.
And by the way he tells his story. He works for small amount of
money for his "boss". Usually he transports iron, chrome and some
other metals. Answering our question whether we can smuggle
anything else, he says: "of course, even guns if you want to. I
can't understand why aren't you asking for guns since you are
under the Montenegrin rule". And then he asks us about our
profession. After telling him that we are journalists, he becomes
frightened a little bit, but still thanks us on his way out.
We reached Lamij, near the Albanian border. Only ten meters away
were the trucks loaded with iron, crossing the border. The
Yugoslav army controls the trucks in a routine manner. We learn
from the officials there, that light armament were found by Serb-
Montenegrin soldiers only once. On the other side, there are only
trucks, but not one single soldier.

INTERVIEW

NATASA KANDIC, Chairperson of the Humanitarian Law Center

THE OPPOSITION WAS WRONG TO INVITE ALBANIANS TO PARTICIPATE IN

THE SERBIAN ELECTIONS

Interviewed by DONJETA SHUSHKA & FISNIK ABRASHI / Prishtinë

KOHA: What is your comment on the recent meeting in Vienna about

Kosova, having in mind the statements made by Vojin Dimitrijevic?

KANDIC: I consider this meeting to be the continuation of the New

York meeting and this was not a meeting of people who will
resolve the situation, but it was a meeting where the existing
problems in Kosova would be presented and where we could
formulate advises for European states and USA, and let them have
a realistic standpoint for the solution of the Kosova issue. I
would like to point out some of the factors that brought Kosova
in the present situation.

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First, the participants were not representing Albanians or Serbs,
on the contrary, they were five individuals from Kosova and five
Serbs, very well acquainted with the situation.

Some of them had spoken about political solutions, some have

represented the idea of independence, not insisting on complete
independence, but referring to it having in mind the "de facto"
situation in Kosova, meaning that Kosova has not been and is not
part of Serbia as are Belgrade or Sumadija. There were others who
claimed that when we start to resolve the problem, we should
consider the fact that for some years now, institutions have been
functioning in Kosova, which even though are not recognized by
the international community and Serbia, are a relevant factor of
people living here. These institutions are the educational
institutions and private companies, whose appearance is a result
of the dismissal of Albanians from the state run companies. In
Kosova there are enough institutions to form a ministry, and
these are the real circumstances here. It's enough to ask the
ordinary people and then one will realize that they will ask for
help the institutions run by Albanians and not those run by the
state. I support the Vienna conclusions, according to which the
starting point for the solution of this problem is the real
situation. But, to understand the actual situation, one should
know what has happened to the Albanians in the past years and one
should know the reason why people refuse to see their territory
as the part of Serbia. I think that there is a big number of
people in Serbia who don't know much of the situation in Kosova
during 1990/91, when a packet of new laws was introduced. The
Serbian Parliament has adopted many decisions and instructions
which in some cases were even applied as laws.

If we were to tell to Serbian people what happened and why is

Kosova so far away from the political life in Serbia, maybe the
constructive atmosphere would be created, for resolving the
problem. But, to come to this situation, we should act
politically and we must talk to each other in the presence of the
third side. From my experience related to the events in the
former Yugoslavia, I would say that America would be the most
appropriate third side. America was the one to stop war in
Bosnia. With the presence of the third side, there can be a
constructive dialogue, realistic and without emotional
frustrations and in search of solutions based on the factive
situation. The undeniable will for independence, which was
expressed during these talks, should not be taken as something
negative. We should opt for a solution that would not harm any
of the sides and that Kosova would have kind of independence in
relation with the Government and the institutions which were
abolished after aggravation of the political and economical
situation in Kosova.

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I think that the Kosovar side had two arguments in the past
years, which can be used positively. The first argument is that,
whenever independence was discussed, they never said that they
want an ethnically clean territory or state and they never
claimed for the Albanian Republic of Kosova - whenever
independence was mentioned, it was in real civilized dimension.
Another constructive fact is that only Kosova can claim to the
international community that the majority never violated the
rights of the minority in the whole of former Yugoslavia. Even
though there were many reasons for this to happen, it did not
because, as it looks, the applied policy had this probably in
mind and was waiting for a suitable moment to create an adequate
climate.

Parallel life and institutions exist in Kosova, however the

ethnic conflict never happened. It is normal that the number of
"terrorist acts" has increased, but we should not neglect the
fact that these attacks are not done against Serbs. Those who
know the circumstances under which Albanians lived in, the
mistreatment they suffered, should ask themselves: "...where does
all this patience come from?" within the people that have
suffered so much.

The continuous arrests show that the police, after so many years,
hasn't realized that it has to deal with a political idea, a
legitimate political idea. None of the Albanians have said that
they are going to use all means to achieve Kosova's independence.
Now, the time has come for the idea of the Republic of Kosova to
become concrete. This is why it is very important to have
meetings on the international level, with representatives of
Albanian political parties and those of Serbian government, whose
aim would be to come to an acceptable solution for both sides.
Another important thing that should be mentioned about the
meeting in Vienna, is that no one was representing institutions,
but we were individuals seeking for ways to solve the whole
problem. As far as I could notice, no one saying that Kosova
should be a republic, but on contrary they gave evidences on
political level, why Kosova should be independent in relation to
the Serbian government. There were people from Belgrade, who
thought that the settlement of the Kosova problem will come with
the democratization of Serbia. From my point of view, first the
Kosova problem should be solved and this would then be a premise
of the democratization of Serbia.

KOHA: What is your opinion about the invitation extended by the

Serbian opposition to Albanians to participate in the Serbian
elections?

KANDIC: I think this is a very unrealistic act, and the

invitation would not favor the opposition. This so called

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"invitation", is no kind of political invitation. The opposition
can invite Albanians from Kosova to talks about the Kosova issue.
After the destructive policy of the Serbian Government that was
imposed in Kosova, it wouldn't be good idea to call them to take
part on our elections. But, it would be good, if they on one way
or another, start taking part in the political scene of
Yugoslavia. This would be the best way for Albanians to become
engaged and to create relationships with the Serbian opposition
and politics in general.

For the time being, we know only the standpoint of the

opposition, while the Serbian government and the socialists don't
say anything. This shows their wisdom. In fact, they first let
the opposition say it's opinion, and now all know their
viewpoint.

The government's steps, have always come as a surprise, like was

the case with the school agreement, even though there has been
nothing much done about it. This was a tactical move, whereas the
opposition never mentioned schooling and as far as I noticed,
they do not know much about it.

KOHA: What is the impact of your reports on the violation of

human rights on the Serbian government and international
institutions?

KANDIC: When we refer to our reports, are registrations at the

international level and the reports of international
organizations, I believe all of them have a big impact, because
we are a well known organization and because we deal with a wide
range human rights issues.

Something strange has happened lately. Following the completion

of one of our comprehensive reports, we had reactions coming,
especially from this area. There was a case, for example, of a
police commander that sent us a letter in which he wrote that
mistreatment during interrogation will continue and that all
secessionists will be mistreated forever. This is a concrete
statement revealing that this person thinks that he doing his
job, by defending something from secession, and that everyone who
says "Kosova Republic" is a secessionist. However, things seem
to have changed a bit, because the police and the government
officials are not reacting as before.

In Serbia, human rights organizations and similar are considered

to be paid by foreign services, foreign governments, and they are
accused of anti-governmental activities. This proves the totally
erroneous attitude towards NGOs that are mainly considered as
political enemies.

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KOHA: Knowing that the human rights of Albanians in Kosova have
been violated for so long, how one can expect that they can take
part in the political life of this state or to be associated with
Serbia?

KANDIC: Kosova has suffered so many human rights violations that

it is hard to expect that it can function inside Serbia. But,
there is an international policy, which can be seen in the
Bosnian case. Bosnia didn't decide about itself. I think that
this will happen in Kosova as well. I truly believe that the UN
is going to consider and adopt some criterions and solutions, and
when I say this, I mean that the solution should be inside the
borders of Yugoslavia. This means a kind of independence, but
inside the existing borders. Full independence is sought in
education, justice etc. This is a "de facto" independence, i.e.,
the real independence of a territory, of a political air in
relation to something else.

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