National Resistance Movement

Office of the National Chairperson

Plot 10 Kyadondo Road Box 7778 Kampala Tel: 346295 346279

The NRM has always been a revolutionary

organization, aiming at four principles: patriotism
(non-sectarianism and no gender chauvinism), PanAfricanism, social-economic transformation and
democracy.
We started by conducting, successfully, two wars of
resistance (1971-79 and 1981-86). We won those
wars because we had a correct ideology, strategy and
a just cause. Since 1986 we have successfully
defended the revolution against a whole spectrum of
counter-revolutionaries
and
terrorists,
many
sponsored by external forces. We, therefore, as in
the resistance wars, used bullets to successfully
defend the Revolution. Since we were in the open
society by this time, we had also, through
democracy, to defend the Revolution using ballots.
In the election for the CA (1993), the General
Elections of 1996, 2001, 2006 and 2011, the people,
working with the NRM, successfully defended the
Revolution. Even in the present exercise, again, the
people of Uganda, so many petty contradictions
1

notwithstanding, have stood with the NRM to defend

the Revolution. We have won a resounding victory of
about 65% in the Presidential elections and 282
NRM MPs elected. We have delivered a knock-out in
spite of the evil-minded falsehoods and demagoguery
of the opposition. I say 65% because many of the
455,175 invalid votes were NRM votes. How did I
know this? I knew this because at Mafudu, the Late
Wapas place, my young brother Mbabazi beat me by
5 votes. Yet 45 invalid votes were all mine. How
were they invalid?
It was because my supporters
ticked on the symbol (the bus) or even on the
candidate. The intention of the voter would be clear.
This was due to not sensitizing our agents and even
the election officials. This ended up taking away
about 5% of our votes. This, however, is not a new
phenomenon. Even in the past elections, we got
these types of losses for NRM, probably not on the
same magnitude.
Without this organizational
weakness, our vote should be around 65% for the
President in this weeks vote.
Even then, that
should not have been the vote we should have got
given the work NRM has done, especially in the area
of infrastructure (roads, electricity, schools, health
centres, piped water, etc.) and also in the area of
2

peace and security. We should have got 80% in my

opinion. However, that potential high score was
undermined by some mistakes of some of our
leaders. One long standing mistake has been poor
supervision of government services e.g. health care
and the stealing of drugs from health centres.
Wherever I went during the campaigns, the youthful
population of our children and grand-children was
complaining about this stealing of drugs by health
workers, absenteeism by the same workers,
negligence and even asking for bribes. In Kassanda
Health Centre, these accusations were confirmed
when I sent, subsequently, an investigation team.
We were about to arrest the health workers but the
public forgave them.
This is all due to poor
supervision by both the technical staff (PS, CAO,
Gombolola Chief, Town Clerk, etc.) and also by the
political class. Why should it be difficult to check on
the drugs even by the political class in the area?
The argument that health workers are poorly paid is
nonsensical because the workers in private hospitals
are paid less than in government hospitals. Yet they
work efficiently. This irritates the public alot in spite
of their support for the NRM. Dr. Diana Atwiines
Unit has arrested 227 health workers. The problem,
however, is the leniency of the Courts. They release
3

these people.
about this.

I have talked to the Chief Justice

The other contradiction within the NRM was on

account of the Primaries. There was alot of alleged
rigging by some of the actors. To compound this
problem, our Electoral Commission did not get time
to exhaustively investigate and rectify these
allegations. Sometimes, it would involve the misuse
of the security forces or bias by the RDCs. I,
personally, investigated two situations and provided
some remedy which stabilized the political situation
in the two areas.
One situation was Kanungu
(especially Kinkizi West) and the other situation was
in Bukono Constituency of
Namutumba.
In
Kanungu, it was clear that the Primaries results of
the MP candidate for Kinkizi West and the LCV
Chairperson had been altered in favour of other
people because the winners were thought to be proMbabazi. This was very wrong. How were they
pro-Mbabazi? The allegation was that during the
day, they are pro-NRM but during the night they are
pro-Mbabazi. Even if that was the case, this was not
the correct way to handle it. The correct way would
have been to patiently investigate these allegations
and, if confirmed, discipline those leaders, including
4

expelling them from the Party transparently and

openly. Any other approach is wrong and cliqueformation.
I caused Tanga- Odoi and some other
people to investigate and establish the truth.
Josephine Kasya and Kaberuka had won the
primaries and were, therefore, the flag-bearers. The
good vote we got from Kanungu has confirmed the
correctness of this truthful approach.
My first rally in the Busoga area was at Kibbale
Primary School, Kibbale sub-county, Bukono
Constituency. As I was departing from the rally, the
flag-bearer, Micheal Saire, told me that a woman
who had stood in the primaries had caused a section
of the constituency to boycott the rally that had just
ended. I did not pay much heed because the rally
was, in any case, massive as most of our rallies
were. It was only some days later that somebody
else told me that the woman that had caused a
section of the constituency to boycott my rally was
my own daughter, Namuganza, that had been one of
my most loyal youth cadres for a long time. On
account of that, I had appointed her Deputy RDC,
Luwero. I, however, did not even know that she had
resigned the Deputy RDC-ship. When I addressed
my very first campaign rally at Zirobwe, I had
5

searched for her in the crowd by looking around

(Kurondesa amaisho) without seeing her. I thought
that she may be sick or something and did not think
much about it. Only now to hear that she was the
woman that had Kujemesa people (make people
boycott) from attending my rally at Kibbale Primary
School. I, immediately, looked for her and she came
to see me in Jinja only to tell me of stories of bias by
the concerned officials and even Police arrests of her
supporters, etc. To complicate matters for the Kaliro
Namutumba area, there was also the issue of the
Kyabazinga where some of our leaders in the area
had taken sides in that non-political issue. The area
had become very hostile politically to the NRM on
account of the mistakes of our actors. The rally I
addressed at Kaliro on the 24th of December, 2015,
was the worst of the whole campaign. Probably, only
5,000 people attended almost similar to the one of
the IK people in Kaabong where there were only
2,051 voters. I sat with Namuganza and we talked.
Eventually, she brought me all the youth that had
been alienated (their leaders) and the royal councils
of Busiki and Bukono to whom I explained that the
NRM never involved itself in the issue of whether
there should be traditional leaders in any area and,
if so, who? These were none of our business and
6

have never been.

It was for the wanainchi of the
concerned areas. They only needed to follow the law.
These groups, whom I met while in Masindi, were
satisfied and went back to clarify the situation. Our
recent scores in Namutumba and Kaliro of 81.86%
and 70.14% respectively, were a direct result of this.
Namuganza had been told by some persons in the
NRM that if her group wanted to go away, they can
go away. The NRM will continue, without them!!
Why should any NRM person alienate anybody
because of the selfishness of the individuals? This is
not acceptable.
The other mistake is the selfishness and dishonesty
of some of the NRM leaders. When money is sent to
do political work, these leaders steal it. The money
that was sent to help the Village Committees to buy
stationery was stolen by some leaders. The masses
come to know about it and they, really, get annoyed.
Those who stole that money must refund it or be
arrested. It is not only the dishonesty; but there is
the attitude of only undertaking missions for money.
No money, no mission. This mercenary attitude is
un-NRM and not acceptable.

No sooner had I pacified the Namuganza group than

the youth that had remained loyal to the NRM
started complaining as to why I had met the bad
group, etc., etc. I had also to meet this group and
talk to them about winning back anybody that may
be disgruntled or even the ones who had never
supported us before.
That is the correct politics: unite the many, to defeat
the few and isolate the enemy to the maximum, Mao
Tse Tung used to say.
Yet here in Uganda, some
groups seem to say: alienate as many as possible
and remain with a few. I reject that mistaken view.
I am for the Maoist principle of uniting the many.
It is some of the leaders that demand money. The
wanainchi walk to and from the rallies on foot. They
demand nothing; they stand in the sun while the
leaders are in hired tents. Of course, we could not
manage tents for everybody. What is interesting,
however, is that the masses are hungry for the word
of the NRM while some of the leaders are hungry for
money. To show that the masses are hungry for the
word of the NRM, even the rallies that were held on
Sundays, were massively attended. The thirst by the
leaders for money through politics needs to be
8

rejected totally. In a few cases, we need money if the

distance is far; no more than that. Politics is about
mission, not money. It is voluntary association of
people who share the same mission.
It is not
employer-employee relationship. We must be sisters,
brothers or comrades-in-the struggle for the mission
of patriotism, Pan-Africanism, social-economic
transformation and democracy. This, indeed, was
the spirit during the bush war and soon after. Our
people would work voluntarily because they could
see that we were working voluntarily we, the
leaders. This spirit was undermined by the egocentric MPs that were misusing their presence in
Parliament and the vague Constitution of 1995 on
the issue of remuneration for Public Servants to
award themselves huge salaries. This selfishness
and short- sightedness transformed the MP job from
being a mission oriented job to being a rewarding
job for the individuals involved. This caused the
others, the generality of our membership, to say that
if politics is for personal gain, we need our own
share.
This mercenarism must be wound
backwards, starting with the leaders.
Nevertheless, there is need to use production to
cater for the welfare of our long serving cadres and
9

leaders at the local level, the army veterans as well

as the Luwero war civilian veterans. The Secretary
General should take the lead in this as should have
been the case in the past. The districts are now,
mainly, small:
Lwengo, Kalangala, Buvuma,
Kyankwanzi, Kiboga, Buyende etc. The Aruas, the
Kaseses, the Mubendes etc. are few. There is an
Administrative Secretary, fulltime party worker, in
each district. Why does not this Administrative
Secretary have the record of these long time
mobilisers, party workers and local leaders
(especially the past ones) so that wealth creation
programmes are organized for them and, if
necessary, they are guided in those programmes.
With the lists, the Administrative Secretaries should
work with the Secretary-General who should, in
turn, work with the Wealth Creation department to
engage all these leaders and party workers in
gainful production. The disgruntlement of many of
these party workers also ate into our support. This
should not be the case.
Then, there is the problem of selfish leaders who
undermine fellow Movement leaders from their
common areas so as to remain the only bulls in the
kraal so that they have better chances of becoming
10

Ministers. This is not a good sign in leaders. You

should not think about your own promotion but
about the mission and all those who support that
mission you regard as your comrade in- arms. If
you come from the same constituency, you should
have peaceful competition championing the same
mission. You tell the voters that you share the same
mission but they can choose whoever they think can
better execute the mission. This should be in the
primaries. Whoever is chosen in the totally free
primaries, should get all your support. You should
be totally neutral among all the other contenders in
the primaries in your area and only support the
flag-bearers chosen transparently.
Then, there is the practice of some individuals trying
to be King-makers in their zones. They divide our
Movement people by taking sides among individuals
and trying to force candidates on the electorate.
This is very wrong. It is the NRM members who are
electing their flag-bearers not you. Neither in
public nor in private should you ever express a
preference. As long as they publically declare loyalty
to the Movement, you welcome all of them. That is
the cut-off point for you loyalty to the Party,

11

publically declared. No other consideration should

enter your assessment of our members.
The
issues
of
efficiency,
morality,
presentability, reliability, should be none of your
concerns as a senior leader in the area or a coleader. Those aspects are for the public to determine
not you, not me. Our only yard-stick for the NRM
members should be loyalty publically declared. The
rest should be for the NRM membership. Once the
membership have made their choice, you should,
unreservedly, support that choice.
Above, we have dealt with governance, organizational
and ideological issues. There are, however, socialeconomic issues that also affect the politics. There
are, in particular, two issues that the opposition,
opportunistically, exploits. These are the issues of
poverty and jobs for the youth. The NRM has for
long had answers to these two problems.
The
problem was that in the past, we did not yet have the
basics, the foundation, to tackle decisively these two
problems. We did not have the infrastructure (the
roads, the electricity etc.) that was a necessary precondition for more private investments, that would,
in turn, widen the tax base that would generate
12

more revenue for the Government to tackle some of

those problems.
Here below, again, is our tax
collection ever since 1986:
No
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24

Financial
Year

Collection in
UGX Bns
1985/86
1986/87
1987/88
1988/89
1989/90
1990/91
1991/92
1992/93
1993/94
1994/95
1995/96
1996/97
1997/98
1998/99
1999/00
2000/01
2001/02
2002/03
2003/04
2004/05
2005/06
2006/07
2007/08
2008/09

2.84
5.01
18.32
44.60
89.57
133.79
180.46
282.60
373.35
506.99
611.70
728.35
797.43
935.56
978.00
1,075.15
1,212.47
1,409.25
1,642.06
1,923.52
2,231.05
2,625.74
3.161.70
3.662.32
13

25
26
27
28
29
30

2009/10
2010/11
2011/12
2012/13
2013/14
2014/15

4,205.69
5,114.20
6,208.35
7,149.48
8,031.03
9,713.81

By our correct policies, our tax collection now stands

at Shs.13,000bn which is about US$4bn. This is a
decent level of resource mobilization. It is not like in
the past when we had to depend on the donors for
the whole of the development budget. With the
increasingly more decent level of revenue collection,
in 2006, I insisted on prioritizing electricity, the
roads, education, health and defence. It is this
decision that has won the recent General Elections.
Although the opposition, supported by the Aga
Khans Monitor newspaper and NTV television,
would do everything to paint a bleak and
deteriorating situation in Uganda, the population,
with our explanations, would, instead, see hope and
progress.
If the tarmac road has reached Oraba, Moroto,
Bundibugyo, Kisoro and the electricity has reached
all the 112 districts of Uganda except four (Kaabong,
14

Nwoya, Kotido and Buvuma), things people never

dreamed of, surely other problems will also be
addressed. That was, indeed, my message. The
eight words: unity, strength, peace, development,
wealth, skills, jobs and political stability. Had the
political class been more focused on the issue of the
wealth funds, our task of winning by 80%, instead of
the present 65%, would have been very easy. In the
new budget, we must, therefore, ensure the
Shs.1000bn
for
NAADS
(wealth
creation),
Shs.234bn for the Youth Fund, Shs.234bn for the
Women Fund, Shs.180bn for Micro-Finance and
Shs.500bn for the Innovation Fund. This is, in
addition, to the present level of funding for the roads
Shs.3,400bn, Shs.2,900bn for electricity, etc.
We were able to give a knock-out on the first round
to the opposition, as we always do, because of,
mainly, four factors: promoting unity among the
people; peace; electricity; and the new tarmac roads
in areas that had never seen much development.
These gave hope to the people that even what is not
done will be done. Hence, the 65% support for the
President and 70% support for the NRM MPs and
NRM leaning independents. The huge masses of our
children, our grand-children with our great- grand
15

children in tow that I addressed in 305 rallies and

290 constituencies, plus a few elders in attendance,
were, on the one hand, happy with these factors:
unity, peace, tarmac roads and electricity. On the
other hand, however, there were problems of the
corruption of Government accounting officers, poor
supervision of schools and health centres, badly
managed primaries, greedy politicians trying to be
warlords and hijack the authority of the people to
elect leaders of their choice, the moneylessness in
many families, the lack of jobs for the university
graduates that did Social Sciences and the poor
communication by the NRM Secretariat, the RDCs,
the Ministry of Information, etc. In some areas,
there was the question of cattle compensation for
cows lost in the wars, veterans pensions and the
chasing of hawkers from selling at the road sides
without an alternative. It is these weak points that
reduced NRMs support from 80% to 65% - 70%.
The opportunistic and unserious opposition could
not realize that their demagoguery would be seen
through by the wanainchi. The NRM won in the
following zones: Karamoja 91.4%; Bunyoro-76.4%;
Ankole 74.8%; Sebei 72.8%; Toro/Rwenzori
69.7%; Busoga - 64.9%; Kigezi - 64.6%; West Nile
16

63.5%; Bugisu 55%; Bukedi 53.2%; Buganda

52%; Teso 52% and Lango 50.7%. It only lost in
Acholi 41% against FDCs 42%. By solving the
residual problems, the opposition will be deposited
where it belongs the dust-bin of opportunism. The
masses could see the irreversible steps achieved.
Why could not the elite of the opposition do the
same?
In this article, I talk of moneylessness, rather than
poverty. This is because the poverty statistics are
not easily understood by the public. Drawing the
poverty line is done scientifically, especially
biologically. They ask the question: What is the
necessary calories intake per person per day? They
then, add education, health access etc. and monetize
those elements. Obviously, food in Uganda is not
such an absolute unavailability.
Yes, there is
stunted growth not because there is no food but
because people do not know what to eat because of
the lethargic Ministry of Health. Otherwise, the food
is there or can be there. That is absolute poverty,
scientifically defined, as at 56.4% in 1993 in the
whole country and at 19.7% today. The problem,
therefore, is moneylessness. That is what people call

17

obwavu, obwooro, can- not lack of food nutritious

or otherwise.
Social political economic poverty means lack of
money. The poverty line of the IMF and the Ministry
of Finance is a biological categorization. The NRM
has established a strong base. The people saw that
base, recognized its importance and supported the
NRM, not just in the Presidential vote but with a
whooping number of 282 NRM MPs and scores of
NRM leaning Independents.
There is also the question of land grabbing by some
thieves and blind landlords that collude with some
authorities to evict bibanja owners. This problem
has two sides that must be handled correctly. First
of all, nobody should get land illegally. The five legal
ways of getting land are: being allocated a kibanja
by the mailo-owner or his agent (omusigire); buying a
kibanja from the one who got it from the first
method; the bona-fide occupants that were on that
land by 1983 or before; being the first to settle on
the public land (kutembuura) or buying from the one
who did that; and having a leasehold or milo title.
The leasehold could only be acquired on uninhabited
land. A lease hold should not be acquired on a piece
18

of land that is occupied; unless the occupants are

few and, on a willing buyer-willing seller basis, are
ready to accept compensation. If you do not fall in
these categories do not tell lies. We can look for
other ways of helping you legally e.g. a soft loan to
buy a few acres, etc. Myopic and opportunistic
politicians must be warned about encouraging
people to invade any land illegally. During the
campaign, for instance, I had two pieces of land that
had been occupied by people. One was the National
Housing Corporation land at Kasokoso. This is
easier to deal with. NHC got this land in September,
1966 but did not develop it on account of the chaos
in the country. Meanwhile, the wanainchi came and
settled there, built permanent houses etc. Nobody
was there to restrain them.
NHC is a public
corporation.
The Government could assist to
compensate them so that they get other land to go
on with their projects.
There is, however, the
question of the railway land that people settled on.
We have much less room for manoeuver here. The
country must have the railway. Nobody who claims
to be Ugandan should, either in public or privately,
think that Uganda should not have a modern railway
because people illegally encroached on the railway
land and they are our voters. Our voters or those
19

who vote for the opposition must be the first to

realize that Uganda needs a modern railway.
Anybody who does not see this, is an enemy of
Ugandas future. If there is no other route for the
railway, then the encroachers must leave. Some
assistance can be given to them if feasible. These
people should, however, have been talked to and
even the timing should have been agreed to and
discussed with them.
As far as the Forest Reserves are concerned, they fall
into two categories: the ecologically sensitive that
may be protecting rivers or part of the high rain
forest or the ones that were just gazetted for
producing fire-wood and timber.
The latter are
easier to deal with a compromise should be found
with the bona-fide encroachers.
However, the
ecologically sensitive forests must be protected.
Nevertheless, no politician should encourage or
cover up illegal land-grabbing because endangering
security of legal owner-ship of property is a great
disservice to Uganda.
It will discredit Uganda
internally and internationally. Our present success
and strength is, precisely, due to a good business
reputation. When we returned the 4000 properties
20

of the Asians, Uganda gained a good reputation

internationally. Here below, read the list of the
biggest tax payers in Uganda.
TOP 100 TAXPAYERS IN UGANDA
S/NO. NAME

TOTAL TAX

MTN UGANDA LIMITED

458,706,552,
944

NILE BREWERIES LTD

197,934,390,
207

AIRTEL UGANDA LIMITED

155,141,126,
696

UGANDA BREWERIES LTD

131,009,038,
978

STANBIC BANK (U) LTD.

102,380,424,
743

TORORO CEMENT LTD

82,252,203,5
94

CENTURY BOTTLING CO. LTD.

78,879,404,5
73

BUJAGALI ENERGY LIMITED

74,975,273,6
50

KAKIRA SUGAR LIMITED

70,620,565,9
62

10

UMEME LIMITED

66,307,152,3
05

11

KINYARA SUGAR LIMITED

62,498,406,1
68

CENTENARY RURAL DEVELOPMENT BANK LIMITED

61,003,838,6
81

12

21

SUGAR CORPORATION OF UGANDA LIMITED

57,277,705,8
04

STANDARD CHARTERED BANK UGANDA LIMITED

56,387,929,9
35

15

HIMA CEMENT LTD

54,440,445,7
80

16

CIVIL AVIATION AUTHORITY

49,098,386,8
59

17

TOTAL E & P UGANDA B. V.

44,851,548,3
38

18

CROWN BEVERAGES LIMITED

44,507,704,0
67

19

BRITISH AMERICAN TOBACCO UGANDA

42,046,858,1
09

20

NATIONAL SOCIAL SECURITY FUND

35,529,043,9
12

UGANDA REVENUE AUTHORITY

33,194,711,4
11

22

BIDCO UGANDA LIMITED

32,249,143,1
73

23

NATIONAL WATER & SEWERAGE CORPORATION

31,793,186,0
98

24

BARCLAYS BANK (U) LTD.

30,006,673,7
20

25

CNOOC UGANDA LTD

27,268,149,3
49

26

DFCU BANK LIMITED

27,159,408,0
23

27

AFRICELL UGANDA LIMITED

24,389,713,7
41

13
14

21

22

TOTAL UGANDA LIMITED.

23,948,558,6
96

29

CRANE BANK LIMITED

22,853,853,9
46

30

THE NEW VISION PRINTING AND PUBLISHING

CORPORATION

22,491,305,7
34

31

TULLOW UGANDA OPERATIONS PTY LIMITED

20,156,730,9
17

32

DIAMOND TRUST BANK UGANDA LIMITED

20,045,115,5
15

33

MULTICHOICE UGANDA LIMITED

18,243,062,9
75

34

LEAF TOBACCO & COMMODITIES (U) LIMITED

18,180,931,7
41

35

UGANDA ELECTRICITY TRANSMISSION COMPANY

LIMITED

16,922,047,4
93

MADHVANI GROUP LIMITED

16,074,295,4
18

37

BANK OF BARODA (U) LIMITED

15,622,716,6
53

38

Vivo Energy Uganda Ltd

15,589,223,4
70

39

TOYOTA UGANDA LIMITED

15,338,522,9
21

40

THE JUBILEE INSURANCE CO LTD

15,073,646,5
69

41

ROOFINGS LIMITED

14,956,068,1
05

42

GOLF COURSE GROUP LIMITED

14,695,577,9
77

28

36

23

MAKERERE UNIVERSITY COUNCIL

14,546,427,1
80

ERICSSON AB UGANDA BRANCH

14,145,448,3
01

45

SCHLUMBERGER OILFIELD EASTERN LIMITED

14,051,644,2
49

46

TPS (UGANDA) LIMITED

13,440,765,6
45

47

BAKHRESA GRAIN MILLING UGANDA LIMITED

12,274,355,3
64

48

AGGREKO INTERNATIONAL PROJECTS LIMITED

12,136,887,7
99

49

CITIBANK UGANDA LIMITED

11,858,023,3
22

50

RWENZORI BOTTLING COMPANY

11,802,108,4
53

UAP INSURANCE UGANDA LIMITED

11,677,047,8
96

52

BANK OF AFRICA - UGANDA LTD

11,269,443,2
85

53

SADOLINS PAINTS (U) LTD

11,132,609,0
38

54

UGANDA COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION

10,804,229,1
96

55

ROOFINGS ROLLING MILLS LIMITED

10,789,151,9
57

56

WEATHERFORD SERVICES & RENTALS LIMITED

10,488,099,6
21

57

MOVIT PRODUCTS LIMITED

10,148,106,1
07

43
44

51

24

BAKER HUGHES EHO LIMITED

10,142,634,5
23

AIG Uganda Limited

10,077,361,7
93

60

PRIDE MICRO FINANCE LIMITED

9,759,914,72
6

61

UGANDA ELECTRICITY DISTRIBUTION COMPANY

LIMITED

9,622,718,67
8

62

APOLO HOTEL CORPORATION LIMITED

9,535,248,55
2

63

NOKIA SOLUTIONS AND NETWORKS BRANCH

OPERATIONS OY

9,327,421,92
6

64

JESA FARM DAIRY LIMITED

9,122,427,44
7

65

ESKOM UGANDA LIMITED

9,001,497,66
3

BRAC UGANDA MICROFINANCE LIMITED

8,922,289,75
8

67

UGANDA WILDLIFE AUTHORITY

8,000,438,50
8

68

KCB BANK UGANDA LIMITED

7,707,731,57
0

69

ORIENT BANK LTD

7,645,881,47
2

70

HOUSING FINANCE BANK LIMITED

7,577,260,60
7

71

BOLLORE AFRICA LOGISTICS UGANDA LIMITED

7,558,688,58
7

72

AFRICA EMS MPANGA LIMITED

7,406,724,19
8

58
59

66

25

COMPUTER POINT LTD

7,371,846,22
6

UNILEVER UGANDA LIMITED

7,357,013,59
3

75

SARACEN (U) LIMITED

7,229,721,80
5

76

EQUITY BANK UGANDA LIMITED

7,139,839,99
5

77

DELOITTE UGANDA LIMITED

7,066,451,01
5

78

EXALO DRILLING S.A.

7,041,983,39
8

79

WORLD VISION INTERNATIONAL UGANDA

7,032,097,98
0

80

UGANDA TELECOM LIMITED

7,022,025,85
2

HUAWEI TECHNOLOGIES UGANDA CO LIMITED

6,951,620,42
6

82

THE INFECTIOUS DISEASES INSTITUTE LIMITED

6,774,253,79
6

83

SECURITY GROUP UGANDA LIMITED

6,696,249,78
0

84

INTERNATIONAL ENERGY TECHNIK (U) LIMITED

6,548,714,49
1

85

MONITOR PUBLICATIONS LIMITED

6,545,429,37
6

86

POST BANK UGANDA LIMITED

6,479,267,51
4

87

PricewaterhouseCoopers Limited

6,457,859,88
8

73
74

81

26

RILEY PACKAGING (U) LTD

6,213,007,57
2

KYAMBOGO UNIVERSITY

6,095,859,82
7

90

ECOBANK UGANDA LIMITED

6,059,478,82
2

91

REYNOLDS CONSTRUCTION COMPANY (NIGERIA)

LIMITED

6,052,359,49
1

92

DHL SUPPLY CHAIN INTERNATIONAL LIMITED

5,989,476,76
4

93

TATA UGANDA LIMITED

5,755,075,84
4

94

G4S SECURE SOLUTIONS UGANDA LIMITED

5,729,312,70
1

95

HARISS INTERNATIONAL LIMITED

5,729,109,23
3

MUKWANO INDUSTRIES (U) LTD

5,612,247,20
0

97

JACOBSEN UGANDA POWER PLANT CO. LTD

5,537,859,34
3

98

BRITANIA ALLIED INDUSTRIES LIMITED

5,510,700,31
4

UGANDA CLAYS LTD

5,455,362,93
3

CIPLA QUALITY CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES LIMITED

5,448,134,05
5

88
89

96

99
100

The infrastructure funds, the Wealth creation funds

and the Social action funds (health, education, pay
for the elderly) are possible because of these taxes.
27

Anybody who endangers this potential is an enemy,

knowingly or unknowingly.
The NRM Secretariat
sensitizing our masses.

must

be

very

active

in

We have the capacity to resolve the residual

problems, one by one. That is why the opposition in
Uganda is an endangered species.

Yoweri K. Museveni
CHAIRMAN NRM, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC
OF UGANDA

28