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Logics of Power • 11
Logics of Power • 13
the Empire in India (and there is ample evidence of its net disadvantages to
the British economy as a whole, if not to some specific economic interests),
it cannot be denied that its conversion into a territorial empire was a very
cumbersome and costly business. Harvey himself suggests that Britain gained
more from superiority in open trade than from the Empire in India. Nor is
it insignificant that Britain very profitably enjoyed the benefits of its own
‘informal’ or ‘free’ empire, in Canada, Australia and Latin America, and its
massive investments in territories not directly controlled by the Empire.10
If anything, the drive for colonial expansion in the classic age of imperialism,
as Eric Hobsbawm has argued,
For the main industrial powers, Germany and the US, ‘formal colonisation’
was ‘not a major aspect’ of global economic expansion; and even Britain’s
imperial purpose by then ‘was not expansion but defence against others
encroaching on territories hitherto . . . dominated by British trade and British
capital’.12 Today – as, indeed, before – it cannot even be said that capital
requires control of colonial territories in order to absorb excess capital, especially
since investment still goes predominantly from one advanced capitalist
economy to another.
If we are looking for the contradictions in capitalist imperialism, it seems
to me we will not find them in an unmet need for political power and territorial
control co-extensive with the geographic scope of capital accumulation. Nor
will we find them simply in the tensions between capital accumulation and
the costs of maintaining political dominion; and we shall certainly not find
them in an antagonistic relation between capital accumulation and some
precapitalist drive for territorial expansion. The contradictions are even more
contradictory than that. But, to explicate them, at least as I understand them,
requires going back a few steps.
Logics of Power • 15
Leaving aside the logic of capital for a moment, I agree that there is such a
thing as imperialism of the ‘political’ kind, with the characteristics he describes,
and that this is distinct from capital accumulation. But, for me, this ‘political’
form of imperialism, in which exploitation of colonial peoples and resources
depends on political domination and direct command of territory, is the
essence of pre-capitalist empires. This is not to deny that capitalist powers
have engaged in colonial ventures, especially in earlier days. Nor is it to deny
that even today there may be circumstances in which territorial command
will be exercised for specifically capitalist purposes. But the development of
capitalism has produced a different kind of imperialism, which does not
depend on direct political rule or territorial command.
Capitalist exploitation certainly requires political supports, but the political
‘logic’ has been transformed by the social relations of capitalism. The function
of the ‘political’ in supporting capitalism’s economic mode of exploitation is
very different from its role in precapitalist societies. In such societies, where
surplus extraction was achieved by means of direct coercion in the form of
legal, political or military domination, the ‘political’ had a direct role in surplus
appropriation. So, for instance, in many precapitalist states, the powers of
appropriation depended on direct possession of the state, or some piece of
it, in the form of state office and the access to taxation that this offered. In
other cases, the power of appropriation derived from the performance of
certain judicial, political or military functions, or from some kind of legal
privilege. In feudalism, appropriating powers depended on the legal, political
and military status of lordship. The economic powers of the feudal lord and
the tax/office state reached only as far as their political power. To put it
another way, property in such societies was ‘politically constituted’ (in Robert
Brenner’s illuminating phrase). Precapitalist imperialism followed the same
logic, extending extra-economic appropriation – for instance, through seizure
of territory or extraction of tribute. This means that accumulation of property
HIMA 14,4_f3_8-34I 11/9/06 4:04 PM Page 16
Logics of Power • 17
The autonomous ‘economic’ sphere has, in other words, created new forms
of domination. In capitalism, both appropriators and producers are dependent
on the market for the basic conditions of their self-reproduction; and the
relation between them is mediated by the market. Workers work to produce
the profits of capital because they cannot work even to satisfy their own needs
without producing capitalist profit. They cannot gain access to the means of
their own life and self-reproduction, or even the means of labour itself, without
selling their labour-power in exchange for a wage. So the domination to which
they are subject is rooted in their market-dependence. The fact that capitalists
too are market-dependent (for access to capital and labour) and subject
to impersonal market imperatives – the imperatives of competition and
accumulation that drive the capitalist system – does not put capital on a level
with labour. On the contrary, market imperatives compel capital to maximise
profit by extracting ever more surplus value from labour; and capital’s position
in the market gives it a new form of domination over workers. So, the market
relation between the two classes does not diminish but reinforces the
relationship of domination. And that is quite apart from capital’s capacity to
manipulate markets.
Capitalist imperialism extends this purely economic mode of exploitation
beyond national borders, relying on, indeed imposing and enforcing, the
market-dependence of subordinate economies. Global capital can accumulate
by ‘economic’ means, as these economies are drawn into the orbit of the global
market and become subject to economic pressures emanating from the major
capitalist powers. To the extent that this kind of exploitation does not require
direct territorial control or political domination of colonial people by imperial
states, it might be argued that this is not ‘imperialism’ in any meaningful
sense. I do see the point of reserving the word for exploitative relations
that involve direct political and territorial domination; but I am inclined
to say that, if we are reluctant to use the term imperialism to describe the
specifically economic domination engendered by capitalism, we may have
trouble describing relations between capital and labour as class relations,
since they differ from precapitalist forms of class exploitation in much the
same way that capitalist imperialism differs from earlier empires. In both
cases, extra-economic forms of direct domination, for the purpose of exploitative
appropriation, are supplanted by economic forms operating through the
medium of the market. In the absence of a better word, I shall continue to
speak of capitalism’s distinctive economic imperialism.
HIMA 14,4_f3_8-34I 11/9/06 4:04 PM Page 18
What is most unique about the capitalist relation between the economic
and the political, then, is not capital’s need for endless accumulation of political
power, but, rather, the unique capacity of economic power to detach itself
from direct political coercion. The economic sphere in capitalism has its
own forms of coercion, which enable exploitation and capital accumulation
without directly relying on extra-economic force. On the global level, in the
arena of the global market, this economic sphere can expand on its own
without extending the territorial reach of political power or of an imperial
state. There may be occasions when capitalist states will seek to extend their
political control for various geopolitical reasons, but the process of globalising
capitalist economic power does not depend on the reach of political domination.
This means not only that capitalism has created a new form of domination
but also that economic hegemony can reach far beyond the scope of direct
political power or territorial control. In fact, capital’s capacity for relentless
self-expansion depends on this detachment. That is the unique strength of
capitalism, but it is also the source of new contradictions.
Logics of Power • 19
Logics of Power • 21
simply a quantitative advance on what went before. For Marx, the critical
task is to identify the specific dynamics of capitalism, in a way his predecessors
never did, in order to explicate how capitalist accumulation differs from other
forms of appropriation, and to explain the historical rupture that brought
it about.
It is the new systemic and historical dynamic of capitalism that explains
the subsequent development of capitalist imperialism as a distinctive form.
It is true that Marx examined the specific dynamic of capitalism by looking
at it more or less abstractly as a self-enclosed system; but though he did not
himself systematically explore its effects on imperialist expansion, his account
of the capitalist dynamic clearly laid the foundation for others to do so. The
point is not that he relegated ‘accumulation based upon predation, fraud,
and violence’ to an ‘original stage’ but that this kind of accumulation, to
the extent that it remains an essential feature of capitalist imperialism, has
a new logic, which is a consequence and not a cause of a dynamic specific
to capitalism. It is not simply a matter of repeated exercises in the seizure
and concentration of wealth but, more fundamentally, of the continuing
imposition, maintenance and intensification of market imperatives. To be sure,
theft, fraud and violence continue; but what enables capital to exploit economies
throughout the globe in its own distinctive ways is the subjection of ever
more spheres of human life everywhere to market-dependence and the
imperatives that go with it. That is what dispossession under capitalism is
fundamentally about.
Here, we encounter a problem in the major Marxist theories of imperialism,
which were devised to analyse the classic ‘age of empire’ in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. Harvey begins his discussion of accumulation
by dispossession with a quotation from Rosa Luxemburg, outlining the ‘dual
character’ of capital accumulation:
One concerns the commodity market and the place where surplus value is
produced – the factory, the mine, the agricultural estate. Regarded in this
light accumulation is a purely economic process, with its most important
phase a transaction between the capitalist and the wage labourer.15
This kind of exploitation takes place, Luxemburg points out, among formally
equal individuals;
Force, fraud, oppression, looting are openly displayed without any attempt
at concealment, and it requires an effort to discover within this tangle of
political violence and contests of power the stern laws of the economic
process.
Logics of Power • 23
case, the relevant processes are all there in his account. Not only old forms
of force and fraud but new forms of dispossession by means of privatisation
are encompassed by his theory of accumulation by dispossession. Harvey
may emphasise the importance of extra-economic coercion; but he certainly
recognises, indeed insists, that capital stands to gain most not from the direct
suppression of colonial territories but from a continual opening to capital.
Britain, he suggests, gained more from the open dynamic of the Atlantic trade
than from the colonial oppression of India, and the same open dynamic
allowed the USA eventually to displace British hegemony. While we may
question whether these cases exemplify the importance of political power
more than of economic imperatives, it is certainly true that the dynamic of
trade could be ‘open’ only under certain political and territorial dispensations,
placing it outside the political reach of Europe’s ‘closed’ empires. And there
can be no doubt that some kind of political power is necessary to impose
market imperatives and to expand their sphere of operation.
But there is another way of formulating the contradictions of capitalist
imperialism, which may or may not be consistent with Harvey’s argument
but which, in any case, is the one I would favour. It requires us, first, to
acknowledge the specificities of capitalism and its particular form of
appropriation, as distinct from other social formations. This means that we
would also be obliged to recognise the distinctive role of the ‘political’ in a
system where property itself is not ‘politically constituted’ and appropriation
takes place by ‘economic’ means. The specific ‘political’ logic of capitalist
imperialism would then be something other than the drive for territorial
expansion, the direct command of territory, or the appropriation of surpluses
by extra-economic means, whether in the form of pillage, tax or tribute. Extra-
economic power would certainly be treated as essential to capital accumulation,
but its principal functions would be the imposition, maintenance and
enforcement of social-property relations conducive to the exertion of economic
power; the creation of a predictable social and administrative order of the
kind that capitalism needs more than any other social form; and, in general,
the provision of conditions congenial to accumulation. Any contradictions
between the two ‘logics’ of power would not take the form of a tension
between two distinct imperial drives; and, while these contradictions would
certainly arise from the relation between the economic powers of capital and
the political powers of the territorial entities that serve them, that relation is
not adequately conveyed by Arendt’s rule that endless capital accumulation
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Logics of Power • 25
and territorial states themselves have also had to respond to the needs of
global capital. But, if anything, the political logic of capitalism has reinforced
the fragmentation of the global system into territorial entities, instead of
creating some kind of global state.
So the political form of global capitalism is not a global state but a global
system of multiple territorial states; and this creates its own distinctive
contradictions. We are only now beginning to see their implications. The
division of labour between political and economic power, between capital
and state, was more or less manageable, as long as the reach of economic
hegemony was more or less the same as the reach of the national state. But
today, there is a growing distance between the economic reach of capital and
the scope of political power. While it is possible to envisage a redrawing of
current territorial boundaries, with increasing regionalisation on the one hand
and localisation on the other, I cannot imagine any existing or conceivable
form of ‘global governance’ providing the degree of order and regularity that
capital needs.
This means that states operating on behalf of global capital have to organise
not only their own domestic social order but the international order among
states. It is no longer a matter of capturing this or that bit of territory, dominating
this or that subject people, defeating this or that imperial rival. The new
imperial project depends on policing the whole global system of states and
ensuring that imperial capital can safely and profitably navigate throughout
that global system. But, since there is no single overarching global state with
power to transcend and control all national entities, there are, again, wholly
new contradictions.
In particular, the extra-economic force required to maintain a global order
congenial to capital must, in the absence of a global state, be exercised by
territorial states. These territorial states must, in turn, be policed to guarantee
an international order congenial to the movements of capital; but, since this
cannot be done by a global political power, the organisation of multiple states
is largely a military project. The military policy of the major capitalist states
since the end of World War Two has been based on the assumption that what
is required to maintain a stable and orderly system of multiple states is one
overwhelmingly preponderant military power. It has been a central plank of
US foreign policy since at least the 1940s, and certainly long before the current
Bush régime, to ensure the unassailable predominance of US military power;
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Logics of Power • 27
and, in general, this principle has been accepted by its major allies among
the advanced capitalist states.
This is the setting in which a George W. Bush is possible – and at a time
when the relative decline of US economic power has made its military
supremacy that much more important. If Bush has mobilised this force
in ways unlike his predecessors, and if his imperial project goes beyond
anything envisaged by them, he has been able to pursue it only because the
foundations – infrastructural and ideological – had already been laid by
previous administrations. Discontinuities there certainly have been, but there
are also essential underlying continuities, grounded in the fundamental
contradictions of capitalist imperialism.
A single territorial power policing the whole global system for capital by
military means is, from the start, a contradictory and dangerous project. The
most obvious point is that the particular interests of one nation-state and its
own national capitals will inevitably take precedence over all others. But
perhaps the most problematic aspect of the new imperialist militarism is that
its military objectives are by nature open-ended. Earlier imperial projects
were easier to fathom because their purposes and scope were relatively
well-defined, whether it was to capture territory, resources and slaves, to
monopolise trade routes, or simply to defeat a rival. In the case of the ‘new’
imperialism, where the object of military force is less to achieve a specific
result than to oversee the whole global system and to assert a general
predominance, it is not surprising to see military adventures with no identifiable
purpose, scope or exit strategy; and since the territorial limitations of the
hegemonic state mean that its military power cannot be everywhere at once,
the ‘demonstration effect’ becomes especially important. Bush’s military policy
of endless war, without any limits of time or geography, only takes to extremes
the logic of the open-ended militarism already inherent in the contradictions
of the new imperialism.
The madness of the war in Iraq, for instance, is probably inexplicable
without reference to this distinctive military logic. Oil is not enough to explain
it. As many commentators have pointed out, oil-producing countries have
no interest in withholding their prize commodity from those who can afford
to buy it, and US access to Middle-East oil markets has never been in serious
danger. Even if we assume that oil reserves in the not too distant future will
be severely limited and that therefore today’s (and tomorrow’s) major powers
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Logics of Power • 29
Logics of Power • 31
superior power. It is, in its essence, a way of detaching property from any
public or communal power, in order to make it entirely subject to the purely
economic force of capital. This also means that the role played by extra-
economic power in sustaining this process must be correspondingly different.
What I am outlining here is certainly not news to Harvey; and, at this point,
I am generally inclined to say that our disagreements have less to do with
our conclusions than with our means of reaching them. But I do hesitate on
one important issue, which may follow from what I have just said; so let me
state it briefly. I have some doubts about Harvey’s observations on oppositional
struggle. I would place rather more emphasis on the possibilities of, and need
for, struggle at the level of the territorial state; and, while I think any local
or national struggle must look beyond its narrow boundaries, I am less
confident than Harvey seems to be about the efficacy of transnational struggles
as conducted by those anti-globalisation movements whose principal targets
are transnational instruments of capital such as the IMF or the G8. Whether
this difference (if, indeed, it is one) necessarily follows from our theoretical
differences is hard to say, but I can venture a tentative suggestion.
It has become conventional among commentators on globalisation, left or
right, for or against, to assume that, if the global economy has not yet rendered
the nation-state obsolete, there is, at least, an inverse relation between the
degree of globalisation and the importance of the territorial state. That
assumption encourages the view that transnational organisations should be
the primary targets of opposition; and perhaps we can understand Harvey’s
argument about the relation between economic and political power as a more
sophisticated and nuanced statement of that principle. The implication is that
global capital tends toward a global state and that, therefore, the focus of
opposition should be correspondingly transnational. To be sure, his account
is very far from any mechanical base/superstructure model. It certainly does
not assume that political superstructure will follow economic base in some
mechanical, if sometimes delayed, reflex. On the contrary, he ascribes a strong
independence to the political ‘logic’, which is the source of fundamental
contradictions in capitalist imperialism. But the basic principle remains: the
reach of political power must match the scope of capital, and capital generates
a powerful drive in that direction.
I have tried to offer an alternative view of the relation between the economic
and political logics of capitalism. If the reach of political power fails to match
the scope of accumulation, it is not because of some independent political or
HIMA 14,4_f3_8-34I 11/9/06 4:04 PM Page 32
19 Hardt and Negri themselves explicitly draw this conclusion and then try to
construct an alternative (and essentially mystical) form of opposition, which has very
little to do with the configuration of power in the real world.
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Logics of Power • 33
20Gindin 1999.
21I have made this argument at greater length elsewhere – for example, in Wood
2002 and Wood 2003.
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References
Badian, Ernst 1968, Roman Imperialism in the Late Republic, Second Edition, Oxford:
Blackwell.
Gindin, Sam 1999, ‘Notes on Labor at the End of the Century: Starting Over?’, in
Rising from the Ashes: Labor in the Age of ‘Global’ Capitalism, edited by Ellen Meiksins
Wood, Peter Meiksins and Michael Yates, New York: Monthly Review Press.
Harvey, David 2003, The New Imperialism, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hobsbawm, Eric 1989, The Age of Empire: 1875–1914, New York: Vintage.
Wood, Ellen Meiksins 2002, ‘Global Capital, National States’, in Historical Materialism
and Globalisation, edited by Mark Rupert and Hazel Smith, London: Routledge.
Wood, Ellen Meiksins 2003, Empire of Capital, Second Edition, London: Verso.
Wood, Ellen Meiksins 2005, ‘Where Is the Power of Capital? Globalization and the
State’, in Anti-Capitalism: A Marxist Introduction, edited by Alfredo Saad-Filho,
London: Pluto Press.