Ethnic Violence in Pakistan: A case study of Hazara movement

Ethnic Violence
It is shape of conflict in which objective of at least one party is defined on ethnic
lines. However, ethnic conflict is usually not about differences but political,
economic and cultures, or territorial matters.
One can define that ethnicity is a group of individuals living side by side but not intermingling with each
other. These people grouped together on the basis of territory, professions, languages, geography without
conflicting with each other until and unless they are triggered to do so. Ethnicity itself is not harmful for
the existence of any state. The intensity of different variables creates contradictory point of view and
hostile environment within the territory of any state. For example in Balochistan Baloch do not feel
comfortable with other ethnic identities because they feel that outsiders are a major source to deprive
them from different economic social and political advantages. Baloch often come into conflict with other
ethnic identities.

Ethnic conflict is particularly likely in states where ethnic groups lack sufficient representation in
public and political institutions. Authoritarian one-party regimes with discriminatory legislation
and a lack of opportunities for ethnic groups to participate in state decision-making processes are
particularly prone to ethnic conflict. Liberal democracies that focus on the ideals of inclusion,
political debate, and the attempt to reach consensus among all participants in the political process
facilitate nonviolent ethnopolitical action and are thus less likely to experience rebellion or
uprisings.
Exclusionary national ideologies may also serve as a source of conflict. Nationalism and, in an
increased form, citizenship based on ethnic distinctions are especially dangerous because such
ideologies tend to flourish in situations of political uncertainty and economic collapse. Other
forms of exclusionary national ideologies include religious fundamentalism and supremacist
fascist expressions.
The existence, or lack of existence, of stable domestic intergroup relations can also have a
bearing on whether violent ethnic conflict is likely to occur. Violent conflict is particularly
probable if the claims of the various ethnic groups are incongruous, if groups have strength and
are organized, if it is possible for groups to take action, if success is a feasible outcome, and if
there is a tangible fear of suppression and discrimination on the basis of ethnicity.
The tactics that may be utilized by leaders and elites during political turmoil also affect the
likelihood of violent ethnic conflict. Scapegoating, hate speech, and manipulation of the mass
media are means that have the potential to heighten existing discord between ethnic groups

Pakistani Experience

Stratification and diversification is inbound mechanism present in any state at

varied strength, Pakistan is not exception, and it faced major brunts after
emergence of Pakistan as a new state. Unfair mechanism of partition of India was
seen itself as poison leading to later dismal experience and division on ethnic basis
of country.
Since 1947, the society and state of Pakistan has been caught in the
whirpool of divergent cross cutting social-political fiber. The country is
fraught with multifarious problems of crucial and intricate nature but ethnicity
has emerged as the most significant and delicate issue. The dilemma before
Pakistan has been to create a national identity out of diverse regional and
linguistic loyalities.
23
Ideology was considered to be the suitable dough for
the workable mould of Pakistan, but ideas were frustrated when the socioregional linguistic and racial realities began surfacing and ideological
hegemony was being eroded. Therefore, ethnic identities emerged in 1948.
The Bengalis became vocal and resorted agitational tactics when Urdu was
declared national language. Their contention was that the language of
majority should be accepted as national language, the students of Dhaka
University took out procession in favour of their language and government
instead of persuading them, opted for lathi-charge and imprisonment of the
protestors.
24
This incident provided incentive to ethnic identities to reemerge. Bengalis were not happy even with Objective Resolution in 1949.
The attitude of religious clergy towards the non Muslims minorities and
especially on the issue of Ahmedies (in 1953 ulemas started protest against
Ahmedis in Lahore and Punjab government got assistance from Pakistan
Army through federal government to get control over the situation of Lahore)
opened a door for minorities to strengthen their cores and they demanded
more rights for their existence.
Political elite of different provinces, who were very important, but had lost
their turfs after partition failed to reconcile with their displacement and as
they were too weak to re-inforce their personalities, they projected regional
sentiments. Sindh Mutthida Mahaz, Jeay Sindh, Baloch Verna, Pakhtun
Zalmry and National Awami Party, these parochial parties became active in
putting demands on political system of Pakistan for giving them provincial
autonomy. Central ruling authority intentionally or unintentionally adopted
such policies, which widened gulf between East and West Pakistan. Ill
planed economic strategies followed by the central government, kept East
Pakistan under-developed. The door of the power structure (politico,
administrative and military) was closed on the Bengalis on one pretext or the
other. For instance, the era of Ayub Khan (1958-1969) especially harbored
an ethnic bias. In this era twenty two families controlled two-third of
Pakistans industries assets, 80% of banking and 70% of insurance
companies, majority of them were from West Pakistan.
25
Such kind of
economic policies became a major source to create a sense of insecurity

among Bengalis and consequently, Sheikh Mujeeb presented Six-Point

formula, which was ethnically trigge
red, politically mobilized and ethnically
fuelled, brought serious upheavals. The elections of 1971 remained unable
to bridge the gulf between East and West Pakistan. These elections paved a
way for dismemberment process of Pakistan. East Pakistan emerged as an
independent state of Bangladesh.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who entered in the power parlour was unable to bridle the
forces, which he himself had unleashed. G.M Syed in Sindh, Mengals in
Balochistan and Khan and Khataks in Khyber Pakhtun Khawa became more
vocalists against the central ruling authority. The provincial political factions
flared ethnicity. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto di
d not take the identities seriously. The
germs of regionalism got fertile soil in Sindh. Karachi attracted the majority of
Urdu speaking people, who began to play a significant role in the economic
life of the province, displacing the local elite, who cultivated pro-sindh
feelings among the local people.
26
Local Sindhis began hating the urdu
speaking. Baloch in Balochistan were not satisfied with the central ruling
authority. Pathans were also dissatisfied with the federal government.
General Zia ul-Haq played a different game to deal with different ethnic
identities. In Sindh he supported Urdu speaking people to counter local
Sindhis and PPP (Pakistan People Party). In Balochistan he supported
nationalist leaders through providing them advantages. Benazir Bhutto and
Nawaz Sharif government also remained unable to control the unleashed
forces and situation became worse by every passing day. General Pervez
Musharraf launched various operations against the extremist elements
(extremist elements are those elements who showed rigidity regarding state
internal as well as external policies) of society of Pakistan during his regime.
Zardai government could not solve the ethnocentric issues of Pakistan rather ignited them after
renaming of province NWFP with KPK, that led to movement for separate Hazara Province.
After the separation of East Pakistan it was thought that Pakistan might
emerged as unified entity in South Asia. But it could not happen. The
heterogeneous society of Pakistan remained unable to evolve a viable and
stable political system. Runaq Jahan aptly pointed out that Pakistan
emerged as a state but failed to create nationalism.
27
Consequently ethnic
identities vigorously re-emerged on the political scenario. Ethnic groups who
were under represented felt grievances and so they resisted, which resulted
in conflicting situation. It is still continuing though different governments
devised various policies such as to provide opportunities to different ethnic
groups to participate in policy making process but desired results could not
be achieved.
Hazara movement

First major activity related to Hazara Province was seen in early 1980 when Qazi
Azher along with group of friends founded Hazara Student Federation in Karachi.
When the 18th
amendment bill renamed NWFP as KPK
in 2010 and 20th amendment bill submitted in the National Assembly by MQM
in January 2012 to create Seraiki and Hazara provinces in the National
Assembly was presented, the Hazara movement got an impetus. But
surprisingly, all the four groups representing the cause for Hazara province
failed to get an electoral mandate in May 11, 2013 general elections because
they were unable to contest polls under a single platform.
Different stakeholders representing the Hindko speaking population in Hazara
division sometimes followed an aggressive and sometimes conciliatory
approach in their demand to create a separate province for Hazara. For
instance. speaking at a press conference on August 5, 2011, Shahjahan
Khan, the ex-president for Hazara Mansehra District Bar Association said that,
if the prime minister can announce the creation of Seraiki province then he
can also make a declaration for Hazara province

Why demand a separate province?

Jehangir Khan, a prominent landlord in Haripur, claims the movement is a reaction to
discrimination.
Hazara Awami Ittehads Jadoon said whats most disheartening is that Pukhtuns living in K-P do
not acknowledge that non-Pashto speaking Hazarewal are also their Pukhtun brothers. They call
us Punjabians (natives of Punjab), he said, adding that the people of Hazara do not mind being
called Punjabians by their Pukhtun brothers as long as their rights are protected and they are not
discriminated by those sitting in Peshawar.
He argued that despite generating billions of rupees of revenue from forests, minerals, tourism,
foreign remittances, water resources and industries, they are denied their due share in jobs,
healthcare, education and development.
According to a leader of the Tehreek Huqooq-e-Hazara, the region should have
received 19.4% or Rs16.1 billion as per the National Finance Commission formula in
fiscal year 2013-14 out of a total development outlay of Rs83 billion. However, he
said the government only allocated Rs4.6 billion for the six districts in Hazara.
Another argument in favour of a separate administrative province is the language
barrier faced by Hindko-speaking Hazarewal that form a majority in the division.

According to former minister of state for finance and sitting chairman of the National Assembly
standing committee on finance, MNA Omar Ayub Khan, the economic activity in Hazara
division would grow immensely thanks to its location in the Pakistan-China trade zone.
According to him, existing trade via the Karakoram Highway is $2 billion despite poor road
infrastructure. He claims it would increase to $10 billion within the next five years. With regards
to revenue, Khan said the new province would earn a substantial amount from its natural
resources, such as water. Under the Constitution, Hazara would receive partial royalties from
power generated through major projects like Tarbela Dam and Ghazi Barotha Power Project. The
latter would be shared with K-P and Punjab as units were located in all three areas, but billions of
rupees would come from about a dozen other hydropower projects, which function exclusively in
Hazara division.
By Khans calculations, the new province has GDP potential of over Rs100 billion and based on
population estimates of 8 million, the per capita development expenditure would be at least
Rs13,000.

Haider Zaman Khan Khan is an influential political personality in Hazara Division

who got popularity after opposing the new name of NWFP as KPK. He launched
political movement known as Tehrik e Sooba Hazara.
The protests took a new turn on 12 April, when police started a baton charge
against protesters. This incident took 12 lives and left 100 people injured. There was
widespread protest in all parts of NWFP as well as in Karachi where the Hazara
Qaumi Movement protested in front of the Karachi Press club. An emergency
meeting of the Hindko Falahi Qaumi Forum was called and under the chairmanship
of Dr. Syed Mehboob, Hindkowans living in Karachi condemned the renaming of
NWFP and called for the rescinding of the controversial decision.
Some Hazara residents said the new name should be Hazara-Pakhtunkhwa, while
others said the name should not be changed, since people were accustomed to
North-West Frontier Province.
The movement for a separate Hazara province got an impetus when on April
12, 2010 seven people were killed by police firing on a demonstration in
Abbotabad which was demanding a separate provincial status for Hazara
division. Since then, lawyers, political parties and other segments of civil
society in Hazara have been holding protest meetings and rallies against what
they term repressive policies of KPK government of Peshawar in denying the
people of Hazara their due rights and status.

Recent Developments

Awami National Party (ANP) President for Haripur, Shaukat Mishwani, says the Hazara
movement is a conspiracy against the Pukhtuns, adding that those (political parties) favouring
a separate province are only doing so for political gains. Responding to claims that the former
ANP-led government discriminated against Hazara districts, he said his party had appointed a
chief minister from the division three times, adding it was treated the same as other districts.
When K-P passed the Hazara province resolution inin March 2014, local leaders and workers of
ANP, Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) came out on the streets
in DI Khan to protest against the resolution.
We will not let them divide Pukhtun land and we will also not allow the changing of the name
of K-P, said Muhammad Ali Wazir, a local leader. The K-P government simultaneously passed a
resolution last month to change the provinces name to Hazara Pakhtunkhwa.
A few days later, workers of National Youth Organisation (NYO), the youth wing of ANP, staged
a similar demonstration in Swabi.
Our leadership has opposed the tactics of the ruling party. The PTI leadership should implement
its manifesto instead of creating an environment of hatred and disunity in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa,
said Azeem Khan Yousafzai, NYO district president.
There were widespread talks about passing the resolution on creation of Hazara Province last
year when federal minister of PML(N) announced that they are preparing draft for tabling a
resolution following provincial assembly of KPK. However, assumed resolution is still underway
to pass.
Mr Zaman criticised all the elected representatives from Hazara division, especially those of PTI
and PML-N for deviating from their election promises on the issue of Hazara province. He
claimed that leaders of the two parties made it to the assemblies by using the name of Suba
Hazara.
He also slammed federal minister Sardar Yousuf, who was leading the movement for Hazara
province and later joined PML-N with the promise to get support of Mian Nawaz Sharif for
Hazara province.
In the press club, PTI Hazara leadership, including ministers, lashed out at the PML-N leadership
from Hazara, including Governor Sardar Mehtab Ahmed Khan, for not fulfilling their
commitments to get the Hazara province resolution passed from the National Assembly. They
said that PTI had completed its task by getting the approval of Hazara Suba resolution from the
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly.

Most recently, Sardar Muhammad Yousaf, federal minister for religious affair chaired meeting of
all representatives of Hazara Division. He pledged to resolve hazara movement and discussed the
roadmap for completion of this task. He said seven people opposing the renaming of NWFP
sacrificed their lives on April 12, 2010 and around 200 were injured when the anti-riot police
fired on a procession.
Yousaf added the participants demanded an FIR be registered against those responsible for firing
that day in light of the report by Riaz Fatyana, the then chairman of the National Assembly
Standing Committee on Human Rights.

References
The Express Tribune
.
Amin, T. (1991).
Ethno-Nationalist Movements in Pakistan.
Islamabad:
Institute of Policy Studies.
ANP Offer Talks to Hazara Tehrik. (2012, 04 23).
Daily Dawn
.
Bill for New Province Tabled n Senate. (2013, 02 09).
Daily Dawn
.
Butt, T. (2012, 08 19). "NA commission to create new Provinces cannot
Deliver".
The News International
.
Carment, D., & Schnable, A. (2003).
Conflict Prevention: Path to Peace or
Grand Illusion.
New York: United Nations University.
CM asked to back resolution on Hazara Province. (2011, 09 20).
The News
International
.
Deputy PM Promises Status to Hazara. (2012, 12 03).
Daily Dawn
.
Griffiths, M., & Callaghan, T. O. (2004).

Key Concepts in International

Relations.
London: Routledge.
Hazara Movement, Divided we Fall,. (2012, 12 02).
Daily Dawn
.
Hazara Province: Baba Offers Conditional Talks to ANP. (2010, 11 16).
Daily
Dawn
.
Jehan, R. (1994).
Pakistan Failure in National Integration.
Dhaka: University
Press Limited.
Lawyers Plan for Agitaton for Hazara Province. (2011, 08 06).
Daily Dawn
.
New Federating Units - PML wants 13 Provinces . (2011, 08 08).
The Express
Tribune
.
PML-N MPs Table Resolution for Hazara Province. (2012, 05 05).
The News
International
.
Rakists, C. (Summer 1988). Center-Province Relations in Pakistan Under
President Zia: The Government's and the Opposition Approaches.
Pacific
Affairs
, 61
(01), 80.
Rehman, J. u. (2012, 01 06). Recous NA talks New Provinces.
The Nation
.