Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Jennifer D. Greer (Ph.D. University of Florida) is an Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of
Journalism at the University of Alabama. Her research interests include media effects, media credibility, and
gender and diversity issues.
Marie Hardin (Ph.D. University of Georgia) is an Associate Professor in the Department of Journalism and
Associate Director for the John Curley Center for Sports Journalism at The Pennsylvania State University.
Her research interests include ethics and diversity issues in sports media and the experiences of women in
sports journalism.
Casey Homan (M.A. University of Nevada) is a Business Development Lead at Lexem Strategy in the
Washington, D.C. area. She previously had worked as a program analyst for the Defense Information
Systems Agency. She worked as an intern in broadcast news sports departments while in college.
2009 Broadcast Education Association
DOI: 10.1080/08838150902907595
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Literature Review
The relationship between sports and media is so interdependent that Jhally labeled
it the sports/media complex (Jhally, 1989, p. 70). Scholars have indicted the
sports/media complex for reinforcing masculine hegemony, defined as the takenfor-granted system of gendered power relations reinforced by the ideology that
(White) men are, and should be, naturally at the head of the socio-economic
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hierarchy. It is built on the understanding of masculinity as the place of symbolic authority in contrast with femininity, which is defined by lack (Connell,
2001, p. 33). Mens symbolic authority is represented through less coverage of
womens sport and through presentations of womens sport within traditional gender
boundaries; both devices symbolically annihilate female athletes (Hargreaves, 1994;
Pedersen, 2003; Tuchman, 1978).
Marginalized in Coverage
The marginalization of women in sport media seems almost universal. This trend
is apparent in childrens media (Cuneen & Sidwell, 1998; Lynn, Walsdorf, Hardin,
& Hardin, 2002), daily newspapers (Eastman & Billings, 2000; Pedersen, 2003),
sports magazines (Bishop, 2003; Salwen & Wood, 1994), and major programming
on ESPN and CNN (Eastman & Billings, 2000; Shugart, 2003).
Studies of televised Olympic Games consistently show similar patterns. Analysis of
NBCs 1996 Olympic track and field coverage found that men were featured twice
as often as women (Higgs, Weiller, & Martin, 2003). A comparison of the 1996
and 2000 Olympics by Tuggle, Huffman, and Rosengard (2002) showed that men
received more coverage than women overall; womens coverage actually declined
between 1996 and 2000. In the 2002 Olympics, mens events were featured twice
as much as womens, also a decrease in parity from 2000 (Billings & Eastman,
2003).
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physical size, force over an opponent, or unpenalized body contact featured mostly
men; mens sports involving power or contact received greater coverage than the
same types of sports for women (Tuggle et al., 2002).
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Zettl, 1999, 2003). Camera angle has been linked to viewer perception through
various experimental studies (Drew & Cadwell, 1985; Mandell & Shaw, 1973).
Four-Dimensional Space: Time and Motion. The basic structure of television is the
moving image; thus time and motion are two crucial contextual aesthetic elements
and are determinants of other elements (Zettl, 1999). The basic unit of television,
the video frame, is always in motion (Zettl, 1999). Motion can be manipulated;
examples include the use of real time or varying degrees of slow motion. An
event is considered in slow motion when normal time is slowed and an object
appears to be moving through a denser medium than air (Millerson, 1990; Zettl,
1999). Slow motion can be used to prolong the agony of getting somewhere
or to demonstrate an athletes skill (Zettl, 1999, p. 240); it is considered a very
significant technique for reinforcing a visual message (Metallinos, 1996). Slowmotion shots were used equally for mens and womens track and field events in
the 1992 Olympics (Higgs & Weiller, 1994), but were used more for women than
men in 1996 (Higgs et al., 2003).
Several technologies have introduced new types of motion in sports broadcasts:
rail-cam, simul-cam, and stro-motion. The mobile tracking camera (rail-cam),
first used during NBCs 1996 Olympics telecasts, offers a offers a side-angle view
of moving athletes from a remote-controlled tracking camera sliding on a chestlevel rail positioned just at the edge of the track. Viewers follow the event at the
athletes pace and can track their relative positions (Gallagher, 2002). Simul-cam
allows viewers to observe athletes position and style comparatively by placing two
or more athletes on the screen at the same time, even when they might have run
in different heats (Dartfish, 2008). The stro-motion effect allows viewers to see an
athletes movement in time and space by mixing video images into a frame-byframe sequence (Dartfish, 2008). The moving object is perceived as a number of
static images along the objects trajectory.
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a rapid succession of images. Meyrowitz (1998) argues that selective use of closeups, medium shots, and long shots can reshape [emphasis added] the perceptions
of both fictional and nonfictional sequences (p. 96). Drew and Cadwell (1985)
concluded that varying the camera shots prompted viewers to rate a news story as
more credible, while Bucy and Newhagen (1999) found that production qualities
of staged political events impacted perceptions of viewers.
Zettls work, including the dimensional fields, has been used in research on televised visuals. For instance, Baym (2004) incorporated Zettls two-dimensional space
concept when analyzing news coverage of Watergate and Clintons impeachment.
Baym tracked close and extremely close shots of Clinton and concluded that this
led to a more intimate presentation of Clinton. Burch (2002) also relied on Zettls
dimensional fields in an analysis of aesthetics in an Indian soap opera, and explained
that the use of these fields by producers helped maintain the programs popularity.
Studies not directly linked to Zettls concepts have demonstrated that presentations of news and sports on television have demonstrably quickened the pace
of telecasts through shorter camera shots, the use of time/motion technologies,
and multiple on-screen graphics, presumably to enhance viewer interest (Barnhurst
& Steele, 1997; Choi, 2002). Hanjalic reminds us of the role of the producers
assessment of events in decisions about field of view, point of view, and other
aspects in the depiction of an event: The director of a live broadcast responds to
interesting events. In particular, a relative increase in the shot change rate can be
expected at times of interesting or unusual events as the director attempts to show
all aspects of such events in a limited period of time (2006, p. 92).
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angles (often down) and close-ups that objectified the chests and buttocks of players,
which, they argued, diminished the athleticism of women.
Research Questions
Although a number of studies have examined ways commentary reinforces masculine hegemony in sports, few studies have examined visuals in sport broadcasts.
Olympic track and field broadcasts provide an excellent venue to examine visuals:
the events are among the most popular at the summer Olympic Games, the events
are ones in which women have gained attention for their athleticism (Brookes, 2002;
Higgs et al., 2003), and the events have been considered gender-neutral except
for a few that involve overt displays of strength (Pedersen, 2003; Riemer & Feltz,
1995). In the 2004 summer Olympic Games, the United States was represented
by 61 male athletes and 52 female athletes in track and field events (excluding
the marathon); men competed in 23 events and women competed in 21 events.
Given this distribution, overall coverage for U.S. prime-time broadcasts on NBC for
men and women could be relatively equal in terms of length of coverage. The first
research question tests this assumption.
RQ1 : How do mens and womens track and field events compare in terms of
running time and prime-time hour?
The remaining research questions examine Zettls concepts directly by examining
visual production broken into two-, three-, and four-dimensional fields.
RQ2 : How were mens and womens track and field events framed through the
use of two-dimensional space (field of view)?
RQ3 : How were mens and womens track and field events framed through the
use of three-dimensional space (point of view)?
RQ4 : How were mens and womens track and field telecasts framed through the
use of four-dimensional space (time/motion)?
Method
Track and field was defined as coverage (live or taped) of any competitor in any
event occurring within Panathinaiko Stadium in Athens during the Olympics (August
1329, 2004); thus, marathons were excluded. All types of coverage were included:
narrative, live event, taped interview, medal ceremonies, highlight segments, studio
commentary, and live interview. Prime-time was defined as 7 p.m. to midnight
(EST).1 A total of 62 hours of prime-time coverage (excluding opening and closing
ceremonies) was broadcast during the 2-week period covered by this study; nearly
10 hours were devoted to track and field events.
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dimensional space was coded by tallying each time a special motion effect was used.
These included slow motion, rail-cam, simul-cam, or stro-motion.
Reliability
Three coders examined the taped segments, with 20% of the time recorded
(roughly 2 hours) used to check intercoder reliability. This study used the target-rater
method of comparison or the agreement of all coders with a rater who provides
the true rating (Hubert, 1977). To control for agreement by chance, intercoder
reliability was computed using Cohens kappa. While there is no firm agreement
on acceptable kappa levels, Capozzoli, McSweeney, and Sinha (1999) argue that
values greater than 0.75 represent excellent agreement beyond chance while
values between 0.40 and 0.75 represent fair to good agreement beyond chance
(p. 6).
In this study, 19 variables were used. Six classification variables (gender, type of
coverage, event, date, prime-time hour, and start and end time) all were reliable at
least 0.87, indicating excellent agreement. Coding on variables within the dimensional categories was slightly less reliable. Because the range of choices was high
(some segments contained more than 30 shots) and shots were distributed across
variables in a category (such as high, eye-level, and low angles), when coders
disagreed on placement of one shot, it could affect the tallies for other choices in
the category. Still, kappas for these 12 shot variables were well within the fair to
good agreement levels as defined by Capozzoli et al. (1999). The lowest was .55
(extreme close up), the remainder were in the .60 to 1.0 range.2
Findings
The nearly 10 hours of prime-time coverage devoted to track and field events
was broken into 253 segments. After the 10 segments that gave equal coverage to
male and female athletes were removed, 243 segments totaling 578 minutes and 1
second were content analyzed. The longest segment was 14 minutes 37 seconds;
the shortest was 8 seconds. The average segment length was 2 minutes, 19 seconds.
The largest percentage of track and field segments, 89 (35.2%), occurred within the
11 p.m. prime-time hour; the least number, 36 (14.2%), aired during the 8 p.m.
hour. Sixteen of the 24 possible track and field events aired during prime-time.3
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male athletes, and 82 (33.7%) focused on female athletes. Therefore, the ratio was
1.96 mens segments to every 1 womens segment.
For running time, mens segments totaled 351 minutes, 23 seconds, compared
with 226 minutes, 48 seconds for womens segments. Men received 55% more
coverage than women based on running time, meaning that for every one minute
of womens coverage, men received 1 minute, 33 seconds of coverage, for a ratio
of about 1.5:1.
Crosstab analysis found no significant differences between coverage of male and
female athletes by prime-time hour; both were aired most frequently in the 11 p.m.
hour.
The second research question examined differences in the two-dimensional space
or field of view. Because total running time and number of segments were so
lopsided in favor of male competitors, this analysis compared the average number of
shots of the five field of view variables per minute of coverage within a segment. For
example, if a 2-minute segment had 15 long shots, it would average 7.5 long shots
per minute. This allowed comparisons to be made by gender despite the overall
dominance of the mens coverage. As Table 1 shows, the per-minute average of
every type of shot was higher for mens coverage than womens coverage, however,
it was significantly higher only for long shots (t D 2.16) and extreme close-ups (t D
2.57).
A new variable was created by summing the average shots per minute of each
type to create an average total number of shots per minute. This was done to show
the variety of shot changes by gender that might lead to the impression of one as
more visually exciting. As noted above, coders marked every time there was a
change in the field of view. Mens coverage (M D 12.47 shots per minute) had
significantly more shot changes in the two-dimensional space per minute than did
womens coverage (M D 9.61, see Table 1). This meant that after an opening shot,
the field of view changed 11 to 12 times per minute for men but 8 to 9 times for
women.
The third research question examined the three-dimensional field or point of view.
As with the two-dimensional element of shot type, camera angles were analyzed
Table 1
Field of View Shots Used in an Average Minute of Coverage, by Gender
Gender
Extreme
Long
Shot
Long
Shot*
Medium
Shot
Men
Women
1.35
1.33
3.63
2.67
4.90
3.64
*p < .05
Close-Up
Extreme
Close Up
Total Shots
per
Minute*
2.72
1.86
0.14
0.11
12.47
9.61
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by average segment to control for the greater total running time for men. Eye-level
shots were the highest per minute for both men (M D 6.87) and women (M D 4.48),
but the number per minute was significantly higher for men than women (t D 2.24,
df D 226.98, p < .05). No significant differences were found in the total number
of low or high angle shots by gender.
Finally, with an eye toward examining visual excitement, a new variable was
created by totaling the number of high, eye-level, and low angle shots per minute
for men and women. A t test indicated that mens coverage used significantly more
angles per minute (M D 11.65) than womens coverage (M D 7.43, t D 2.62, df D
238.53, p < .01). Again, after the opening shot, the point of view shots for men
changed between 10 and 11 times per minute and only 6 and 7 times per minute
for women.
The final research question looked at the fourth-dimensional space of time and
motion. Stro-motion technology and the simul-cam, relatively new technologies in
2004, never appeared in the telecasts. Rail-cam use for men occurred twice as often
per minute (M D 1.19) than for women (M D .64; t D 1.61; df D 66; p <. 05). Slow
motion uses showed the same pattern. Men averaged almost four slow motion uses
per minute (M D 3.88), nearly double the womens average of almost two uses per
minute (M D 1.82; t D 2.036; df D 140; p < .05).
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witness NBCs focus on the 2004 womens long jump, where Marion Jones, a 2000
medalist plagued by rumors of drug use, competed but did not place.
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Further Research
The results of this study are limited by its scope: It involved visual images of
athletes in one sport during one Olympic Games. Obvious is the need to expand
study of Olympics visuals to other sports and venues, and to incorporate elements
such as on-screen graphics. Another useful approach would be to follow Bucy and
Newhagen (1999), and incorporate viewers to further interrogate how they perceive
production in mens and womens mediated sports.
An innovation of this study is its use of Zettls applied media aesthetics, which
offers a systematic way to study visual production of sports coverage. Additional
studies of sports media televisuals using Zettls approach would help build a body
of research that exposes patterns in production that the industry could address.
Research exploring the attitudes, beliefs, and values of the producers themselves
would also be useful, as would basic studies of how the gender of producers is
related to visual production decisions. It is vital that such research and activism
continue to interrogate practices that minimize women in sport, for this will allow
sports viewers to eventually receive mediated events that are naturally fair and,
perhaps, interesting.
Notes
1 This adds 2 hours to the traditional definition of prime-time. However, Olympic evening
broadcasts often stretch to these hours on certain days (Sundays/peak event days).
2 Intercoder reliability also was checked by calculating Krippendorfs alpha. The 19 variables were reliable at alpha levels ranging from 72.6% to 100%.
3 The eight events that did not air were the heptathlon, 3,000 meter steeplechase,
10,000 meter, 20 kilometer racewalk, 50 kilometer racewalk, shot put, discus throw, and
hammer throw. For men, the event receiving the most coverage in prime-time was the 100meter race, shown in 25 segments (15.8% of the total mens coverage). For the women,
the 200-meter race received the most coverage, with 16 segments (19.5% of the womens
coverage).
4 Lont (1995) aptly describes the representation of women in sports media: It is more
common to find a story about a male who lost than a female who won. Binks (2004), for
instance, tells the story of the 2001 Canadian womens world championship in curling that
received only a mention at the end of a story about the failure of male curlers to qualify for
the world tournament.
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