Sustainable Cities

Volume 1. 2010
Sustainable Cities Volume 1, 2010
Published by the Global Compact Cities Programme.
Building 97, Level 2, 106-108 Victoria St, Melbourne, Australia.
© Global Compact Cities Programme 2010.

Printed by Arena Printing, Fitzroy, Australia.

Printed on sustainable stock comprising 60 percent sugar cane, with soy-based inks.
Edited by Stephanie McCarthy, Paul James and Caroline Bayliss.
Design and layout by Josephine Naughton.
All images are licenced to Global Compact Cities Programme unless otherwise stated.
Images licenced under Creative Commons are marked CC. For more information visit http://creative-
commons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/
Front cover: Buddhist monk, Ulaan Baatar, Mongolia. Photo: joepyrek CC (www.flickr.com/photos/
joepyrek/3882521353/)
As Ulaan Baatar tackles a significant shift in rural-to-urban migration and subsequent population
growth, the Mongolian population experiences a cultural resurgence after much of the capital’s places
of cultural significance were destroyed by the Soviet overhaul in the 1930s. Buddhism has remained
integral to the Mongolian way of life throughout the centuries of socio-economic and political change.

2
 Background
Governance
Index

Engagement
Forward 4
Executive Summary 6
Background 10
Governance 31

Methodology
Engagement 36
Methodology 54
City Profiles 68
Appendix 88

City Profiles
Appendix
Foreword by Georg Kell
Executive Director
United Nations Global Compact

4
The United Nations Global Compact
works to embed principles, values and
responsibility into global and local
marketplaces. With more than 6,000
companies in 135 countries committed to
implementing Ten Principles in the areas
of human rights, labour, environment and
anti-corruption into their strategies
and operations, the UN Global Compact
is the world’s largest corporate
responsibility initiative.
With such a global reach, the UN Global
Compact relies heavily on local action
and efforts to promote the Ten Principles
and facilitate their implementation
on the ground. Cities, in particular,
have the potential to make enormous strides in creating truly
sustainable societies – where economic, social, political and
environmental issues are integrated and advanced. The Global
Compact Cities Programme seeks to do just that – and assists
cities to coordinate the resources, expertise and experience
within government, business and civil society to address complex
urban challenges.
This first Cities Programme Annual Review reveals the range
of projects underway by cities that are committed to finding
collaborative and innovative approaches to improving
the quality of urban life. It is hoped that by sharing these
experiences and practices more cities will take on similar
mindsets and approaches in their own communities. With so much
of humanity living in towns and cities, we must work to ensure
that human rights, labour, environment and good governance
principles are embedded in urban life everywhere.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Global Compact Cities Programme

The Global Compact Cities Programme (the Cities
Programme) is the urban component of the Global
Compact initiative. It supports and practically ap-
plies the ten over arching principles of the Global
Compact around human rights, labour, environ-
ment and anti-corruption.
The Cities Programme is managed by an Interna-
tional Secretariat located at RMIT University in
Melbourne, Australia, and is mandated under the
auspices of the UN Global Compact Office in New
York, USA.
The Cities Programme facilitates collaboration be-
tween government, business and civil society to en-
hance sustainability, resilience, diversity, and ad-
aptation within cities in the face of complex urban
challenges.
Before engagement, cities are required to gain sup-
port from the highest level of local governance,
which is usually represented by a city’s mayor. This
support is important as it represents a commitment
from local government to joining the Programme
and endeavouring to uphold the over arching prin-
ciples of the Global Compact. Notwithstanding this,
a city’s engagement can be led by leaders from any
sector of government, business or civil society who
are committed to inter-sectoral co-operation to ad-
dress such challenges.
The concept of a ‘city’ is broadly defined within the
programme, and all cities are encouraged to join
regardless of their size and governance structure.
Members comprise large metropolitan areas, local
municipal districts and small townships alike.
The Cities Programme offers cities a broad range of
benefits, including access to the following oppor-
tunities:
A specific city-focused forum to publicly register
commitment to the principles of the Global Com-
pact and to recognize the initiatives undertaken
within cities in support of the Global Compact;
›› A series of city and urban networks, both lo-
cally and internationally, to promote city initi-
atives and projects, to extend shared learning,
and to promote collaboration;
›› A set of tools to assist in reporting on progress in
implementing the Global Compact Principles;
›› A comprehensive framework to assist cities to
work collaboratively across all levels of govern-
ment with business and civil society on com-
plex or seemingly intractable issues;
›› A detailed methodology to assist in develop-
ment, monitoring and assessment of projects;
and
›› A network of researchers who can offer advice
on particular issues and assist in project imple-
mentation and evaluation.

Figure 1: Types of cities in the Cities Programme

6
The Cities Programme spans all continents and includes cities within the Global North and South. There
are three levels of engagement in the Cities Programme, and a city can choose to enter the Programme
at any level. The levels of engagement reflect a progression in terms of commitment:
At the level of an ‘Innovating City’, the Cities Programme affords an opportunity for city leaders to ap-
proach seemingly intractable issues from a broader and more innovative perspective than previously
employed. This is achieved by a methodology that encourages meaningful inter-sectoral collaboration, a
rigorous application of sustainability principles, and the selection of relevant indicators that assess the
city’s progress in resolving its identified challenge.
The development of robust new methodologies for city governance, such as those offered by the Cities
Programme, has become critical in the twenty-first century as urban challenges become increasingly
complex and multi-faceted. Bringing together the ideas, knowledge, experience and resources inherent
within public and private sectors, non-government organizations, and academia serves as a powerful
model to address a wide range of issues for cities. These issues are as diverse as waste management,
water and sanitation management, poverty alleviation, traffic safety and housing redevelopments for
the urban poor.
The International Secretariat, based in Melbourne, is responsible for the effective program implementa-
tion and engagement of member cities. The International Secretariat guides cities through a facilitated
process of engagement, and offers a suite of project management and research tools that are easily ac-
cessible on the Cities Programme website: www.citiesprogramme.org
The Executive of the International Secretariat of the Cities Programme comprises the following persons:
Director
Professor Paul James,
Director, RMIT Global Cities Research Institute
Deputy Director
Ms Caroline Bayliss,
Director, Global Sustainability, RMIT
Programme Manager
Ms Stephanie McCarthy,
RMIT University
Manager (New York)
Ms Carrie Hall,
Communications, Global Compact Office
The International Secretariat is supported by an administrative assistant, a finance officer and a website
manager.


7
8
 Background
The City of Milwaukee (USA) has historically called itself home to some of
America’s largest manufacturers, including miller coors. located south of
the great lakes, the city leaders of milwuakee are determIned to invest in
the re-orientation of their city, starting first with water, the commodity
so widely used.and previously taken for granted. water is fast proving to
be milwaukee’s greatest asset. the project is being led by milwaukee water
7 council with the support of the city of milwaukee, and seeks to explore
the culture of water by assessing the important dimensions of politics,
culture, economics and ecology.
photo: Indy Kethdy CC www.flickr.com/photos/indykethdy/4192221062/
BACKGROUND Global Context
The Cities Programme under-
stands the challenges that cities
face, which occur across local,
national, regional, and global
frameworks. While being aware
of globalizing patterns, the Pro-
gramme recognizes that each city
is a unique manifestation of the
political, cultural, economic and
ecological climates in which they
continually evolve.
The Rise of the City
Over the recent decades, the
world has experienced an urban
shift, with more than half the
global population living in cit-
ies. The shift is part of a larger
set of changes that continue to
have profound effects on social
relations across the domains of
culture, ecology, economics and
politics. It affects the way that a
society is viewed as a whole.
Sometime in the next year or
two, a woman will give birth in
the Lagos slum of Ajegunle, a
young man will flee his village
in West Java for the bright lights
of Jakarta, or a farmer will move
his impoverished family into one
of Lima’s innumerable pueblos
jovenes. The exact event is unim-
portant and it will go unnoticed.
Nonetheless it will constitute
a watershed in human history,
comparable to the Neolithic or
Industrial revolutions. For the
first time the urban population
of the earth will outnumber the
rural. Indeed, given the impre-
cision of Third World censuses,
this epochal transition has prob-
ably already occurred.1
This is a momentous shift. How-
ever, cities, for all their dyna-
mism, face a growing challenge
of providing secure and sustain-
able places to live. The overall
task of the Cities Programme is
to assist cities to understand and
respond to global change in the
urban context, with a view to en-
hancing the quality of life of their
citizens and enhancing the social
cohesion of their communities.
Cities and Global
Challenges
Cities are composed of distinctive
social relations and particular
natural systems. They have vary-
ing exposure and changing sen-
sitivity to different internal and
external stresses. The people who
dwell in them live across mul-
tiple time-horizons over which
risk and vulnerability may shift.
The Cities Programme seeks to
work systematically to enhance
the resilience, adaptation and
sustainability of member cities in
response to such stresses.
Global trends with the potential
to effect significantly urban gov-
ernance and sustainable devel-
opment include a number of is-
sues:
›› Rising urban populations and
increasing demands on finite
supplies of resources, most
particularly water;
›› Expanding urban spatial
footprints with the spread of
peri-urban areas into rural
hinterlands;
›› Increasing disparity between
the socio-economic status of
urban and rural citizens;
›› Amplifying e-culture connec-
tivity and the fragmentation
of older-style grounded com-
munities;
›› Escalating movements of peo-
ple, including irregular mi-
10
grants and displaced persons
coming to the city for work;
›› Increasing frequency of nat-
ural disasters, in some cas-
es associated with climate
change;
›› Growing dependence on off-
shore food markets and in-
dustrialized food production;
and
›› Intensifying vulnerability of
global financial markets, as
evidenced by the Global Fi-
nancial Crisis of 2008–09.
These global trends exacerbate
pre-existing urban issues and add
new challenges on a daily basis
for individuals, businesses, com-
munities, and city governors.
Urbanized regions are places of
immense change and innovation.
Nevertheless, they are vulnerable
to major shocks such as econom-
ic crises, terrorism, civil conflict,
tsunamis, and disease pandemics.
They are also susceptible to the
gradual breakdown of basic infra-
structural services that provide
communications, energy, mobil-
ity, and water. In turn, cities are
intensifying the resource impacts
and environmental damage of
their ‘ecological footprints’.
Cities are having an impact upon
the social, economic and environ-
mental sustainability of smaller
communities through their re-
source demands and the loss of
regional services and jobs asso-
ciated with rural de-population
and migration flows. Issues of
urban inequality, homelessness
and polarization of communities
undermine the social and cul-
tural foundations that underpin
effective urban governance insti-
tutions and practices.
 Background
Defining Cities changing nature of human settle- by a significant infrastructural
ment across the globe. There are a base—economically, politically
The urban-rural distinction was
number of significant changes, in- and culturally—a high density of
first proposed in the early 1950s,
cluding the changing forms of ur- population, whether it be as den-
and it was critiqued at the time
banization such as urban sprawl, izens, working people, or tran-
for being overly simplistic. Nev-
and the decentralization of non- sitory visitors, and what is per-
ertheless, it quickly entered into
residential functions, for exam- ceived to be a large proportion of
popular usage. It has persisted as
ple, retail parks close to intercity constructed surface area relative
the dominant classification sys-
highway junctions; massively to the rest of the region. Within
tem, and is used by virtually all
increased levels of commuting that area may also be smaller
countries. Beyond that there are
between urban and rural areas; zones of non-built-up, green or
a number of significant problems
the development of communica- brown sites used for recreational,
with the widespread usage of the
tion and transport technologies; storage, waste disposal or other
various settlement categories.
and the emergence of polycen- purposes.
Firstly, there is no uniform ap-
tric urban configurations.3 While A suburban area can be defined
proach to defining rural and ur-
the urban-rural dichotomy was as a relatively densely inhab-
ban settlements. The United Na-
always over-simplistic, it is argu- ited urban district characterized
tions has taken the position that,
‘...because of by predominance of
housing land-use—as a
national differences residential zone in an
in the characteristics urban area contiguous
with a city centre, as a
which distinguish zone outside the politi-
urban from rural cally defined limits of a
city centre, or as a zone
areas, the distinction on the outer rim of an
between urban and urban region (some-
rural population is times called a peri-ur-
ban area).
not yet amenable to a
A peri-urban area is a
single definition that zone of transition from
would be applicable the rural to urban.
in all countries .2 ’ These areas often form
the immediate urban-
Thus, it is said to be best for
rural interface and may
countries to decide for them-
eventually evolve into
selves whether particular set-
being fully urban. Peri-
tlements are urban or rural.
urban areas are lived-
The OECD has adopted the
in environments. The
same approach. However,
majority of peri-urban
while recognizing that it is a
areas are on the fringe
difficult task to create catego-
of established urban
ries which are applicable to a Docklands development, Melbourne, Australia
areas, but they may
diverse range of landscapes,
also be clusters of resi-
contexts and regional settings, ably more misleading today than
dential development within rural
the failure to define the terms be- it was half a century ago. Piecing
landscapes and along transport
ing used simply means that there together material from different
routes. Peri-urban areas in the
is an overabundance of opportu- sources, however, it is possible to
Global North are most frequently
nities for confusion and incon- get a basic framework for a gen-
eral set of definitions. 4 an outcome of the continuing
sistent use.
process of suburbanization or
Secondly, the usual urban-rural An urban area can be defined as a urban sprawl, though this is dif-
distinction fails to account for the human settlement characterized ferent in places where customary

11
land relations continue to prevail. In the Global South a peri-urban area might have the appearance of
being rural, but because of its immediate proximity to an urban area its orientation to that centre is more
intense than even hinterland communities—hence the designation.
All three of these areas are relevant to the Cities Programme and to defining the variable conditions of
cities.

Cities Seeking Global Solutions

Whilst historians, politicians, economists, philanthropists and communities will continue to contend
with justification that cities possess unique DNA, there is a growing awareness that cities are being chal-
lenged by similar global phenomena across traditional North/South or East/West divides.
In the face of the above challenges, forward-thinking decision-makers within cities are posing the follow-
ing important questions:
›› How can urban issues be governed within a broader global context?
›› How can cities learn from the experiences of others in tracking and responding to global issues?
In recent decades it has become common for certain international organizations and issues-based
experts, particularly in the domain of economics, to visit other cities to share best practice and suggest
how others should manage their issues at a local level. However, whilst these initiatives have re-exam-
ined city governance and finance arrangements in relation to a particular issue, they do not character-
istically address the complex matrix of processes that influence the causation of a given problem. This
means that responses to systemic problems tend to be ‘found’ in singular solutions or immediate-fix
techniques. By comparison, the Cities Program works with cities across all the domains of social prac-
tice—economics, ecology, politics and culture—to examine a problem in its local-global complexity. 

San Francisco Bay Scenarios for

Sea Level Rise Central and South
Bay.
Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat,
City of San Francisco

12
The Cities Programme

Background
The Cities Programme recognizes that there is no ‘one size fits all’ approach to resolving urban issues,
even on seemingly similar subjects (for example, water, energy, environmental degradation, social dis-
placement). Given the specific social dynamics of each city the Program works from the inside out. (See
Figure 2.) To this end, it encourages cities to adopt and report on local initiatives that actively engage
their constituencies. At the same time, the Programme remains ‘global’ in its focus on shared learning
between member cities. Cities collaborate on specific issues, whilst recognizing the differences in un-
derlying economic, political and cultural structures which may result in varying approaches to similar
issues. 

Figure 2 Summary framework of the Cities Programme

13
Origins and Establishment
The UN Global Compact
The UN Global Compact is the world’s largest cor-
porate responsibility initiative. It is a strategic pol-
icy initiative for businesses that are committed to
aligning their operations and strategies with ten
universally accepted principles across the domains
of human rights, labour, the environment and an-
ti-corruption. By doing so, business, as a primary
agent driving globalization, can help ensure that
markets, commerce, technology and finance ad-
vance in ways that benefit economies and societies
everywhere.
The Global Compact is a leadership platform en-
dorsed by Chief Executive Officers and offering a
unique foundation for participants to advance
their commitments to sustainability and corporate
citizenship.5
The Global Compact recognizes the growing influ-
ence of the private sector and the opportunity that
exists for corporations to adopt, internalize and ap-
ply these key over arching principles in their sec-
tors of activity.
The former UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan,
announced the establishment of the UN Global
Compact initiative in an address to The World Eco-
nomic Forum on 31 January 1999. It was officially
launched at the UN Headquarters in New York on
26 July 2000.
The Global Compact exists to assist the private sec-
tor in the management of increasingly complex
‘With such a global reach, the UN
Global Compact relies heavily on
local action and efforts to promote
the Ten Principles and facilitate their
implementation on the ground. ’ goals. ’
Georg Kell
Executive Director
United Nations Global Compact
14
risks and opportunities in the environmental, social
and governance realms. By partnering with compa-
nies, and leveraging the expertise and capacities of
a range of other stakeholders, the Global Compact
seeks to embed universal principles and values in
markets and businesses for the benefit of both busi-
ness and society alike.
Its membership has grown to more than 6,700 par-
ticipants, including over 5,200 businesses in 130
countries around the world.
The Ten Principles of the Global
Compact
The Global Compact requires companies to em-
brace, support, and enact, within their sphere of in-
fluence, a set of ten core principles in the domains
of human rights, labour, the environment, and an-
ti-corruption, as outlined below. ( See Table 1.)
These ten principles are derived from a set of uni-
versal declarations including:
›› The Universal Declaration on Human Rights;
›› The International Labour Organization’s Decla-
ration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at
Work;
›› The Rio Declaration on Environment and Devel-
opment;
›› The United Nations Convention against Corrup-
tion.
‘Grounding practice in a negotiated
ethics is more important than
mechanically following a given set of
rights, metrics or even development
Paul James
Director
Global Compact Cities Programme
 Background
The Ten Principles of the Global Compact

The UN Global Compact asks companies to embrace, support and enact, within
their sphere of influence, a set of core values in the areas of human rights,
labour standards, the environment, and anti-corruption:

Human Rights

Principle 1: Businesses should support and respect the protection of interna-

tionally proclaimed human rights; and
Principle 2: make sure that they are not complicit in human rights abuses.

Labour Standards

Principle 3: Businesses should uphold the freedom of association and the

effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining;
Principle 4: the elimination of all forms of forced and compulsory labour;
Principle 5: the effective abolition of child labour; and
Principle 6: the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and
occupation.

Environment

Principle 7: Businesses should support a precautionary approach to environ-

mental challenges;
Principle 8: undertake initiatives to promote greater environmental respon-
sibility; and
Principle 9: encourage the development and diffusion of environmentally
friendly technologies.

Anti-Corruption

Principle 10: Businesses should work against corruption in all its forms, in-
cluding extortion and bribery.

Table 1 The ten principles of the Global Compact

15
Communication on Progress

As a voluntary initiative, the Global Compact relies on organizations’ commitment to public account-
ability and transparency in their practical application of the ten principles.
In 2005, the Global Compact fully instituted a Communication on Progress (COP) policy requiring par-
ticipants to communicate annually on their actions to implement the ten principles in order to main-
tain an ‘active’ status. The Communication on Progress is a requirement of participation which serves
several important purposes:
To instil accountability;
›› To drive continuous improvement;
›› To safeguard the integrity of the UN Global Compact as a whole; and
›› To contribute to the development of a repository of corporate practices.
A Communication on Progress is a report outlining how an organization has practically applied the
ten principles to its policies and activities and within its spheres of influence. Whilst the format of the
Communication on Progress is flexible, it must contain three important elements:
A statement by the highest official of the organization;
›› A description of practical actions; and
›› A measurement of outcomes.

‘Biblioteca’, Community Library, Porto Alegre, Brazil (Photo: Biella CC www.flickr.com/photos/

biella/2569265240/)

16
Origins and Establishment of the Cities Programme

Background
The Cities Programme is the urban component of the Global Compact initiative. Whilst it was officially
launched by former UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan, the Cities Programme has been led by the Inter-
national Secretariat in Melbourne, Australia. Following a successful incubation phase, the International
Secretariat is currently located at Global Cities Institute at RMIT University. The International Secretari-
at works closely with the Office of Global Compact, New York.

Figure 3 Origins and establishment of the Cities Programme

Translating the Ten Principles of the Global Compact into the

Cities Programme

The Cities Programme is the urban component of the Global Compact initiative. It extends the ten prin-
ciples to the policies and activities of government agencies, non-government organizations, academia,
and other civil society bodies. The Cities Programme offers cities the opportunity to practically imple-
ment the ten principles at a city-wide level, translating these values into concrete and positive out-
comes for their citizens, communities and institutions.
Whilst the Global Compact focusses on engaging the business sector, the Cities Programme recognizes
that government and the civil sector are equally important and active stakeholders in achieving sustain-
able outcomes for society.

17
The Global Compact and the City of Melbourne
At the time of its launch, the Glo-
bal Compact initiative caught the
attention of city leaders in Mel-
bourne, Australia, who wanted
to demonstrate support for the
Global Compact.
The municipal council of the City
of Melbourne, together with a
leading multi-sectoral policy and
advocacy organization known as
the Committee for Melbourne,
saw a potential for city govern-
ments and institutions to play an
important role in achieving the
Global Compact’s objectives in
the domains of human rights, la-
bour, environment and anti-cor-
ruption. Accordingly, the City of
Melbourne wrote to Kofi Annan
and articulated the need for cit-
ies to be accommodated within
the Global Compact framework.
It sought approval for the City
of Melbourne to become a signa-
tory to the initiative. The Global
Compact Office considered this
submission, but declined Mel-
bourne’s request to be a signa-
tory at that time on the grounds
that the initiative was primarily
designed to focus on the private
sector.
The Global Compact Office con-
sidered this submission, but de-
clined Melbourne’s request to be
a signatory at that time, on the
grounds that the initiative was
primarily designed to focus on
the private sector.
Following the initial rejection of
its approach to become a signa-
tory of the Global Compact, the
City of Melbourne and the Com-
mittee for Melbourne developed
a proposal focused specifically
on the application of the Global
Compact’s principles and objec-
tives within an urban context.
This initiative was premised on
the notion of creating a neutral
space for business, government
and civil sectors to tackle seem-
ingly intractable urban issues
through collaboration and draw-
ing together their unique and
complementary skills.
Melbourne
Melbourne is the capital city of
the State of Victoria, in Australia.
The broader metropolitan area
covers 8,806 square kilometres
and is geographically divided
into seventy-nine administrative
areas referred to as Local Govern-
ment Authorities (LGA). The mu-
nicipal boundaries of the City of
Melbourne include Melbourne’s
economic and political centre
and is located within an area of
37.6 sq km that includes the cen-
tral business district.
The City of Melbourne is gov-
erned by a municipal council,
which is led by the Lord Mayor.
The council exercises a wide
range of government functions
and powers for the ‘peace, order
and good government’ of its mu-
nicipal district. It represents the
interests of the city and its citi-
zens in local, national and inter-
national forums. Currently, the
City of Melbourne is a member
of a number of international or-
ganizations and affiliations at the
highest level including the Inter-
national Congress of Metropolis;
the International Council for
Local Environmental Initiatives
(hosting its Regional Secretariat)
and the United Council of Local
Governments Association.
The Council has strong working
relationships with business and
non-business sectors and regular-
ly facilitates collaborative initia-
tives to retain and enhance Mel-
bourne’s status of being one of
the world’s ‘most liveable’ cities.
18
Further information about Mel-
bourne is attached in Appendix
2.
The Committee for
Melbourne
The Committee for Melbourne
is an independent member-
network of Melbourne leaders
working together to enhance the
competitive business culture and
liveability of Melbourne, thereby
increasing the economic prosper-
ity and quality of life of its citi-
zens.
The organization was founded in
1985, by a group of citizens con-
cerned that Melbourne was los-
ing its place among the world’s
great cities. Its operating motto
is ‘Ideas to Outcomes’, since its
members are focussed on posi-
tive and practical solutions to the
city’s challenges across a wide
range of areas and issues, from
higher education to the implica-
tions of climate change and the
future shape of Melbourne’s in-
stitutions and infrastructure.
The Committee’s policy of inclu-
siveness ensures that its current
170 members represent the most
senior levels of Melbourne’s ma-
jor corporations, institutions and
organizations.
While members’ interests are
diverse, the shared goal—secur-
ing Melbourne’s future as a city
of world-standing—is unifying,
enabling the Committee to work
closely with government at local,
state, federal and global levels.
The Melbourne Proposal
The proposal put forward by the
City of Melbourne and the Com-
mittee of Melbourne aimed to
harness the implicit experience,
knowledge and intellectual capi-
tal present in cities in order to de-
velop solutions to overcome the

challenges of urbanization. It was
based on the following premises:
›› Cities have pre-developed and
complex ‘neural networks’
based on shared language, ex-
perience, geography, culture
and economics. Significant
time, effort and resources can
be saved by tapping into these
pre-existing networks to de-
velop innovative solutions to
urban issues.
›› Many urban issues are global
in their root causes, impact
and ramifications. There-
fore, solutions developed in
one city can be applied to or
adapted for other cities fac-
ing the similar issues.
›› Urban issues can be fur-
ther understood by hy-
pothesis testing around an
identified problem with a
proposed solution rapidly
and effectively carried out
in a discrete geographic
urban area. The direct im-
pacts of a problem on gov-
ernments, business and
civil society can be readily
qualified and quantified
in a limited area. Similar-
ly, the implementation of
a proven solution can be
more effectively control-
led, monitored and perfect-
ed in a confined area.
›› Many complex issues are
already being addressed
by government, business ‘Gateway to Melbourne’, State Govern-
and civil society, either ment Initiative, Flemington
independently or in loose
coalitions. An opportunity
therefore exists to bring to-
gether and catalyze existing
work for practical projects in-
tended to achieve a positive
identified outcome within a
city.
›› Pre-existing and widespread
governance arrangements
Background
that are typically agenda- continue beyond the confines
led need to be challenged. of a project timeline. It is a
Instead of people entering rich source of local knowl-
dialogue that has a pre-deter- edge that is able to gather and
mined agenda, an alternative disseminate information in a
approach is to focus on offer- culturally appropriate way.
ing stakeholders from across
The City of Melbourne identified
the spectrum within cities a
a number of potential advantag-
politically neutral platform
es of this approach, including the
for discussion and decision-
following qualities:
making.
›› Participants will feel motivat-
›› Sustainable and effective
ed, safe and confident to con-
solutions depend on gain-
tribute to the process;
ing support from the ‘right’
stakeholders, not the ‘usual’ ›› Participants will have the
stakeholders. Often, these are same status and ability to in-
individuals who are not usu- fluence the outcome regard-
less of their relative of power
or influence;
›› The process of engaging
stakeholders across sectors
qualifies the uneven spread
of power;
›› Control can be maintained
over the process such that in-
dividual participants will be
able to influence the direction
or nature of the outcome;
›› Local capacity is built, so that
local ideas, expertise and
capacity across sectors are
brought together around a spe-
cific local issue. The premise
is not to impose external so-
lutions or expertise—rather
to facilitate the development
and implementation of a city-
specific approach that may be
applied to a variety of issues
and projects.
The former United Nations
Secretary General, Kofi Annan
ally included in high-level de-
considered the idea proposed by
cision-making processes, and
Melbourne and agreed to trial a
yet who hold a wealth of local
pilot project that encompassed
knowledge and offer unique
the premises outlined above, and
insights that encourage effec-
to report on its findings.
tive project design.
›› Local capacity is vital to en-
suring ongoing implementa-
tion of effective solutions that
19
The Pilot Methodology and Project

In response to the request from the Secretary-General’s Office, the City of Melbourne and the Commit-
tee for Melbourne developed a cross-sectoral taskforce to develop a pilot project that would trial its
proposed methodology, known as ‘the Melbourne Model’.

The ‘Melbourne Model’

The ‘Melbourne Model’ encapsulated the idea of establishing a secure space for decision-makers from
the private, government and civil sectors to work collaboratively and tackle seemingly intractable urban
issues. (See Figure 4.) This conceptual framework provided the structure for an issue-based program,
whereby a city could engage and explore a difficult issue to improve their urban environment. This
issue-based approach meant that the issues that are chosen to be explored may be broadly aligned with
the over arching ten principles of the Global Compact.

Figure 4. The conceptual elements of the Melbourne Model

The Original Methodology

The original ‘Melbourne Model’ methodology comprised a seven-step process that included engage-
ment, evaluation, concept-testing and reporting. Over recent years, the Melbourne Model has been
refined to include a suite of tools that facilitate self-assessment, moderated workshops, social mapping
exercises, city-based indicators and reporting frameworks for cities embarking on projects to resolve
particular urban challenges.

20
 Background
The ‘Melbourne Principles for Sustainable Cities’
The Melbourne Model was underpinned by the ‘Melbourne Principles of Sustainable Cities’, developed
at an international charrette in Melbourne on 2 April 2002. The charrette was sponsored by the United
Nations Environment Programme and the International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives,
and brought together specialists in urban governance, planning, sustainable development and commu-
nity engagement.
The Melbourne Principles consist of ten short statements outlining how cities can become more sustain-
able. (See Table 2.) Each principle is associated with brief elaborations of its meaning and application.
The Principles are designed to be read by decision-makers, and provide a starting point on the journey
towards sustainability.
The Principles were launched by the Lord Mayor of Melbourne in September 2002 at the United Nations
World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg. The principles were subsequently incor-
porated into Local Agenda 21, the international sustainable development implementation framework
for local government, which was first agreed upon at the United Nations Conference on Environment
and Development in 1992 (the ‘Rio Earth Summit’).

Melbourne Principles for Sustainable Cities

Provide a long-term vision for one’s city based on environmental and social sustain-
1 ability, intergenerational respect, cultural recognition of difference, and economic and
political equity;
2 Achieve long-term economic, political and cultural security and resilience;
Recognize the intrinsic value of biodiversity and natural ecosystems, and protect and
3
restore them;
4 Enable communities to minimize their ecological footprint;
Build on the characteristics of ecosystems in the development and nurturing of a
5
healthy and sustainable city;
Recognize and build on the distinctive characteristics of one’s city, including its human
6
and cultural values, history and natural systems;
7 Empower people and foster participation;
Expand and enable co-operative networks to work towards a common, sustainable fu-
8
ture;
Promote sustainable production and consumption, through appropriate use of envi-
9
ronmentally appropriate technologies and effective demand management;
Enable continual improvement, based on accountability, transparency and good gov-
10
ernance.

Table 2. Melbourne Principles for Sustainable Cities (redrafted by the Cities Programme, 2009)

The Melbourne Principles for Sustainable Cities helped to articulate the over arching objectives of the
UN Global Compact in a way that was relevant for city leaders. The development of the Melbourne
Model built upon these principles by encouraging local government leaders to engage with leaders
from business, non-government organizations and academia to draw together the requisite knowledge,
expertise, and alternative perspectives on urban sustainability.

21
Cross-Sectoral Partnerships
The critical importance of cross-sectoral partnerships between municipal governments, business and civil
society to achieve positive societal outcomes was emphasized at the World Summit in Johannesburg men-
tioned earlier. One of the main outcomes of the Summit was the establishment of the ‘Business Action
for Sustainable Development’.6 Another of the main outcomes from the Summit was the commitment
by governments, civil society, business and other stakeholders to a broad range of voluntary partnerships
and initiatives in order to implement sustainable development at national, regional and global levels.
The joint call for action on Climate Change by the World Business Council on Sustainable Development
(which comprises some of the world’s largest corporations) and Greenpeace International heralded a new
period of co-operation and constructive engagement between the corporate sector and NGOs. These or-
ganizations jointly agreed to work with governments to set binding targets for reduction in greenhouse
gas emissions, demonstrating that there is common ground between business and civil society in working
for the survival of the planet.

‘We now understand that both business and society stand to benefit from
working together, and more and more we are realizing that it is only by
mobilizing the corporate sector that we can make significant progress’. 7

These developments driven by the private sector have also coincided with inter-agency partnerships with-
in government and the development of the so-called ‘Whole of Government’ approach to policy and
regulatory development.
The Melbourne Model drew upon this increasing recognition of the importance of cross-sectoral partner-
ships and collaborations, comprising a balanced representation of expertise, perspectives and motiva-
tions, committed to working together to achieving tangible outcomes.

Queen Mary II departing La Havre Port, France. Photo © Philippe Bréard

22
Utility Debt Spiral Scheme Project

Background
The Utility Debt Spiral Scheme Project was the first whereby the project taskforce was able to discuss
case study developed to test the applicability of the and resolve complex issues related to financial
Melbourne Model. The Project examined the issue hardship. In reviewing the project’s activities and
of poverty alleviation and was led by an all-sector findings at the International Congress of Metropo-
taskforce under the joint-lead of the Committee for lis in Sydney in October 2008, St Vincent de Paul
Melbourne and the City of Melbourne. Society’s Policy and Advocacy Manager, Mr Gavin
Dufty commented that,
The project harnessed the expertise and involve-
ment of business, government, regulators, and
civil-society partners to examine and identify po-
tential means of ameliorating the impact of elec-
tricity, gas and water bills as a direct cause of,
or an exacerbating factor, in the debt spiral. The
Taskforce also examined the extent to which an
inability to pay utility bills was an early indica-
tor of a potentially broader debt exposure within
a household, and the policy implications of such
an ‘early warning signal’.
A Steering Group and a Study Reference Group
were established with the following tasks:
›› To examine and identify Victorian experienc-
es in relation to the ‘at-risk’ population, social
and regulatory frameworks and best-practice
solutions to address payment problems for dis-
advantaged utility customers;
›› To identify the existing threats that contrib-
ute toward a downward ‘spiral’ of debt within
households; and
Utility Debt Spiral Project report cover page
›› To develop effective measure to reduce utility
debt on ‘at-risk’ populations.
Over a three-year period, the project thoroughly ex-
amined poverty alleviation and successfully influ- ‘The shared understanding of the
enced significant change to the payment policies impact on hardship created impetus
within utility providers. It provided the at-risk pop- for both strengthening of regulatory
ulation with financial options. A document called
‘The Supporting Utility Customers Experiencing Fi- frameworks and industry initiatives,
nancial Hardship Guiding Principles’ was prepared
for energy and water retail businesses on how to
such as hardship policies. ’
better assist customers presenting with a need for
support in managing debt and ongoing consump- The project is detailed in the ‘Utility Debt Spiral
tion costs for their use of energy and water. These Project’ report and is available on the Cities Pro-
principles continue to be used by the private, gov- gramme website: www.citiesprogramme.org.
ernment and civil sectors to guide social policy is-
sues. The report continues to be used widely by all sectors
as an advocacy tool for evidence-based research.
The Melbourne Model established a neutral platform

23
Creation of the Global Compact Cities Programme

As a result of the success of the Utility Debt Spiral Project, the UN Global Compact Office formally en-
dorsed the establishment of the Global Compact Cities Programme in 2002.

International Secretariat
It was agreed that Melbourne would host the International Secretariat of the Global Compact Cities
Programme, which would be responsible for the effective development and implementation of the pro-
gramme. The role of the International Secretariat was to manage the following processes:
›› To encourage business, government, and civil society to engage the Global Compact;
›› To disseminate relevant information to all stakeholders;
›› To provide forums for debate and learning around urban governance and the Melbourne Model;
›› To vet and facilitate city-based project ideas;
›› To provide a forum for matching Global Compact-related projects with resources to implement them;
and
›› To facilitate report-back mechanisms to the United Nations on city-based projects.
The International Secretariat of the Cities Programme was initiated in the offices of the Committee for
Melbourne, with the financial and in-kind support of the City of Melbourne from 2002 to the end of 2007
(including for the period of the pilot project).

The UN Global Compact Office

It was envisaged that the International Secretariat would have a direct line of communications and report
to the UN Global Compact Office in New York City. The Global Compact Office would serve as the central
co-ordination point between regional cities Local Secretariats; maintain a central repository of successful
city projects; ensure communication of all new Cities Programme policies and practices; and support the
Cities Programme as an important and effective component of the UN Global Compact.

Initial Member Cities

Following the successful implementation of the Utility Debt Spiral Project, Kofi Annan requested that the
Melbourne Model be trialled in five cities around the world to test the applicability of the Melbourne Model:
Tshwane (South Africa), Porto Alegre (Brazil), Jinan (China), Jamshedpur (India) and Bath (England). (See
Figure 5.) Each city undertook an initial three-year project focussed on an identified urban issue and fol-
lowed the inter-sectoral approach of the ‘Melbourne Model’.
Overall, the development and implementation of the pilot projects was successful, with most of the cit-
ies continuing their involvement in the Cities Programme to date. In 2008, the City of Bath ceased its
involvement in the Programme due to a change in local government priorities. An outline of ‘Innovating’
Member City projects appears in Part 4—Methodology.

Figure 5 Summary of initial Member Cities and project focus areas

24

The Cities Programme and tion and high-quality research to host and support the Inter-
and engagement with the needs national Secretariat and RMIT’s
RMIT University
In 2008, the International Sec-
retariat re-located to the Global
Cities Institute at the Royal Mel-
bourne Institute of Technology
(RMIT) University. The relocation
was considered by the Commit-
tee for Melbourne, the City of
Melbourne and RMIT University
to be a strategic opportunity to
align the work of the Cities Pro-
gramme with a highly relevant
and substantial research initia-
tive based in Melbourne. The de-
cision was strongly endorsed by
the Executive Director of the Glo-
bal Compact, Mr Georg Kell, and
the Office of the Global Compact
in New York City.
RMIT University is one of Aus-
tralia’s original and leading
educational institutions As an
innovative, global university of
technology, with its heart in the
city of Melbourne, RMIT has an
international reputation for ex-
cellence in work-relevant educa-
RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. Photo © RMIT University
of industry and community.
With more than 70,000 students
studying at RMIT campuses in
Melbourne and regional Victoria,
in Vietnam, online, by distance
education, and at partner institu-
tions throughout the world, the
University is one of the largest in
the country. It has built a world-
wide reputation for excellence in
professional and vocational edu-
cation and research. A vibrant
alumni community now stretch-
es across more than a hundred
countries.
Part of the University’s mission is
to be:
›› Global in outlook and action,
offering students and staff a
global passport to learning
and work; and
›› Urban in orientation and cre-
ativity, reflecting and shaping
the city of the 21st century.
RMIT University has committed
25
Background
custodianship of the Cities Pro-
gramme provides an exciting
platform to develop and expand
the Cities Programme. The relo-
cation provides an opportunity
for the Cities Programme to ac-
cess the research expertise, global
research networks and technical
resources of a number of RMIT
research institutes and centres.
Participating cities therefore have
greatly enhanced opportunities
to engage with experts in urban
management and policy-making,
globalization, sustainable busi-
ness practices and geospatial de-
sign, in addition to specialists in
particular urban issues and cit-
ies.
The location of the Programme
at RMIT also provides Innovating
Cities with access to tools to fa-
cilitate rigorous self-assessment,
project design, indicator selec-
tion, monitoring and reporting.
These are detailed further in Part
4—Methodology
The Global Cities Research Institute

The International Secretariat of the Cities Programme is supported by the Global Cities Research In-
stitute at RMIT University. The Institute directly addresses the challenges of sustainability, resilience,
security and adaptation through engaged research programs with significant on-the-ground impact.
It emphasizes these questions in the face of processes of globalization and global climate change. (See
Table 3.)
The Institute was inaugurated in 2006 to bring together key researchers at RMIT University, working on
understanding the complexity of globalizing urban settings from provincial centres to mega-cites. The
research is highly collaborative, linking with institutions and people around the world in long-term
partnerships. Research within the Institute focuses on a number of carefully chosen cities and their
hinterlands in the Asia-Pacific region.
The Global Cities Research Institute is part of a global research collaborative effort to combat the prob-
lems associated with urban life. It engages in cutting edge and applied research that has grounded
consequences for governments, organizations, communities and citizens.
Accordingly, the location of the Cities Programme at RMIT University will link cities that are struggling
with seemingly intractable issues to relevant universities and research centres. It brings together local
knowledge and expert knowledge, which adds yet another dimension to multi-sectoral collaboration
envisaged by the original Melbourne Model.

KEY THEME OBJECTIVES

How will cities best adapt to the anticipated impacts of global warming?
To assist cities to adapt to the anticipated impacts of global warming by
Climate Change exploring new solutions to infrastructure, methods of communication and
transport.

How will cities best respond to the impact of globalization on cultural iden-
Globalization and tity and civic orientation?
To assist cities to understand the intensification and expansion of cultural
Culture flows through their cities and regions by considering impacts of globaliza-
tion on cultural identity and civic orientation.

What is the impact of social change on communities?

Community To assist cities to understand how local communities are currently negoti-
Sustainability ating the challenges and opportunities of political, economic and cultural
change by working from the ground up to measure social change.

How will cities respond to the increasing demands on communities?

To assist cities to respond with the increased demands on infrastructure by
Urban Infrastructure addressing questions of urbanization, governance, and social and environ-
mental sustainability.

How can cities harness their immense resources to cope with crises?
To assist cities to harness resources to cope with crisis by focusing on path-
Human Security ways for recovering from conflict, building resilience and reducing disaster-
vulnerability.

What are the key processes involved in learning about social change?
Learning Cities To assist cities to learn about social change by focusing on the capacities
and possibilities for cities to engage in sustainable learning.

Table 3 Key research themes of the RMIT Global Cities Research Institute

26
Current Focus of the Cities Programme
The City of Melbourne signed an
Agreement in 2009, pledging fur-
ther financial support for the Cit-
ies Programme and the activities
of the International Secretariat
at RMIT University for a three-
year period. The City of Mel-
bourne is also partnering with
the Cities Programme to pilot the
Programme’s innovative meth-
odology, ‘The Circles of Sustain-
ability’ (See Appendix 2.), in its
residential emissions reduction
strategies. This research partner-
ship is discussed in detail in Part
4 – Methodology.
The Committee for Melbourne
also continues to support the Cit-
ies Programme through provision
of strategic advice and technical
expertise.
Since its location at RMIT Univer-
sity, the International Secretariat
has been focussed on four key ac-
tivities in 2008–09:
1. Consolidating the relation-
ship with the UN Global Com-
pact Office in New York City;
2. Establishing close relation-
ships with existing member
cities and providing assist-
ance with their projects;
3. Creating a framework for the
transition of cities to the high-
est level of engagement within
the Cities Programme—pro-
viding support for cities that
have become signatories to
the Global Compact to report
on progress and to undertake
a pilot project (this will be
detailed in Part 5 - City Pro-
files).
4. Strengthening the rigour of
the Melbourne Model meth-
odology, particularly in re-
lation to the highest level of
engagement for cities. (This
is discussed in detail in Part
4—Methodology).
One of the main intentions of
the Cities Programme is to high-
light and prioritize underlying
political, economic, cultural and
ecological dynamics and perspec-
tives that have been excluded
from decision-making processes
around particular urban chal-
lenges to date, yet which have
the potential to significantly in-
fluence the success of strategies
employed to address those chal-
lenges. Failure to consider such
dynamics and perspectives (or to
attach due weight to them) can
pose considerable constraints on
a city’s capacity to effectively re-
solve its challenges, to the point
where they become increasingly
problematic.
Similarly, the Cities Programme
seeks to ensure that stakeholders
representing economic, ecologi-
cal, political and cultural perspec-
tives within an urban commu-
nity are given a seat at the table
in considering new approaches
to urban challenges, when they
may not previously have been
given a voice.
In this way the Cities Programme
engenders deep and broad proc-
esses of engagement, acceptance
of diverse views and values and
provides a solid foundation to
achieve innovative solutions.
Outreach Activities of the
International Secretariat
2008–09
›› Presentations to the UN Glo-
bal Compact, New York—
March 2008
27
Background
›› Visit to ‘Innovating’ city San
Francisco—March 2008
›› Involvement with Metropo-
lis—October 2008
›› Involvement in the World Ur-
ban Forum, Nanjing—Novem-
ber 2008
›› Visits to ‘Innovating’ cities
and prospective member cit-
ies in Europe—Havre, Berlin,
Asker, Wroclaw—November
2008
›› Meeting in Amman about
prospective membership—
December 2009
›› Engagement with the UN Glo-
bal Compact, New York—Feb-
ruary 2009, and the again
across April–May 2009
›› Visit to ‘Innovating’ City Mil-
waukee—March 2009
›› Visit to Vancouver to discuss
membership—March 2009
›› Meetings in Port Moresby—
May 2009
›› Participation in the Launch
of the Australian Global Com-
pact Local Network, Canber-
ra—May 2009
›› Attendance at the Annual Glo-
bal Compacts Local Networks
Forum in Istanbul, Turkey—
June 2009
›› Meetings in Manchester and
London—July 2009
›› Attendance at the UN Habi-
tat Private Sector Forum, New
Delhi—July 2009
›› Meetings with the Global Re-
porting Initiative, Amster-
dam—September 2009

AIMS AND BENEFITS
Aims
The Cities Programme seeks to reshape the ways
in which city leaders approach relatively intracta-
ble urban issues. It advocates an inter-sectoral ap-
proach as essential to develop lasting effective so-
lutions to difficult urban challenges. It also assists
cities practically to apply sustainability principles
to their policies and activities.
The Cities Programme aims to assist city leaders
to navigate through complex socio-political land-
scapes by an interconnected approach:
›› Using a value-based approach that requires city
leaders to re-think governance and its contrib-
uting factors;
›› Facilitating awareness of leading city-based ini-
tiatives that demonstrate sustainability princi-
ples;
›› Creating a ‘safe’ space for dialogue about how
different cities have understood and applied
human rights, environmental, labour and anti-
corruption principles; and
›› Providing a platform for gaining international
recognition for initiatives that involve practical
application.
At its highest level of engagement, the Cities Pro-
gramme aims to provide an alternative governance
model that offers to reshape the ways in which city
leaders approach intractable urban issues.
Benefits
The Cities Programme offers cities a broad range of
benefits, including access to the following oppor-
tunities:
›› A specific city-focused forum to publicly regis-
ter cities’ commitment to the principles of the
Global Compact and to recognize the initiatives
undertaken within cities in support of the Glo-
bal Compact;
›› A series of city and urban networks both locally
and internationally to promote city initiatives
and projects, to extend share learning and to
promote collaboration;
›› A set of tools to assist in reporting on progress in
28
implementing the Global Compact Principles;
›› A comprehensive framework to assist cities to
engage and work collaboratively across all levels
of government, with business and civil society,
on complex or seemingly intractable issues;
›› A detailed methodology to assist in develop-
ment, monitoring and assessment of projects
aiming to address such challenges through in-
novative, collaborative approaches; and
›› A network of researchers who can offer advice
on particular issues and assist in project imple-
mentation and evaluation.
From a government perspective, the Cities Pro-
gramme affords an opportunity to create focussed
dialogue with other sectors that may better inform
public policy and local governance on a day-to-day
basis. For the private sector it provides an oppor-
tunity for companies to engage with other sectors
within the communities in which they operate, and
to demonstrate a meaningful and tangible commit-
ment to investing in sustainable development at
‘grass roots’. It gives civil society organizations the
platform to engage directly with political decision-
makers, business and opinion-leaders in informing
and influencing the policy agenda, in addition to
development of practical action on social, environ-
mental and economic issues affecting the city.
At its highest level of engagement, the Cities Pro-
gramme provides a robust framework for moni-
toring and evaluating progress over time, which is
based on an effective self-assessment exercise tai-
lored specifically to local context and circumstanc-
es and is considerate of culture and place.
Specifically, the benefits for a city that engages at
the highest level includes the following:
›› Global exposure as being a city of innovation
that supports the universal principles of the
Global Compact;
›› Key strategic relationship-building with other
participating cities and delegations, fostering
city-to-city dialogue;
›› Capacity-building at an institutional and indi-
vidual level, in terms of sustainable develop-
ment, corporate citizenship and organizational
responsibility;
›› Establishment or strengthening of partnerships
with the private sector and civil society around
key issues of urban welfare, amenity and live-
ability;
 Background
›› Development of an alternative governance approach within an on-the-ground project that creates
positive improvements on a specific urban conundrum.
The Cities Programme is aligned with universally-accepted principles of the Global Compact. Its targeted
urban indicators draw upon and have the support of the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI). The Cities Pro-
gramme therefore offers member cities the opportunity to develop a monitoring framework consistent
with international standards and protocols. This ensures the comparability, consistency and credibility of
a city’s commitments, monitoring and reporting.
The Cities Programme approach provides a variety of project management tools that assist in identifying
project aims, objectives and outcomes. It also offers the opportunity to design a tailored monitoring-and-
evaluation regime that reflects the needs and local context. Distinct from other initiatives, the Cities Pro-
gramme challenges business-as-usual and promotes the ‘right people’ to lead and be involved as opposed
to the ‘usual people.’
These factors are detailed in greater detail in Part 4—Methodology. 

The City of Jinan, China. Government representatives signing onto their engagement with the Global Com-
pact Cities Programme

29
Picture goes here

30
 Governance
Vila Chocolatão, Porto Alegre, Brazil
PORTO ALEGRE IS A CITY IN SOUTHERN BRAZIL AND IS AN HISTORIC TRADING POINT,
AS IT IS THE INTERSECTING POINT OF MANY RIVER JUNCTIONS. THE CITY OF PORTo
ALEGRE HAS SUPPORTED THE VILA CHOCOLATãO PROJECT, A COMMUNITY-LED PROJECT
THAT SEEKS TO EMPOWER COMMUNITY MEMBERS THAT ARE DEPRIVED OF BASIC HUMAN
NEEDS, INCLUDING SHELTER.
THE VILA Chocolatão PROJECT IS DRIVEN BY COMMUNITY INSTITUTES WHO HELP
TRAIN THE COMMMUNITY IN LIFE-SKILLS INCLUDING EMPLOYMENT TRAINING. THE
SITE IS CURRENTLY HOME TO HUNDREDS OF PEOPLE, SOME OF WHOM HAVE ENGAGED
IN ARTIST EXPRESSIONS OF THEIR PROJECT (PICTURED), WHICH ASSIST IN BUILDING
BROADER AWARENESS.
Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Porto Alegre.
GOVERNANCE
Organizational Structure

The Cities Programme is a global initiative with city-based activity being led locally.
The governance of the Cities Programme is global and is directed by the International Secretariat based in
Melbourne, Australia. It is committed to devolving ownership and responsibility at both global and local
level through the establishment of key governance entities including:

Global Level Regional Level Local Level

›› The Global Compact Office
›› International Secretariat
›› Advisory Council
›› International Advisors
›› Regional Secretariats
›› In-Country Convenors
›› Local Secretariats
›› Critical Reference Groups
›› Global Compact Local Net-
works

The relationships between the different levels of governance are illustrated below in Figure 6. As illus-
trated, the International Secretariat plays an integral facilitation role between the international resourc-
es and resources in-country at the local level.

Figure 6 Global Compact Cities Programme organizational structure

32
Global Level
The Global Compact
Office
The Global Compact Office is
based at the United Nations Head-
quarters in New York. The Office
of the Global Compact has direct
communication with the Secre-
tary General. It is responsible for
overseeing the governance and
day-to-day management of the
Global Compact Initiative and
communications with signato-
ries. The Office provides guid-
ance to participants in relation to
preparation of their Communi-
cation on Progress and oversees
other Global Compact programs,
such as the CEO Water Mandate.
It also co-ordinates collabora-
tions with other UN agencies in
relation to UN-outreach activities
to the private sector.
The International
Secretariat
The International Secretariat,
based in Melbourne, is responsi-
ble for the overall successful de-
velopment and implementation
of the Cities Programme. It is a
small administrative body that
makes executive decisions con-
Figure 4 The Cities Programme Advisory Council consists of representation from the private, government
and civil sectors
cerning the strategic direction
and governance framework of
the Programme. It liaises directly
with the In-Country Conveners,
providing guidance and advice on
programme requirements such as
reporting, project development,
and implementation. The Secre-
tariat also facilitates communi-
cation, as appropriate, between
member cities, Global Compact
Local Networks and researchers.
A key function of the Secretariat
is to build relationships within
global urban networks and to
promote awareness of the activi-
ties of Cities Programme mem-
bers.
Advisory Council
The Advisory Council members
are appointed by the Internation-
al Secretariat and provide ongo-
ing strategic advice for the Cities
Programme. Advisory Council
members are active advocates
of the Cities Programme within
their own spheres of influence,
facilitating access to national and
international networks and pro-
viding specific expertise in their
specific technical and subject-
matter areas.
33
Advisory Council members com-
prise senior representatives from
the government, business and
civil sectors, operating within lo-
cal, state and international con-
texts. (See Figure 4.) All members
commit to a twelve-month term
upon joining the Advisory Coun-
Governance
cil. The International Secretariat
reviews membership of the Advi-
sory Council on an annual basis.
International Advisors
International Advisors are ap-
pointed by the International
Secretariat and provide ongoing
strategic advice and global link-
ages for the Cities Programme.
International Advisors are emi-
nent in their respective fields and
provide international recognition
for the Cities Programme.
Regional Level
Potential Regional
Secretariats
Although no Regional Secretari-
ats currently exist, there is the po-
tential for participating cities in
the Cities Programme to collabo-
rate, within a defined geographic
or political area, to establish a
Regional Secretariat. Such a step would require the
approval of the International Secretariat, following
detailed consideration of the strategic benefit of
creating another level of organizational structure.
One such key consideration is that the cities seeking
together to create a Regional Secretariat are mem-
bers of the Cities Programme at the highest level
of engagement—namely ‘Innovating Cities’—and
are in the stages of designing and implementing a
project to that end.
Collaborating Centres
The Cities Programme is committed to forging strong
links with international researchers, for the benefit
of member cities. Researchers in the Programme
have specialist knowledge about urban challenges
that member cities face, in addition to expertise in
the historical, political, economic, cultural and eco-
logical dynamics of the cities themselves.
To this end, the International Secretariat is seek-
ing to establish collaborations with research insti-
tutions and centres internationally, in relation to
particular issues of concern to member cities. It is
also interested in collaborating with research insti-
tutions and centres with a focus on specific cities.
Local Level
Local Secretariat
The Local Secretariat is a cross-sectoral group of
government, business and civil-sector representa-
tives who oversee and advise on the development
and implementation of a pilot project. It typically
has a group size of around ten to fifteen people
with a balanced sectoral representation.
The Local Secretariat is led by an In-Country Con-
venor, who is the main point of contact to the In-
ternational Secretariat.
In-Country Convenor
The In-Country Convenor is charged with the re-
sponsibility of leading the Local Secretariat and his/
her tasks include the formation and management
of the Local Secretariat, liaising with the Interna-
tional Advisor to their city, and co-ordination of
project development, including achieving specific
desired outcomes. The In-Country Convenor is the
key project contact and is responsible for regular
34
communications and reporting to the Cities Pro-
gramme Manager.
Critical Reference Group
Members of the Critical Reference Group are chosen
by the Local Secretariat on the basis of their par-
ticular expertise relevant to the chosen project of
an Innovating City. They are responsible for advis-
ing the Local Secretariat in the process of successful
implementation of a city-based project. The group
typically comprises five to eight people across dif-
ferent sectors and relevant fields of engagement.
Global Compact Local Networks
The Global Compact Local Networks represent a
group of participants within a country or region
who work together to progress the Global Compact
and its principles. The Local Network acts as the
local resource for participating companies to assist
them in observing their obligations, in addition to
communicating on progress. Local Networks also
facilitate opportunities for multi-stakeholder en-
gagement with civil society to provide feedback
on companies’ adoption of Global Compact princi-
ples. There are over 70 Local Networks around the
world.
The International Secretariat seeks to work close-
ly with Global Compact Local Networks and it is
important that any city participating in the Cities
Programme makes contact with any Global Com-
pact Local Network operating within its country or
region, to confirm its commitment to the principles
of the Global Compact. Local Networks can provide
significant assistance to member cities in reaching
out to business and civil society in promoting the
Global Compact’s ten principles and in enabling
stakeholder engagement for city projects.
Australian Local Network of the Global
Compact
The Australian Local Network of the Global Com-
pact was launched in May 2009 at the Tenth Na-
tional Business Leaders’ Forum on Sustainable
Development at Parliament House in Canberra.
Participants comprise a diverse range of large and
small corporations headquartered in Australia, as
well as global companies with an Australian base.
The Australian Network is currently consulting
with signatories and potential signatories about an
appropriate governance framework and operating protocols. These will provide guidance to members
in preparing communications on progress. In addition it is contributing to high-level discussions about
current initiatives led by the Global Compact, such as the CEO Water Mandate and the UN Principles on
Responsible Investment.
The Cities Programme is an active participant in the Australian Local Network and communicates regu-
larly with information updates to the Australian Focal Point at the St James Ethics Centre in Sydney.

Additional Resources
The Cities Programme is currently developing a strategy to secure corporate sponsorship and philan-
thropic donations to support the delivery of projects in cities around the world under the auspices of the

Governance
Programme. Delivery of projects in developing nations is a particular priority. The funding and resources
sought will specifically assist the initiation of member projects involving up-front capital investment, for
example to access technical assistance to address issues such as:
›› Alleviating poverty;
›› Increasing public health;
›› Improving education;
›› Reducing environmental damage;
›› Providing equitable access; and
›› Understanding and adapting to climate change.
The International Secretariat will continue to explore opportunities for private-sector and NGO support
for cities wishing to undertake innovative projects to resolve seemingly intractable urban challenges.


‘Following a strong
foundational year for
the new Global Compact
Local Network in
Australia which has seen
a 50 per cent increase
in active signatories,
we look forward to
further exploration of
collaboration with the
Global Cities Programme
and the International
Secretariat ’
Rosemary Sainty,
Global Compact Focal Point for
Australia
Reflection of sculpture in Sukhbaatar Square, Ulaan-
baatar, Mongolia (Photo: Wandering_angel www.
flickr.com/photos/wandering_angel/2799462812/)

35
Picture goes here

36
 Engagement

Le havre, France
THE CITY OF LE HAVRE, FRANCE, HAS EMBARKED ON A REGIONAL PROJECT THAT
HAS FOCUSED ON IMPROVING THE PROFILE OF EXISTING SUSTAINABLE TOURISM
INITIATIVES. ONE OF THE MANY AREAS OF INTEREST IS THE INDUSTRIAL PORT
AREA. THE CITY OF LE HAVRE IS HARNESSING THE OPPORTUNITY TO RE-CREATE
THIS IMPORTANT AREA AS A COMMUNITY HUB, OFFERING SPORTING AND LEISURE
ACTIVITIES.
Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Le Havre, France
ENGAGEMENT
The Cities Programme offers innovative city leaders the opportunity to engage in a unique initiative
that assists in progressing social change in their local environs. As the world continues to globalize,
issues continue to become increasingly complex, requiring resilient and committed leadership who
make sustainable decisions.

The Cities Programme works to engage local decision-makers and provide a forum for people to:
›› Develop an understanding of the ten over arching principles of the Global Compact and how to advo-
cate and promote these principles within their sphere of influence;
›› Think holistically and bring about sustainable change by engaging in cross-sectoral dialogue between
private, government and civil spheres to promote sustainable development;
›› Enhance sustainability, resilience, diversity and adaptation within cities, in the face of complex urban
challenges;
›› Promote their successes and challenges by sharing strategic decision-making, news and events, and
communicating on progress.
These considerations are most pronounced at a project level, as an ‘Innovating City,’ as a city’s commit-
ment is able to be translated into practical action. Whether a city’s commitment is to support Global
Compact principles, to undertake a City Profile or to design and implement a demonstration project,
engagement in the Cities Programme enhances a city’s capacity to share and learn across sectors and
amongst the world’s most innovative cities. (See Figure 7.)

Figure 7 Engagement in the Cities Programme promotes inter-sectoral collaboration between government,
civil and private sectors

38
Who is the Cities Programme designed for?
The Cities Programme is designed for leaders who are committed to leading sustainable development
in their cities. A city can be represented by leaders in any sector who are committed to inter-sectoral
co-operation to address such challenges. Engagement in the Cities Programme assumes that the leaders
possesses a number of characteristics:
›› Commitment to the principles and values of the UN Global Compact;
›› Willingness to transparently report on environmental, economic, political and cultural outcomes re-
sulting from the application of those principles in the local urban context;8
›› Motivation to engage in an international programme with a view to sharing learning and best prac-
tice in urban governance and management;
›› Readiness to work across sectors and adopt a sustainability-based approach for the benefit of their citi-
zens, communities and institutions.
A city can be represented by leaders in any sector who are committed to inter-sectoral co-operation to
address such challenges. The concept of a ‘city’ is broadly defined within the programme and cities are
encouraged to join regardless of their size and governance structure. Cities comprise large metropoli-

Engagement
tan areas, local municipal districts and small townships alike. (See Figure 8.) In all instances, a city
mayor or the highest level of local governance must provide written support for their city to engage in
the Cities Programme.

Figure 8 The Cities Programme attracts different sized cities in urban and rural environs

39
Who can engage in the gression through three levels of How does a city express
engagement—from signing onto
Cities Programme? interest in engaging in the
the Global Compact principles,
Engagement is available to any to reporting on the adoption of Cities Programme?
city that can demonstrate its those principles, and, ultimately, The initial expression of interest
willingness to embrace the prin- to undertaking a practical project to the International Secretariat
ciples and considerations of the to resolve particular urban chal- can be made in two ways: firstly,
Cities Programme and which is lenges through cross-sectoral in writing by any individual who
motivated to promote and imple- partnerships as an Innovating represents a group of private-
ment sustainable development City. sector, government and civil-
practices. sector persons in a city who are
Since the existing Cities Pro-
At the highest level of willing to explore
engagement, ‘Innovating membership in
cities’ are offered a meth- anticipation of
odology and set of tools to approaching the
design a project based on mayor’s office for
a rigorous self-assessment official support.
exercise that is facilitated Secondly, an ex-
over time by the Interna- pression of inter-
est may be made
tional Secretariat.
by a city mayor or
How long does a city his or her nomi-
nee at any time to
remain engaged? become a member
A city remains engaged of the Cities Pro-
in the Cities Programme gramme.
for the life of their com- Discussion about
mitment. A city chooses the expression of
the level of commitment interest ensues,
that is suitable to their confirming the
circumstance at any given most appropri-
time. Typically, cities will ate type of mem-
engage for a three-year pe- bership for each
riod and then consider re- United Nations Avenue and City Hall, San Francisco. city. This leads
engaging with a new fo- Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of San Francisco to signing on as
cus or at a different level an engagement
of engagement. member, confirmed by a letter
gramme translates the Global
What if my city is already Compact’s ten principles into from the Secretary General’s de-
partment. At the end of the ini-
signed onto the Global day-to-day urban governance and tial engagement period, a city is
Compact initiative? management, it is ideally posi- encouraged to re-engage either
tioned to co-ordinate city-based at its current level, or to consider
The Cities Programme has devised activities and to enhance the serv-
progressing to a higher level of
a framework to support the tran- ices provided to cities wishing to
engagement, aiming ultimately
sition of cities which are existing advance beyond the base level of
to become an Innovating City,
signatories to the Global Com- membership to practically dem-
undertaking a practical project to
pact into the Cities Programme. onstrate their support of the Glo-
address a seemingly intractable
The framework involves a pro- bal Compact Initiative.
urban challenge.

40
Levels of Engagement

The Cities Programme has three levels of engagement:

›› Innovating City
›› Reporting City
›› Signatory City
In consultation with the International Secretariat, a city chooses to enter the Programme at the level
most suited to their needs and aspiration.
All cities have a direct working relationship with the International Secretariat and are led by an ap-
pointed In-Country Convenor. (See Figure 9.) At the project level, and membership as an Innovating
City, additional resources are required and the In Country Convenor engages with a cross-section of
people who constitute a Local Secretariat and a Critical Reference Group.

Engagement

Figure 9 At-a-glance view of the three engagement levels within the Cities Programme

41
Roles of Cities

The role of a city is dependent upon the level of engagement and is summarized as follows:

Figure 10 At-a-glance view of engagement levels within the Cities Programme

At the project level ‘Innovating City’ additional resources are required and the In-Country
Convenor engages with a cross-section of people who constitute a Local Secretariat and a
Critical Reference Group. The role of a city is described in more detail in the following sec-
tion, which outlines the objectives and attributes.

Figure 11 Accumulated local resources during progression of engagement from a Signatory City
to an Innovative City

42
City Attributes

There are specific city attributes that relate to each of the levels of engagement. (See Table 5.)
Signatory Cities Reporting Cities Innovating Cities
Commitment
a a a
Leadership
a a a
Communication
a a
Sustainability
a
Resilience
a
Diversity
a
Adaptation
a
Table 5 Summary of city attributes at different levels of engagement

Commitment

Engagement
The city commits itself to putting into practice the ten principles of the Global Compact, and to publicly
promoting those principles, both within and beyond the city. The city also commits to promoting those
principles to the private sector and civil society within its sphere of influence.

Leadership
The city recognizes its capacity to lead by example in facilitating the widespread adoption of the Global
Compact principles. The city recognizes that both formal authority structures and informal governance
processes are central to engaging all of its citizens and institutions in implementing lasting positive
change for the benefit of the whole community.

Communication
The city understands that transparent, public communication on its activities is critical to
demonstrating its commitment to the Global Compact principles. It recognizes the benefit of
communicating both its successful and less-than-successful approaches to enhance local and global
learning about effective urban governance. The city is dedicated to mutual dialogue with other cities.
Sustainability
The city has a capacity to follow through on a core project in a sustained way (for at least three years) to
contribute to the long-term social or environmental wellbeing of the city.

Resilience
The city has a capacity to respond adequately over time to the problems associated with rapid political,
economic, cultural or ecological change, and to learn from problematic prior responses or new issues as
they arise.

Diversity
The city has an awareness and respect for the need to work effectively across different sectors, economic
classes and political-cultural backgrounds, including differences of religion, ethnicity, age, gender, and
ideology.

Adaptation.
The city has an openness and flexibility to work across sectors in different environments to gain shared
outcomes in responding to complex or seemingly intractable urban issues.

43
Signatory City

A Signatory City signs onto the principles of the Global Compact and endeavours, within the capac-
ity of the city, to make a difference to enact and promote those principles in practice. It also agrees to
reach out to business and civil society to extend the Global Compact principles. This is the entry level of
engagement.
This level of engagement is suitable for cities that wish to publicly demonstrate their commitment to
the ten principles of the Global Compact. Accordingly, current signatories of the Global Compact will
have the status of Signatory Cities within the Cities Programme.

Figure 12 Signatory City–Communications at local level

Signatory City attributes

Signatory Cities will be expected to acknowledge and demonstrate the attributes of commitment and
leadership, as shown in Table 5.

44
Reporting City

A Reporting City also signs onto the principles of the Global Compact and endeavours to enact and pro-
mote those principles in its policies, practices and activities. In addition, as the second-highest level of
engagement, the city signs onto a reporting process that monitors progress in the city in relation to the
ten Global Compact principles and provides an annual communication on progress.
This level of engagement is aimed at cities that wish to report openly on their progress in applying the
principles of the Global Compact in their policies, practices and activities. Reporting cities submit an
annual Communication on Progress in relation to their adoption and practical application of the Global
Compact principles.
Reporting cities are encouraged to progress to Innovating cities over time, where their activities will be
focused on one particular issue-based project.

Engagement
Figure 13 Reporting City–Communications at local level

Reporting City attributes

Reporting Cities will be expected to acknowledge and demonstrate the attributes of commitment, lead-
ership and communication, as shown in Table 5.

45
Innovating City

An Innovating City moves beyond the commitments of the previous two levels and undertakes a major
demonstration project, which seeks to address a complex or seemingly intractable issue within the city.
The management of the project is undertaken using Cities Programme tools that facilitate collaborative
partnerships and the establishment of rigorous monitoring and evaluation processes. This is the highest
and most demanding level of engagement.
Those cities that have been engaged in the Cities Programme since its inception in 2002 have undertak-
en such projects, and as such, following the transition process, will be referred to as ‘Innovating Cities’.
Innovating cities commit to this most significant and prestigious level of membership, and are provided
with assistance from the International Secretariat throughout the entire engagement period. Their work
will be displayed on dedicated web pages on the Cities Programme website and presented in the major
communications illustrating the project development and implementation over time. In addition, invi-
tations to annual forums and associated events with the Global Compact will be extended exclusively to
Innovating Cities.

Figure 14 Innovating City–Communications at local level enhanced by working relationship with Global
Compact Networks

Innovating City attributes

Innovating Cities will be expected to acknowledge and demonstrate the attributes of commitment, lead-
ership, communication, sustainability, resilience, diversity, and adaptation as shown in Table 5. 

46
Three Phases of the Cities Programme

Engagement
Figure 15 Three phases of the Cities Programme
Engagement in the Cities Programme is divided into three distinct phases.
All cities follow this staged approach, which helps clarify and reference the status of a city at any given
period. The benefits of this cyclical approach include its ability to provide the following:
›› A framework for progress to be achieved at each stage without completion being time-bound; and
›› An opportunity to enhance commitment and re-engage to a different level when ready.
The next section details the phases of engagement and explains how these are relevant to Signatory,
Reporting and Innovating Cities.

City Hall, Porto Alegre, Brazil. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Porto Alegre, Brazil

47
The Pre-Engagement Phase

The purpose of this phase is for city representatives to become familiar with the processes of engage-
ment and confirm their interest to engage.
The pre-engagement phase readies the city to adopt a holistic approach to urban governance and re-
lated project work. There are a number of considerations which interested cities must become familiar
with prior to their engagement in the Cities Programme.

Considerations
The considerations reflect two important aspects of the origins and establishment of the Cities Pro-
gramme and provide guidance to decision-makers as they navigate through increasingly challenging
environments. Cities are asked to understand and familiarize themselves with the following considera-
tions:
›› The ten over-arching principles of the Global Compact (Table 1.);
›› The ten Melbourne Principles for Sustainable Cities (Table 2.); and
›› The seven City Attributes (Table 5.)

Activities
The Pre-Engagement Phase is summarized in the flow chart illustrated at Figure 16.
The main activity following the Expression of Interest is for a city to hold a Preliminary Workshop. This
gives opportunity for the city representative to extend invitation to relevant stakeholders with a view to
creating interest and momentum. The Workshop helps build support for the city engaging in the Cities
Programme and is opportunity for the In-Country Convenor to introduce the value of their potential
engagement in the Local Secretariat. At Innovating City level, the city must complete a submission to
the International Secretariat which outlines important information, including the project scope, and
identifies members of the Local Secretariat.
Further details of the Pre-Engagement phase and useful resources can be found on the Cities
Programme website: www.citiesprogramme.org/index.php/process_of_engagement/phase/pre_engage-
ment

Figure 16 Core activities within the pre-engagement phase

48
The Engagement Phase

The Engagement Phase is the period where the city demonstrates their commitment to the tasks that,
relevant to their level of engagement, they have chosen to take on. Engagement is best described as a se-
ries of defined activities that contribute to the city realizing the terms of their commitment. ‘The proc-
ess of engagement’ is a term used to describe the different stages within a city’s engagement. Setting
this out graphically assists in identifying the key activities and main exchanges of information between
the engaged city and the International Secretariat. This acts as a useful reference point during the en-
gagement phase and provides an at-a-glance view of the current and future activities and milestones.

Key Elements
Key elements common to all cities during engagement are:
›› Ongoing mayoral support;
›› Promotion of the ten Global Compact principles;
›› Continued willingness to demonstrate their commitment;
›› Regular communication with the International Secretariat; and
›› Annual communication on progress.

Engagement
Further to these common elements, the process of engagement is otherwise tailored to the three levels
of engagement and reflective of their different needs. These three levels are detailed over the following
pages.

The Walking School Bus, Jinan, China. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Jinan,
China

49
Process of Engagement for Signatory Cities

A Signatory City has the most basic level of engagement. Their main objective is to promote the ten
principles of the Global Compact within their spheres of influence.
The prospective Signatory City must express commitment in writing from the highest level of lo-
cal governance to become a signatory to the principles of the Global Compact. A letter, in prescribed
form (available on the Cities Programme website) is sent to the International Secretariat of the Cities
Programme making this commitment. The letter must be signed by the city’s mayor or highest office
holder.
A Signatory City is able to progress to a Reporting or Innovating City and to re-engage at any stage of
the process of engagement. There is no financial cost associated with becoming a signatory city in the
Cities Programme.
The process of engagement for Signatory Cities is summaries at Figure 17.

Figure 17 Detailed engagement phase for Signatory Cities

50
Process of Engagement for Reporting Cities

The process of engagement for Reporting Cities is similar to that of Supporting Cities, with the reporting
element being the main distinction.
The main objective for Reporting Cities is to report on its policies and activities that support the Global
Compact.
Reporting activities assist the city to continuously improve one or several aspects of sustainable develop-
ment. Reporting is important to the extent that it achieves the following:
›› Enhances the credibility and value of a city’s involvement in the Global Compact, Cities Programme;
›› Serves as a source of information for stakeholders in the city;
›› Provides learning to other cities around the world; and
›› Drives sustainable and positive change into the future.
Whilst the reporting framework is flexible, it must contain the following elements:

Engagement
›› A description of practical actions taken to implement the Global Compact principles; and
›› Responses to how the policies and activities have considered consequences across all the domains of
economics and ecology, politics and culture.
A letter, in prescribed form (available on the Cities Programme website) is sent to the International Sec-
retariat of the Cities Programme making this commitment. The letter must be signed by the city’s mayor
or highest office-holder.

Figure 18 Detailed engagement phase for Reporting Cities

51
Process of Engagement for Innovating Cities

The prospective Innovating City must lodge a written commitment to become a signatory to the princi-
ples of the Global Compact and to undertake a significant project addressing a particular urban chal-
lenge.
Engagement of Innovating Cities is facilitated by the International Secretariat, which guides the cities
through the process of engagement and introduces research tools to assist with project development
and implementation, as required. The Cities’ specific project focus is identified by their Local Secretariat
in consultation with a diverse range of local stakeholders across sectors, assisted by methodology pro-
vided by the Cities Programme International Secretariat.
Demonstration projects are given a dedicated web page on the Cities Programme website, a dedicated
section within the Local-Global database is established, and the International Secretariat provides tools
to assist Innovating Cities to track their progress overtime, enabling them to share the successes and
challenges they may encounter. At the end of their engagement, an Innovating City may choose to
re-engage, building upon the learning gained from the project. In some cases the re-engagement will in-
volve an expansion of the initial project. In the case of Berlin, the initial project commenced as ‘Urban
Health’ and developed into ‘Migrants Access to Healthcare’.

Figure 19 Detailed engagement phase for Innovating Cities

52
Re-Engagement Phase

The Re-Engagement Phase formally recognizes the natural progression of a city’s engagement in the Cit-
ies Programme.
Re-Engagement signifies that a city is ready for the following:
›› To strengthen its commitment to the Global Compact and Cities Programme principles;
›› To move forward to a longer-term phase of engagement; and
›› To deepen or change the focus of their previous demonstration project and to consider exploring a
new or extended issue that draws upon previous learning.
A city sends written notification to the International Secretariat with their intent to re-engage.
In any event, re-engagement ensures that the city actively demonstrates its commitment to sustainable
development and is able to continue to project their work to a global community of practice.
Further information about the process of engagement is detailed on the Cities Programme website
www.citiesprogramme.org/index.php/process_of_engagement/phase/engagement 

Engagement
Figure 20 Re-engagement phase for Innovating Cities

53
Picture goes here
 Methodology
City of As-Salt, Hashemite Kingdom of JordAN
tHE CITY OF AS-SALT IS LOCATED APPROXIMATELY THIRTY KILOMETRES NORTH-WEST
OF JORDAN’S CAPITAL CITY, AMMAN. IT IS AN OLD CITY, SETTLED OVER 2000 YEARS AGO,
AND DEVELOPED AS A MIXTURE OF CIVILIZATIONS OVER THE AGES.
AS-SALT HAS MORE ORIGINAL NINETEENTH-CENTURY SAND-STONE BUILDINGS THAN
ANY OTHER CITY IN JORDAN AND THEY HAVE BEEN BURIED UNDER MAKE-SHIFT MODERN
HOUSING AND OTHER URBAN DEVELOPMENTS.
THE AS-SALT GREATER MUNICIPALITY ENGAGED IN THE CITIES PROGRAMME AND
FOCUSSED ON THE ISSUES OF URBAN REGENERATION AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT.
THE ENVIRONMENTAL STREET PROJECT FOCUSES ON FIVE MAIN AREAS TO PROMOTE
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT INCLUDING SOLAR ENERGY, PUBLIC PARKS, PAVEMENT
GREENING, SORTING OF RECYCLING WASTE AND RE-USE OF GREY WATER.
METHODOLOGY
The Melbourne Model is an
integrated and comprehensive
approach. It provides a unique
framework for assisting city
leaders in understanding at least
two dimensions:
›› The inherent complexities of
seemingly intractable urban
issues; and
›› The complexity of sustaina-
bility in general.
The Melbourne Model operates on
the initial premise that inter-
sectoral relationships are pivotal
in addressing complex urban
issues. That is, it begins with the
understanding that co-operation
between the different sectors
of municipal government, civil
society and business is crucial to
making a difference. These part-
nerships are then supported by
a comprehensive set of research
tools, expertise and ongoing
advice from the International
Secretariat. Each tool or exercise
(many of which are optional,
but all of which connect system-
atically to a larger purpose) is
part of an integrated process for
better exploring the social back-
ground to the issue on which the
city has chosen to focus.
In the process of engagement
in the Cities Programme as an
Innovating City the approach is
tailored to a city’s local context.
It provides interconnected and
flexible tools within a broad-
based framework. Overall, the
Model lays the foundation for
fundamentally re-thinking of the
ways in which difficult urban
issues are being responded to
now, and can be best managed
into the future. The Model pro-
vides guidance and tools for
Innovating Cities to refine how
they identify, plan, implement,
govern, monitor, and assess their
chosen projects.
The method is intended to sen-
sitize the Local Secretariat and
the city to the broad domains of
social life—economic, ecological,
political, and cultural—relevant
to all complex problems. In brief,
although the method is intended
to support project development,
it also can be employed for more
general analyses of the sustain-
ability of a city (or any institu-
tion or polity). In the immediate
sense it is intended to help cities
to track their progress against de-
sired outcomes. Table 1 sets out
the steps in the process of en-
gagement and locates the differ-
ent tools and guidelines in rela-
tion to that overall process.
The methodology thus consists
of a number of interconnected
tools and exercises that place city
issues and challenges within a
broader context. The tools assist
in ensuring that the Local Secre-
tariat in the city approach and
design their project in a way that
it can be developed and sustained
over the long term. In summary,
the methodology is intended to
have the following qualities of
engagement:
›› As an inter-sectoral part-
nership of municipal gov-
ernment, civil society and
business, working together in
collaboration;
›› As developed within a com-
mon methodological frame-
work, but allowing for local
choice about the most rele-
vant tools, quantitative indi-
cators and ways of assessment
and monitoring;
›› As conducted across the broad
social domains of economy,
ecology, politics, and culture,
rather than focussed more
56
narrowly on the ‘obvious’
connections (for example, the
misleadingly assuming that
a project on water need only
deal with questions of ecolo-
gy);
›› As conducted with cultural
sensitivity and attention to
different understandings of
success. That is, as translat-
able across different social
formations and intersect-
ing cultural layers of the city
rather than concerned pre-
dominantly about modern
efficiency and ‘progress’ (for
example, misleadingly assum-
ing that successfully complet-
ing a project means getting
the technical issues right);
›› As enhancing both local and
global learning and intro-
ducing some comparative
bench-marking across differ-
ent places, practices and insti-
tutions. Thus allowing cities
to collaborate regionally and
globally in learning about sus-
tainability without the igno-
miny of competing on league
tables; and
›› As a task of reflexive prac-
tice—with the recognition
that we learn from both suc-
cesses and failures, and that
mistakes addressed with an
open mind lead to better so-
lutions.
A Tool Box of Research Methods

Because of the diversity of the cities and communities that will take part in the project, the Melbourne
Model draws upon a flexible toolbox of methods for gathering research material. The toolbox comprises
the following processes, techniques, and resources:
›› Partnership and project identification process
›› Sustainability Questionnaire conducted across the city;
›› Circles of Sustainability resource for choosing indicators, with quantitative data gathered from official
and unofficial sources;
›› City Profile writing process which provides background information on the city in general, and later
can be used to assess the scale of social change (See Appendix 5.);
›› Project Profile writing process which provides background on a pressing social issue (See Appendix 6.);
›› Methods for conducting Strategic Interviews and Strategic Conversations with relevant individual and
groups;
›› Methods for eliciting Life-Stories, both personal and community-focussed, from people associated with
the city, including through Photo-narratives or artistic representations of the city; and
›› Processes and support for collecting policy documents and other material relevant and contextualiz-
ing official and unofficial discourses about the city.
The Cities Programme also supplies a purpose-built and durable Local-Global Database that acts as a re-
pository for all activities in the city related to the Cities Programme.
With all these tools, although the Cities Programme provides guidelines for making them as useable
as possible, the Local Secretariat are encouraged to enlist local researchers in the process by involving
universities, research institutes, centres, NGOs, and businesses with research capacities. Ideally, the
Local Secretariat should appoint a research convenor to oversee and co-ordinate the collection of mate-

Methodology
rial. Cities are encouraged to load all collected material from their projects into the Local-Global Database
accessed through the Cities Programme website and to place key items on their city home-page on the
website. The various tools and methods as part of the integrated methodology associated with the Mel-
bourne Model are discussed below. They are introduced here one by one in the unfolding of the ‘phases
of engagement’.

San Francisco Bay Area, USA

57
Table 6 A Summary of Activities in the Methodology
Process Notes Forums Tools & Guidelines
Phase One—Pre-engagement
Project Identification Focus on a complex or
Informal
seemingly intractable issue.
Partnership Draw participants from across
Identification the three sectors of municipal
Informal
government, civil society and
business.
Project Development After setting up a Working
Group, seek to outline Preliminary Workshop
the immediately apparent Preliminary Guidelines
complexities of the issue Workshop Statement of
which the project will Understanding
address.
Phase Two—Engagement
Project Refinement Refine the scope of the Circles of Sustainability:
project by thinking through Level 1 (Domains)
Strategic
how it relates to the various Project Refinement
Workshop: I
social domains of practice and Exercise
meaning. Project Profile Template
Refine the social themes of the
project by thinking through
how responding to the issue Strategic Circles of Sustainability:
behind the project needs Workshop: Level 2
different kinds of social II (Social Themes)
negotiation (optional, and
preferably facilitated).
Project Planning 2.2.1 Delineate the planning
considerations of the project
Local
using the usual techniques
Secretariat Project Design Template
such as a proposed time-
meetings
line, proposed deliverables,
budgeting, etc.
2.2.2 Project a series of
Scenarios
alternative futures for the
Planning
city in a two-day workshop
Workshop
(optional)
2.2.3 Write a City Profile
City Profile Template
(optional).
2.2.4 Write a Project Profile,
linking to the project
planning process.

58
Process Notes Forums Tools & Guidelines
Project Evaluation: I 2.3.1 Use the Sustainability
Questionnaire to conduct a
base-line survey (including a
module of questions directly Sustainability
related to the project). In Questionnaire
being repeated at the end of (first run)
the project the survey will
allow for assessment of effects
and reach of the project.
2.3.2 Use the Circles of Circles of Sustainability:
Sustainability method to Strategic Level 1
choose a set of indicators that Workshop: (Indicators)
will be used throughout the III Indicator Selection
project and beyond. Exercise
Project To be
Implementation Implement the project identified Project Profile Template
following the project design by Local Project Design Template
Secretariat
Project Evaluation: II 2.5.1 Conduct ongoing
(annualized) data collection Circles of Sustainability:
of metrics in the areas of Level 1
the chosen indicator list (see (Indicators)
2.3.2).
Use the various methods

Methodology
below to give more depth to
the quantitative metrics:
2.5.2 Strategic Interviews
2.5.3 Strategic Conversations
2.5.4 Life-Stories I: Personal
2.5.5 Life-Stories II:
Community
2.5.6 Life-Stories III: Photo-
narrative
2.5.7 Collecting policy
documents and other
materials
2.5.7 Having conducted the
sustainability questionnaire
at the beginning of the
project to set the base- Sustainability
line standing of the city Questionnaire: Level 1
(see 2.3.1), return to the (second run)
questionnaire every two-three
years to assess changes and
continuities
2.5.8 Return to reflexively Social Circles of Sustainability:
considering the negotiation of Theme Level 2
social themes. Workshop (Facilitated)
Phase Three—Re-engagement

59
Phase One
Pre-engagement
1.1 Project Identification
Project identification begins with
reflecting upon basic issues that
have consequences for your city.
The project need not always ad-
dress the biggest or the most
obvious problem, but it ideally
should take on a complex or
seemingly intractable issue. This
begins a process that will be later
captured in the Project Profile
that cities are asked to develop in
the next phase of ‘Engagement’.
1.2 Partnership
Identification
The Melbourne Model, as discussed
in Part 2 (above), is built upon the
strong recognition that cross-sec-
toral partnerships and collabora-
tions are crucial for confronting
complex issues in this world. Too
often, a single sector or institu-
tion acts alone to attempt a proc-
ess of amelioration in response to
problems. A stark current exem-
plification of this ‘acting alone’
has come to the fore with the rec-
ognition of the pressing issue of
climate change. Individual com-
panies are, for example, moving
to construct or retrofit buildings
to achieve
zero carbon-
emissions.
However, in
most cases
it can be
shown that
this is much
better done
as a part of
a co-oper-
ative plan-
ning proc-
Phase Two
Engagement
ess across a negotiated zone or 2.1 Project Refinement
agreed area of adjacent proper-
ties with joint facilities in areas of The usual way of taking on a
water-collecting, grey and black major project is to use planning
waste-processing and energy- instruments such as a SWOT
production. Partners in the man- analysis—identifying strengths,
agement of the project should be weaknesses, opportunities,
drawn across different sectors of threats. These kinds of meth-
the city: ods can be used alongside the
present approach to complement
›› Local and municipal govern- the existing integrated methodol-
ment ogy, but the intention is that we
›› Business have already incorporated the
strengths of these methods in the
›› Civil society, including uni-
overall approach while, hopeful-
versities and other research
ly, leaving behind some of their
bodies
weaknesses. The benefit here is
The Local Secretariat should com- that the Melbourne Model provides
prise a balanced representation an overall framework in which
of expertise, perspectives and other existing tools can be used
motivations, committed to work- in a complementary way.
ing together to achieving tangible
outcomes. Moreover, the Local 2.1.1 Circles of Sustainability:
Secretariat should seek to reach
Level 1 (Domain Themes)
out to the broader community
through public launches, forums, This approach entails a complete
and electronic discussions, while rethinking of many existing ap-
seeking ongoing public feedback proaches. (For a detailed account
on what it is doing. of this rethinking see appendix
in this Review on the Circles of
1.3 Project Development Sustainability). Most methods
either focus too narrowly on
See Preliminary Workshop Guide- the problem, or alternatively,
lines available on the web. if they broaden the scope of en-
quiry, tend to work from what is
sometimes referred to as a ‘triple-
bottom-line’ model. That is, they
characteristically aim to measure
the impact upon the ‘economic,
social, and environmental bot-
tom-lines’ of a discrete functional
unit or issue.
We have become so accustomed
to such a phrase—‘economic,
social and environmental—that
it appears to be unproblematic.
However, the key implication of
seeing things in this way is firstly
that it tends to centre on the eco-
nomic, and secondly that it as-
Local Secretariat, Le Havre, France sumes a strong commensurabili-
ty of values between the different
60
domains. Even when moving be-
yond plain monetary value and
return on investment, triple-bot-
tom-line approaches tend to pre-
sume that social, environmental
and economic sustainability are
either commensurable a priori
of other considerations or that
the economic domain provides
the basis for translating between
them.
Why, for example, does the ‘eco-
nomic’ domain sit outside the
‘social’? Why, instead of treating
the ecological domain has hav-
ing its own imperatives, do we
tend to treat the environment as
an ‘economic externality’? Why
is the environment just another
cost to be considered when en-
gaging in economic activity or a
problem to be solved by econom-
ic incentives? Why are the first
things that we think of when we
hear the word ‘sustainability’ en-
vironmental consideration rather
than also cultural, political and
economic considerations?
The Model provides a method
that goes beyond these limits on
current thinking. The first step in
our simple way out of that com-
plex problem of methodology is
to consider the project in relation
to differently conceived social
domains. Four different spheres
of social life are distinguished:
economy, ecology, politics and
culture—all of them social:
Economy
The economic domain is defined
in terms of activities associated
with the production, use, move-
ment, and management of re-
sources, where the concept of ‘re-
sources’ is used in the broadest
sense of that word. At the same
the sub-domains of the economy
can be considered analytically
rather than putting together a
list of the immediately obvious—
we have chosen the following:
›› Production and Resourcing
›› Exchange and Distribution
›› Consumption and Leisure
›› Work and Welfare
›› Construction and Infrastruc-
ture
›› Wealth and Allocation
›› Other
Ecology
The ecological domain is defined
in terms of the intersection be-
tween the social and the natu-
ral, focussing on the important
dimension of human engage-
ment with and within nature. It
is relevant that the concept of
‘ecology’ was coined at the turn
of the nineteenth into the twenti-
eth century and derived from the
same Greek word oikos meaning
‘house, dwelling place, habita-
tion’ as in the concept ‘economy’.
The domain of ecology can be
considered to have the following
sub-domains:
›› Earth, Water and Air
›› Flora and Fauna
›› Place and Habitat
›› Materials and Energy
›› Building and Infrastructure
›› Emission and Waste
›› Other
Politics
The political domain is defined
in terms of practices of authori-
zation, legitimation and regula-
tion, where the parameters of
this area extend beyond the con-
ventional sense of politics as con-
cerning the state to include not
only issues of public and private
governance but also basic issues
of power. It can be considered to
61
have the following sub-domains:
›› Organization and Govern-
ance
›› Rights and Justice
›› Communication and Dissemi-
nation
›› Representation and Negotia-
tion
›› Conflict and Insecurity
›› Dialogue and Reconciliation
›› Other
Culture
The cultural domain is defined
in terms of practices, discourses,
and material expressions, which,
over time, express continuities
and discontinuities, and commo-
nalities and differentiations, of
meaning. It can be considered to
have the following sub-domains:
›› Engagement and Placement
Methodology
›› Symbolism and Aesthetics
›› Memory and Projection
›› Enquiry and Learning
›› Wellbeing and Resilience
›› Reproduction and Affiliation
›› Other
In the ‘Project Refinement’ stage,
this method is used to define the
scope of the project by thinking
through how it relates to the var-
ious social domains of practice
and meaning.
While the domain themes and
sub-themes (just listed) provide a
simple but systematic taxonomy
of things in the world—practices
and meanings—they tell us noth-
ing, however, about how to judge
what is good or bad. They are no
more than carefully derived de-
scriptive categories. They do no
more than provide one way of
showing how a particular issue
has consequences and determi-
nants across different domains of
social life. Thus the second step
in the ‘Project Refinement’ proc-
ess is intended to help project
teams to think through how the
chosen project needs to be nego-
tiated in the context of different
social themes:
2.1.2 Circles of Sustainability:
Level 2 (Social Themes)
‘Level 2’ of Circles of Sustainability
is introduced through an option-
al and facilitated workshop with
the objective of sensitizing the
Local Secretariat and the Criti-
cal Reference Group to the com-
plexity of negotiating a series of
background social themes. These
themes, it is suggested, inform
the practices of social life in gen-
eral and therefore are crucial to
understanding the issues that lay
behind negotiating the success of
any project. Further background
to this can be found in the ap-
pendix called ‘Indicators Briefing
Paper’.
If there is no obvious answer to
the question of what constitutes
the good, then what provides
guidance in how best to act? In
Level 2’ of Circles of Sustainability,
answering this question drives
this next step in the process. It
sets the conditions for a thought-
ful response to an even more
complicated question, ‘How are
basic social tensions that charac-
terize the human condition ne-
gotiated within very different set-
tings in order to enhance positive
sustainability?’ A series of social
themes have been chosen that
are fundamental to practice and
meaning in all societies. Even if
they are rarely, if at all, directly
reflected upon, except by philos-
ophers, these themes are relevant
to understanding practice and
meaning:
›› participation–authority
›› identity–difference
›› security–risk
›› equality–autonomy
›› needs–limits
›› belonging–mobility
›› inclusion–exclusion
All of these social themes are dia-
lectical. In other words, the dual
terms in each of the social themes
are in tension with each other,
and there is no given recipe
about how they should be bal-
anced or otherwise. For example,
in relation to the theme of par-
ticipation—authority, actors need
to think about how it is that par-
ticipation in sectors of social life
is related to the authority struc-
tures of the body in question. It
is not a matter of suggesting ‘bal-
ance’ or a bit of this and a bit of
that. The assumption here is not
that participation is better than
authority, or vice versa. Rather,
what is being brought into ques-
tion is the degree to which peo-
ple participating in social life
can do so in a meaningful way,
and how they do so in relation to
the forms of authority exercised
within their city.
A number of questions can be
asked about each social theme. By
attempting to answer these ques-
tions a group of city leaders can
map the perceived awareness
and sensitivity of both their own
group, and the city in general,
to some fundamental questions
about the conduct of social rela-
tions:
›› What is the depth of aware-
ness of the relationship be-
tween the two terms of this
theme and the chosen issue
62
(including in relation to each
domain)?
›› How adequate have been the
practical responses to negoti-
ating the terms of this theme
(including across each do-
main)?
›› How appropriate have been
the resources brought to bear
upon these negotiations?
›› How well have the negotia-
tions been monitored?
The exercise provides a way of as-
sessing the level of sustainability
in relation to the different social
themes and discerning change
over time.
2.2 Project Planning
2.2.1 Planning Considerations
This is an area in which cities
tend to have considerable experi-
ence already. A ‘Project Design Tem-
plate’ and ‘City Profile Template’ are
available to guide the planning
process.
2.2.2 Scenarios Workshops
Scenarios Workshops, in the ap-
proach developed by the Cities
Programme, are forums held over
two days with twenty to thirty
persons representing a wide range
of positions and expertise on the
issue that the city has chosen to
explore. The workshops do not
attempt to predict the future, but
rather to examine in detail a se-
ries of alternative future trajecto-
ries that relate to a core question
chosen by the city. Background
research is done on the ‘assumed’
parameters that currently oper-
ate around that question. This is
presented at the beginning of the
workshop, but over the course
of the two days, the question is
explored through stories, epi-
sodes, and projections where the
emphasis is on opening up those
features of the chosen issue that
are less than obvious.
The process actually begins
months before the two-day event
with a facilitated round of con-
sultation to choose the core
question, to select relevant back-
ground readings, to research the
Aerial view of Ulaan Baatar, Mongolia (winkyintheuk CC www.flickr.com/photos/winkyintheuk/3257309392)
background, and to decide upon
and invite the key participants.
After the workshop the scenarios
are written up in consultation
with participants. Subsequent
meetings are held to reflect on
what came out of the scenarios.
The process concludes months
after the workshop with the fi-
nal written scenarios and written
analysis of their consequences for
policy and practice completed,
published and disseminated for
further public discussion.
›› The core question needs to be
pointed and specific. It needs
to relate the central issue cho-
sen by the city as the basis
of its project. It needs to be
agreed upon after wide con-
sultation;
›› The people invited to partic-
ipate need to be diverse in
background with the assump-
tion that they will debate the
basic contentions about the
future of the city rather than
falling in line with a domi-
nant view; and
›› The process needs to support-
ed by a facilitating team, in-
cluding skilled note-takers
and writers.
2.2.3 City Profiles
City Profiles are made up of a se-
ries of thematic pieces of writing
that begin with a general discus-
sion of the urban fabric—specif-
ically demography, geography
63
and history—and then map the
city in relation to the following
domains (the same domains and
sub-domains that were used in
the Project Planning stage in the
Circles of Sustainability method):
›› Ecology
›› Economics
Methodology
›› Politics
›› Culture
The process of researching and
writing a profile of the city is
used to develop a sense of the
larger composition of the city
and its various communities.
This includes finding out when
and how the city came to be, as
well as understanding the impact
of different formative events,
processes, and constraints on
city life, including both local and
global processes. (A template is
available for the writing of City
Profiles, and completed profiles
will be featured on the Cities Pro-
gramme website and in its major
publications.
If a City Profile is drafted at the
beginning of the project—and
then continually rewritten and
reassessed during the course of
the project—comparing different
drafts of the City Profile will give
another way of assessing change.
2.2.4 Project Profiles
Project Profiles are also made up
of a series of thematic essays,
written over time, but in this case
they directly concern the differ-
ent social domains and social themes
relevant to the chosen project.
These essays can be more than
just a description or plan of the
project that is being undertaken
by the city. The essays can in-
volve the writer or writers explor-
ing some focussed aspect of social
history or contemporary social
life in relation to the chosen area
of the project. Writing thematic
essays relevant to the project is
a way of providing context for
understanding the complexity
of the contemporary social issue
that the city is taking on as a ma-
jor point of intervention.
A thematic essay could, for exam-
ple, directly address one or more
of the domain or subdomain themes
and/or one or more of the social
themes listed above. This might
range, for example, from the so-
cial theme of ‘belonging–mobili-
ty’ (perhaps discussed in relation
to the pressing social issue of the
health of refugees and migrants,
currently be done in Berlin), to the
domain theme of culture, perhaps
discussed in relation to a project
such as water sustainability (cur-
rently being done in Milwaukee).
A Project Profile might stretch
beyond the immediate locale to
explore issues in the region, the
nation, or globally, relating to
the project theme. Project Pro-
files can present the outcomes
of thematic research and/or they
can include elements of creative
or lyrical writing on a theme.
2.3 Project Evaluation: I
2.3.1 Sustainability
Questionnaire
A questionnaire is used as a
quantitative indicator drawing
upon some of domain themes (see
Section 2.1.1 above) and social
themes (see Section 2.2.2 above).
The questionnaire has a core set
of thirty questions that ask about
questions of place, community,
personal wellbeing, social trust,
and basic education and health.
A further module of questions is
developed for each city pertain-
ing to the broad theme of their
project. The questionnaire allows
for comparative analysis across
different locales in the city, and
by gender, age, and other social
differences in the city.
The questionnaire is intended
to be used twice across the life
of a project. It is used first of all
in the early stages of the project
to develop base-line subjective
understanding of city inhabit-
ants and their sense of wellbe-
ing, resilience and sustainability.
And then it is repeated towards
the end of the project in order to
assess the nature and degree of
change—positive and negative. 2.4 Project
This questionnaire has been used Implementation
in a number of countries around
the world and comparative data
is available for cities to assess
their standing in relation to other
64
places. However, it does not pro-
vide for an overall sustainability
score, and therefore eschews the
tendency of sustainability devices
to set up ‘league tables’.
2.3.2 Sustainability Indicators
The Melbourne Model also requires
a substantial rethinking of domi-
nant approaches to sustainability
indicators (see the appendix on
‘Circles of Sustainability: An Inte-
grated Approach’). Sustainability
indicators are here in the first in-
stance simply used as a means for
assessing the ‘distance’ between
a current state of affairs and the
ongoing task of achieving a sus-
tainable way of life in the context
of a given city, institutional or
community setting. In the second
instance, they can also be much
more—a means of instituting
dialogue over the very conditions
of sustainability. To achieve this,
‘Circles of Sustainability: Level 1’
is used again (see Section 2.1.1
above), but this time as a way of
selecting indicators. The first use
of the approach centred on rede-
fining the core domains of social
practice and giving equal weight
to economics, ecology, culture
and politics. This time we use
the approach to select indicators
for which data will be collected
across the period of project im-
plementation and beyond. Given
that the city is undoubtedly al-
ready collecting data about itself,
the ‘Circles of Sustainability’ ap-
proach is a way of assessing the
appropriateness of those indica-
tors and provides suggestions for
supplementation or change.
This stage of project implemen-
tation is framed by all the other
process of project development,
refinement, planning, and evalu-
ation. The processes of imple-
mentation are set by the Local
Secretariat in city, and it is dif-
ficult to anticipate the details of
this unfolding series of interven-
tions.
2.5 Project Evaluation: II
Monitoring and evaluation is a
complex area for which cities
usually turned to trained exper-
tise or dedicated professionals. In
the Cities Programme, because
of the way in which the parts of
the methodology relate to each
other, monitoring and evalua-
tions can be done either partially
or comprehensively, in-house or
through collaboration with ex-
perts. It is strongly recommended
that at least the first two tools are
used—the Sustainability Ques-
tionnaire and the ‘Circles of Sus-
tainability’ indicators resource—
the first a subjective assessment
of liveability and sustainability in
the city across the four domains
of economics, ecology, politics
and culture; the second a method
for choosing an objective set of
metrics that are collected by the
city on an ongoing basis.
2.5.1 Sustainability Indicators
This data collected in relation to
each of the indicators, along with
any analysis of trends and pat-
terns, needs to be stored publicly
in a way that is useful for inhab-
itants of the city. The collection
needs to have a consistency that
allows comparison over time.
The importance of conducting
ongoing (annualized) data collec-
tion of metrics in the areas of the
chosen indicator list (see 2.3.2)
cannot be overstated. However,
the following sections introduce
other methods of data collection
that can be used to complement
and qualify the emphasis on em-
pirical metrics.
2.5.2 Strategic Interviews
Two particular kinds of semi-
structured interviews are used to
explore specific topics and themes
with relevant people in the city.
Sometimes interviews are used
to capture deeper and more nu-
anced information about topics
that are included in the Sustain-
ability Questionnaire and some-
times to get a deep understand-
ing of particular developments or
projects within the city. The first
kind of interviews—strategic inter-
views—are conducted with people
affected by developments that are
relevant to the city project. These
taped interviews, usually of ten
minutes to thirty minutes dura-
tion allow for a cross-referencing
of the experiences of a broad
range of people, including those
beyond the cohort of known
experts that is conventionally
drawn upon. The interviews are
strategic in the sense that they
address a narrow theme—for the
example, the problem address by
the project in relation to one of
the social themes. They are fo-
cussed rather than open and un-
directed. Strategic interviews are
used as complementary to the
longer and more complex strate-
gic conversations.
2.5.3 Strategic Conversations
In the second kind of interview—
strategic conversations—consider-
able thought needs to go into
the choice of people to be inter-
viewed in relation to the nature
of the topic. The taped interviews
thus need to be preceded by back-
ground research and preliminary
discussions with the interview-
ees. In such cases the interviewer
plays a proactive and strategic
role in the discussion of the re-
searched topic. The term ‘strate-
65
gic conversation’ indicates that an
active dialogue has taken place in
which the interviewer and inter-
viewee have pushed each other,
based on some prior understand-
ing of each other’s views on the
subject. A strategic conversation
in this sense goes beyond the
usual research interview where
an interviewer faces an unknown
respondent and asks them to an-
swer a series of set questions on
the designated topic.
2.5.4 Life-Stories I: Personal
A personal life-story is not a biog-
raphy or even a brief rendition
of a person’s life-history. Rather
it is a story of a personal experi-
ence that tells of an episode in
the life of a city resident. Unlike
a directed oral history, a personal
life-story is more open. It leaves
room for dynamically contextual-
ized and unromanticized stories
of persons who live in your city.
Methodology
These stories are best centred on
the subject area of the city’s cho-
sen project in relation to general
questions such as the following
possibilities:
›› Tell us a story about x that has
particular meaning to you.
›› Relate an experience that
you have had that expresses
changes in the way in which
the theme of x is understood.
›› Describe a key event or epi-
sode in your life that illus-
trates the theme of x.
›› Tell us a story about a place or
locale that is relevant to the
theme of x.
›› Recount something about an
institution or organization
that is relevant to the theme
of x.
The examples given here are only
intended as indicative elements
that might prompt a response.
Such stories, when taken togeth-
er, come to provide a deeply-tex-
tured patchwork of city-life over
time and through place. They
enable a dynamic history of the
present to be constructed without
over-historicizing the social map-
ping of the city at the expense of
the ‘now’. They begin as taped in-
terviews of ten to fifteen minutes
that follow a schedule of ques-
tions relating to the subject’s di-
rect experiences of the complexi-
ties and dynamics of local urban
life (relevant to the project). After
transcription, the interviewer re-
writes this into a concise narra-
tive that is returned to the subject
for amendment and approval.
Because this process is not very
time-consuming it is possible to
collect a large number of such
personal life-stories over time
and they can be used as back-
ground data for a wide range of
research interests and to help to
understand the background to
the project and its implementa-
tion.
2.5.5 Life-Stories II:
Community
All kinds of stories already cir-
culate in local communities and
some untold stories deserve to go
into broader public circulation.
These can range from local histo-
ries and myths to oral histories,
recent experiences and events.
We are interested in eliciting lo-
cal stories that are well-crafted
and communicated as concisely
as possible without losing their
narrative richness.
Such stories can be collected by
community members, by ‘outside’
researchers, or by a combination
of both. They can be collected in
the form of written accounts or
as ‘digital stories’ (see ‘Photo-
Narratives’ below) that combine
images and audio. In many cases
they will touch on more than
one of the domain themes or social
themes listed below. Community
life-stories provide background
and context to contemporary city
life. They involve background
research, lengthy interviews and
collaboration with the subject to
ensure that the story is told accu-
rately and with a degree of depth
and reflection relating to the life-
world or social themes. They pro-
vide an opportunity to explore
the ‘lived experience’ of changes
over time and to capture dynami-
cally-contextualized stories of lo-
cal city and community life.
Community life-stories are devel-
oped as a snapshot of local city
and community life as it is expe-
rienced by individuals.
2.5.6 Life Stories III: Photo-
Narratives
Another way of drawing commu-
nity participants further into the
project is to use photography as
tool. The approach that will be
used is known is ‘reflexive pho-
tography’. In this approach, com-
munity participant observers are
given a camera and invited to
take photographs of people, plac-
es and things in their communi-
ties around the project theme.
Reflexive photography assumes
that community members pos-
sess a great deal of ‘inside knowl-
edge’ about the communities to
which they belong. Community
participant observers will also be
invited to supplement their pho-
tos with meaningful photographs
from their own collections as well
as other personal artefacts that
they believe expresses something
about their community. They can
also be given a mini-photo album
66
and will be asked to arrange their
photos and to think about the
connections between them. The
purpose of this is to encourag-
ing the community researchers
to begin to construct reflexively
meaningful narratives about the
places and events depicted in the
photos.
2.5.7 Policy and Other
Documents
Cities and communities are con-
stituted, in part, through official
documents and reports, including
those put out by the state, the mu-
nicipality, civic and professional
organizations, and representative
bodies. Other relevant documents
might include tourist brochures
and pamphlets, information re-
garding cultural activities and
events in the communities, busi-
ness planning-documents, health
reports and information and the
like. Official discourse might also
include official mappings of com-
munity against which our social
mappings can be compared. It
is recommended that these rel-
evant documents are collected
and deposited in the section of
Local-Global data-base that is
constructed for each city.
2.5.8 Sustainability
Questionnaire
At this stage, the questionnaire
is used a second time to ascertain
changes and continuities by com-
parison with its first use (see Sec-
tion 2.3.2 above).
Most of the work done in the Cit-
ies Programme is conducted at
the analytical level of empirical
analysis. And for most partici-
pants using the Melbourne Model
there is no need to embark upon
more theoretical levels of analy-
sis. However, for those of you
who want to understand the theo-
Social Analysis: Future Research Opportunities
retical grounding of the Melbourne
Model there is the possibility of
moving to more abstract consid-
erations of the nature of analysis
itself. The approach moves from
empirical analysis to different
ways of framing the understand-
ing of people’s practice.9 One of
the strengths of this method is its
insistence on reflexive analysis
which forces us to separate out
different levels of analysis. There
are four such levels:
Empirical analysis
The first level of analytical ab-
straction involves an ordering of
things that people do and think.
This is the level at which the re-
search materials are gathered—
as outlined above—and then an-
alysed for immediately apparent
patterns of practice and mean-
ing. Empirical analysis involves
mapping the social patterns that
can be discerned, while drawing
out generalizations about the im-
mediate connections between is-
sues.
Conjunctural analysis
(questions of doing)
The second level of analytical
abstraction involves identifying,
and more importantly, critically
examining the intersection of
various modes of practice. These
are established sociological, an-
thropological and political cat-
egories of analysis—modes of
production, exchange, commu-
nication, enquiry and organi-
zation. Distinguishing differ-
ent (intersecting dominant and
subordinate) modes of practice
allows for a more abstract way
of framing the ‘things in the
world’ previously discussed
at the first level of empirical
analysis. For example, unless
there is a recognition that glo- International Secretariat meeting Local Secrateriat and key stakeholders.
bally the dominant mode of Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Jamshedpur, India.
production is capitalism or the
dominant mode of communica-
tion is electronic, the way of ad-
dressing an issue tends to be too
localized.
The continuities or contiguities
between these modes are not
generally well addressed in the
literature. Doing so allows for
a more complex and finely-nu-
anced reading of historical, polit-
ical and social events, and social
facts. In this approach a number
of core modes of practice are dis-
tinguished:
›› production
›› exchange
›› communication
›› enquiry
›› organization
Integrational analysis
(questions of relating)
The third level of analytic abstrac-
tion involves categorizing ways
in which people relate to others,
or differentiate themselves from
them. These forms of integration
and differentiation vary with the
kinds of societies that people live
in, and are deeply related to the
nature of lived social being dis-
cussed at the next level.
›› face-to-face relations
›› object-extended relations
›› agency-extended relations
67
›› disembodied relations
Categorical analysis
(questions of being)
Moving from examining how
people relate to each other, the
fourth level of analytical abstrac-
tion moves to analyzing the na-
ture of the categories of social
being itself. We concentrate on
the four categories below. By
mapping the dominant forms of
these ways of being in the world
we can distinguish a number of
fundamentally different social
formations—tribalism, tradition-
alism, modernism and post mod-
ernism. These social formations
have historical precedents but
are not restricted to a particular
time or place: they can and do ex-
ist side-by-side, and/or in tension
in the same social space.
›› time
›› space
Methodology
›› embodiment
›› knowing 
68
 City Profiles

Federation Square, Melbourne, Australia

Melbourne is renownED as Australia’s cultural capital. Federation Square,
one of the city’s main public gathering spaces is used as a meeting place
and regularly accommodates a host of cultural events, exhibitions and
festivals. It is conveniently located opposite Flinders Street Railway
Station, Melbourne’s main transportation hub and features an eclectic
collection of arts and culture, including the Australian Centre for Moving
Image and a vast array of dining opportunities.
CITY PROFILES
Current Innovating Cities

Innovating Cities are located across all continents and the category includes cities within developed and
developing countries. As noted in Part 4–Methodology, there are three levels of engagement in the
Cities Programme, and a city can choose to enter the Programme at any level. The levels of engagement
reflect a progression in terms of commitment by a city; with Innovating cities representing the most
substantive level of engagement.
The projects of Innovating Cities as at 2010 are highlighted in the following pages. Further detail about
the work of member cities can be found at the Cities Programme website: www.citiesprogramme.org

Figure 21 Location of ‘Innovating Cities’

70
Figure 22 Practical application of Global Compact Principles amongst Cities Programme ‘Innovating Cities’

City Profiles
All cities that engage in the Cities Programme are committed to promoting the ten principles of the
Global Compact. Whilst cities are actively promoting these principles to business, Innovating Cities are
engaged in project-based initiatives that naturally have a particular focus area in human rights, labour,
environment and anti-corruption.

71
Innovating Cities and their Projects
As outlined in Part 5 above, Innovating Cities undertake a pilot or demonstration project, which is co-or-
dinated by a nominated In-Country Convenor. The In-Country Convener convenes a supervisory body—
the Local Secretariat—which has over-arching responsibility for governance and implementation of the
project. Sharing a common motivation to improve a specific issue within their local region, Innovating
Cities embark on an initial three-year commitment.
Current demonstration projects are displayed in this section. Comprehensive case studies of Innovating
cities are contained in Appendices 2, 3 and 4.

‘It is a sincere challenge to adequately describe the impact that becoming a

member of the UN Global Compact Cities program has had on Milwaukee and
our water cluster. Literally overnight we were propelled to a new, wonderful
stage that frankly we could never have imagined when we started talking to the
staff in the Cities Programme. The designation provided incredible legitimacy
with our own citizens and with water leaders around the world. The thought-
provoking application process was an excellent exercise in clarifying our project
and the adoption of the “Melbourne Model” and its principals solidified our
commitment to building community-wide partnerships. There is no question
that we jumped light years ahead by becoming a member of the Global Compact
Cities Programme. ’
– Dean Amhaus, Spirit of Milwaukee

Milwaukee River (Photo: Indy Kethdy CC www.flickr.com/photos/indykethdy/4152069805/)

72
Asker, Norway Preventing corruption and unethical
Asker is a commune of Norway,
located twenty-five kilometers
south-west from the capital city,
Oslo. It has a population of approx-
imately 52,000 people. A large
proportion of the population are
transient and live between Asker,
neighbouring communes and the
wider region. Although the ge-
ography is principally rural, the
urban expansion of nearby Oslo
has influenced Asker’s own ur-
banization. Established rail link-
ages and growing interest from
business and related technology
hubs to develop offices in Asker,
have provided many workers an
alternative employment hub.
Asker, Norway (Photo: Lars Tiede CC www.flickr.com/photos/lars-tiede/300042808/)
In 2008, the City of Asker engaged
in the Cities Programme. The en-
gagement was led by the Munici-
pality of Asker with a focus on
exploring the issue of anti-cor-
ruption and unethical behaviour,
consistent with the tenth princi-
ple of the Global Compact. More
specifically, Asker was interested
in learning of the community’s
understanding of corruption and
ascertaining how the municipal-
ity and key organizations could
work collaboratively to measure
corruption and prevent it in the
future.
Locally and globally, societies
behaviour by working together.
suffers as a result of corrup-
tion and unethical behaviours
in the public, private and civil
sectors. As more organizations
establish systems to assess and
manage risks of fraud and cor-
ruption, one question remains.
How can we measure the effec-
tiveness of these systems to pre-
vent fraud and corruption, and
how can we rate how resistant
an organization actually is? A Lo-
cal Secretariat was formed which
included representatives from
civil and private sectors. There
was a shared mutual interest to
improve the community’s aware-
ness of corruption and unethical
behaviour. This was considered
a common social responsibility.
The Local Secretariat seeks to do
the following:
›› Elicit and combine ideas,
knowledge, experience and
resources;
›› Engender interest in and legit-
imacy for the project within
the activities and in the local
community; and
›› Contribute to transparency
and confidence, as well as to
orderly relations and co-oper-
ation.
To establish a baseline for the
73
project, Asker used the ‘Fraud
and Corruption Resistance Pro-
file’ (FCRP) developed by DNV,
an independent and autonomous
foundation. This tool will be the
main mechanism of monitoring
change over time. It is an assess-
ment system for measuring the
resistance (or resilience) of an or-
ganization, company, or entity to
the effects and impacts (on prof-
itability, long-term value, repu-
tation and internal culture) of
fraud and corruption.
During 2008, the International
Secretariat visited Asker to meet
the Mayor of Asker and members
City Profiles
of the Local Secretariat. The visit
reconfirmed Asker’s determi-
nation to work collaboratively
across sectors in order for the
broader community to be educat-
ed in anti-corruption and unethi-
cal behaviour and build people’s
awareness.
Asker’s main objective
in the Cities Programme
is to develop a clear and
transparent culture
that has zero tolerance
for corruption and
unethical behaviour.
As-Salt, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordon

As-Salt city is an old city, settled In order to meet these challeng- strengthen their relationship and
over 2,000 years ago, and devel- es, As-Salt recognized the need to develop a platform for their
oped as a mixture of diverse civi- for city leaders to work collabora- mutual engagement around sus-
lizations over the ages. The city tively between sectors. A number tainable development.
witnessed the prosperous period of projects, including the Envi-
Focussed on engendering the
of the Ottoman Turks from 1850 ronmental Street Project, were
environmental principles of the
to 1916 and was central on the initiated by the As-Salt Greater
Global Compact, a workshop en-
trade traversal between Haifa on Municipality, Jordan Environ-
titled ‘The Opening Ceremony of
the Mediterranean sea,
the Environment Street’
Nablus, and Amman in
was launched in As-Salt
Jordan. The city is locat-
city hall on 14 April
ed approximately thirty
2007 in the presence of a
kilometres west of the
number of institutions,
capital of Jordan, Am-
concerned stakehold-
man. It has a moderate
ers and some important
Mediterranean climate
formal and informal
and is situated in the
figures. The Environ-
highlands. Its popula-
mental Street Project
tion is about 80,000 citi-
was one of a number
zens.
of pioneering projects
As-Salt city suffers from within the broader As-
congestion and the over- Salt City Development
crowding of its buildings. Project, initiated by the
Due to the topography, Hashemite King Abdul-
road access is restricted lah II in 2004. Now, after
by narrow and steep in- a meeting in 2009 of the
clines. In the past these Mayor and representa-
features were virtue and tives of the Cities Pro-
contributed to As-Salt’s gramme, these projects
distinctive characteris- are being treated as in-
tics as a city built into the terconnected and are
landscape. However, the being conducted in con-
absence of public plazas, sultation with the Cities
the limited number of Programme. The Project
car-parking spaces and leaders want to empha-
the randomly-scattered size the role of a city in
buildings erected within terms of being a hub for
the last three decades, skills, human potential,
have started to endanger The Environmental Street Project, As Salt, Jordan economic growth and
the heritage-based architectural social and cultural progress.
ment Society and Al-Balqa Ap-
style. The city has more original
plied University. Accordingly, the Environmental
nineteenth-century sand-stone
Street Project is concentrating on
buildings than any other city in The Cities Programme has created
five main areas to promote sus-
Jordan, and they had been in- opportunities for city leaders to
tainable development:
creasingly buried under an over- participate and discuss the activi-
burden of advertising hoardings, ties, issues and develop solutions ›› Solar energy. With the abun-
electricity wires, shoddy exten- through practical workshops. It dant supply of sunlight, the
sions and make-shift modern has facilitated close links between city intends to use solar en-
buildings. local expertise and the best glo- ergy for street infrastructure
bal practices. As-Salt Greater Mu- lighting and traffic lights as
nicipality, Jordan Environment well as electricity for areas
Society, and Al-Balqa Applied where distributed electricity
University all work together to is scarce.

74

›› Public parks. A series of pub-
lic parks will be introduced
into the urban fabric to ad-
dress this community need.
The parks will be landscaped
and supported by retaining
walls to prevent soil erosion.
›› Pavement greening. Street
beautification is intended to
offer recreational use to the
public and play an important
environmental role.
›› Sorting and recycling waste.
A community questionnaire
revealed that the public are
generally supportive of recy-
cling waste. Organic waste is
to be used for organic fertiliz-
er and non-organic waste will
be re-used and recycled.
›› Re-use of grey water. Jordan
is a dry continent and water
is a scarce commodity. Grey
water could be used for many
Amman, Jordan, A Signatory City in the Program
The Environmental Street Project
purposes including water for ment and decision-making.
drinking and irrigation pur-
poses.
This particular project has seen
In an overall vision
of urban renewal, the
the asphalting of the designated
road and the setting aside of land city is attempting to
in anticipation of developing the
parks. However, this project, away address the widespread
from the centre of the town, has issues challenging
been slowed by lack of funding. city leaders, including
The other major project has been
much more successful. Building the growing levels of
upon the Historic Old Salt Devel- poverty, pollution,
opment Project, the city has con-
environmental
centrated on urban regeneration
and heritage management in the degradation, health
centre of the city. In the first stage perils and the
going back to the 1990s this was
conducted as a top-down process
growing demand
with central agencies and global on transportation,
funding, but over the last few communication and
years much more emphasis has
gone into community engage- infrastructure.
ment, careful consultation and
re-legitimization of local involve-
City Profiles
75
Berlin, Germany Urban Health and Migration
As Germany’s capital, Berlin has global impact. Ber-
lin wanted to use its membership in the Cities Pro-
gramme to promote implementation of the Global
Compact Principles in urban politics to its seven-
teen partner cities on all continents.
In 2007, the Berlin Senate joined with health-care
providers Vivantes and Charité in holding an urban
medicine conference. This identified and established
best-practice models in the area of sustainable pub-
lic health-care, disease prevention, and aftercare,
which contribute to creating a socially-engaged and
responsible framework for urban development. Ber-
lin initiated a project ‘Active Health: Strategies to
Improve Immigrants’ Access to Health Care by Pro-
moting Awareness and Empowerment’. The project
was developed and realized in close co-operation
with the civil-society sector, in particular with
two NGOs: BGZ Berlin International Cooperation
Agency and Gesundheit Berlin-Brandenburg e.V.
Project participants. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat,
City of Berlin, Germany
Active Health addresses two core issues:
›› Health problems experienced specifically by im-
migrants; and
›› Health-care policy challenges triggered by de-
mographic change in metropolitan areas.
It supports the Global Compact’s Principles 1 and
76
6: ‘Supporting and respecting human rights with-
in one’s own sphere of influence’ and ‘Eliminat-
ing discrimination in hiring and employment’.
Active Health aims to achieve a number of out-
comes:
›› Increase immigrant involvement in shaping the
health care-system;
›› Promote awareness of inter-culturalism among
stakeholders in politics, the administration,
business, education, civil society, and immi-
grant organizations themselves;
›› Attract immigrants to the health professions in
the medium term; and
›› Increase the percentage of immigrants working
in the health-care sector.
Project activities included network meetings, round-
table discussions, specialist meetings, seminars for
opinion leaders, workshops and conferences, me-
dia campaigns and professional ori-
entation events in schools and com-
munity centres.
Active Health will continue and
concentrate on the volunteer ca-
reer-advisor work and maintaining
the stakeholders’ network.
Negotiations with the federal state
of Berlin on long-term financial sup-
port for the project are underway.
Berlin will continue to bring in in-
triguing new aspects as we build on
the ‘urban medicine’ focus over the
next few years.
The heart of Active Health
is the work with immigrants
themselves. The volunteer
‘Career Advisor Campaign’
started in September 2007.
These volunteers are health
professionals who have a migration
background themselves. This
volunteer career-advisor model
has proven to be an excellent way
of arousing interest in professions
with which immigrants tended to be
unfamiliar.
Jamshedpur, India Basti Water Project

Jamshedpur is the largest
industrial town in the state of
Jharkhand. Located at 22.8 N
86.18 E in the East Singhbhum
District of the state, Jamshedpur
has an average elevation of
about 400 feet above sea level.
Surrounded by the Dalma Hills,
the city is spread across sixty-
four square kilometres. It is
bordered on the North by the
river Subarnarekha and on the
East by the River Kharkai.
The city of Jamshedpur is the re-
sult of the vision of the Founder
of the Tata Group, Jamsetji Tata.
Over a century ago he applied
himself to the task of creating a
steel industry in India, which he
believed would foster economic
growth in the country. For Jam-
to build the city, his own Magna
Carta for a well planned and or-
ganized town, finalized. In 1902,
Jamsetji Tata said,
“Be sure to lay wide
streets planted with
shady trees. Be sure
that there is plenty of
space for lawns and
gardens. Reserve large
areas for football,
hockey and parks.
Earmark areas for
temples, mosques and
churches.”
Jamshedpur today is a vastly
different city and immensely
The latter has been made possi-
ble largely due to, once again, a
pioneering decision made by Tata
Steel in 2003. With the Govern-
ment of India allowing private
participation in the civic ameni-
ties space, the steel major devel-
oped a corporate model for deliv-
ery of civic amenities. This utility
provider was to be efficient, cus-
tomer-driven, revenue-oriented
and therefore, a financially-via-
ble entity. Tata Steel spun off its
erstwhile Town Division, which
had, for over nine decades, been
responsible for civic services, to
become JUSCO (Jamshedpur Util-
ities and Services Company Lim-
ited), India’s only comprehensive
civic infrastructure company.
In 2004, the United Nations Glo-
bal Compact
undertook
the quest to
identify six
cities across
the world
for United
Nations Glo-
bal Compact
Cities Pilot
Programme.
Jamsh edpur
was selected
to join an au-

City Profiles
gust group of
cities across
the world
who would
take the lead
in address-
Jamshedpur Utilities and Services Company Limited (JUSCO) Facility. Imaged sourced: Local ing seemingly
Secretariat, City of Jamshedpur, India intractable
economic, po-
setji Tata, the city that he had larger than originally envisaged, litical, cultural and environmen-
envisioned represented the home just as Tata Steel is vastly differ- tal issues in the urban context
of more than just a commercial ent and immensely larger. Both, through a working partnership
enterprise. Aware that the steel however, continue to reflect the between government, business
plant would have to be developed spirit of Jamsetji’s vision. Tata and civil society. Their experienc-
close to raw material sources in Steel continues to remain com- es were to serve as learning’s for
perhaps one of the wildest spots mitted to sustainable growth and all other urban conglomerations.
in eastern India, he had given Jamshedpur is arguably the ‘best
Jamshedpur city now consists of
the spirited persons who came managed’ city in the country.

77
sixty-four square kilometres of sumers themselves. Consumers When the project began
land leased to Tata Steel by the willingly agreed to pay for the
in 2005 only 18 per cent
Government of India for its steel service and infrastructure within
works and employee housing, their communities as water avail- of the people had access
land for private housing subleased ability, quality, contamination to piped water, while
by Tata Steel, as well as small and water-borne disease were
pockets which are not covered in problems they faced on a daily
the rest depended on
the leasehold areas of Tata Steel. basis. ground-water sources
Over the years a sharp difference or public hydrants.
Over 13,200 new connections
emerged between the quality of
have been provided since 2005. Today over 48 per cent
life enjoyed by residents of the
The additional water required
leaseholds areas served by the
has been made available through have access to piped
town services of Tata Steel (now water. By 2012 almost
‘savings’ made through a system-
JUSCO) and those in non-lease-
atic and scientific non-revenue- the entire population
hold areas with no urban local
based water-reduction program
body. The United Nations Global
launched by Jamshedpur Utili- in non-leasehold area is
Compact Cities Programme pro-
ties and Services Company Lim- expected to have access
vided the perfect platform for a
ited. JUSCO’s focus on process to piped water.
concerned Tata Group to address
efficiency and effective resource
this imbalance. A survey was
management has enabled it to
conducted to assess the needs of
fulfill the principle objective of
the people and to identify criti-
the Cities Programme of address-
cal gaps in services. While the
ing most aspects—economic, eco-
survey validated the need for all
logical, and political—of an previ-
kinds of civic infrastructure serv-
ously intractable problem. It has
ices, supply of piped potable wa-
progressively protected the water
ter emerged as the most critical
sustainability of Jamshedpur, giv-
need.
ing access to potable water while
The Tata Group sought the sup- making the service affordable by
port of the local administration enhancing its own efficiency in
and civil society in creating a for- managing a valuable resource. It
mal public-private partnership has progressively addressed the
to resolve the issue of access to issue of sustainable development
piped potable water in these are- of civic society in Jamshedpur by
as. The key players were the local the supply of piped potable water
government, Tata Group and Ba- in its previously un-served areas.
gan Area Vikas Sammittee (BAVS)
a NGO representing the un-served
non-leasehold areas of Jamshed-
pur. The Tata Group invested in
back-end infrastructure to extend
water supply to non-leasehold ar-
eas. BAVS was the nodal agency
for creating awareness on water
sustainability, working as a fa-
cilitator with the government
and supporting the creation of
local water distribution networks
which were owned by the con-

78
Jinan, China Jinan Traffic Safety Project

Jinan is a sub-provincial city of 2003 alone, Jinan recorded 1,031 Research Institute. Since joining
the People’s Republic of China road accidents with obvious per- the Cities Programme, the leader-
and is the capital city of Shan- sonal pain, and a direct economic ship of the Jinan Municipal gov-
dong Province, located approxi- loss of 2,627,000 RMB. Jinan set ernment, in co-ordination with
the Construct
Committee,
has ensured
the participa-
tion from all
sectors includ-
ing science
and technical
disciplines.

Jinan Traffic Safety Project workers. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Jinan, China

mately 400 kilometres south of out to make a strategy and action

the national capital Beijing. It plan for the Jinan Traffic Safety
is administered by the People’s Project. There has been a
Government of Jinan, the execu- Jinan focused on the issue of dramatic reduction in
tive body of the Jinan Municipal traffic-safety education and made

People’s Congress.
Traffic is considered a major so-
cial development issue, and trans-
portation is heart of city-life and
considered the important link of
the national economic develop-
ment as well as being a symbol of
modernization. Facing a familiar
cross-road of expanding popula-
tion, growing car ownership, and
increased personal risk, govern-
ment leaders were determined to
develop Jinan in a harmonious
manner by welcoming sustaina-
ble development and by building
infrastructure that reduces poten-
tial hazards for its population. In
it an important matter of legisla-
tive work. This has enabled the
development of a legal education
program which has had remark-
able impact, with the residents
and other social groups respond-
ing positively to the education
program. This included the for-
mulation of the ‘Jinan Resident
Civilized Transportation Behav-
iour Standards’.
Jinan wanted to strengthen the
communication and co-operation
from international organizations,
and in 2005 joined the Cities Pro-
gramme. The proposal was led by
the SanLian Traffic Prevention
City Profiles
accident mortality and
the project team has
implemented a number
of legislative changes,
including the ‘Jinan
Road Traffic Order
Safety Special Renovate
Implementation Plan’
which has assisted
to strengthen each
measure of safety
consciousness.

79
Le Havre, France Sustainable Tourism

In March 2006, the City of Le Ha-
vre joined the Global Compact
Cities Programme to focus on
developing sustainable tourism
in the Seine region. The Mayor,
Antoine Rufenacht proposed to
build this project on a regional
scale and incorporate the entire
Seine estuary. The region is divid-
ed into several levels of territorial
organization including regions,
departments, cities and town
networks. The Sustainable Tour-
ism project has enabled decision-
makers from different regions in
the Seine Estuary to progress a
shared agenda, which ultimately
seeks to re-orientate Le Havre and ferent people’s perspectives on the region’s history and natural
‘Hanging Gardens’. One of the many initiatives in the Sustainable Tourism Project
the surrounding region to the main findings was that a holis-
world.
Key questions that drove Le Ha- in order for people to embrace
vre’s engagement included the sustainable tourism within their
following:
›› How may the political, tech-
nical, and other profession-
als and the inhabitants of the
Seine Estuary be organized development of the region as a
and federated to make this whole, which would collectively
territory more visible and provide an improved image of Le
more attractive? Havre to visitor populations.
›› How can the Seine Estuary be The International Secretariat vis-
made into a recognized tour- ited Le Havre in 2008 and was
ist destination? able to see the tangible results of
the Sustainable Tourism Project.
›› How may the tourist offer-
Presentations from Le Havre City
ings be improved, developed
Council, regional transportation
and promoted in a coherent
committees and educational initi-
manner that conforms to the
atives demonstrated how on-the-
criteria of sustainable devel-
ground initiatives were contrib-
opment?
uting toward presenting Le Havre
The Local Secretariat designed a as a sustainable tourism hub. At
community questionnaire, which a local level, there had been a
was able to ask and identify dif- diversity of activities to promote
assets, in-
cluding the
Sustainable
Tourism Fo-
rum in 2007
and a follow
up event of
Destination:
Estuary in
2008. These
milestones
have attract-
ed represent-
atives from
all sectors to
develop key
initiatives
and identify
actions for
the best way
forward.
sustainable tourism. One of the
tic approach would be required Le Havre considered
it important to
daily lives. This meant consider- understand the
ing the industries and service local community’s
sectors that support tourism, in-
cluding retail, transportation, ac-
perspective of
sustainable tourism
commodation, hospitality, educa-
tion, and sport and recreational in order to create a
providers. This approach enabled
sustainable tourism to be inte- meaningful project.
gral to the strategic planning and

80
Melbourne, Australia Climate Change and Residential Sustainability

Melbourne first engaged in the ings toward the information and The Residential Sustainability
Cities Programme in 2002 and policies currently provided by Project is led by a Critical Refer-
implemented the ‘Utility Debt the Council in relation to achiev- ence Group which comprises
Spiral Project’. The project fo- ing residential sustainability.This government, residents groups,
cussed on financial hardship and information provides the Coun- community advocacy groups,
gained tremendous state and fed- cil with a basis for assessing and private enterprise and utility pro-
eral government viders, who meet on
support in chang- a monthly basis to
ing legislation progress the process
which introduced of engagement and
payment options undertake the tech-
for people who nical work.
were struggling to
meet their utility
bills.
In 2008, Mel-
bourne re-en-
gaged The Cities
Programme with
a focus on exam-
ining residents’
beliefs and behav- By asking
iours relating to residents to
climate change,
express how
to provide valua-
ble insights to lo- they feel about
cal government in the kinds
their policy-mak-
ing activities. The
of power
overall objective relations and
of The Residen- prevailing values
tial Sustainability
Project is to fa- associated with
cilitate Council’s quantitative
understanding of indicators of

City Profiles
residents’ beliefs
in relation to the sustainability,
need to reduce such as the
waste and mini- Residential living, Melbourne. (Photo: avlxyz CC www.flickr.
com/photos/avlxyz/2386597461/) ‘ecological
mize resource use
and, through this, contribute to a footprint’,
improving practical efforts to in-
reduction in the City’s residential the questionnaire
crease programme reach and pur-
ecological footprint.
sue change in residential water, elicits a more holistic
A key question framing use of energy and waste services. It will
understanding of the
the questionnaire within the pi- present a greater understanding
lot is ‘What are residents’ beliefs of possibilities or blockages in re- political and cultural
about their own and the Coun- lation to driving policy and regu- dimensions of the
cil’s rights and responsibilities in lation reform or reinforcement
relation to achieving sustainabil- within the Council, between the
Council efforts to
ity?’ The questionnaire provides Council and residents and be- improve residential
the Council with insight into res- tween the Council and other tiers sustainability.
idents’ perceptions of and feel- of government.

81
Milwaukee, USA Maintaining and Improving Water Quality

The City of Milwaukee, is the ternational Secretariat. The Mil- ›› To study the environment-to-
largest city in Wisconsin and is waukee Water Council was the ecological-health continuum
located on the south-west shore driving force behind the engage- that links the health of fresh-
of Lake Michigan, one of the ment in close co-ordination with water environments with hu-
five Great Lakes, United States the University of Wisconsin-Mil- man population health;
of America. Its geography and waukee and other civic organiza-
›› To develop and create tech-
natural resources have attracted tions and business enterprises.
nologies that will create a
a strong manufacturing base, be-
The Water Council as an organi- sustainable freshwater infra-
ing home to some of the world’s
zation was formally created in structure and supplies as well
most established breweries and
2009 with the mission to create as improve human and envi-
manufacturing enterprises (in-
a global centre for sustainable ronmental health; and
cluding MillerCoors).
water. The Milwaukee Water
›› To develop a policy and man-
In recent decades the state of Council includes a diverse mem-
agement program aimed at
Wisconsin has paid particular at- bership from businesses, univer-
balancing the protection and
tention to water quality. While sities, individuals, government,
utilization of freshwater.
the industries continued to oper- investment firms, and non-profit
ate, they made a concerted effort organizations. The Board of Di- Whilst these process-orientated
toward cleaning the water being rectors consists of leaders from objectives are important, Mil-
used for industrial purposes. In business, higher education, gov- waukee has since had opportu-
the last three years there nity to reflect on
has been a rediscovery of their initial propos-
the value of water from al and clarify their
an industry and broader focus going forward.
community perspective. If there is to be be-
haviour change at
After a review, Milwau-
a citizen level, then
kee found that more
investment needs
than 120 businesses
to occur at the edu-
had some operational
cational and aware-
dealings with water and
ness level. There-
many other players (in-
fore, the Milwaukee
cluding private sector
Water Council is
and universities) had a Pabst Brewery. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of
proposing that the
water-related focus. The Milwaukee, USA
‘culture of water’
Milwaukee Water Council deter-
ernment and environmental be considered the focus area of
mined that if these different ini-
groups. Under the Milwaukee the demonstration project. A sig-
tiatives could work in unison, a
Water Council, civic leaders have nificant amount of interest has
powerful economic development
come together and are promoting already been gained by local in-
program around water could be
Milwaukee’s strategic position on terest groups who have a vested
created, that could address other
the shores of Lake Michigan. The interest in the area (schools, pri-
water-related issues, which could
community has already attracted vate sector, international busi-
then be used as demonstration
some leading water treatment nesses and cultural groups).
for other communities around
innovators and is establishing a
the world. The overall aim
graduate School of Freshwater
To provide a platform for their Sciences at the University of Wis- of Milwaukee’s
commitment, Milwaukee for- consin-Milwaukee. engagement in the
mally engaged in the Cities Pro-
gramme in 2009 with a major
The overall project plan includes Cities Programme is to
the following objectives:
public launch attended by the In- build a greater citizen
›› To better understand the appreciation for water,
processes related to freshwa-
ter systems dynamics; to be able to use it
wisely and preserve it.

82
Plock, Poland The Grant Fund for Plock

Płock is a city in central Poland, located on the Vis- The main objective of Plock’s engagement was to
tula river bank, with 130,000 inhabitants. The city improve the quality of life for the citizens by achiev-
is situated about 100 kilometres to the north west ing the following:
of Warsaw. Amongst the other bigger cities sur-
›› Implementing adequate welfare programs in-
rounding Płock is Łódź, approximately 110 kilome-
cluding culture, education and training and
tres away. The city of Plock is set on the banks of
sport;
the longest river in Poland—Vistula—and it spreads
across the grounds of the Mazovian Lowland, which ›› Drawing local non-government organizations
dominate the central part of the country. in decision-making processes; and
Sustainable development as been high on the ›› Improving the image of inter-sectoral partner-
agenda since the World Summit of Sustainable ships to the community.
Development in The subsequent
Johannesburg in Grant Fund for
2002. This event Plock seeks to
emphasized the attract and dis-
role of partner- perse the finan-
ships in building cial resources
a society and was required for dif-
initiated and led ferent priority
by UN Develop- areas. In Plock,
ment Programme the focus of
(UNDP) and PKN, improving the
Poland’s largest quality of life
petrochemical through part-
company. One nerships has
main outcome been the cata-
deriving from lyst for many
the Summit was other successful
the establish- initiatives, in-
ment of the ‘Fo- cluding Interna-
rum for Plock’, Door detail, Plock, Poland. (Photo: Sitiens Lucem CC tional Training
which focuses on http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:P%C5%82ock_Door03.JPG) Centre for Local
regional develop- Authorities/Ac-
ment. Specifically, the City of Plock used the Forum tors and CIFAL (Centre International de Formation
as a platform to encourage private-public partner- des Autorites/Acteurs Locaux).

City Profiles
ships and co-ordinated a series of events devoted to
social business responsibility.
Płock joined the Global Compact initiative with the
objective of achieving two aims:
›› To implement Global Compact bases as part of By bringing together decision-makers,
the city’s business strategy;
the City of Plock was able to craft
›› To broadly promote the Global Compact princi-
ples to government, economic field and to work a new development strategy that
closely with the private sector in order to re- redefined the relationships and core
spond to society needs; and competencies in the socio-cultural
›› To translate these objectives into outcomes, the and economic sectors, which led
Global Compact Cities Programme encouraged
Plock to embrace a different kind of public- to form a new local agenda, the
private partnership emphasizing collaboration Sustainable Development Strategy for
between government, private and community Plock.
sectors.

83
Porto Alegre, Brazil Social Inclusion Project of the Chocolatão Slum
Porto Alegre is located in South-
ern Brazil and is the eleventh
most populous city in Brazil. The
city lies on a delta at the point
where five rivers converge, mak-
ing it the most important indus-
trial and commercial centre of
Chocolatão Slum. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Porto Alegre,
Brazil
Brazil. Development has brought
with it significant issues of slum
settlement as people have been
drawn to the city from the rural
hinterlands and congregated on
irregular areas of the city. In Por-
to Alegre, the Chocolatão slum
exemplifies this social problem.
The people in this area exist be-
cause of the garbage they collect
and trade and their artwork sym-
bolizes this existence.
Instead of focusing on the usual
approach to slum clearance by
removal of the people, the Mayor
of Porto Alegre held out the chal-
lenge of improving the overall
wellbeing of slum dwellers. Edu-
cation, health and labour were
the key focus areas that needed
to be addressed in order to eradi-
cate the problems of house aban-
donment and inability to pay
debts. These factors, it was hoped,
would contribute to individual
wellbeing and would contribute
to achieving improved social co-
hesion.
In 2003, Porto Alegre engaged in
the Cities Programme with a fo-
cus on improving the quality of
life for slum dwellers. City Hall
recognized the need to work with
other organizations and commu-
nity institutions that provided
these community services (educa-
tion, health and labour). Hence,
the project was steered largely by
the community institutes who
had pre-existing working rela-
tionships with homeless or slum
communities, whilst the City Hall
played a facilitator role during
the design and implementation
84
stages.
The Chocolatão Slum Association
facility was built at its current
location to serve the community
as the ground for the beginning
of the social integration, and to-
day it serves to oversee
the PIM/PIÁ10 and Brasil
Alfabetizado11 (Literate
Brazil) programs, among
other activities in collabo-
ration with the Municipal-
ity and non-governmental
entities. Rio Grande do
Sul Federal University
undertook basic employ-
ment training for resi-
dents, which proved very
popular. More recently,
City Hall has been able
to secure the provision of
electricity to the site with
the Estate Energy Compa-
ny (CEEE). Until recently,
electricity was treated as
illegal because the risk of
fire was too high.
The Vila Chocolatão
project has set a new
precedence for slum
rehabilitation in
Brazil and illustrates
how government can
work with community
institutes and utility
providers to create
sustainable and
inclusive communities.
San Francisco, USA Business Council on Climate Change (BC3)
San Francisco is the fourth most
populous city in California and
one of the most densely popu-
lated cities in the United States
of America. The city is a cultural,
financial, and tourist hub, and
is located on the tip of the San
Farmers Market, San Francisco, USA
Francisco Peninsula, surrounded
by the larger San Francisco Bay
Area. It is famous for its hilly to-
pography, and the area is suscep-
tible to potential large-scale natu-
ral disasters through earthquakes
linked to the nearby San Andreas
and Hayward Fault lines. The
unique urban environment is
central to San Francisco’s social
life and has needed to be a key
consideration for developments
within the private, government
and community sectors.
In recognition of the rising im-
portance of climate-change ad-
aptation, the San Francisco De-
partment of Environment joined
the Cities Programme in 2002
with the objective of making San
Francisco a model for climate
stewardship. In 2004, the City of
San Francisco adopted a Climate
Change Action Plan, which pro-
poses to enable residents and
business to be able to track and
reduce their emissions.
In June of 2005, the City and
County of San Francisco hosted
United Nations World Environ-
ment Day (WED), at which Mayor
Gavin Newsom signed on to the
UN Global Compact Cities Pro-
gram. For its participation in the
Program, San Francisco has cho-
sen to address greenhouse gas
emissions in the commercial and
residential sectors.
The success can be best appreci-
ated by the sheer number of busi-
ness that have become part of
the BC3 initiative. The BC3 has
a growing membership of 100
companies. As a member-driven
organization, businesses of all
sizes commit to implementing
the five principles on Climate
Leadership.
BC3 is registered as a non-profit
85
benefit organization and is sup-
ported by an inter-sectoral Advi-
sory Council, which acts as the
governing body. The Bay Area
Council, the San Francisco De-
partment of the Environment
and the UN Global Compact are
the three co-sponsors of the
Business Council on Climate
Change. The three organi-
zations serve primarily as
conveners, facilitators, and
content-and-knowledge pro-
viders in order to assist the
members of BC3 in fulfilling
their commitments to the
principles. BC3 members col-
laborate to share ideas and
real-world case studies, iden-
tify valuable tools, partici-
pate in educational forums,
and establish best practices.
The Business Council
on Climate Change
(BC3) program seeks
to give businesses the
tools to reduce their
own greenhouse gas
City Profiles
emissions and to take
a lead role in helping
their communities and
employees do the same.
Through participation
in the Cities Program,
San Francisco
plans to create a
universal model
for implementing
greenhouse gas
reductions on the local
level.
Ulaan Baatar, Mongolia Urban Development
Ulaan Baatar is the capital and
the largest city in Mongolia. It
has had several names in the
past and was named Ulaan Baa-
tar when it became the capital of
the new Mongolian People’s Re-
public in 1924. The name, ‘Ulaan
Baatar’ translates directly to ‘red
hero’ and was named in honour
of Mongolia’s national hero Dam-
din Sukhbaatar.
Located in the north central Mon-
golia, Ulaan Baatar was once a
nomadic city, having moved to
twenty eight different locations
(each chosen ceremonially), be-
fore permanently settling in its
present location in 1778.
During the twenti-
eth Century, Ulaan
Baatar grew into a
major manufactur-
ing centre and to-
day prides itself as
the country’s cul-
tural, industrial and
financial centre. It
is also an important
transportation hub
and is connected to
the Trans-Siberian
Railway and the
Chinese railway net- Housing, Ulaan Baatar, Mongolia (Photo: Lamoix CC
work. www.flickr.com/photos/lamoix/3790144059/)
Ulaan Bataar is divided into nine
districts. The city is an independ-
ent municipality not part of any
province. It is governed by a city
council, who appoints the May-
or.
Over recent years, the population
as of Ulaan Baatar has rapidly ex-
panded due to significant rural-
urban migration. This shift in
people and economy influenced
the transition from a centralized
to a more decentralized system of
urban governance.
To address this issue, the Mongo-
lian Association of Urban Centers
(MAUC) was established in 2003
by the city of Ulaan Baatar with
the purpose of:
›› Providing activity in four re-
gions and thirty four cities;
›› Collaborating with the pro-
vincial authorities through
exchanging local knowledge
in regard to decentralization
and regional development.
As part of the Cities Programme,
the urban-development project
seeks to support the exchange
of urban-planning experiences shared objective of promoting
and good governance by creating sustainable development.
highly developed decentraliza-
tion systems from national to lo-
cal authorities.
Actions:
›› Conduct an analysis of devel-
opment levels across the city
to identify key issues and as-
sets;
›› Clarify city development vi-
sions through a participatory
process;
›› Formulate City Development
Strategies (CDS) and priori-
86
tized action plans to realize
the visions.
The desired outcomes included:
›› Build institutional capacity
for improved governance;
›› Establish frameworks to build
an enabling environment for
social improvement and eco-
nomic growth; and
›› Provide mechanisms for job
creation and sustainable live-
lihoods.
There are several international
aid and technical assistance ini-
tiatives operating within Ulaan
Baatar who are working on vari-
ous projects to ad-
dress urban gov-
ernance, which
complement
projects at the na-
tional level. The
Cities Programme
is committed to
ensuring that the
engagement of
the Municipality
of Ulaan Baatar
continues to en-
courage collabo-
ration between
the government,
private and civil
sectors with the
The project aims to
address a number of
urban issues in Ulaan
Baatar by ensuring
information exchange
between cities and the
national authority,
particularly in the areas
of urban planning and
municipal services.
Tshwane, South Africa Rosslyn Strategic Development Forum
The City of Tshwane Metropolitan
Municipality was established on
5 December 2000 when following
the integration of a number of lo-
cal authorities which had previ-
ously served the Greater Pretoria
region. On this date, a number
of old Pretoria municipalities as
well as others that fell outside
the Greater Pretoria area were
combined into one metropolitan
area called The City of Tshwane
Metropolitan Municipality. The
City of Pretoria remained largely
intact within this municipality.
The City of Tshwane is the second
largest municipality in Gauteng
and is among the six biggest met-
ropolitan munici-
palities in South Af-
rica. The following
towns and town-
ships form part
of the Municipal-
ity’s area: Pretoria,
Centurion, Aka-
sia, Soshanguve,
Mabopane, At-
teridgeville,
Ga-Rankuwa,
Winterveld, Ham-
manskraal, Tem-
ba, Pienaarsrivier, Tshwane, South Africa (Photo: Moyogo CC www.
Crocodile River flickr.com/photos/moyogo/2006852021/)
and Mamelodi.
Tshwane has played a key role in
the political history of South Af-
rica. Pretoria, as one component
of Tshwane, is the administrative
capital of South Africa and hous-
es the Union Buildings. It was
appropriate, therefore, that the
liberation struggle culminated in
the birth of South Africa’s democ-
racy at the Union Buildings. The
eyes of an ecstatic world were on
the city on 10 May 1994 when the
people’s president, Nelson Man-
dela, was inaugurated as South
Africa’s first democratically elect-
ed president.
The City of Tshwane is also play-
ing a critical role in enhancing
Tshwane as a smart city by provid-
ing the infrastructure required,
particularly with regard to con-
nectivity and communication.
Tshwane’s engagement in the
Cities Programme demonstrated
The desired outcomes include:
its commitment to supporting
the ten over-arching principles of
the Global Compact and fostering
working collaboration between
the business, government and
civil sectors.
Rosslyn is a predominately in-
dustrial area within the City of
Tshwane and home to many glo-
bal manufacturers including the
BMW assembly plant. This project
seeks to promote the Rosslyn area
as a preferred business environ-
ment and a safe, secure place to
work and reside through a means
of a partnership between indus-
try, government and the commu-
nity. The project hopes to steer
the development of sustainable
world-class industrial areas that
benefit business and the people
of Tshwane as a whole.
The Project seeks to:
›› Alleviate poverty through job
creation in the Rosslyn area;
›› Increase private-sector par-
87
ticipation in formulating the
Rosslyn Development Strate-
gy ; and
›› Improve public opinion re-
garding developments in
Rosslyn.
›› Raising the level of private sec-
tor and communities’ involve-
ment in the City of Tshwane
Metropolitan Municipality’s
development initiatives;
›› Encouraging development op-
portunities for investment
and job creation and industri-
al development for Tshwane;
and
›› Making recommendations to
local, provincial and national
government on a ‘best prac-
tice model’ for public/private
partnerships .
Over recent years,
the Municipality of
Tshwane has boosted
investment in urban
infrastructure
to increase the
accessibility and
City Profiles
attraction of
Tshwane to the
business, government
and community
populations. The
Rosslyn Strategic
Development project
has been progressing
in parallel with other
municipal strategic
projects which share
the same overall
strategic vision.
88
Media billboard, San Francisco, USA
san francisco is well known for its strength in leading environmental
issues and this project is no different. THE BUSINESS COUNCIL ON CLIMATE
CHANGE (BC3) WAS INITIATED IN 2005. IT NOW BOASTS A GROWING MEMBERSHIP OF
Appendix

OVER 100 BUSINESSES WHO ARE COMMITTED TO REDUCING THEIR GREENHOUSE GAS
EMISSIONS. THE FUNDAMENTAL AIM IS TO IMPROVE THE QUALITY OF URBAN LIFE
THROUGH THE EFFECTIVE USE OF LOCAL CROSS-SECTOR PARTNERSHIPS BETWEEEN
BUSINESS, GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL SOCIETY.
BC3 IS LED BY THE SAN FRANCISCO DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENT IN PARTNERSHIP
WITH THE SAN FRANcISCO BAY AREA COUNCIL.
Appendix 1 Circles of Sustainability: An Integrated Approach
In the present context of global cli-
mate change, intensifying urban-
ization, increasing transnational
insecurities, and a heightening
divide of rich and poor, there is
a pressing need for new ways of
working towards local and global
sustainability. However, with the
intersecting pressures of market-
based drivers and national-inter-
est considerations dominating
policy-making, nation-states are
confronting the limits of their
negotiating possibilities. This
was dramatically underscored in
the Copenhagen Climate Confer-
ence. Similarly, the limits of cor-
porate reform given the base-line
requirements of contemporary
capitalism have been shown time
and again—most poignantly in
the global financial crisis and its
aftermath of ‘business as usual’.
At the same time, just as nation-
states have come under increas-
ing pressure to act otherwise, so
have corporations. Across the
late-twentieth century and into
the present, the century-long
trend to audit corporations eco-
nomically has been widening to
include questions of ecological
sustainability and social respon-
sibility. The Global Compact, the
Global Reporting Initiative, and a
bourgeoning collection of other
reporting and indicator sets have
been developed in order to sensi-
tize profit-driven corporations to
the environmental cost of doing
business.12 Now cities are increas-
ingly being drawn into this same
ambiguous process. What does
this mean for the role of cities in
providing a different kind of glo-
bal leadership on sustainability
questions, and becoming part of
a different kind of global govern-
ance?
Cities are amorphous and un-
wieldy entities. On the one hand,
except in the fields of global tour-
ism and commodity exchange,
all but a few cities until recent-
ly have tended to be inwardly-
turned institutions relatively un-
aware of the potential for their
local practices to affect global re-
gimes. On the other hand, the in-
tensification of globalization has
afforded cities the potential for
renewed governance power—at
least in some areas—to set rela-
tively independent agendas. This
is particularly so in the arena of
sustainability. Examples such as
ICLEI (the International Coun-
cil for Local Environmental Ini-
tiatives), the C40 (originally, the
Large Cities Climate Leadership
Group), the UN Global Compact
Cities Programme, and even the
Mayors Group at Copenhagen in
2009 suggest that cities are mov-
ing to act collectively to affect
social change around urban sus-
tainability.13 Part of this process
has involved cities monitoring
themselves more actively in rela-
tion to sustainability measures,
the subject of this briefing paper.
The question that we want to
pursue is,
‘Can a viable form of
sustainability auditing
be developed that
provides a platform for
local-global learning
and sustainability
governance while
avoiding the usual
pitfalls of existing
auditing and indicator
systems? . ’
The animating concern of this
briefing paper is that urban sus-
tainability auditing is currently
90
being done without sufficient at-
tention to translating the process
out of the economically-defined
strictures of the triple-bottom
line approach or the status-ori-
enting fantasies of liveability lists.
In other words, cities face the
same issues that have bedeviled
nation-states and corporations
when it comes to sustainable
development. The problems are
manifold. Cities are being listed
in league tables that do more to
emphasize global inequities than
enhance sustainability. The form
of the sustainability indices tends
to maximize practices of narrow
compliance. There is a tendency
for externally-derived indicators
to drive planning on locally-spe-
cific questions. And most gener-
ally, there is a masking of struc-
tures of power and a distorting of
values in relation to questions of
sustainability and liveability in a
given city.
Reporting on sustainability in-
dices and liveability metrics can
potentially enhance the reflexiv-
ity of the urban planning proc-
ess, but there is a galloping ten-
dency to treat the issue of how to
improve one’s ‘city ranking’ on
a hierarchical table as more im-
portant than the sustainability is-
sues themselves. Two prominent
indicator tables are the Mercer
Quality of Living survey and the
Economist’s Intelligence Unit
survey. Both get front-page head-
lines in cities around the world,
particularly in those cities which
do well. However, in neither
case does the survey contribute
substantially to enhancing ei-
ther liveability or sustainability.
This should be obvious when we
consider their claims and orien-
tations. Mercer for example is
based on ‘carefully selected fac-
tors representing the criteria con-
sidered most relevant to interna-
tional executives’. It is not based
Figure 23 Circles of Sustainability
on the life-quality of locals, but
rather, ‘For the purposes of this
report, quality of living assesses
the degree to which expatriates
enjoy the potential standard of
living in the host location’.14
This briefing paper reflects on
some of the ways in which the
auditing of cities might be done
otherwise. Achieving sustainable
cities we argue begins as the task
of reflecting upon the nature of
human activity in those places.
The aim is to develop practices
that can ensure that cities and
communities are being re-created
to ‘meet the needs of the present
91
without compromising the abil-
Appendix
ity of future generations to meet
their own needs’.15 The renewed
emphasis on the importance of
the city brings together issues
of sustainability, measurement
processes, and how cities might
be part of an alternative mode of
governance across the globe that
takes the emphasis away from
narrow market or prestige con-
siderations. Our call here turns
on three simple precepts. Firstly,
auditing systems have the poten-
tial for masking the underlying
problems and even inadvertently
making them worse as cities con-
centrate on the metrics rather
than the intersecting sustainabil-
ity issues themselves. Secondly,
developing an adequate audit-
ing approach entails going back
to basics—that is, going back to
rethink the very foundations
that structure the way in which
we attempt to measure issues of
sociality. There are no perfect
indicators of sustainability, and
attempts to gather together good
indicators without attending to
the issue of their inter-relation
are bound to fail. Thirdly, enact-
ing an adequate auditing system
entails building a global plat-
form around (existing and newly
formed) formal and informal in-
stitutions. As such, the following
discussion takes as its orienting
structure the work being done
by the Global Compact Cities Pro-
gramme in slow collaboration
with other governance bodies
such as the Global Reporting Ini-
tiative and UN Habitat.
The Limits of
Sustainability Indicators
Developing an adequate indica-
tor set is extraordinarily difficult.
The one-dimensional quantita-
tive basis of many such projects
across both the Global South and
North means that achieving sus-
tainability is often reduced to a
technical task16—gathering data
and ticking performance boxes.
The problem of achieving sustain-
able development is dealt with as
an instrumental one with expert
consultants enlisted to generate
the ‘right’ indicators and then to
tailor a technical solution in or-
der to get the indicators ‘back on
track’. This might work in a limit-
ed way for command-governance
corporations with their hierar-
chical decision-making processes
having direct and comprehensive
reach within the institution, but
it does not work in more complex
social formations of governance
such as cities.
Secondly, the size, scope, and
sheer number of indicators in-
cluded within many sustainabil-
ity projects, means that indicator
sets are often unwieldy and resist
effective implementation. Over
recent decades, indicator-based
projects have become central
to a broad range of sociological,
community-development, envi-
ronmental and policy-oriented
research aimed at engendering
sustainability. An explosion of
indicators is extending itself hori-
zontally across the globe and ver-
tically, on the back of processes
of globalization, from neighbour-
hood to international policy-
making. There are corporate-sus-
tainability indices, city-liveability
indices, community-sustainabili-
ty indices, waste-disposal indices,
and so on, and so on. The chal-
lenge here is to develop a flexible
framework that speaks to existing
relevant measures of sustainabil-
ity, including for example incor-
porating many of the GRI indica-
tors, while translating between
them and broadening the terms
of reference, the domains of fo-
cus, and the nature of the social
engagement.
Moreover, the techno-scientific
emphasis inherent in many in-
dicator-based projects tends to
mask the possibility of taking
into account the structures of
power and the cultural-political
assumptions that always frame
indicator sets. Often primarily
quantitative in approach, indica-
92
tors-based projects offer valuable
tools for measuring the standing
of a city, a corporation, or com-
munity in relation to some or
other given concept of ‘sustain-
ability’ or ‘sustainable develop-
ment’. This is where the focus
seems too narrow, and is limited
to the rise and fall of the metrics
and the immediate responses re-
quired to move up the ‘league
table’. Such approaches fail to
bring into question the nature of
the inter-relationships and of the
societal structures that go into
creating and reproducing condi-
tions for a sustainable city, corpo-
ration or community.
Fourthly, an emphasis on indica-
tor sets that are completely exter-
nally derived too often means that
a city, corporation or community
loses focus on the locally availa-
ble resources and conditions that
might support alternative sus-
tainable practices or challenge
existing unsustainable practices
that may not necessarily figure as
part of the chosen indicator set.
Fifthly, the current tendency of
reporting initiatives to emphasize
one kind of reporting agency—
usually corporations—means
that attempts at integration tend
to produce ad hoc assemblages of
indicators with extra bits tacked
on the end. Indicator sets be-
come like the house that Jack
built, trying to add rooms and
corridors when what is needed
is redesigning the whole abode.
Triple bottom-line accounting is
an instance of this with environ-
mental and social sustainability
being tacked on the back end of a
continuing economic imperative
of profitability.
Metrics-centered projects present
a relatively abstract view of things.
Of course, all understandings of
social life take the form of knowl-
edge that is abstracted from lived
conditions through observation
and analytical reframing. How-
ever, our sixth concern is that the
type of abstraction characteriz-
ing many quantitative indicators-
based projects drives new forms
of unsustainability. Indicators-
based projects can thus in certain
respects circumvent the problem
of understanding cities and com-
munities as places for human
activities in the here and now.
Achieving good results on the in-
dicators themselves comes to be
an end in itself. Technical ques-
tions submerge the need to en-
gage reflexively in the long-term
process of creating and reproduc-
ing a sustainable polity, commu-
nity, or organization.
The intense problems associated
with developing good indicator
sets and the associated issue of
indicators proliferation are in-
timately related. Every new set
tends to be developed de novo
and for a new purpose. Our claim
is not that existing quantitative
data is unimportant or unnec-
essary, or that a new and more
perfect set of indicators will be
developed that will make all
others redundant. Understand-
ing and using quantitative data
is part and parcel of engaging
to achieve sustainability within
complex and ‘globalizing’ world.
All manner of conditions, from
population demographics to cli-
mate change data, resource-use
figures, and even ‘rankings’, can
provide useable information
about the world. However, the
approach advocated here views
this information as one contribu-
tion or ‘input’ into the creation
of knowledge that can support
practices aimed at achieving sus-
tainability. On the other side of
raw information are the fields of
power and values that give shape
and form to knowledge, and
qualify its uses. Seeing things in
this way involves a rethinking
of what indicators actually are.
In effect, we are suggesting that
many of the things that are un-
derstood as ‘indicators’ in quan-
titative terms need to be taken
as metrics embedded within a
more comprehensive qualita-
tive framework. In other words,
quantitative metrics need to be
understood in terms of qualita-
tive indicators.
Circles of Sustainability
The Global Compact Cities Pro-
gramme ‘Circles of Sustainabil-
ity’ approach to developing lay-
ered indicators of sustainability
is intended to overcome these
problems. It is intended to in-
volve policy-makers and citizens
in reflecting upon and negotiat-
ing knowledges about how best
to practice sustainability. The
approach sets out a program for
engaging citizens in the job of
achieving long-term sustainabili-
ty with the following dimensions:
(1) as a task of reflexive practice;
(2), as conducted across the broad
domains of economy, ecology, pol-
itics and culture; (3), as translat-
able across different social forma-
tions and yet relevant to the local
context of the city or community
in contention; (4) as developed
within a common global qualita-
tive framework but allowing for
local choice about relevant quan-
titative indicators or metrics; and
(5) as enhancing global learning
and allowing some comparative
bench-marking across different
places, practices and institutions,
and allowing cities to collaborate
regionally and globally in learn-
ing about sustainability. As such,
the ‘Circles of Sustainability’ ap-
proach suggests that—amidst
major societal and ecological
challenges—activities need to be
woven, unwoven, and rewoven
in the light of new knowledges
about them.
Here we will concentrate on cit-
ies and communities because of
the relative complexity of these
formations. However, even when
indicators-based projects attempt
to deal with such variable forma-
93
tions, particularly when they add
in cultural and political dimen-
sions—for example, measuring
and assessing ‘well-being’, ‘in-
clusion’ or ‘cohesion’, they still
tend firstly to reduce these social
questions to step-by-step techni-
cal questions. Step one: assume
a social good (for example, peo-
ple meeting together socially is a
cultural good); step two: draw a
one-to-one connection between
a social good and its indicators
(social indicators should include
how many cafés are in given area
or how many bowling clubs oper-
ate to allow people to meet); step
three: draw a one-to-one con-
nection between the indicators
and social policy (encourage the
opening of more cafés or bowl-
ing clubs). In that process such
projects tend to assume genera-
tive values of what is good and
what is bad—inclusion is good,
exclusion is bad; participation is
good, authority is bad. Despite
best intentions, such projects
tend to displace understandings
of living in cities and commu-
nities as a lived and contested
condition differently conceived
across different cultural settings,
and they tend to use thin eviden-
tiary claims about what consti-
tutes a sustainable or unsustain-
able practice. In effect, good and
bad practice is assumed, the in-
dicator set is built, and policy is
based on changing the indicators.
Our argument is that indicators
can make a greater contribution
to understanding and practicing
sustainability, but only when
seen as part of a broader approach
to how persons engage with each
other and on what terms.
Our intention is to include but
Appendix
going beyond the important ab-
stracting task of measuring and
assessing. We want to take the
approach out into the field, so to
speak. We want to make it work
as an engaged set of practices de-
signed with an image of human
activity as situated within and
reflexively responding to the so-
cial and natural environment.17
In this approach, systems theo-
ries and ‘hard’ or ‘positive’ scien-
tific knowledges become discrete
elements of the research and
practice rather than dominant
framing rationales. ‘Circles of
Sustainability’ as a quantitative-
quantitative engaged approach
to developing indicators does
treat indicators as merely repre-
senting reality. Rather, they are
seen as having ‘the potential to
change the relationships between
people and between humans and
nature, thereby changing people
and changing nature’.18 What is
suggested here is that problems
of ‘technique’ need to take a back
seat to the task of negotiating
the form and content of the eco-
nomic, ecological, cultural and
political relations in and through
which people create and repro-
duce the cities and communities
that constitute a globalizing and
localizing world.
Seen in the light of these issues,
this approach sets about the task
of developing sustainability ‘in-
dicators’ from within a different
perspective upon social existence.
Of concern are two over arching
questions:
1. What is it that makes a city or
community sustainable?
2. What is it that, when present
or missing, makes a city or
community unsustainable?
Sustainability indicators are in the
first instance simply a means for
assessing the ‘distance’ between
a current state of affairs and the
ongoing task of achieving a sus-
tainable way of life in the context
of a given city, institutional or
community setting. In the second
instance, they can also be much
more—a means of instituting
dialogue over the very conditions
of sustainability. To achieve this,
the ‘Circles of Sustainability’ ap-
proach is conducted across two
levels. After working through
the scope and social definition
of the body in question—the
city, community, or institution,
including from corporations to
non-government organizations—
the first level of analysis centres
on redefining the core domains
of social practice. It moves away
the usual approaches, such as a
triple bottom-line accounting
that continues to put economics
at the centre, to one that gives
equal weight to economics, ecol-
ogy, culture and politics. The sec-
ond level involves rethinking the
question of how we engage both
with others and with nature by
situating social practice within a
series of social themes that held
together in dialectical tension
(Figure 23).
The Approach in Practice:
Level One
Many indicators projects work
from what we’ve been referring
to as a ‘triple-bottom-line’ mod-
el. They characteristically aim
to measure the impact upon the
economic, social, and environ-
mental ‘bottom lines’ of a dis-
crete functional unit. The key
implication of seeing things in
this way is not just that it tends to
centre on the economic but also
that it assumes a strong commen-
surability of values between the
different domains. Even when
moving beyond plain monetary
value and return on investment,
triple-bottom-line approaches
tend to presume that social, envi-
ronmental and economic sustain-

Economic Performace
EC1 Economic value generated and distributed, including revenues, operating costs, employee compensation, donations and other community invest-

ments, retained earnings, and payments to capital providers and governments.(Core)

EC2 Financial implications and other risks and opportunities for the organization’s activities due to climate change. (Core)

EC3 Coverage of the organization’s defined benefit plan obligations. (Core)

EC4 Significant financial assistance received from government. (Core)

Market Presence
EC5 Range of ratios of standard entry level wage compared to local minimum wage at significant locations of operation. (Additional)

EC6 Policy, practices, and proportion of spending on locally-based suppliers at significant locations of operation. (Core)

EC7 Procedures for local hiring and proportion of senior management hired from the local community at significant locations of operation. (Core)

Indirect Economic Impacts

EC8 Development and impact of infrastructure investments and services provided primarily for public benefit through commercial, in-kind, or pro

bono engagement. (Core)

EC9 Understanding and describing significant indirect economic impacts, including the extent of impacts. (Additional)

Table 7 GRI Economic Indicators

94
ability are either commensurable is, across the way in which such my is treated as one of the social
a priori of other considerations tensions are negotiated. domains rather than something
or that the economic domain separate from the social with its
provides the basis for translat- Defining the Domains of own intrinsic rules and norms.
ing between them. For example, Sustainability This not to suggest that the four
instead of treating the ecological
Instead of treating social life as domains are in practice complete-
domain of having its own imper-
something separate from the ly divided spheres of activity. All
atives, the environment becomes
economy, the approach discussed that is being said here is that it
‘an economic externality’, anoth-
here starts with ‘the social’ and is useful for analytical purposes
er cost to be considered when en-
conceptually divides it into four and for assigning metrics to treat
gaging in economic activity. The
domains of practice—the eco- them as separable realms. It does
approach developed here rather,
nomic, the ecological, the politi- not mean that we cannot talk of
recognizes the tension between
cal and the cultural. This is not ‘the culture of economics’ or ‘the
(generative) values across differ-
to relegate the social to a back- economics of ecology’. Neither
ent domains (for example, be-
ground feature of human prac- does it mean that we are simply
tween ‘needs’ and ‘limits’ across
tice, but rather a deliberate deci- taking for granted the contempo-
the domains of economics and
sion to put sociality at the centre rary sense of a separate domain
ecology) while remaining cogni-
of all questions about sustain- of the economy, as distinct for ex-
zant of the need for comparabili-
ability. It means that the econo- ample from the political, which
ty across (particular) values—that

Materials
EN1 Materials used by weight or volume. (Core)

EN2 Percentage of materials used that are recycled input materials. (Core)

Energy
EN3 Direct energy consumption by primary energy source. (Core)

EN4 Indirect energy consumption by primary source. (Core)

EN5 Energy saved due to conservation and efficiency improvements. (Additional)

Water
EN8 Total water withdrawal by source. (Core)

EN9 Water sources significantly affected by withdrawal of water. (Additional)

EN10 Percentage and total volume of water recycled and reused. (Additional)

Biodiversity
Location and size of land owned, leased, managed in, or adjacent to, protected areas and areas of high biodiversity value outside protected areas.
EN11
(Core)

Description of significant impacts of activities, products, and services on biodiversity in protected areas and areas of high biodiversity value
EN12
outside protected areas. (Core)

EN13 Habitats protected or restored. (Additional)

Emissions, Effluents, and Waste

EN16 Total direct and indirect greenhouse gas emissions by weight. (Core)

EN17 Other relevant indirect greenhouse gas emissions by weight. (Core)

EN18 Initiatives to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and reductions achieved. (Additional)

EN19 Emissions of ozone-depleting substances by weight. (Core)

EN20 NOx, SOx, and other significant air emissions by type and weight. (Core)
Appendix

EN22 Total weight of waste by type and disposal method. (Core)

EN23 Total number and volume of significant spills. (Core)

Weight of transported, imported, exported, or treated waste deemed hazardous under the terms of the Basel Convention Annex I, II, III, and VIII,
EN24
and percentage of transported waste shipped internationally. (Additional)

Table 8 Some examples of indicators or metrics from the GRI

95
is not supposed to interfere with
the mechanisms of the market.
That is a peculiarly modern un-
derstanding of the relationship
between the economy and the
political which arose historically
with the establishment of capi-
talism as the dominant mode of
production and exchange. It is
relevant that the concept of ‘ecol-
ogy’ was coined at the turn of
the nineteenth into the twenti-
eth century and derived from the
same Greek word oikos meaning
‘house, dwelling place, habita-
tion’ as in the concept ‘economy’.
Part of the more recent confusion
is that, with the dominance of
capitalism, there has arisen an
understanding of the economic
that takes it in both directions.
On the one hand, economic con-
siderations are treated as having
spread into all aspects of life,
and, on the other, the economic
is projected as a necessarily sepa-
rate domain based on the imper-
ative of market freedom.
Within each of these domains,
the difficult task of negotiating
a set of indices remains. The fol-
lowing discussion sets out both
to define the domains and be-
gin to consider how they relate
a b
Cultural Economic
Sustainability Sustainability
A 1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
B 1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
C 1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
D 1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
to various metrics. In the final
version of such an indicator set,
like the Global Reporting Initia-
tive framework, we would seek
to have some core metrics (to al-
low for some comparability) and
a large number of additional in-
terrelated metrics which a body
considering sustainability might
choose from or add to (to allow
for contextual relevance).
The Economic Domain
The economic domain
is defined in terms of
activities associated
with the production,
use, movement,
and management of
resources, where the
concept of ‘resources’
is used in the broadest
sense of that word.
The domain of economics bears
upon questions of production,
exchange, consumption, organi-
zation, and distribution of goods
and services, as well as the crite-
ria for value that coincide with
such relations. While the social
c d
Ecological Political
Sustainability Sustainability of Verification
1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
1-2-3-4-5 1-2-3-4-5
Table 9 Extract of Circles of Sustainability assessment
96
scientific sub-discipline of eco-
nomics deals with important as-
pects of the economic domain as
it is being conceptualized here,
economics most often focuses
exclusively upon quantitatively
appraising the value and costs
of production and distributive
activities, and the market oppor-
tunities for active consumption.
Such an approach is unsuited to
the present aims, because in fail-
ing to account for where it is that
(economic) value comes from,
economics as a discipline tends
to take as given the ends of eco-
nomic activity. As such, the con-
cept of an economic domain that
is used here ‘takes a step back’
and aims to look more closely
at how value is constituted as a
meaningful thing in and through
the relations of exchange and
production. That is, rather than
privileging the technique cur-
rently predominant in the eco-
nomic domain—that is, capitalis-
tic markets mediated via abstract
value (money) as the medium for
exchange—the approach takes
as given only that people draw
upon resources to produce and
exchange things, knowledges,
and services in order to in order
Means/Sources
Policy documents, Reports,
Legislation.
Quantitative Data
Government Reports, Insti-
tutional Reports, Qualitative
Evaluation
Quantitative Data Government
Reports, Institutional Reports,
Qualitative Evaluation
to maintain and enhance their
lives.
In this sense, key indicators of
economic sustainability current-
ly in use may be too narrowly
conceived.19 For example, the un-
employment rate, the percentage
of persons participating in paid
work in the formal economy—of-
ten determined quantitatively as
a measure of workforce partici-
pation—is a useful indicator only
when is put in social context. It
depends firstly on how the unem-
ployment rate is determined: for
example, in Australia, the United
States, and Britain, an ‘employed
person’ is defined as working
more than an hour in a week. In-
sofar as it is not possible to sus-
tain one’s self on one hour of paid
work per week under almost any
circumstances without other sup-
port this makes the figures sus-
pect. Secondly, it depends upon
the relationship between formal
employment, wage levels and the
cost of living. Even if the unem-
ployment rate is set at a higher
number of hours, such an indica-
tor fails to draw attention to the
average wage rate. People living
in a city with low rates of unem-
ployment might also be mired in
working poverty because wage
rates are too low. Alternately,
such an indicator fails to draw
attention to the number of hours
that employed people work. Peo-
ple with jobs in a city with a high
unemployment rate, and which
may even have a ‘good’ social se-
curity system, might be working
unsustainably long hours even
though they are paid relatively
well. Thirdly, in many places—
and arguably across much of the
Global South—unemployment
measured on such terms is deeply
problematic for reasons that turn
on the relationship between the
formal, the informal economy
and the nature of social repro-
duction. The ‘monetary’ aspects
of the economic domain in cities
and communities across the Glo-
bal South often take a subordi-
nate place to non-monetary forms
of economic activity. In terms of
the overall goal of achieving sus-
tainable development, enhancing
the informal economic means of
reproducing one’s life might be
more sustainable than advocat-
ing increased involvement in
monetarized economic relations.
The indicators or metrics of sus-
tainability in the Economic Do-
main might include some of the
Global Reporting Initiative indi-
cators, but they would need to be
rewritten in significant ways to
make them relevant to other bod-
ies than just corporations.
To these we would consider add-
ing other metrics such as the local
minimum cost of living (that is,
the socially defined poverty level
taking into account the nature of
economic reproduction); the pro-
portion of population involved in
sustainable subsistence agricul-
ture (the ‘first’ 2,500 Kilojoules
per day from produce grown);
or the proportion of population
involved in in-kind trading net-
works (the ‘first’ 2,500 Kilojoules
per day from produce grown).
More importantly, we would ar-
gue that the subdomains of eco-
nomics as presented by the GRI
need rethinking. Again this en-
tails going back to basics to con-
sider economics as a set of prac-
tices rather than an ideologically
understood series of outcomes
such as ‘economic performance’
or ‘market presence’. We suggest
the following subdomains:
1. Production and Resourcing
2. Exchange and Distribution
3. Consumption and Leisure
4. Work and Welfare
5. Technology and Fabrication
6. Wealth and Allocation
7. Other
97
The Ecological Domain
The ecological domain
is defined in terms
of the intersection
between the social and
the natural, focussing
on the important
dimension of human
engagement with and
within nature.
This is to emphasize that—de-
spite the fact that the natural
environment is a material real-
ity that extends beyond the hu-
man experience of it, and despite
the increasing capacity of tech-
noscience to reconstitute ele-
ments of nature—the ecological
domain in the broadest sense as
both social and natural. This is
not quite the same as the point
most crudely made in arguments
which suggest that nature is al-
ways socially constructed or we
are seeing the end of nature. Cer-
tainly, more and more of nature
is being physically reconstructed,
but it is important not to lose
sight of the fact that nature con-
tinues as a realm beyond the hu-
man even as it includes us as bio-
logical beings. Nature beyond the
human always bears back upon
the human condition, and this
has consequences for dealing, for
example, with natural disasters
and what used to be called ‘Acts
of God’.
Some examples of indicators
or metrics in the Ecological Do-
main, which extend the GRI sets,
may include indicator sets widely
used in ecological economics:
HANPP (human appropriation of
Appendix
net primary production); EROI
(energy return on energy input);
Ecological Footprint; MIPS (mate-
rial input per unit service). Other
ecological indicators or metrics
used might include biodiversity
across locality, preservation of
species across locality, and carbon
kilograms per head of population
per year (carbon footprint mean).
Here, the suggested subdomains
are as follows:
1. Earth, Water and Air
2. Flora and Fauna
3. Place and Habitat
4. Materials and Energy
5. Building and Infrastructure
6. Emission and Waste
7. Other
The Political Domain
The political domain
is defined in terms
of practices of
authorization,
legitimation and
regulation, where the
parameters of this area
extend beyond the
conventional sense of
politics as concerning
the state to include not
only issues of public
and private governance
but also basic issues of
power.
In this sense, politics is not just
a practice restricted to govern-
ments. It is carried on in space
and over time, anchored in bod-
ies, and is extended or amplified,
withheld or diminished through
technologies and the techniques
and knowledges associated with
their uses. The political is de-
rived etymologically from the
Greek concept of the polis or city,
hence the concept of polity as a
organized governance system,
but we extend it here to include
all processes of authority forma-
tion including those that occur
in corporations, non-government
organizations, and even non-for-
mal institutions such as the fam-
ily to the extent that relations of
authority pertain in a relatively
generalized and enduring way.
Here the GRI framework does not
help us very much though it does
have suggested indicators around
the question of corruption. Indi-
cators of sustainability in the po-
litical domain might include the
following, but note that this first
take on the political domain has
begun with conventional indica-
tors that focus on the state and
citizenry: citizens’ participation
in electoral processes; presence
of independent political parties;
availability of representatives to
electorate for consultation; ac-
countability of government body
to citizenry; and the number and
intensity of armed conflicts per
decade. They would be organized
in relation to the following sub-
domains:
1. Organization and Govern-
ance
2. Rights and Justice
3. Communication and Dissemi-
nation
Representation and Negotia-
4.
tion
5. Conflict and Insecurity
6. Dialogue and Reconciliation
7. Other
The Cultural Domain
The cultural domain
is defined in terms of
practices, discourses,
and material
expressions, which,
over time, express
continuities and
discontinuities, and
commonalities and
differentiations, of
meaning.
98
Like all the other domains, this
apparently simple domain of hu-
man life is extraordinarily dif-
ficult to define simply.20 It has
its etymological history in the
concept of ‘cultivation’ or ‘tend-
ing’ including the cultivation of
nature such as in agriculture,
and then later the cultivation of
character and aesthetics. While
the dominant contemporary use
of the concept of ‘the cultural’
is in relation to the arts or pop-
ular culture, we have defined it
here more broadly to emphasize
patterned expressions of social
meaning that include but extend
beyond either the ‘culture in-
dustries’ or the realm of the aes-
thetic. In working towards a set
of relevant indicators, here again
the GRI framework does not pro-
vide us with much help. Exam-
ples of indicators of sustainability
in the cultural domain might in-
clude the following: the number
of sacred places in a given area
and the way in which they are
recognized, used or maintained;
the number of community cele-
brations or festivals in given area
per year and the level of public
involvement; and the percentage
of individuals who feel that they
have adequate access, freedom
and time for artistic activity.21
The subdomains for culture can
be analytically distinguished as
follows:
1. Engagement and Placement
2. Symbolism and Aesthetics
3. Memory and Projection
4. Enquiry and Learning
5. Wellbeing and Resilience
6. Reproduction and Affiliation
7. Other
Qualitative Engagement:
Moving Beyond
‘Traditional’ Indicators
Developing an indicator set on
these terms involves long-term
social commitment of the par-
ticipants. Alongside and integral
to the task of deciding on the
metrics that will inform our un-
derstanding of the four domains,
Level One begins with something
of a sustainability ‘self-defini-
tion’ task. This task is designed
to get the process moving, and
forms a discrete but complimen-
tary aspect of the wider research
effort of ‘social mapping’. One of
the first tasks of the project is to
ask how the body in question de-
fines itself as such. This encour-
ages participants to set out some
‘objective’ criteria that establish
where their community, city, or
institution is located in space, in
time, and within wider societal
contexts.
This task takes place in conjunc-
tion with a questionnaire and
series of ‘strategic interviews’
and ‘conversations’ that are de-
signed to establish some of the
‘subjective’ understandings of
the body in question. While this
might include things like explor-
ing historical relationships with
other communities, cities, and/
or institutions for example, such
matters are not at this stage cen-
tral concerns of the mapping
task. Included in the approach at
this level is the need for develop-
ment of a social profile. This is
intended to provide a high-level,
strategic view of the community,
city or institution.22 This part of
the project is strategic, and will
serve as a guide and overview of
the body’s aims and objectives, as
well as a timeline for the project
and identification of key partici-
pants and those affected by its
implementation. In summary,
this initial stage will build up a
profile of the social body and its
place in the world. The objective
is for participants, and members
of the collaborating research
team to come to some under-
standing of what the social body
is, and how it is situated within
the world. To this end we suggest
that a series of four questions are
useful to framing the first level of
self-assessment:
A What is the depth of aware-
ness of (a. questions of cultur-
al sustainability; b. questions
of economic sustainability; c.
questions of ecological sus-
tainability; d. questions of po-
litical sustainability)?
B How adequate have been the
practical responses to (a, b. c.
d)?
C How appropriate have been
the resources brought to bear
on (a, b. c. d)?
D How well have responses to (a,
b. c. d) been monitored?
The Approach in Practice:
Level Two
The examples of indicators across
the domains presented as part of
Level One are helpful. However,
these offer little room for actual
negotiations over what it is peo-
ple can put into making a city or
community sustainable. The aim
of going beyond ‘traditional’ in-
dicators is to negotiate over what
constitutes knowledge about
how best to practice city or com-
munity life, and to develop and
implement learning and practice
along these lines. Our suggestion
is that it is only by engaging in
the task of deliberating over the
normative criteria that frame
possibilities for implementing
these indicators that these can
become guides to sustainable de-
velopment practice.
Hence, Level Two takes things a
little further, and builds upon
Level One by developing a deeper
understanding of what goes into
understanding how communi-
ties change over time in relation
to broader societal contexts. It
is aimed at understanding how
best a city or community might
develop the resources it has, and
how it might better gain access
99
to further resources, mindful of
the need to account for sustain-
able development to citizens, in
order to increase sustainability in
‘globalizing’ conditions. Hence,
the over arching questions from
Level One—What is it that makes
a city or community sustainable?
What is it that, when present or
missing, makes a city or commu-
nity unsustainable?—are in Level
two complemented by two fur-
ther guiding questions:
›› Who benefits and who loses
in the current situation and
how might this change as dif-
ferent practices are negotiat-
ed?
›› What does it mean, for present
and potential beneficiaries
and losers, to negotiate these
matters?
The key questions in Level Two
are designed to elicit reflection
upon how some of the most im-
portant over-arching issues that
inform social life in space and
over time might contribute to or
detract from the goal of achiev-
ing sustainability. Below are the
seven ‘social themes’ that consti-
tute the basis for negotiating the
boundaries within which indica-
tors of community sustainability
need to be established. Repre-
sented in the form of pairs of re-
lated concepts, each social theme
draws attention to major sources
of tension within communities.
Participants are asked to reflect
upon and substantiate the ‘objec-
tive’ position of their community
in relation to each of the themes,
within the social domains of
economics, ecology, culture and
politics.
1. participation—authority
Appendix
2. identity—difference
3. security—risk
4. equality—autonomy
5. needs—limits
6. belonging—mobility
7. inclusion—exclusion
Each of these Janus-faced themes
is embedded in existing debates
that draw broadly from existing
ethical traditions. The concepts
contained within the pairs are
in tension, but they are not op-
posites. Even within the various
classical traditions ranging from
socialism to liberalism, and from
Confucianism to Christianity,
there is no obvious answer to the
question of what constitutes the
good; therefore, the key question
is how are these tensions socially
negotiated within different set-
tings in order to enhance positive
sustainability. Because of con-
straints of space, we limit our-
selves to describing two or three
of those social themes and show-
ing how they might work as possi-
ble qualitative indicators of social
sustainability. It bears repeating,
that in each case the central issue
is to work through in practices
how the associate concepts with
such social themes are being (and
will be) negotiated.
Participation—Authority
Across the tensions inherent in
this social theme, participants
need to think about how it is that
participation in sectors of social
life is related to the authority
structures of the body in ques-
tion. The assumption here is not
that participation is better than
authority, or vice versa. Rather,
what is being brought into ques-
tion is the degree to which peo-
ple participating in social life
can do so in a meaningful way,
and how they do so in relation to
the forms of authority exercised
within their community, city or
organization.
Identity—Difference
Across this continuum, partici-
pants are called upon to think
about how it is that notions of
difference are related to social
identity. The aim here is to elicit
an understanding of how well a
community, city or organization
copes with difference, while be-
ing mindful of the fact that too
much emphasis on difference
can lead to fragmentation and
dissolution of the strengths of a
life in common. If a social iden-
tity is too strong, or too strongly
enforced, this might give rise
to an unsustainable and unjust
xenophobia. On the other hand,
if difference and diversity within
a given body are given too much
emphasis, then it may be weak-
ened in political situations re-
quiring a common voice, such as
in negotiations over funding mat-
ters. For example, in terms of the
political domain, this question
is aimed at eliciting how power
relations within the community
might support a strong sense of
identity that, as such, includes a
capacity for coping with change.
The key here is not how much
diversity and how much commo-
nality, but how the play of differ-
ence and identity is negotiated.
Inclusion—Exclusion
Typically in contemporary de-
bates, ‘social inclusion’ is treated
as a social good to be achieved
and ‘exclusion’ is a bad thing to
be avoided.23 The issue that this
very common conception of the
problem elides is that in certain
circumstance it is exclusion that
leads to a social good. For exam-
ple, in places where harassment
is common or social difference
is threatening, there may legiti-
mately be a need to exclude ‘out-
siders’ from certain activities or
places—for example, excluding
other than Moslem women from a
public swimming pool on Thurs-
day afternoons. Sometimes even
the open and mobile presence of
others in a zone of difference—
for example a customary sacred
100
site—renders that site cultural
and politically dead. A second,
and more abstract point, is that
concentrating on overcoming
questions of exclusion tends to
leave issues of exploitation unad-
dressed. Unless, for example, we
take seriously the forms of pov-
erty specific to being marginal-
ized under contemporary condi-
tions of globalization, exclusion
is seen to have no perpetrator.
Seen in this way, exclusion or
exploited inclusion ‘is the form
that poverty develops in condi-
tions where the realization of
profit occurs through organizing
economic operations in [globaliz-
ing] networks’. It represents the
‘exploitation of the immobile by
the mobile’ and therefore, sug-
gests that a city, community, or
organization act to tie-down the
perpetrators of such exclusion-
inclusion exploitation.24 The
point is that only by coming to
grips with how—on what terms
and who—a city, community or
organization includes and ex-
cludes some and not others that
sustainable development in its
most meaningful sense can be
implemented.
Although for the present purpos-
es the seven social themes listed
are more than sufficient for high-
lighting the complexity of social
sustainability the list could be
extended for example to include
the following:
1. past—present
2. wellbeing—adversity
3. local knowledges—expert sys-
tems
4. mediation—disconnectedness
5. freedom—obligation
In practice, a particular city, com-
munity or organization could
choose to investigate less than the
seven social themes in the prima-
ry list. As with the four domains
we would give guidance on the
appropriate set of metrics that
would be appropriate to throw-
ing light on the different social
themes. At this level, we also can
repeat the same questions asked
in Level 1, except that this time
the questions are asked in rela-
tion to the social themes.
Grounding an Alternative
Approach
While it seems complex on first
presentation, the ‘Circles of Sus-
tainability’ approach attempts to
reverse the privileging of tech-
nique over reflexively engaging
in the world. Indicators-based
projects often seem to perpetu-
ate a particular set of epistemo-
logical and ontological assump-
tions concerning our place in the
world. At risk of caricaturing im-
portant and helpful efforts aimed
at achieving sustainability, it
does seem that some indicators-
centred approaches embed unin-
terrogated ideas or beliefs about
the social within the research
task. Themes such as inclusion,
participation, identity, and secu-
rity are treated as if they can di-
rectly be translated into substan-
tive empirical claims. Moreover,
indicators projects tend to see the
social world as a closed system
or unit possessing system-like
properties. Of course at one (very
abstract) level, the globe is for
all intents and purposes a closed
system. However, we argue that
such a perspective privileges the
possibility that the world and its
parts are objectively knowable as
a closed system, and that pulling
the levers up or down will give
relatively automatic and predict-
able outcomes.
This is a problem for several
reasons. Research premised
upon understanding the social
in terms of ‘system differentia-
tion’ tend to assume an apolitical
metaphor of ‘harmonious inter-
change’ can characterize human
activities.25 We suggest that it is
precisely in humans’ capacity to
critically evaluate and even dis-
rupt the interchange of power
and value that efforts to practice
sustainability need to be under-
stood as dissolving or breaching
‘systemic’ boundaries. Humans
are able to imagine themselves
and to act as if they are not part
of a closed system environment.
Indeed, it might be argued that
it is precisely the untrammelled
proliferation of human activities
that is a key source of unsustain-
ability. With this view in mind
however, the question emerges
as to what kinds of forces would
need to be deployed in order to
create a world where conform-
ity with system requirements is
enforced? As writers such as Val
Plumwood have suggested, these
would more than likely need to
be both deeply unjust, and as
such would ultimately prove un-
sustainable.26
A number of relatively recent
indicators-based projects, them-
selves based in systems-theoriz-
ing, do recognize and attend to
this problem. For example, Joan-
na Becker argues that there are
sufficient similarities between
‘Living’ and ‘Social’ systems, such
that the latter may be understood
on the same terms as the former.
In this view, ‘healthy social sys-
tems … consist of a diversity of in-
ter-dependent but self-sufficient
entities appropriate in scale and
low in entropy so as to provide
stability and durability while at
the same time being responsive
to the uncertainty and fragility
of evolutionary succession’.27 Ar-
guably, a priori meta-theoretical
claims—about the positive bene-
fits of diversity, the self-sufficient
inter-dependency of atomistic
units, and the applicability of
evolutionary succession to social
life—hang over such approaches.
Although recognizing the need
in indicators projects for what
Simon Bell and Stephen Morse
call a ‘circular “soft” approach
of beneficiary learning by stake-
101
holders’.28 However, Becker’s
systems-theory tends to be uni-di-
rectional. It privileges an under-
standing of systems that can be
known in their entirety. In this
case, obscured behind the meta-
assumptions of systems-theoriz-
ing is the need for cities or com-
munities to deal adequately with
disputes over pressing human is-
sues that often run contradictory
to predicted system expectations.
Some examples include the pos-
sibility that members of a city or
community might legitimately
call for homogeneity, as against
diversity, or demand measures to
institute strong other-reliance, by
contrast with self-sufficient inter-
dependency.
A similar example is found in
work by John Peet and Hartmut
Bossel. They aim to develop an
‘ethics-based systems approach to
indicators of sustainable develop-
ment’. Moreover, the co-authors
emphasize how ‘a participatory
process is essential, to ensure
that both knowledge and value
are appropriately incorporated
into the process’ of developing
indicators of sustainability. How-
ever, their set of ‘basic orientors’,
which draw on systems-theory—
existence, psychological needs,
effectiveness, freedom, security,
adaptability and coexistence—
frame the participatory choice of
indicators by a city or communi-
ty.29 Once more in this example,
it is suggested that certain meta-
theoretical assumptions pervade
such an approach, which may
in practice remove from a city or
community the capacity to debate
and ‘learn’ from sustainability
projects. Interestingly, Peet and
Bossel elevate the ecological chal-
Appendix
lenge to the position of a working
deontological principle.30 While
recognizing that the ‘sustainabil-
ity moral postulate’ is ‘entirely
sensible and reasonable for most
people’, positing some or other
deontological ethical principle
of sustainability from it obscures
the actual problem. That is, pos-
iting a deontological principle of
sustainability returns us to the
abstraction that allows the social
to be observed as a system. By
contrast, the approach developed
here recognizes that the prob-
lem of establishing sustainabil-
ity arises precisely at the point
where debating and negotiating
over the ethical principles to be
applied breaks down.
Gerard Delanty has argued that,
‘Science is increasingly becoming
a communicative system that in-
teracts reflexively with society’.31
This understanding of scientific
knowledge is important. As the
threats posed by climate change
to the sustainability of human so-
ciety become increasingly urgent,
the nature of scientific knowledge
about the environment becomes
increasingly relevant to concerns
with sustainability. Indeed, sci-
entific knowledge is increasingly
being produced and acted upon
in ways that respond to and rep-
resent concerns hitherto seen as
part of the ambit of the social
sciences or humanities. Indeed,
scientific knowledge is increas-
ingly being politicized and as
such, subjected to ‘external’ and
‘non-scientific’ evaluation and
critique. Conversely, Delanty’s
point can be understood to mean
that contemporary citizenship
needs to be partially re-conceived
on process of engagement; as a
‘learning’ condition. This is an
argument that Delanty himself
has taken up in relation to a con-
cept of ‘cultural citizenship’ that
is developed through engage-
ment in social practices aimed at
fostering ‘communicative com-
petencies’.32
Meanwhile, at least since the
Rio Summit and Brundtland re-
ports, the knowledge created by
the social sciences is increasingly
called upon by policy-makers as
a means for preparing societies
for climate change, and for devel-
oping sustainable ways of living.
In this sense, the social sciences
have come to occupy an ‘inter-
pretive space’ in society. Social
scientific knowledges, especially
when combined in research with
knowledge from the ‘natural’
sciences, constitute part of what
Peter Wagner sees as ‘part of the
discursive self-understanding of
social life’. What is important
about these understandings is
that they not only help to de-
mystify scientific knowledge and
represent it as a part of social life,
but they help to break down a le-
gitimacy deficit between ‘hard’
and ‘social’ science forms of
knowledge.33
Conclusion
Overall, it is argued that this ap-
proach will go some way towards
responding to the key contem-
porary issue in the literature on
auditing sustainability—the dif-
ficultly of discerning ‘clear links
between the development of an
indicator programme and actual
changes in decision-making and
policy outcomes’.34 It is often
recognized that many indica-
tors projects continue to ‘show
few signs of true engagement
and dialogue with citizens over
time’, and that ‘the endeavour
to put sustainable development
into practice by developing indi-
cators is a difficult task in terms
of citizen participation’.35 Guid-
ing the present set of suggestions
for rethinking indicators-based
projects is the primary claim that
they tend to blur the possibilities
for bringing into question the
structures of social power and cri-
teria for values that can support
sustainable practices or challenge
unsustainable practices. Indica-
tors-based research can tend to
102
conflate structural conditions, in-
stitutional processes and desired
outcomes under pre-ordained
understandings of societal condi-
tions, as if these were objectively
knowable. To the contrary, an
excessive emphasis upon quan-
titative data sets and metrics as
generically constituting ‘indi-
cators’ can work to mask or oc-
clude possibilities for appraising
situations in terms of the quality
of human practices for those par-
ticipating in them. Indeed, it has
been suggested that ‘educating
stakeholders about the process
of achieving sustainable develop-
ment may be the most important
result of the indicator selection
process, even if implementa-
tion remains uncertain’.36 While
projects such as Sustainable Seat-
tle and the Regional Vancouver
Urban Observatory hold a deep
commitment to expressions of
citizens’ values, ‘based on the vi-
sion of what residents want for
themselves, their families and
their communities’,37 we want to
take things further. That is, we
want to engage people in the job
of achieving sustainability as a
task of itself, while being located
within a framework of global col-
laboration that brings together
cities as sites of local-global sus-
tainability governance.
The problem confronting re-
search into sustainability that
is aimed at developing ‘indica-
tors’ therefore appears as one of
understanding on what terms
a city, community, or organiza-
tion creates and reproduces it-
self: in local-global space and
over time. Recognizing this as a
problem creates demands that
the research engage with the so-
cial body that is being ‘studied’
as well as examine how relations
of power and its legitimation and
criteria for socially determining
values affects the task of achiev-
ing sustainable practices. Our
argument is that achieving sus-
tainable development is the task
of reflecting upon the nature of
‘development’, and creating and
implementing societal practices,
such that people in place them-
selves create and reproduce their
own ways of life, which ‘meet
the needs of the present with-
out compromising the ability of
future generations to meet their
own needs’.
Seen in this way, sustainable
living—including sustainable
producing, exchanging, com-
municating, organizing and
enquiring—requires both local
and globalizing knowledges. One
side of the process of developing
indicators of sustainability and
implementing sustainable devel-
opment involves learning about
and negotiating over what consti-
tutes knowledge about how best
to practice sustainable, city or
community life. Learning in this
sense requires on the one hand
that the epistemological status
of expert abstracted knowledges
is contextualized and qualified in
the process of dialogue with citi-
zens. On the other hand, it also
means that citizens and planners
have a responsibility that goes
beyond minimally conceived
‘rights and duties’ or stakeholder
‘capacities and responsibilities’.
In this case it means citizens and
planners trying to understand
the implications of indicator
systems beyond getting excited
or depressed by the placement
of one’s city or community—
high or low—on taken-for-grant
league tables. The emergence of
this basic social competence in
thinking about sustainable devel-
opment requires an open scepti-
cal questioning of both local vi-
sions and the taken-for-granted
meaning of various presentations
of ‘indicators’ of sustainability in
achieving those visions. It entails
relating indicators to a broad
commonsense of liveability in
relation the possible economic,
ecological, political and cultural
consequences of different path-
ways of development.
In this light, any project engag-
ing with people in a city to devel-
op appropriate indicators of sus-
tainability is an ethico-political
project of co-operative practice. It
is a practice best effected in the
intersection of considerations
over how institutions of local and
global governance can work to-
gether. In effect, we are propos-
ing a neo-deliberative approach
to the in-common and ongoing
task of delineating and enact-
ing sustainability as a normative
goal. This contrasts with accept-
ing the Habermasian premise
that deliberation is or can be
freed of value-considerations
and so offer normative criteria
in itself. Rather, the approach
developed here recognizes that a
relative consensus on the norms
or principles that will orient a
city, community or organization
to sustainability needs to be es-
tablished as a point of departure
by those holding different value
commitments as they enter the
debate. This relative consensus
will most often not meet the
standard set by ‘communicative
rationality’. Therefore, interlocu-
tors require a framework like the
one developed here need to man-
age the situation. The task then
of dialogically working together
in a negotiated practice of inter-
secting governance can expose
unsustainable practices, unhelp-
ful relations of power and inap-
propriate ways of valuing things.
In the words of the Regional Van-
couver Urban Observatory, ‘Ur-
ban indicator projects attempt to
create consensus around shared
values and key trends’. 38
The requirement of negotiating
over the effects of implementing
sustainable development prac-
tices—who benefits or loses out,
which institutions or groups are
empowered or disempowered,
103
what kinds of overall benefits
accrue to a city, community or
organization, or what kinds of
losses will be taken on by a city,
community or organization—is
central to their success. To a large
extent, sustainable development
as a societal practice requires the
approval and acceptance of those
it involves. This claim holds in
relation to macro-issues, such as
urban-planning regulations, as
well as micro-issues, such as kerb-
side recycling programs. Without
the involvement and support of
citizens, members and/or work-
ers, sustainable development as a
societal practice will fall short of
its aims. To make this point is not
to ignore or diminish the need
for regulations or even punitive
measures such as restrictions on
resource exploitation or fines for
non-compliance or participation.
It is to suggest that these regula-
tions need to be developed, ne-
gotiated and understood in the
broader context of national-state
and globalizing conditions as
part of a commitment to sustain-
ability.
Indeed, it is the commonalities
and continuities of the social
world—in all their complexities
and abstractions as global rela-
tions, states, cities, communities,
and administrative, legislative,
economic and civil institutions—
that make negotiating the com-
plex intersecting dimensions of
sustainability possible. An ap-
proach which begins at this level
of generality and simultaneously
takes into account, and encour-
ages, critical reflection upon the
differences between cities-in-
place, we suggest, offers much
more than all the high-profile
Appendix
global summits put together,
with their dead-end ‘agreements’
over metrics and levels of unsus-
tainability. 
Appendix 2 Melbourne, Australia
Melbourne is the capital city of
the state of Victoria in the feder-
ated democracy of Australia. The
city has a broad multicultural
population of 3.8 million (2008
Australian Bureau of Statistics
figure) and a built-environment
radiating outwards from a dense-
ly urbanized centre into a region
of massively sprawling suburbs,
peri-urban zones of mixed use,
and then a hinterland of dry-land
farming and bushland. The city is
situated in a temperate climatic
zone, with cool winter-autumns
and longer, warm-to-hot spring-
summer seasons. Historically,
the city emerged out of two proc-
esses. Firstly, in the context of
the British imperial project in
the late-eighteenth century to
displace the indigenous popula-
tion and settle Australia, colonial
efforts in the early-nineteenth
century went into regularizing
the township and relations with
the numerous Aboriginal groups
that already inhabited the area at
the mouth of the Yarra River. Sec-
ondly, Melbourne grew rapidly in
the mid-nineteenth century after
a series of gold rushes. As prima-
ry industries, in particular wool
growing, in the region expanded,
Melbourne became a key global
trading port. In the twentieth
century, Melbourne—along with
Sydney—was central to the in-
dustrialization of Australia. The
city attracted working-class im-
migrants from around the world,
but particularly from southern
Europe and the Balkans in the
immediate post-war period and
then more recently from Vietnam
in the aftermath of the Vietnam
War. Now, Melbourne is an in-
tensely global city that continues
to attract significant numbers of
migrants. The last four censuses
show that between 90 per cent
and 95 per cent of overseas mi-
grants coming to Victoria settle
in Melbourne. Permanent mi-
grants from non-English speak-
ing backgrounds tend to settle
in lower-cost housing in outer
areas, while temporary migrants
such as international students
and wealthier business migrants
from non-English speaking back-
grounds tend to reside close to
the city centre. Metropolitan Mel-
bourne’s population is projected
to increase by 1.8 million people
between 2006 and 2036, growing
to a population of 5.5 million by
the mid-2030s.
Past and Present
In 1803, a colonial party was sent
from Sydney to establish a Brit-
ish presence in Port Phillip Bay.
However, the colonists landed on
the arid and sandy eastern side
of the bay near the present-day
Sorrento, and, after five months
of failure were evacuated. Euro-
pean settlers from Tasmania in
1835 established an agricultural
settlement on the fertile north-
ern side of the Yarra River that
eventually developed into the
present city. The colonial leader
and entrepreneur John Batman
sought out eight ‘chiefs’ of lo-
cal Aboriginal clans in 1835 and
presented them with an assort-
ment of trinkets, axes and blan-
kets, requesting that they sign a
document. Batman held up this
document as a treaty of sale for
600,000 acres of land on which
the city now stands; he boasted
of being ‘the greatest landowner
in the world’. Many Melbourne
residents and descendants of the
Aboriginal groups involved con-
tinue to recognize that the offer-
ing of gifts from Batman was only
for passage through the territory.
The Colonial administration did
104
move to void the deal in 1836,
but news of the new settlement’s
fertile soil spread, and people
continued to arrive until the New
South Wales Governor accepted
the presence of the settlement
and established political control
over the community.
The first urban plan, a grid pattern
similar to that applied to colonial
cities across the world, was estab-
lished in central Melbourne from
1837. Known as Hoddle’s Plan,
the grid differs from the common
North and Central American city
grids only insofar as both north
and south running easements
interpose (major) ‘streets’ with
(minor) ‘lanes’, and they are giv-
en names rather than numbers.
From the early 1850s, Melbourne
went through a period of rapid
and enormous market-driven
economic growth. Rising public
revenues generated by massive
population increase followed the
discovery of gold in central west-
ern Victoria. Key groups arriving
in the period were British, Irish,
United States’ American, Ger-
man and Chinese. The economic
growth was accompanied by a
large-scale construction boom
from the 1860s until 1890 when
the collapse of the global finan-
cial bubble that had been build-
ing for several decades reverber-
ated across the colony. By 1900,
Melbourne was Australia’s indus-
trial centre and a world leader in
the development of what would
later become the ‘social demo-
cratic’ political movement. How-
ever, while the city remained
central to Australian political life
and was the proxy national capi-
tal until 1927, the ensuing eco-
nomic recovery was slow. None-
theless, Melbourne workers were
among the first in the world to
achieve legislation mandating an
eight-hour working day, and in
1908 the ‘Harvester Judgement’
established a minimum wage
standard and industrial relations
law system that was to remain in
place in Australia for one hun-
dred years.
The city did not experience the
‘Roaring Twenties’ phenomenon
to the extent that other large me-
tropolises around the world did.
However, despite entering a pe-
riod of economic stagnation also
experienced at the time by global
‘second cities’ such as Vancouver
and Boston, major public infra-
structure projects were undertak-
en, including the electrification
of the suburban rail and tram
networks and the construction
of a brown-coal-fired electricity
plant. By 1928, Melbourne was
the dominant commercial/admin-
istrative centre of Victoria. It had
a sophisticated electrified public
transport system which was shap-
ing the metropolitan area, with
most of the present-day train and
tram network in place. Owing
to the nature of the land to the
west, Melbourne showed a bias
of development to the south and
east which has been sustained to
the present day.
The global ‘great depression’ of
the 1930s further dampened eco-
nomic growth in the city. Howev-
er, by the 1950s Melbourne’s in-
dustrial production rose with the
global ‘post-war boom’ and again
attracted migrants from around
the world, in particular from the
Mediterranean and Baltic regions.
A spate of feverish ‘moderniza-
tion’ spread across the city’s built
environment in the 1950s, 1960s,
spurred on by high immigration, which is linked to the Tasman
high birth rates, and the desire Sea in the south by a narrow in-
by an increasingly affluent popu- let. The Yarra River, originating
lation for suburban housing. in the upper reaches of the Yarra
Ranges National Park about 240
In the 1970s, as the long econom-
kilometres east, flows out into
ic boom faded, so the growth of
the bay near the city centre. Met-
Melbourne slowed: with high
ropolitan Melbourne stretches
inflation and significant unem-
over an area of 8,831 square kilo-
ployment; with the first rum-
metres and had a population of
blings were coming from OPEC
3.74 million at the time of the
oil-producing countries which
2006 census. Cities with compa-
led to a quadrupling of oil prices;
rable metropolitan spatial and
and with the placement of the
population profiles include the
oral contraceptive pill on the
Vancouver Metro Region (2,877
Medical Benefits List, reducing its
square km) and Greater Boston
cost while increasing its social ac-
(3,680 square km), but depend-
ceptability (fertility rates dropped
ing on where their boundaries
form 2.8 in 1971 to 1.8 in 1981).
are taken to end they do not
It was at this time that the Mel-
have the same spread. Greater
bourne Metropolitan Board of
London, for example, is much
Works published its new met-
smaller at 1,579 km. The inner
ropolitan plan, expanding its
core—formally called the ‘City
planning area and introducing
of Melbourne’—covers an area of
a corridor green-wedge growth.
36.5 square kilometres with an
Ironically the plan was being
estimated resident population in
released as the momentum for
2006 of 81,366 residents.
growth was slowing. Even so, in
1974 the nine-corridor plan was As is the case in Canada and the
cut down to three corridors plus United States, Australia is a ‘set-
two satellite townships. tler society’ where great cultural,
economic and political emphasis
By the turn of the millennium,
has been placed upon private fam-
Melbourne had become a large
ily home-ownership. The ideal of
suburban city. About two-thirds
the domestic ‘quarter-acre block’
of the built-up area had been con-
with home and garden for a nu-
structed since 1945, making it a
clear family has thus entrenched
very different city to somewhere
high levels of demand for low-
like Greater London which had
rise, low-density suburban hous-
ceased its continuous outward
ing. Given ecological considera-
growth around 1945 due to its
tions, important cultural shifts
green belt policy. The Melbourne
are required in relation to the
of 2000 had continued the strong
normality of the single-family oc-
bias to the southeast and east.
cupancy of standalone dwellings
Three-quarters of the population
and the use of private transport
lived east of a line drawn north-
for occupational, business and
Appendix

and into the 1970s, though many
major buildings erected in the
‘gold rush era’ prior to 1890 were
left standing and remain in use
across the central business dis-
trict today. By 1950, Melbourne
had grown out further along the
radiating railways and roads,
south through the city.
Urban Environment
Metropolitan Melbourne is lo-
cated in a temperate zone in the
south-eastern corner of the Aus-
tralian continental land mass. It
is built around Port Phillip Bay
leisure practices.
The hinterland surrounding Mel-
bourne can be divided roughly
into a number of zones. To the
north lies relatively fertile soil
that is suited to a variety of ag-
ricultural uses, while to the west

105
the land is characterized by heavy
clay over basalt which is difficult
to farm, while to the east and
south-east the soils are sandy and
of little agricultural value except
when built up. Further away, the
vast plains of central and western
Victoria have been Australia’s
most fertile agricultural region
since the colonial settlement of
the city. To the east of the city,
massive coal deposits have been
used to fuel electricity generation
in the La Trobe Valley. The Mel-
bourne metropolitan area is the
cultural, political and economic
hub for a number of provincial
centres: the La Trobe Valley to
the east and the cities of Geelong,
Ballarat and Bendigo to the west.
Geelong is a major port and in-
dustrial city on the west coast of
Port Phillip Bay, while the former
gold mining centres of Ballarat
and Bendigo lay inland to the
northwest and are currently ag-
ricultural and service economy
centres. Each of these cities is
linked to Melbourne by rail and
freeway, with some people com-
muting between them and met-
ropolitan Melbourne.
Urban Infrastructure
Most of Melbourne’s building
stock was constructed prior to of-
ficial recognition of the need for
environmentally-sustainable con-
struction methods, which raises
environmental issues especially
in relation to thermal insulation
and water metering in multiple
occupancy dwellings. Melbourne
has an extensive public transport
system, based on rail, tram and
bus networks. Once a publicly-
owned system, the transport serv-
ices are now all privately owned
and managed. Due to population
growth and rising automotive
fuel costs, demand for public
transport services has increased
in recent years. Most of the city’s
major attractions, including mu-
seums, galleries, cinemas and
theatres, as well as its several ma-
jor sporting facilities—swimming
centres, cricket, team-sports and
tennis stadiums—are accessible
by public transport. The Victori-
an Transport Plan sets the direc-
tion for transport planning and
investment to 2020.2
The metropolitan area of Mel-
bourne has thirty public hospitals
and thirteen public health-cen-
tres. The network of Community
Health Services covering the city’s
Eastern, North and West, and
Southern Metropolitan Regions
is recognized as Australia’s most
comprehensive. Melbourne also
hosts a number of internationally-
renowned medical, neuroscience
and biotechnology research insti-
tutions. It has a number of major
research and teaching universi-
ties as well as research centres
for the Commonwealth Scientific
and Industrial Research Organi-
zation (CSIRO) and the Common-
wealth Serum Laboratories (CSL).
Gas and electricity utilities in
Melbourne were privatized in
the mid-1990s. Electricity genera-
tion is highly reliant upon brown
coal-fired power plants in the La
Trobe Valley to the east of the
city. These significant activities in
Victoria and serving Melbourne
contribute to Australia having
one of the highest per capita
greenhouse gas emissions in the
world. The controversial Port
Phillip Bay Channel Deepening
Project, recently completed to en-
able entry of larger shipping ves-
sels to Australia’s largest working
port, has further challenged the
environmental sustainability of
the city. As have two other major
and equally controversial water-
infrastructure projects: the Won-
thaggi Desalination Plant and the
Sugarloaf Pipeline Project, which
centres upon a 70 km pipeline
106
linking the Goulburn River near
Yea to the Sugarloaf Reservoir in
Melbourne’s north-east at a cost
of $750 million. The pipeline will
distribute water to regional Vic-
torian agricultural irrigators and
increase natural flows to water-
courses, while the desalination
plant is intended to supply pota-
ble water to the city. A key envi-
ronmental constraint upon the
growth of the city is the availabil-
ity of fresh water. The experience
of a long-term drought affecting
south-eastern Australia over the
last decade has prompted the
state government to set relatively
stringent binding ‘water restric-
tions’ upon commercial and resi-
dential water-use, but this was
not seen as sufficient.
Housing
Over 75 per cent of dwellings in
the Melbourne metropolitan area
are detached homes, character-
ized by single-family occupancy.
High and medium-density dwell-
ings are concentrated in the inner
areas of the city. The number of
informal dwellings is negligible.
A key environmental issue relat-
ing to housing is that while the
size of households in decreasing
over time, the size of dwellings
is increasing. Both demand for
purchase and rental of all types
of dwelling is extremely high,
and this is set to continue into
the future. As is the case across
the rest of Australia, private own-
ership of dwellings, typically fi-
nanced by twenty–thirty-year
term mortgage loans, is the pri-
mary and popular means of ob-
taining a dwelling. High-density
public housing makes up only a
small percentage of dwellings,
and these are concentrated in
the inner areas of the city. Pub-
lic housing is spread across the
middle and outer areas and com-
prises largely of single family oc-
cupancy dwellings.
Politics
At the municipal level, Metropoli- the electoral process is compulso- to address disadvantage and pro-
tan Melbourne is administratively ry for all adult citizens eighteen- mote inclusion and participa-
and politically divided into thirty- years-old and over, and non-com- tion.3 Almost all local councils
one local government regions. Of pliance is penalized by a fine. The in the metropolitan area have de-
these, twenty-six are designated city’s main broadsheet, The Age, veloped and implemented social
‘cities’ and five are ‘shires’. The hosts regular discussion of ur- inclusion policies that are spe-
City of Melbourne is the most ban political, cultural, economic cifically designed to address the
prominent among these. Local and environmental issues, as do needs of particular neighbour-
councils are largely responsible city area-based newspapers such hoods or districts.
for planning and waste manage- as The Melbourne Times. Local
ment within their geographical councils across the metropolitan Informal Political Systems
areas, and also provide library region frequently host commu- Large business groupings, trades
and public information services, nity forums and public consulta- unions and social and environ-
with the local ‘town hall’ often tions on planning, environmental mental organizations are based
doubling as a community centre. and social issues. Agencies of the in the city, and are vocal on many
Metropolitan and state-wide gov- State Government regularly un- urban issues. These include the
ernance is the responsibility of dertake community engagement peak body representing Austral-
the Victorian
State Govern-
ment. This in-
cludes respon-
sibility for
metropolitan
and state-wide
land use and
transport plan-
ning and im-
plementation,
public trans-
port, main
roads, traffic
control, polic-
ing, primary,
secondary and
in part, terti-
ary education,
healthcare
and planning
for major in-
frastructure
Urban life in Melbourne, Australia
projects. Of
the eighty-eight state electoral in relation to a vast range of plan- ian corporations, the Business
districts in Victoria, fifty-five are ning, development, infrastruc- Council of Australia, the peak
in metropolitan Melbourne. The ture and other issues, and such body representing Australian
Australian Federal Government engagement is also sometimes a workers, the Australian Council
holds responsibility for national feature of Federal political issues. of Trades Unions, the Australian
matters, including the majority of Politically-motivated violence Conservation Foundation, the
taxation issues, and twenty-one is largely unknown. While rela- United Nations Global Compact
Appendix

federal electorates lay within the tively minor corruption scandals Cities Programme, the influential
Melbourne metropolitan area. periodically erupt at the level of quango Environment Victoria,
local government, politics in the and a large local chapter of the
Citizen Participation city are on the whole transparent global environmental organiza-
As with all federal, state and lo- and in accordance with liberal- tion Friends of the Earth. In keep-
cal council elections in the Com- democratic principles. The State ing with Melbourne’s diversity
monwealth of Australia, voter Government’s A Fairer Victoria of cultures, the city is home to a
registration and participation in social policy action plan seeks strong and influential group of

107
ethnic and cultural organizations
dedicated to advancing the politi-
cal and cultural interests of their
members. Key forums for these
groups are hosted by the Victo-
rian Multicultural Commission
and Multicultural Arts Victoria.
Land-Tenure System
Within the metropolitan area,
residential land-use makes up 47
per cent, most of which is private-
ly-held freehold properties with
some social (state-owned) hous-
ing, and followed by industrial
use, public parks and conserva-
tion areas. Commonwealth-con-
trolled land has declined signifi-
cantly over the last fifty years,
and accounts for only 0.5 per
cent of land-use. The proportion
of land dedicated to conservation
and parkland in the expanding
city has declined over this pe-
riod, even though the area occu-
pied by such land has increased
threefold. The size of the city
itself—the sum of all land-use
areas combined—has increased
fourfold since 1951. Debates over
political issues continue shape
the social and built environment
across the metropolis, especially
in relation to mitigation of and
adaptation to climate change.
Culture
The area now occupied by the
city had for about 40,000 years
been inhabited by Aboriginal
peoples, primarily of the Wur-
undjeri-Willam, Boonwurrung
and Wathaurong tribes, and was
an important meeting place for
several Kulin clans. Aboriginal
Australians continue to have a
significant presence in the city,
especially in inner northern and
western suburbs. In metropolitan
Melbourne, 29 per cent of resi-
dents were born overseas, with
26 per cent of residents in met-
ropolitan Melbourne speaking a
language other than English at
home (based on 2006 census fig-
ures).
The city is home to significant
British, Italian, Vietnamese,
Chinese, New Zealand, Greek,
Indian, Sri Lankan, Malaysian,
Croatian, German, Maltese, South
African, Macedonian, Hong Kong
Chinese, Polish, Pilipino, Leba-
nese, Dutch and Bosnian-born
residents, as well as increasing
numbers of persons born in the
Horn of Africa countries and the
Sudan. The city is home to large
Italian, Greek, Maltese, Vietnam-
ese and Chinese communities.
A large influx of Europeans of
Jewish faith also arrived in Mel-
bourne in these decades, making
a major global centre of Judaic
culture. The city hosts a number
of refugee-immigrant communi-
ties. In the late 1960s and into
the 1970s, large groups of refu-
gee-immigrants arrived from the
Lebanon and Vietnam, and more
recently have settled in the city
from the Sudan and Horn of Af-
rica countries. Melbourne is also
home to large Orthodox Chris-
tian communities from various
nations, and communities from
each of the major Islamic tradi-
tions. Although the phenome-
non of ethnic enclaving has not
been apparent in the city, several
different areas of Melbourne pos-
sess a distinctive character that is
linked to a particular culture.
Languages other than English
spoken at home across the city in-
clude, in declining order, Italian,
Greek, Chinese, Vietnamese, Ara-
bic, Macedonian, Turkish, Span-
ish, Croatian, Maltese, Polish,
Tagalog, German, Serbian, Rus-
sian, Sinhalese, Hindi, French,
Indonesian, Khmer, Hungarian,
Tamil, Netherlandic, Persian, Jap-
anese, South Slavonic, Samoan,
Portuguese and Korean (2001 fig-
ures).
108
Educational Attainment
According to figures in the ABS
2006 Census for the Melbourne
area, 15,216 males and 37,677 fe-
males had no formal school edu-
cation; 93,092 males and 214,901
females had only primary school
education; while 652,231 males
and 702,737 females had com-
pleted the highest level of high
school. It is estimated that the
relatively high overall numbers
of people with only primary or no
educational attainment, and the
high proportion of these people
who are female, (practically 2:1)
is a condition of the city’s high
migrant and refugee population.
Such estimates are supported by
the inverse figures for higher-
education attainment, where
fractionally more females than
males hold university or higher
degrees, which suggests that es-
tablished groups are more likely
to attend university than recent
arrivals.
Education infrastructure across
the city is well developed by
world standards. Melbourne has
837 government schools and ap-
proximately 600 religious and
independent schools. There are
eight main university campuses
in the metropolitan area: the
University of Melbourne, Monash
University, the Royal Melbourne
Institute of Technology Univer-
sity, La Trobe University, Deakin
University, the Swinburne Uni-
versity of Technology, Victoria
University and the Australian
Catholic University. Other uni-
versities with a presence in the
city include Ballarat, Central
Queensland, Charles Sturt and
James Cook universities, which
cater primarily for international
students.
Celebration, Events and Rituals
Melbourne hosted the 1956 Ol-
ympic Games, an event which is
widely seen as the city’s ‘intro-
duction to the world’. Other ma-
jor events in the city that attract
international audiences are the
horse-racing Melbourne Cup and
associated Spring Racing Carni-
val, the automotive Melbourne
Grand Prix and the Melbourne
Open Tennis Tournament. Mel-
bournians are avid observers and
participants in a range of sports.
The Melbourne Cricket Ground
hosts an international test match
every Boxing Day (26 December).
Melbourne is both the historical
home of Australian Rules foot-
ball, which is played profession-
ally in front of large crowds from
March until September. The city
also hosts a professional Rugby
League football team, which
plays in the National Rugby
League competition from March
to September. Melbourne hosts a
professional Association Football
(soccer) team, which plays in the
national A-League competition
from August to March. Across
Melbourne throughout the year,
people play all of these sports,
as well as highly popular net-
ball, golf, hockey and basketball
games, at local fields and parks.
Regular events include the
ANZAC Day Memorial March, a
national day of remembrance
commemorating the contribu-
tions and sacrifices of Austral-
ian military service men and
women. Public cultural events
held in Melbourne include the
International Film Festival, Writ-
ers’ Festival, the city is a UNESCO
City of Literature, an Interna-
tional Comedy Festival and, the
city is frequently ranked among
the ‘world’s most liveable cities’
by commercial ratings agencies.
Melbourne hosts the Moomba
Parade in May each year, a com-
mercially-driven parade (once
controversially) organized by city
businesses in the 1950s to coin-
cide with May Day celebrations.
It has since largely displaced the
original celebration. The Royal
Agricultural Show presents re-
gional agricultural products to
the city in a carnival atmosphere
in March-April and the Melbourne
International Flower and Garden
Show provides a forum for the
city’s gardeners. Multicultural
events include the Greek Antipo-
des Festival, the Melbourne Ital-
ian Festa, the Asian Food Festi-
val and Australian Chinese New
Year Celebrations which centre
upon the city’s long-established
Chinatown. The city has around
5,000 cafés and restaurants, and
hundreds of bars and nightclubs
are scattered across the inner city
and middle sectors of the metro-
politan area, largely around ex-
isting public transport hubs.
Melbourne has many commercial
popular music and talk-based ra-
dio stations, as well as a number
of uniquely popular, well-sup-
ported community (public) radio
stations offering popular and clas-
sical music. Attending live music
events is a popular pastime, and
large sports stadiums regularly
host international touring popu-
lar musicians, while a number of
dedicated venues and bars host
performances by classical, jazz
and popular artists.
Economy
Like Australia as a whole, the
prevailing economic system in
Melbourne is a regulated capital-
ist market, jointly overseen by
the federal and state-level gov-
ernments. Although economic
activity across the metropolis is
widely dispersed and divergent,
the city can be divided into three
broad spatial sectors. The inner-
city areas are characterized by
the predominance of finance,
banking and high-level services
industries, the ‘middle sector’ is
characterized by manufacturing
and services; the ‘outer areas’
by manufacturing, services and
small-scale agriculture, such as
market gardens. Although set to
change under the influence of
109
Melbourne@5million, the Cen-
tral Business District located in
the City of Melbourne council
area remains the focal point for
the economy of the metropo-
lis. The GDP per capita for Mel-
bourne at the end of 2008 was
USD$30,700, with an overall GDP
of USD$611.7 billion.
Labour Markets and Work
The Melbourne metropolitan area
represents a significant financial
centre not only for Australia, but
also for the wider Asia-Pacific
rim, containing the headquarters
of several large banks and corpo-
rations, and important manufac-
turing industries. The sea-port
is Australia’s largest with US$75
billion’s worth of trade moving
through it annually. Melbourne’s
ICT industry employs more than
a third of Australia’s workforce
in this sector and generates high
rates of turnover and export
revenue. The major sources of
employment in Melbourne are
property and business services,
finance and investment services,
and retail services, transport and
storage, accommodation and ca-
fes, manufacturing, and whole-
sale trade. Most businesses in Mel-
bourne employ less than twenty
people, and only 1 per cent em-
ploys more than 200 people.
Overall labour-force participa-
tion varies across the metropolis,
from 18 per cent to 69 per cent
depending on the local govern-
ment area, while female par-
ticipation (which is more likely
to be part-time) varies from 42
per cent to 49 per cent. As with
the rest of Australia, anecdotal
evidence suggests that the in-
Appendix
formal sector centres upon part-
time, often student and female
employment in bars, cafes and
other small service sectors of the
economy. The unemployment
rate across Melbourne is around
4.5 per cent (2008 figures), which
is close to the national average.
Unlike comparable North Ameri-
can and European cities, but like
other Australian cities, spatially-
concentrated poverty and social
dislocation are highest on the
peri-urban fringes. Inner city ar-
eas are largely areas of high per
capita wealth, yet concentrations
of homelessness in the CBD do
exist.
Ecology
Melbourne has extensive park-
land and reserves of various sizes
throughout the metropolitan
area to protect ecosystems and to
provide recreational opportuni-
ties. Melbourne 2030 designates
twelve ‘Green Wedges’ for pro-
tection from inappropriate devel-
opment. The Green Wedges were
once designated as spaces that
cut into the greater city bound-
ary; now, much less impres-
sively, they designate non-urban
areas that surround the built-up
urban areas. The government has
announced in 2009 that it will
establish a 15,000 hectare grass-
land reservation to protect some
of the world’s largest remaining
concentration of Volcanic Plains
Grasslands, as well as a range
of other habitat types including
wetlands, riparian habitats and
scattered open grassy woodlands.
While this sounds good on the
face of it, the announcement was
made in the context of a decision
to extend dramatically the urban
growth boundary across these
open areas. It is estimated that
less than one-third of native vege-
tation remains in the metropolis,
with approximately one-third of
what remains situated on private
property. There are over eighty in-
troduced plant-species that cause
significant damage to waterways
in the metropolis. Natural areas
at risk form an arc across the
middle sector from west to east,
and the outer south-east.
Environmental impacts
monitoring system
In Australia, state of the environ-
ment (SoE) reporting occurs at
both the national and state/terri-
tory level. National reports pro-
vide information about environ-
mental and heritage conditions,
trends and pressures for the
Australian continent, surround-
ing seas and Australia’s external
territories. Victoria’s comprehen-
sive SoE Report delivered by the
Commissioner for Environmen-
tal Sustainability in Victoria in
2008, covers a wide range of is-
sues from details on the status of
Victoria’s natural environment to
the impacts of consumption and
an analysis of climate change.
The Melbourne 2030 strategy sets
out nine criteria for measuring
and assessing the environmental
impacts of planning and devel-
opment across the metropolis:
ensure that water resources are
managed in a sustainable way;
reduce the amount of waste gen-
erated and encourage increased
reuse and recycling of waste ma-
terials; contribute to national and
international efforts to reduce
energy usage and greenhouse gas
emissions; reduce the impact of
stormwater on bays and catch-
ments; protect ground water and
land resources; ensure that land-
use and transport planning and
infrastructure provision contrib-
ute to improved air quality; pro-
tect native habitat and areas of
important biodiversity through
appropriate land-use planning;
promote the concept of sustain-
ability and develop benchmarks
to measure progress; and, lead by
example in environmental man-
agement.
The most important ecological
trend is the climate change prob-
lem itself, and the response by
110
city institutions and citizens to
it. Given continued dry weather,
water-usage patterns are of para-
mount concern, and efforts to
rein in water-consumption rates
by industry and householders
will shape metropolitan growth
and change in the future. Simi-
larly, efforts to reduce emissions
from transport and electricity
generation will also shape the
metropolis. To a lesser yet still
important extent, the need to
address hard-waste ‘landfill’ and
damage to waterways, flora and
fauna will emerge as other key
drivers of change.
It is estimated that the Ecological
Footprint for those living in the
Melbourne metropolitan area is
4.5 hectares per person, which is
3.5 times the global average per
person. Average temperatures
are predicted to increase by 0.7o
Celsius over the next 65 years.
Waterways and storage dams to
the east of the city supply most
of the potable water to 75 per
cent of the population, and are
currently under severe pressure.
Motor transport is a major con-
tributor to airborne pollution
across the city, and mortality due
to airborne pollutants is higher
than that attributed to vehicle ac-
cidents.
It is questionable whether or not
Melbourne@5Million provides
a plan that can respond to this
complexity. It has included a
number of refinements to Mel-
bourne 2030:
›› Designation of six new Cen-
tral Activities Districts with
functions like Melbourne’s
Central Business District;
›› Employment corridors to im-
prove accessibility to jobs
and services and reduce con-
gestion on the transport net-
work;
›› Provision for 600,000 new
dwellings by 2026, with estab-
lished areas to accommodate
 53 per cent and growth areas
to accommodate 47 per cent
of new dwellings;
›› Proposals to extend growth
areas with a focus on the
north and west to accom-
modate future population
growth and align with signif-
icant transport projects, with
proposals set out in Deliver-
ing Melbourne’s Newest Sus-
tainable Communities (June
2009);
›› More efficient use of green-
field land with a target of fif-
teen dwellings per hectare;
›› Creation of two grassland pro-
tected areas in Melbourne’s
west.
Conclusions About the
Present
Melbourne, like metropolitan
regions across the globe, is con-
fronting the challenge of provid-
ing for substantial population
growth in an economically, eco-
logically, politically and cultur-
ally responsible manner. The
approach to managing growth
is sometimes characterized as a
choice between the extremes of
‘urban sprawl’ or ‘high density
towers’ across suburbia. Within
these extremes, urban sprawl is
sometimes characterized as being
associated with poor transporta-
tion options, neighbourhoods
that are not pedestrian-friendly,
loss of valued non-urban land,
and associated environmental
and health impacts. However,
restricting land supply is also
criticized for the impact it has on
housing affordability and hous-
ing choice. At the same time,
there is community concern re-
garding the impacts of intensifi-
cation on existing urban amenity
and the greater complexity of de-
veloping housing amongst exist-
ing urban fabric.
Finding a path through these chal-
lenging issues and the extremes
of views represents a significant
challenge. While Melbourne 2030
included a focus on getting more
housing and development into
established areas, it also decided
politically that there would con-
tinue to be a need to provide for
some outward growth. Substan-
tial effort has been focused on
growth area planning since the
release of Melbourne 2030 and
has included undertaking long-
term planning for growth areas
and establishing a Growth Areas
Authority to work in partnership
with local councils, developers
and infrastructure providers to
ensure effective co-ordination of
growth area planning, infrastruc-
ture and service provision. This
has also included a new empha-
sis on precinct structure plan-
ning which involves designing
new residential and employment
areas on a suburb-by-suburb ba-
sis that allows much better inte-
gration of planning, with better
infrastructure coordination and
more efficient use of land and
community expenditure. Despite
this, Melbourne has continued to
grow more unsustainable.
Household growth over the first
five years of Melbourne 2030 im-
plementation has been broadly
in line with what was antici-
pated with dwelling approvals
at strategic redevelopment sites
increasing from 25 per cent in
2001–2002 to 28 per cent in
2004–2005; and 48.3 per cent of
household growth between 2001
and 2006 accommodated through
green-field development. Howev-
er, recently-released population
projections (which will see an ad-
ditional 600,000 dwellings need-
ed in metropolitan Melbourne
between 2006 and 2026), togeth-
er with land-use and transport
modelling, have indicated that
the city faces severe pressures.
In 2006, 1.86 million people had
jobs in Melbourne. This is expect-
111
ed to grow to nearly 3 million
in 2036. Most of these jobs are
located in central and inner Mel-
bourne, with a jobs’ ratio of more
than three local jobs for every
resident of working age. This ra-
tio drops to 0.7 in Melbourne’s
west and 0.8 in Melbourne’s east.
The imbalance between the lo-
cation of jobs and where people
live is increasing congestion on
the transport networks in the
inner and middle suburbs. The
predominance of single-direc-
tion travel during morning and
evening peaks congests roads and
public transport. Outer-suburban
dwellers experience long com-
mute times and are much more
likely to use cars as their primary
means of travel.
Melbourne Critical
Reference Group
Caroline Bayliss (GCCP), Assoc.
Prof. Meg Holden (Urban Stud-
ies and Geography, Simon Fra-
ser University), Alex Fearnside
(City of Melbourne), Prof. Paul
James (Global Cities Institute,
RMIT), Ms Liz Johnstone (Munici-
pal Association of Victoria), Mary
Lewin (International Congress of
Metropolis), Stephanie McCarthy
(GCCP), Prof. Mike Salvaris (Ad-
junct Professor GSS&P, RMIT), Dr
Andy Scerri (Global Cities Insti-
tute, RMIT) Dom Tassone (State
Government of Victoria), Wayne
Wescott, (formerly of the Inter-
national Council for Local Envi-
ronments Initiative, ICLEI)), An-
drew Wisdom (ARUP), Prof. John
Wiseman (Director, McCaughey
Centre, University of Melbourne),
Sally Capp (Formerly Director of
the Committee for Melbourne).
The text is by Paul James and
Appendix
Andy Scerri, with thanks also to
Liam Magee, Martin Mulligan,
Heikki Patomäki, and Supriya
Singh. 
Appendix 3 Le Havre, France. Sustainable Tourism in the Seine Estuary

The City of Le Havre is a UNESCO 2009. All these projects show that of sustainable tourism at a local
World Heritage site located in the Estuary is aiming to show regional level. The city believed
the Seine Estuary. The city is con-
stituted by old and new zones,
industrial and ecologically-pro-
tected areas. The Estuary is the
largest such complex in north-
west France and one of the larg-
est in Europe. The Seine Estuary
has an international port, Grand
Port Maritime du Havre, which
forms the base of a strong eco-
nomic activity but detracts from
the region’s attractiveness. Mari-
time activity is significant, and
the port is flanked by a large in-
dustrial zone and agricultural ar-
eas.
The region has an abundance of
natural and built assets that of-
fer significant potential for use
by local communities and tourist
populations. These include rich
natural spaces: the Nature Re-
serve of the Estuary and the Re-
gional Nature Park of the Boucles
de Seine Normande (the Bends in
the Normandy Seine); a coastal
zone with a strong tourist tradi-
tion (Deauville, Trouville-sur-
Mer, Honfleur, Etretat); and mod-
ern architectural sites (the centre Figure 24 Connections between the Tourist Sites across the Estuary
of Le Havre) and ancient ones
(the abbeys of the Seine Valley,
that a large industrial port area that the development of a coher-
and numerous chateaux), as well
can co-exist with natural areas ent and structured tourism strat-
as remarkable structures such as
and sustainable tourism. In the egy was necessary to meet the de-
the Pont de Normandie (Norman-
end, the very diversity and origi- mands of the tourist population.
dy Bridge).
nality of the Seine Estuary lie in
A major focus of the proposed
Communities in the Seine Estuary all these differences.
project is the revitalization of the
share common tourism objectives
Engagement in the Cities industrial areas and the encour-
and the region is also the target of
aging of other uses such as edu-
major sustainable development Programme cational and sporting activities. A
projects, such as the EANA, Terre
In March 2006, the City of Le Ha- main challenge is for city leaders
des Possibles Park, which opened
vre joined the UN Global Compact to communicate a positive mes-
in June 2008 in Gruchet le Val-
Cities Programme with the objec- sage to the local residents and
asse, and the Sea and Sustainable
tive of developing sustainable tourists.
Development Centre in Le Ha-
vre, whose construction began in tourism. Mr Antoine Rufenacht, Key issues that drove Le Havre’s
Mayor of Le Havre, proposed that engagement were framed by the
the project work across the whole following questions:
Seine Estuary. Le Havre was deter-
mined to investigate the theme ›› How best can the political,
technical and socio-profes-

112
 sional players and the resi-
dents of the Seine Estuary
be organized and brought to-
gether to make this territory
more visible and more attrac-
tive?
›› How can the Seine estuary be
made into a recognized tour-
ist destination?
›› What is the most appropriate
way for the tourist strategy to
be based on the principles of
sustainable development, and
how can the sustainability of
the region be improved and
promoted in a coherent man-
ner?
The Sustainable Tourism Project
aims to make the Seine Estuary
into a tourist destination at a
regional, national and interna-
tional level. It aims to improve
and promote the tourism oppor-
tunities and related sustainable
tourism initiatives. It attempts to
integrate land-use and transpor-
tation in the Seine Estuary so that
tourists and locals can use either
public transport or less polluting
modes of transport to get from
one site to another. It sets out to
construct and promote the tour-
ism opportunities of the Estuary
by encouraging the development
of water-sports, leisure activities
connected with the coast, as well
as those concerning the interior
of the Estuary territory and its
countryside.
The Local Secretariat
The territory is divided into sever-
al levels of organization: regions,
departments, inter-communal-
ities (communities of several
towns), and municipalities. The
Agence d’Urbanisme de la Région
du Havre (the Urban Planning
Agency of the Le Havre region)
which acts as secretariat for the
Comité des Elus de l’Estuaire, has
been charged with this project.
A technical working group came
together, comprising the Chargés
de Mission Tourism of the five
areas of the territory (Le Havre
Pointe de Caux Estuaire, Hautes
Falaises, Caux Vallée de Seine,
Risle Estuaire, Pays d’Auge), the
persons responsible for tourism
in the Conseils Generaux, the per-
sons responsible for tourism in
the Conseils Régionaux, the Man-
agers of the Tourist offices (Le Ha-
vre, Honfleur, Etretat, Deauville,
Fécamp, Pont-Audemer), and the
local federations and syndicates
of stakeholders in tourism. The
public stakeholders engaged in
the project are numerous. The
private sector is represented by
the providers of accommodation
and restaurant-owners interested
in the economic impetus con-
nected with sustainable tourism.
Local sports clubs and other asso-
ciations represent the civil sector.
A full list of participants is avail-
able on the Cities Programme
website.
Implementation
In 2007, the Local Secretariat
questioned the community’s un-
derstanding of the term ‘sustain-
able tourism’. It confirmed that
whilst people had a good under-
standing of the environmental
dimension of sustainability, the
economic and culture domains
of sustainability were not well
recognized. The impetus for the
project was given by the Comité
des Elus de l’Estuaire, an informal
structure of elected politicians
of the Estuary which regularly
meets concerning various issues.
The technical working group is
responsible for implementation.
Besides this, a limited critical ref-
erence group (a political steering
group) has been recently consti-
tuted. Composed of part of the
elected politicians of the Comité
de l’Estuaire, it carries out a regu-
lar monitoring of the dossier and
validates the stages of it.
Two stages have been accom-
plished. Firstly in the summer
113
of 2007 an inventory of the in-
stallations for receiving tourists
(restaurants and providers of ac-
commodation) was developed, in
order to analyse their attributes
against the criteria for sustaina-
ble tourism—ecological, econom-
ic, cultural and political.
The Local Secretariat worked with
a number of hypotheses: that
sustainable tourism is not a new
form of tourism; that it entails an
emphasis on quality which must
be supported by professionals
in the industry; and that the ap-
proach need not have as one of its
objectives to create an additional
label of sustainability but rather
should seek to enhance the ex-
isting certifications so as to lead
participants to further progress.
After the first stage of considera-
tion the following conclusions
were drawn:
›› That the current sustainabili-
ty labels were not adequate in
covering the broad criteria of
sustainable tourism;
›› That the environmental do-
main was the best represent-
ed of the various domains of
sustainability; and
›› That issues across the eco-
nomic, political and cultural
domains tended to be treat-
ed as background considera-
tions, with the exception of
the issue of ‘tourism and dis-
ability’.
The second stage of the project,
conducted across the summer of
2008, involved the distribution
of a questionnaire on sustainable
tourism to all the accommodation
providers and restaurant owners
in the Estuary so as to obtain a
Appendix
benchmark for the quality ap-
proaches undertaken. While the
main objective was to better un-
derstand the realities of the situa-
tion in terms of tourist establish-
ments, there were a number of
ancillary objectives:
 ›› To inform the tourism pro- to sustainable tourism. However, ist centres, public transport lines,
fessionals about the notion of they considered that they lacked the rambler circuits, the bicycle
‘sustainable tourism’ and to information on the big projects paths, the bicycle-hire stations;
make them aware of the wide for the territory and regretted the the existing theme circuits (the
interest in undertaking steps low level of training and the lack Cottages Route, the Cider Route
of this type; of awareness. They also expressed and so on). These nodes and lines
a desire for more personalized of connection were mapped in
›› To propose to the tourism pro-
relation to each other
fessionals lines
with the map high-
of action easily
lighting the existing
achieved, and to
efficient connections,
incite them to
the not-so-efficient
take on activities
connections, and the
of sustainable
inadequate or non-
tourism; and
existent connections.
›› To identify the
best positioned Promoting the
establishments, Tourist Offerings
and to under-
stand how best to The project con-
promote their ac- fronted obstacles to
tivities. the implementation
of the project which
The thirty questions stemmed mostly
in the questionnaire from the multiplicity
were grouped under of stakeholders, the
five topics: energy diversity of the par-
and water, waste ticipating organiza-
and refuse, land and tions, and the differ-
countryside, eco- ent competencies of
consumption and the industry profes-
transport, and other sionals. Stakeholders
social aspects. About were dispersed across
200 questionnaires both banks of the
were returned to the Seine, and getting
Agence d’Urbanisme political validation
de la Région Havraise by each stakeholder
(AURH). The results has not been straight-
of the questionnaire forward.
showed that the Seine Estuary tourism map. Imaged sourced: Local Secre-
providers of accom- tariat, City of Le Havre, France Two principles of
modation holding a complementarity and
‘sustainability’ label were more support in their steps towards coherence have guided the pro-
sensitive to the projects falling in improvement. Finally the survey motional campaigns for the tour-
the field of sustainable tourism. indicated a real need for improve- ist offerings across the Estuary
Hence 73 per cent of the replies ment in the public transport net- and helped to overcome obsta-
came from labelled establish- work and alternative transport in cles. Two promotional operations
ments. the Seine Estuary. were carried out: a public forum
on sustainable development and
The survey showed that 90 per Movements and the ‘Destination Estuary’ opera-
cent of industry professionals said
Inter-modal Transport tion. These two events constitute
that they felt concerned, or even the high points of the project.
very interested by the approaches A diagnostic investigation across The first edition of Destination
the Estuary region was carried
Estuary organized met with a
out by AURH on transport and
real success and brought together
mobility. It took into account
the five Countries of the Seine Es-
the main tourist offerings, tour-
tuary. Each of the Countries was

114
provided with a dedicated space
for the promotion of its territory
and its attractions. The exhibition
also provided a transversal space
with round tables organized.
The Sustainable Tourism forum
on 30 October 2007 brought to-
gether the stakeholders in tour-
ism at the same time as the
Transat Jacques Vabre was being
held in Le Havre. The day was or-
ganized with round tables on sev-
eral topics:
›› Sustainable tourism, a shared
definition;
›› Successful French experienc-
es in matters of sustainable
tourism;
›› Achievements and projects
for sustainable tourism in the
Seine Estuary; and
›› Concrete actions for the
project of sustainable tourism
in the Seine Estuary.
The second edition of the ‘Desti-
nation Estuary’ was held across
8–10 May 2009 in the Suspend-
ed Gardens of Le Havre in the
form of an exhibition. It had the
following objectives:
›› To present the tourist prod-
ucts and advantages of the
Estuary to the inhabitants of
the territory;
›› To promote tourist sites, prod-
ucts and advantages which
fall into the context of sus-
tainable tourism;
›› To promote the big sustaina-
bility projects of the territory;
and
›› To unveil the wealth and di-
versity of the Estuary to visi-
tors, to persuade them of the
interest of this territory as
a destination, and to entice
them to come and stay again.
Prospects of the Project
As the project goes forward we
have set ourselves the following
tasks:
Action 1: Develop the Offerings
of Sustainable Tourism
›› Enhance the sensitivity of the
accommodat ion-prov iders
and restaurant owners to sus-
tainable tourism through the
services of the tourist offices.
The objective here is to incite
industry professionals to un-
dertake a sustainable tour-
ism approach through such
activities as selective sorting
of refuse, economies of water
and energy-use, better insula-
tion, and so on;
›› Organize training courses in
sustainable tourism for the ac-
commodation-providers and
restaurant-owners in the ter-
ritory. The implementation of
this item of the project would
be achieved by calling on the
services of the Chambers of
Commerce of the Estuary;
›› Design an internet page ded-
icated to sustainable tourism
which would be identical for
all the partners. This page
would have the aim of inform-
ing the accommodation-pro-
viders and restaurant-owners
about sustainable tourism.
It would include three parts:
general information on sus-
tainable tourism; the existing
courses on sustainable tour-
ism; and the subsidies which
the industry could claim;
›› Draw attention to the sus-
tainable tourism approach. It
is notably envisaged to draw
up a tourist map on which
would be listed the tourist
sites, the ramblers paths, the
bicycle hire stations, and the
establishments implicated
in a sustainable tourism ap-
proach. This map would be
made available to tourists in
the Tourist Offices; and
›› Continue the work on im-
115
proving the transport net-
work already started with the
partners of the project—in-
terurban buses, road and rail
networks.
Action 2: Enhance the
Sustainability of Movement
across the Seine Estuary
›› Set up a river-sea shuttle-serv-
ice between the towns of Hon-
fleur, Deauville/Trouville and
Le Havre. A study carried out
during the summer of 2008
showed a real demand from
the population. A second
study on the financial feasi-
bility of this project is under-
way. The first results should
be known during the summer
of 2009. These first two stud-
ies have been financed by the
four local government bod-
ies concerned. Besides this, a
think-tank is working on the
development of a river-service
between Le Havre and Caude-
bec-en-Caux;
›› Launch a study on creating
a network of bicycle-hire sta-
tions. The objective here is to
be able to take out a bicycle
from one station and return it
to any other station in the ter-
ritory of the Estuary. The cre-
ation of an inter-modal tariff
structure is also planned.
›› Drawing up a concrete action
programme regarding the im-
provement of the transport
system in the Seine Estuary.
Action 3: Promote the
Tourist Offerings
After the second edition of the
‘Destination Estuary’ operation,
Appendix
other promotional actions for the
tourist offer are envisaged, in the
form of roving exhibitions organ-
ized in the Estuary region or, on
other occasions, on a national or
even international scale.
Appendix 4 San Francisco, USA
The City of San Francisco—the
densely populated financial core
of the metropolitan region—has
a population is 808,000 people
(July 2008), while the San Fran-
cisco Bay Area comprises approx-
imately 7.4 million people in the
surrounding 100 cities and nine
counties. The City’s growth was
fairly gradual, starting with the
gold rush of the 1848 and stead-
ily increasing over the following
century. During the involvement
of the United States in World War
II (1941-1945), the city was strate-
gically located as a final domestic
destination for soldiers and ma-
terials en route to the Pacific. The
end of the war coincided with the
repeal of the Chinese Exclusion
Act in 1943, after which many
previously restricted Chinese im-
migrated to the Bay Area and set-
tled in the now culturally vibrant
Chinatown neighborhood, the
oldest and largest in the country.
San Francisco is one of the most
culturally diverse cities in the
United States. According to the
census figures for 2007, about
45 per cent of the population is
White, 33 per cent Asian, 14 per
cent Hispanic or Latino (of any
race), and 7 per cent African-
American. This rich cultural her-
itage is further exemplified by
the fact that over one-third of the
city’s residents were born outside
the country, reiterating Califor-
nia’s immigrant history and rep-
utation. Because San Francisco is
rooted in international commerce
and culture, over 112 languages
are spoken in Bay Area homes.39
Urban Environment
San Francisco’s personality is
characterized by its topography.
In the approximately forty-nine
square miles of the city there
are over fifty hills: the tallest,
Mount Davidson, rises 242 me-
ters above sea level. The rise and
fall of city streets have inspired
San Francisco’s unique and in-
novative architectural designs in
its building-stock and municipal
infrastructure. Most important,
however, is San Francisco’s prox-
imity to water. It is a peninsula
surrounded by bay and ocean. Be-
cause of this, the threats posed by
global climate change—intensifi-
cation of Pacific storms, increased
temperatures leading to sea-level
rise and growing drought condi-
tions—must be treated with re-
doubled sobriety and focus.
On a local level, many neigh-
borhoods, such as the Marina,
North Beach, Hunters Point and
Mission Bay, are built on infill.
While at a particularly high risk
of damage from seismic activity,
these areas are also most at risk
to be affected by sea-level rise.
For this reason, it is imperative
that San Francisco remains at the
forefront of addressing the crisis
at a local level and influencing
regional bodies to take the neces-
sary steps as well. In the Project
Profile below, we will discuss the
local role the Business Council on
Climate Change plays on address-
ing the risks of sea-level rise and
climate change.
Politics
The United States has four main
levels of government: federal,
state, county, and city. Both the
State of California and the US
federal government maintain a
republic form of government,
with legislative, executive, and
judicial branches equally rep-
resented. The San Francisco Bay
Area consists of nine counties
and a number of cities, including
116
large urban centers like Oakland,
Berkeley and San Jose. San Fran-
cisco, however, is unusual in be-
ing both a city and a county, with
co-equal legislative and executive
branches.
The San Francisco Bay Area has
a long history of environmental
leadership. Numerous national
and international environmen-
tal NGO’s are headquartered in
the Bay Area, and San Francisco’s
mayor Gavin Newsom has cham-
pioned environmental justice as
one of his administration’s top
priorities. In June 2005, Mayor
Newsom hosted representatives
from fifty cities across the globe
at the annual United Nations
World Environment Day confer-
ence. Attendees signed the Urban
Environmental Accords, which
sought to ‘provide leadership to
develop truly sustainable urban
centers based on culturally and
economically appropriately local
actions’.40 The Accords challenge
local governments to implement
policies to improve energy effi-
ciency and sourcing, waste reduc-
tion, urban design, urban nature,
transportation, environmental
health, and water quality. Addi-
tionally, Mayor Newsom enacted
the Livable City Initiative to en-
sure sustainable practices within
government operations, to green
expanded public spaces and to
empower grassroots greening
projects.
San Francisco’s Department of En-
vironment has also implemented
sweeping incentive programs in
the city to push forward Mayor
Newsom’s environmental agenda.
One example, the GoSolarSF Pro-
gram, offers rebates for city indi-
viduals and businesses to install
photovoltaic units and reduce
electricity consumption. The City
program’s goal is to have 10,000
solar roofs installed by 2012. (To
 Figure 25 BC3 project timeline
find more information on the San
Francisco Solar Map, please visit
http://sf.solarmap.org.) On a sepa-
rate front, San Francisco is taking
steps to fulfill its goal of 75 per
cent waste diversion from land-
fills to recycling or organic waste
centers by 2010 and zero landfill
waste by 2020. The city recently
passed a mandatory composting
and recycling ordinance in June
2009. The city is taking an ac-
tive approach in recognizing that
regional, national and interna-
tional solutions to a range of en-
vironmental concerns, including
climate change, must be tackled
at the local level and on a smaller
scale. This, of course, is only pos-
sible because the culture within
San Francisco is conducive to the
implementation of environmen-
tal initiatives.
San Francisco is a politically lib-
eral city, and has a history of
progressive activism. It has been
at the center of global political
movements, demonstrated by the
meeting of representatives from
fifty countries in 1945 to draft
the United Nations Charter, even-
tually signed on 26 June of that
year. Much of today’s liberal cul-
ture is rooted in the youthful in-
flux during the 1960s and 1970s.
The Hippie movement that cen-
tered itself in the Haight Ashbury
neighbourhood has helped form
current attitudes toward environ-
mental and social issues as they
have shifted over the past forty
years. Currently, many San Fran-
ciscans (and Bay Area residents)
are actively engaged in socially
responsible practices, includ-
ing taking active steps to miti-
gate greenhouse gas emissions
though a variety of techniques. It
is this voluntary enthusiasm that
allows organizations like BC3 to
thrive, drawing technical exper-
tise, advice and direction from
business leaders seeking to share
knowledge.
Economics
The Silicon Valley region of
Northern California has been a
driver of technological innova-
tion since prior to World War II,
117
when the US Navy drew private
contractors for its development
of radio and military technology.
Historically, the Bay Area has
been on the cutting edge of the
technological revolution, from
software and dot-com companies
to venture capitalists looking to
fund the next great advancement.
A climate of competition and
creativity pervades the Bay Area,
which is the home of America’s
largest and most successful tech
companies, such as Google, Intel,
Apple Computers, and others.
This entrepreneurial spirit at-
tracts an unusually educated
workforce: according to the US
Census Bureau, 85 per cent of San
Francisco County residents hold a
high school diploma (or equiva-
lent) and 50 per cent a bachelors
Appendix
degree as of 2007.41
The excitement in the 1990s that
surrounded the dot-com indus-
try is now being revamped into
building the products, designs
and philosophies of a sustainable
future. And while the pairing of
technology and environmental
awareness is by no means unique
to Silicon Valley and San Fran-
cisco, the region’s history of pro-
gressive innovation has it slated
it be a leader in the new green
economy. The US’s burgeoning
renewable energy industries have
significant backing from Bay Ar-
ea-based venture capital, which
exhibits the economic strength
and awareness of regional busi-
nesses to be on the forefront of
the clean tech movement.
The agricultural sector accounts
for $21 billion per year in rev-
enue for the State42, and one
cannot ignore the impacts that
significant variations or fluctua-
tions in weather would reap on
this industry. About 80 per cent
of California’s precipitation oc-
curs during the winter months43,
and much of it is stored as snow
pack at higher elevations. Boost-
ed temperatures could eliminate
a significant portion of this snow,
leading to an earlier and more
substantial runoff. This, com-
bined with California’s ongoing
drought and ever-increasing pop-
ulation, poses a serious potential
threat, placing a vital premium
on water in the region.
Ecology
The Bay Area has a Mediterra-
nean climate, characterized by
moderate, wet winters and dry
summers. California is renowned
for its wines, and the climate in
Sonoma and Napa Counties, an
hour north of San Francisco, is
ideal for grape production. The
threat of temperature fluctua-
tions and increasingly variable
rainfall posed by climate change
can be detrimental to the state’s
agricultural sectors, especially
Bay Area vineyards.
The city of San Francisco is sand-
wiched between the San An-
dreas and Hayward fault zones,
which pose a unique threat to
residents and pushes architects,
engineers and planners to in-
corporate rigorous environmen-
tal reviews into their project
proposals. Liquefaction caused
by seismic tremors specifically
target shoreline neighborhoods
such as North Beach and the
Marina. Landslides from heavy
rainfall and earthquakes threat-
en neighborhoods surrounding
San Francisco’s many hills. Not
only does this dictate building
standards, but places significant
limitation on other infrastruc-
tural planning projects, such as
bridge, tunnel and underground
public transportation. The infa-
mous 1906 earthquake destroyed
about 80 per cent of the city and
killed upwards of 3,000 people
by most estimates44. However,
the reconstruction effort was
equally impressive. Despite dam-
ages estimated at $400 million,
there was a rush to rebuild the
city in time for the 1915 Panama-
Pacific Exposition, widely seen as
a showcase for the city’s rebirth.
Interestingly enough, although
adopted in 1850, the official seal
San Francisco depicts a rising
phoenix, which can be interpret-
ed as a symbolic revitalization of
the city after the earthquake.
Environmental Justice
In 1929, energy provider Pacific
Gas & Electric (PG&E) installed
a power plant on the shores
of Hunter’s Point in the south
part of the city. While meeting
the energy needs of the city’s
residents, the power plant also
proved to be one of the dirtiest
in the state. It emitted pollut-
ants such as sulfur dioxide and
carbon monoxide that, after
about sixty years of production,
were found to cause abnormally
high rates of disease in sur-
rounding communities. When
in mid-1990s San Francisco
118
local residents started report-
ing significantly elevated cases
of cancer, heart disease, asthma
and emphysema, PG&E agreed to
a plan to phase out its use of the
facility, ultimately leading to its
decommissioning in September
2008. The neighborhoods sur-
rounding the plant are his-
torically comprised of poor and
African-American citizens who
organized a cohesive protest.
While they succeeded in closing
the air pollutant, they are left
with health problems that call
for serious attention. The recent
closing speaks to the ability of
local citizens’ and municipal
government’s abilities alike to
recognize and rally around an
environmental cause.45
Similar grassroots efforts are tak-
ing shape around the Bay Area
with respect to climate change
and its affects on local residents.
A slew of non-profit organiza-
tions such as Sustainable Silicon
Valley, the Green Chamber of
Commerce, and 350.org are con-
tinuing the spirit of activism in
San Francisco, emphasizing the
real challenges posed by global
climate change.
Steps to Mitigate and Adapt to
Climate Change
The San Francisco Bay Conser-
vation and Development Com-
mission (BCDC) 46 is a state body
focused on preserving the San
Francisco Bay. BCDC is spreading
awareness about the impacts of
sea level rise in the Bay Area due
to global warming. In 2001, BCDC
developed the San Francisco Bay
Plan, a draft report that analyzes
vulnerabilities to climate change
in the Bay and on the shoreline.
The Plan details the study’s find-
ings and makes recommendations
for regional policy solutions.47 In
addition, the state of California
has drafted a climate adaptation
strategy48 which identifies areas
of risk statewide and provides
recommendations for adapting were conceptualizing the Cities businesses committed to reduc-
to those impacts. Programme project, San Fran- ing their green house gas emis-
cisco government, civil society, sions. BC3 members and partners
In 2002, the City and County of
and businesses were mobilizing collaborate to share ideas and
San Francisco announced its Cli-
around the goal of reducing GHG real-world case studies, identify
mate Action Plan.49 The San Fran-
emissions, but efforts from the valuable tools, participate in ed-
cisco Climate Action Plan aims to
three sectors were not co-ordi- ucational forums, and establish
reduce the city’s greenhouse gas
nated. It was logical to leverage best practices. As a result, BC3
emissions to 20 per cent below
the Cities Programme project to members demonstrate leader-
1990 levels by 2012. The plan
help unify efforts from the three ship, as well as drive economic
is comprehensive, including all
growth, envi-
sectors—
ronmental sus-
municipal,
tainability and
residen-
social well-being
tial and
in our commu-
commer-
nity.
cial—and
provides The co-sponsors
background chose to devel-
informa- op a principle-
tion on based approach
the causes for BC3, guided
of climate in part by the
change examples such
and projec- as UN Global
tions of its Compact and the
impacts on Principles for Re-
California sponsible Invest-
and San ment. BC3’s goal
Francisco. was to attract a
The plan broad segment
San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsom speaking at the BC3 launch at City Hall
targets re- April 5, 2007. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of San Francisco, USA of the local busi-
ductions of ness community
emissions by focusing on trans- to share best practices and work
sectors. Secondly, because Cali-
portation, energy efficiency, re- with local government and non-
fornia—including San Francisco
newable energy, and solid waste profits to leverage resources. The
and the Bay Area—is tradition-
in order to reach its goal. co-sponsors concurred that a pre-
ally a testing ground for national
scriptive approach would be very
Project Profile: Climate environmental programs, the
limiting and therefore chose a
United States looked to Califor-
Change Mitigation model that we felt gave mem-
nia for leadership on methods
bers more options and encour-
In June 2005, San Francisco host- to reduce GHG emissions. If San aged creativity and innovation.
ed UN World Environment day Francisco is successful at reduc-
and Mayor Gavin Newson signed ing GHG emissions in a cross-sec- The co-sponsors developed a draft
on to the UN Global Compact. tor manner, it is likely that other set of Five Principles. This lan-
The City of San Francisco joined cities in the United States will be guage was shared with a group of
the UN Global Compact Cities eager to replicate the San Fran- about twenty-five local business-
Programme in December 2005. cisco model. Additionally, the es and related non-profit organi-
Shortly after joining, the co-spon- city of San Francisco set the goal zations during a meeting in July
Appendix

sors decided to pursue a project of reaching Carbon Neutrality by 2006. There was broad support for
aimed at reducing citywide GHG 2030, which requires every sector a principles-based approach and
emissions by fostering a collabo- to participate. the draft language was discussed,
rative effort between govern- The Business Council on Climate debated and revised. With tacit
ment, civil society, and business. Change (BC3) became the admin- approval from the businesses, we
This topic fit the objectives of the istering body. The BC3 is a part- went through a series of text and
Cities Programme for three rea- nership of San Francisco Bay Area content revisions over a period
sons. At the time the co-sponsors of two to three months and re-

119
leased the final Five Principles on their stated objective (such as cre-purpose of reaching out to the
Climate Leadership in November ating a BC3 website), while others member companies to help them
2006. The Principles set high-lev- failed to produce compelling re- develop their profile pages on our
el goals with suggested actions at- sults. In the spring of 2009, these website, including examples of
tached to each. All members are working groups were disbanded how they have addressed each of
required to commit to the Five in favour of six-month projects. the Five Principles of Climate Ac-
Principles to join BC3. These projects offer the advantag- tion in their business operations.
es of having clearly defined goals This effort also allowed BC3 to
The next step was engaging the
and specific time requirements solicit suggestions and feedback
membership and disseminating
from the professionals who do- from members and to connect
tools to take action on climate
nate their time. directly with members that have
change. Over the course of 2007
historically not
and 2008, BC3
been engaged
hosted over
in events. At
twenty events
the completion
ranging from
of this effort,
topics including
BC3 was able
green leasing,
to compile and
climate adapta-
synthesize the
tion, and a series
profile informa-
on energy effi-
tion to deter-
ciency. The pan-
mine the collec-
el events drew
tive successes
on the expertise
and challenges
of the growing
of member
BC3 membership
companies’ ef-
and focused on
forts. The four
interactive, edu-
interns met
cational events
with members
which could eas-
at their offices
ily be translated Climate Chamge Mitigation Project: Top five mitigation areas. Imaged
sourced: Local Secretariat, City of San Francisco or on the phone
into action. BC3
to go through
organized mixers hosted by mem- In 2008, BC3 developed and
the profile questions and suggest
ber companies or in conjunction launched an interactive website
ideas for content. The interns
with partner organizations like with the help of member com-
then developed a profile draft
stopwaste.org. During this time, pany, Sun Microsystems. The
that each company could edit
the advisory committee directed website is built on the openeco.
and upload to the website.
working groups to fill out much org platform and serves as a por-
of the structure and content of tal for BC3 resources and infor- Principles
BC3. The working groups com- mation-sharing. All content from
prised the following: BC3 events is uploaded to the The Business Council on Climate
site and it includes a calendar, Change (BC3) believes that the
›› International Engagement
member directory, news section, climate crisis offers corporate
›› Membership and resource guide. In addition, leaders an unprecedented oppor-
tunity to shift practices to realize
›› Best Practices and Implemen- each BC3 member has a profile
tation page where they can show how economic growth, environmental
they are implementing the Five sustainability, and social well-be-
›› Business-to-Business Network- Principles on Climate Leader- ing. Our mission is to capitalize
ing and Events ship and share best practices. on the Bay Area’s entrepreneur-
›› Web Development The members section is password ial culture to create a thriving
protected, so members can ac- economy, while at the same time
These working groups had mixed
cess additional information, re- contributing to public dialogue
success—some accomplished
sources, and contacts after login. and positive action on climate
www.bc3sfbay.org change. Each BC3 member and
partner signs on to the Five Prin-
In the summer and fall of 2009, ciples of Climate leadership.
BC3 hired four interns with the

120
Principle 1. Internal
Implementation
We acknowledge our responsibil-
ity to reduce our impact on cli-
mate change and adopt practices
within our company’s operations
to reduce our greenhouse gas
emissions and contribute to a cli-
mate-friendly San Francisco Bay
Area economy. Potential actions
include:
›› Conduct an assessment of
greenhouse gas emissions
from operations;
›› Set a company-wide green-
house gas emission reduction
goal;
›› Develop and implement a
greenhouse gas reduction
plan as appropriate to each
company;
›› Monitor and verify progress
towards achieving reduction
goal; and
›› Become a certified Bay Area
Green Business.
Principle 2. Community
Leaders
We will be active leaders in the
San Francisco Bay Area communi-
ty to help combat climate change.
Potential actions include:
›› Provide transportation alter-
native incentives for employ-
ees (public transit / bicycle
commuting / carpooling / car
share / low emission vehi-
cles);
›› Provide educational materi-
als to employees on how to re-
duce residential greenhouse
gas emissions;
›› Work with supply chain part-
ners and, where appropriate,
with clients and customers
to reduce indirect impacts of
products and services;
›› Incorporate and showcase
‘green building’ strategies;
and
›› Institutionalize corporate
policy to offset company trav-
el emissions through carbon
credits.
Principle 3. Advocacy and
Principle 5. Transparency and
Dialogue
We will engage in dialogue with
Disclosure
policy-makers and advocate for
the development of the best busi-
ness solution through, for ex-
ample, supporting the Bay Area
Council’s advocacy platform on
climate change. Potential actions
include:
›› Collaborate with local and
state governments to iden-
tify policies and incentives
for businesses to reduce their
greenhouse gas emissions;
›› Make public statements—indi-
vidually and collectively—on
the importance of preparing
for and minimizing climate
change;
›› Actively engage sources of
capital to invest in clean tech
and climate-friendly busi-
nesses;
›› Sponsor events that raise
awareness about climate
change in the corporate and/
or residential sectors; and
›› Support appropriate legis-
lation to address climate
change.
Principle 4. Collective Action
Through the Business Council on
Climate Change, we will collabo-
rate and share best practices with
other participating San Francisco
Bay Area companies to help solve
the problem of climate change.
Potential actions include:
Partner with BC3 members to
leverage our impact with public
agencies, customers, residents
and community organizations;
Provide input on regulatory pro-
121
ceedings at the state and local
level (for example, California
Public Utilities Commission and
regional air district); and
Support international initiatives
such as the UN Global Compact.
We will each report regularly on
our activities and progress to-
wards reducing our climate foot-
print. Potential actions include:
›› Disclose actions and results in
annual reports;
›› Participate in the BC3 Learn-
ing Forum; and
›› Share best practices and les-
sons learned with other mem-
bers of BC3 and the public.
BC3 has a tiered membership
dues-requirement based on com-
pany revenue, ranging from $100
to $12,000 per year. While ini-
tially voluntary, BC3 began col-
lecting mandatory dues in late
2008 as membership increased
in order to boost revenue. BC3
also accepts in-kind gifts such as
tech support, advertisement and
event coordination in exchange
for dues.
Key Players
BC3 has three co-sponsors:
San Francisco Department of
the Environment
SF Department of the Environ-
ment is charged with managing
all SF city and county environ-
mental initiatives. It is the mis-
sion of SF Environment to im-
prove, enhance, and preserve the
environment, and to promote
Appendix
San Francisco’s long-term well-
being by developing innovative,
practical and wide-ranging envi-
ronmental programs in recycling,
toxics reduction, environmental
justice, energy efficiency, climate
change, commute alternatives,
and urban forest.
SF Environment is excited to be
involved in the Cities Programme
as a means of continuing to fos-
ter a functional relationship
with Bay Area citizens and busi-
nesses. In addition, BC3 is provid-
ing a venue for SF Environment
to share relevant programs and
services, such as the commuter
benefits program, recycling and
composting services, and green
business certification services.
SF Environment has taken the
lead on the Cities Programme
project. As the project lead, SF
Environment manages the day-
to-day activities of the project,
convenes meetings, and manages
and houses BC3 staff.
Bay Area Council
The Bay Area Council is a busi-
ness-sponsored, public-policy ad-
vocacy organization for the nine-
counties of the San Francisco Bay
Area. The Council proactively ad-
vocates for a strong economy, a
vital business environment, and a
better quality of life for everyone
who lives in the Bay Area. The
Council has over sixty years of ex-
perience working with regional
businesses to help shape policy.
Through the years of service, the
Bay Area Council has gained the
support of more than 275 of the
regions largest employers.
BC3 is privileged to have Bay
Area Council as a co-sponsor. The
Council has drawn from their ex-
periences and have provided BC3
with important insight on how
to foster collaboration between
local businesses and local gov-
ernment. In addition, the Coun-
cil has helped BC3 gain traction
within the Bay Area business
community.
UN Global Compact
The UN Global Compact includes
more than 5,000 companies and
stakeholders from eighty coun-
tries. BC3 is fortunate to have the
UN Global Compact as a project
co-sponsor. The UN Global Com-
pact has provided BC3 with inval-
uable assistance in developing an
organizational structure. With
the Compact’s feedback and help,
we are confident that BC3 is on
the right track to putting the UN
Global Compact framework to
practice. In addition to helping
structure the organization and
providing feedback on a regular
basis, Gavin Power, a Senior Ad-
visor at the United Nations Glo-
bal Compact, played an integral
role of forming the Principles on
Climate Leadership.
BC3 has over 100 member com-
panies from a range of industries
including construction, engineer-
ing, retail, consulting, banking,
telecommunications, Internet
services, and food services. Mem-
ber companies vary in size from
less than ten employees to hun-
dreds of thousands of employees.
The unifying aspect of BC3 mem-
ber companies is their commit-
ment to reduce GHG emissions.
Each member company has com-
mitted to the Five Principles of
Climate Leadership. Members are
at various stages on their journey
to reduce their GHG emissions.
Some companies are iconic lead-
ers while others are just getting
started on reducing their emis-
sions. Depending on the matu-
rity of their climate practice,
members can offer guidance to
or receive guidance from other
member companies.
The role of BC3 partners is distin- Objectives
guished from the role of members
in that partners are non-profits
and government entities and of-
ten have resources and services
to assist BC3 members in reduc-
ing their emissions. The ideal re-
lationship between the partners
and the members is one where
122
both parties benefit and the ulti-
mate goal of reducing emissions
is met. For instance, an academic
institution that has a strong focus
on sustainability may be looking
to make connections with mem-
ber companies who can provide
their students with opportunities
to hone their skills or even to find
employment; an industry asso-
ciation may be interested in pro-
viding their members with the
opportunity to participate in the
BC3; a think tank may be looking
for insight from membership in
order to develop policy positions
and so on.
The Advisory Committee is the
leadership body of BC3 and rep-
resents the Local Secretariat. The
Advisory Committee is comprised
of representatives of the mem-
bership, partners, and the project
co-sponsors. It is co-chaired by a
representative of both business
and local government. The BC3
Advisory Committee is composed
of twelve seats. A representative
from each of the three co-sponsor
organizations; one representative
from a partner organization; and
eight representatives from mem-
ber companies who have knowl-
edge of climate change issues and
represent a diverse mix of small,
medium, and large companies
from a variety of sectors within
the Bay Area. Advisory members
serve staggered two-year terms,
with the option to apply for up
to three consecutive terms. Co-
sponsor organizations have per-
manent seats on the Advisory
Committee.
Project Aim and
The aim of BC3 is to create a
network of private-sector lead-
ers committed to taking climate
action within their companies.
The goal is to create a system for
private-sector leadership to work
in parallel with municipal efforts
to reduce regional emissions. BC3
is not focused on ‘converting’ un-
interested individuals to become
climate leaders. We are focused
on aggregating and empowering
existing leaders already interest-
ed in climate solutions, and giv-
ing them a more powerful stage
to lead by example in their busi-
ness community.
Additionally, BC3 believes that
much of the information, resourc-
es and content required for busi-
nesses to take action on climate
already exists—it just needs to be
disseminated among networks
where personal relationships and
public leadership encourages im-
plementation. BC3 seeks to be the
convener and facilitator of a ripe
environment for climate action.
Challenges
A significant challenge BC3 faces
is a paucity of financial and hu-
man resources. We operate on a
very small budget, with no capi-
tal to pay for office space, sup-
plies, website development and
hosting, event venues, catering,
or other vital program expenses.
We have been successful at ob-
taining in-kind donations and
partnership relationships that
cover most of these program are-
as, but the struggle to cover basic
costs persists. For most of BC3’s
history, the organization has
been run entirely by volunteers
and unpaid interns. This presents
a significant hurdle in terms of
cohesive direction and leader-
ship, because nearly every con-
tributor to the organization has
another full-time job, and cannot
always make BC3 a priority. This
dynamic has led to slower-than-
desired growth and development
of the organization.
Additionally, a central challenge
to BC3 is that it is a participation-
based organization. Everything
BC3 member companies do is
voluntary, so different members
participate at different levels of
involvement. Pushing for mem-
bership-wide action on initiatives
can be difficult. For example,
during our membership tracking
project, it was often difficult to
make initial contact with mem-
bers. We addressed this challenge
by attempting multiple means of
contact (including email, phone,
newsletter announcements, and
conversation at events) and suc-
cinctly expressing the impor-
tance of this effort. Ultimately,
we were able to obtain contact
with 80 per cent of dues-paying
members, which is 48 per cent of
our total membership.
Every BC3 member representative
has a full-time job at their com-
pany, and cannot always make
BC3 participation a priority. BC3
must constantly work to avoid
burn-out among its member rep-
resentatives, while pushing for
the most aggressive climate com-
mitments from the network.
Outcomes and Progress to
Date
BC3 has organized over fifty
events including panel discus-
sions, interactive workshops, full
membership meetings, network-
ing events, and summits with
international delegations. BC3’s
workshop or panel events, held
twice monthly, are led by mem-
bers. The focus is to transfer tan-
gible skills, action steps, and best
practices among members. An
example of this is a Carbon Ac-
tion Planning workshop, led by
member representative Jeff Ca-
ton from Environmental Science
Associates.
BC3’s networking events, held
once every-other month, are de-
signed to provide an informal
space for members to meet, so-
cialize, and build relationships.
An example of this is a two-hour
networking session hosted by
the W Hotel (a member). BC3’s
full-member events, held twice
yearly, are designed to bring the
123
entire BC3 network together to
celebrate the past six months’
achievements and set direction
for the initiative. These events
offer compelling speakers, enter-
tainment, results from BC3 mem-
bers’ collaborative projects, and a
chance to socialize. In addition,
we seek engagement from mem-
bers on short term projects and
setting goals. BC3 has publish-
es quarterly newsletters which
spotlight member achievements,
highlight climate news, and iden-
tify ways members can increase
involvement.
2009 Member Survey
Our 2009 Member Survey analy-
sis found that 100 per cent of
members surveyed are recycling
and 88 per cent are composting.
We also found that 73 per cent
are utilizing green commute and
travel options, 63 per cent have
conducted a lighting retrofit in
their offices, and 46 per cent con-
sider green criteria in their pur-
chasing decisions. These num-
bers illustrate that BC3 members
are taking responsibility not only
for carbon emissions from busi-
ness operations but also for emis-
sions from employees and supply
chains. This holistic approach
demonstrates real leadership in
climate action.
However, only 48 per cent of
members surveyed are tracking
their emissions and only 23 per
cent have set a reduction goal.
A baseline emissions inventory
would allow BC3 members to set
goals and measure effectiveness,
generating information that
can be communicated to clients
and customers to demonstrate
Appendix
real commitment to sustainabil-
ity. This effort provided us with
personal information about our
members’ values and what they
hope to receive from our pro-
gram. It also allowed us to deter-
mine areas where our members
may need further assistance,
such as in tracking and reporting
their greenhouse gas emissions
and setting a reduction goal.
Members can update their pro-
files whenever desired, and fu-
ture member sign-on forms and
annual dues invoices will include
directions on how to update the
profile to capture new efforts.
There has also been discussion of
developing a more robust tool for
tracking member progress.
Lessons Learned
A central lesson that BC3 has
learned is the value of facilita-
tion over ‘content creation’. At
various points in our organiza-
tional history, we attempted to
create new educational content
to deliver supposed value to our
members. But as a small, volun-
teer-run organization, our efforts
resulted in significant staff time,
and products that were similar
to existing resources. We real-
ized that our best value offering
was to tease out and facilitate the
dissemination of existing knowl-
edge and resources within our
network, and empower our mem-
bers to take the lead on sharing
best practices within BC3. This
strategy has many benefits:
›› Allows us to focus on facili-
tating many diverse, mem-
ber-driven events, rather than
host only a few proprietary
events ourselves;
›› Helps us stay tuned to our
member’s needs, rather than
assume their needs and cre-
ate content for them that may
be irrelevant;
›› Enables us to maximize our
minimal staff time for the
best return; and
›› Most importantly, helps us
give BC3 members true lead-
ership and growth oppor-
tunities via their role in our
network
A second lesson has been the
process of recognizing our organ-
izational limitations. Our ambi-
tions are great, and we feel we’ve
achieved laudable success, but
we’ve also had to reconcile with
the reality that our organization
can only play one small role in
the broader ecosystem of climate
action in the Bay Area. Part of
BC3 reaching maturity has been
clarifying and stepping into our
niche, and feeling comfortable
with what we can accomplish in
that role.
A specific structural lesson learned
was our attempt at establish-
ing productive, volunteer-based
working groups to tackle program
areas of BC3. We opted to change
this structure in June 2009 in
favor of six-month, member-led
projects. This change occurred
because our board-member vol-
unteers were too busy, over-com-
mitted, and lacked a firm incen-
tive to complete working-group
tasks on a relevant timeline. In
order to complete key program
areas, we realized we needed to
both scale-back the level of activ-
ity BC3 was undertaking, while
ensuring that the biggest respon-
sibilities fell on our one paid staff
and several unpaid interns, who
had the accountability structures
124
and incentives to execute their
work. This has proved to be the
most productive model, and one
we continue to employ.
Future Direction
BC3 will continue to play a lead-
ing role in climate action efforts
of the Bay Area. Our organiza-
tion priorities moving forward
include:
›› Attracting new members
from a wider range of Bay Ar-
ea industries and sectors;
›› Restructuring our revenue
model to make our organiza-
tion more accessible for more
companies, and interested
public participants while still
generating the necessary op-
erating funds;
›› Increasing transparency and
open-source information
flow among our members in
the areas of GHG reductions,
green-business certification,
green buildings, recycling,
composting, employee behav-
ior, etc;
›› Assisting more of our mem-
bers to track their GHG emis-
sions and set reductions
targets
›› Increasing our brand recogni-
tion and prestige;
›› Solidifying and packaging the
conceptual content of our or-
ganizational model, to even-
tually roll-out the model to be
shared with other cities and
the Global Compact. 
Appendix 5 City Profile Template

The ‘city profile’ is intended as a description of your city and its hinterland in relation to local, national
and global processes and histories.
The city profile with be used alongside your ‘project profile’ to highlight your city.
The style of the writing should be clear and discursive. It should be written as a detailed and interesting
introduction to your city without having the quality of a tourist brochure. In other words, the profile
is not intended to extol the virtues of your city as much as paint a bold picture, qualified by careful
nuances, idiosyncratic colour and local knowledge. We want to know what it means to live in your city,
and therefore the profile will need to recognize differences across cultural background and economic
standing.
›› The essay will be reviewed and edited by an experienced writer with some knowledge of your city.
That editor may write into your profiles and add more material, but any changes will be checked with
you before publication.
›› The inclusion of citations and references to other existing publications is encouraged, as is a bibliog-
raphy. (A style guide is available for referencing and bibliography)
›› The overall word length of the city-profile essay can vary, but we suggest something between 1,500
and 3,000 words to allow for some uniformity between profiles.
The template is intended as a helpful guide rather than sets of strictures, but we would like to achieve
some comparability across the essays.

Appendix

Delegation visit. Imaged sourced: Local Secretariat, City of Porto Alegre, Brazil.

125
Heading Sub-heading Questions/Issues to consider Recommended
word count
Urban fabric Geography ›› Location and size 300-1,000
›› Neighbouring/regional cities
›› Terrain and climate
›› Natural resources

Demographics ›› Demographic profile / population trends

›› Population and global movements of peo-
ple—migrants, refugees, tourists etc.
›› Education and training

History ›› Changes across the history of the city, in-

cluding the place of the city in global chang-
es—e.g. colonial history if relevant; place in
global events and processes
Politics ›› Current system of governance, both munici- 300–500
pal and national
›› Citizen participation in the politics of the
city (e.g. voting)
›› Informal political systems (customary
rights)
›› Other activities from non-government and
other advocacy groups
›› Land-tenure system

Culture ›› Cultural diversity 300-500

›› Indigenous history
›› Languages
›› Celebrations, events and rituals

Economics ›› Currency and other trading systems 300-500

›› Labour markets and unemployment
›› Industry and commerce
›› Wealth and poverty, including housing (for-
mal / informal)

Ecology ›› State of the Environment 300-500

›› Ecology and urban development
›› Climate change and adaptation

Table 10 City Profile: A template (1,500-3,000 words)

126
Appendix 6 Project Profile

The style of the writing should be clear and discursive. It should be written as a detailed and interesting
introduction to your city without having the quality of a tourist brochure. In other words, the profile
is not intended to extol the virtues of your city as much as paint a bold picture, qualified by careful
nuances, idiosyncratic colour and local knowledge. We want to know what it means to live in your city,
and therefore the profile will need to recognize differences across cultural background and economic
standing.
›› The essay will be reviewed and edited by an experienced writer with some knowledge of your city.
That editor may write into your profiles and add more material, but any changes will be checked with
you before publication.
›› The inclusion of citations and references to other existing publications is encouraged, as is a bibliog-
raphy. (A style guide is available for referencing and bibliography)
›› The overall word length of the city-profile essay can vary, but we suggest something between 1,500
and 2,000 words to allow for some uniformity between profiles.
›› The template is intended as a helpful guide rather than sets of structures, but we would like to achieve
some comparability across the essays.

Appendix

127
Table 11 Project Profile: A Template (1,500–2,000 words)
Heading Sub-heading Questions/Issues to consider Recommended
word count
Project title - -
Issue Project summary Identify and describe the ‘issue’ that 200-500
your city chose to explore.
Background Politics Consider how each domain contrib- 100-200
uted toward the ‘issue.’ For each,
Culture 100-200
identify key aspects that the project
Economy will focus/focus on to improve the 100-200
Ecology situation. 100-200
Key players Local Secretariat Describe Working group’s structure 100-200
and activities
Government sec- Describe each sector’s relationship
tor to the issue and their role within the
project.
Private sector
How would each benefit?
Civil sector
Project planning Aim and objec- Detail the project aims and objec- 100-200
tives tives and strategies for implementa-
tion.

Implementation Methodology Apart from inter-sectoral concept of 100-200

the Melbourne Model, were there
any specific approaches/methodolo-
gies adopted specifically to imple-
ment the project?
Progress to date Document the different stages of the 100-200
project and explain how the project
milestones have/have not been
achieved.
To what extent did it differ from the
initial project plan?
Challenges faced During planning and implementa- 100-200
tion, share some of the challenges
the Local Secretariat faced and ways
in which these were resolved.
For example, at any stage, was there
any resistance from key players to
implement goals? How were differ-
ences of opinions managed?
Project highlights What have been some of the most 100-200
memorable moments in terms of
achieving the objectives and project
goals?
For example, perhaps there was
significant event / media interest
gained that influenced support/out-
comes.

128
Heading Sub-heading Questions/Issues to consider Recommended
word count
Monitoring and Tools How was the project monitored or 100-200
evaluation evaluated during the implementa-
tion? Were there any particular
tools used?

Outcomes ›› Government support 100-200

achieved
›› Policy influence/ change

Lessons learnt In consideration of approach, re- 100-200

sources, planning and implementa-
tion; are there any particular lessons
learnt that your city would approach
differently?
Explain these.

Future Direction Will the project continue in the 100-200

future? If so, how?
In terms of the key players, what
is the likelihood that the approach
adopted will be undertaken again in
the future?
Is there particular interest from the
Local Secretariat or other interested
organizations to continue to imple-
ment the project within their capac-
ity?

Appendix

129
Innovating Cities
participants
Asker
›› Asker Municipality
›› Asker Arts Council
›› Asker Music Council
›› Asker Home Owners Federation
›› Asker Sports Council
As-Salt
›› As-Salt Greater Municipality
›› Al-Balqa’a Applied Uni-
versity Faculty of Tech-
nological Agriculture
›› Jordanian Environmental
Society As-Salt Division
Berlin
›› Berlin City Hall
›› Berlin International Coop-
eration Agency (BGZ)
›› Berlin Senate Depart-
ment (Ministry of Health)
›› Charite
›› Vivantes
Jamshedpur
›› Bagan Area Vikas Sami-
ti, Jamshedpur
›› Jamshedpur Utilities & Serv-
ices Company Limited
›› Tata Steel Limited
Jinan
›› Anhui Sanlian Accident
Prevention Institute
›› Jinan Municipal Government
›› Public Security Department
of Shandong Province
Le Havre
›› Le Havre City Hall
›› Fecamp Tourism Office
›› La Communaute de Communes
de Saint-Romain de Colbosc
›› Le Pays Caux Vallee de Seine
›› Le Pays d’Auge (Auge country)
›› Le Pays de Hautes Falaises
›› Le Pays Risle Estuaire
›› Le Conseil regional de
la Basse Normandie
›› Le Conseil regional de
la Haute Normandie
›› Le Conseil general de
la Seine Maritime
›› Le Conseil general du Calvados
›› Le Conseil general de l’Eure
›› Le Comite departemental de
tourisme de la Seine-Maritime
›› Le Comite departemen-
tal de tourisme de l’Eure
›› Le Comite regional du tour-
isme de la Normandie
›› Le Parc naturel regional des
Boucles de la Seine normande
›› Le Parc Eana - Terre
des possibles
›› La Maison de l’Estuaire
›› L’office de toursime du Ha-
vre Pointe de Caux
›› L’office de tourisme de Deauville
›› L’office de tourisme
de Pont-Audemer
›› L’office de tourisme d’Etretat
›› L’office de tourisme d’Honfleur
›› L’office de tourisme du Pays
Caux Vallee de Seine
›› L’Union Departementale
des Offices de Tourisme et
des Syndicats d’Initiative
de la Seine-Maritime
›› La Federation Regionale
des Pays d’Accueil Tour-
istique de Normandie
›› La Delegation Region-
ale au Tourisme de la
Haute Normandie
›› L’Association Touris-
me en Pays d’Auge
130
›› Les Clubs sportifs lo-
caux (local sports clubs)
›› Regional Federations for Tour-
ist Destinations in Normandy
›› The Town Planning Agen-
cy for Le Havre and the
Seine Estuary (AURH)
Melbourne
›› City of Melbourne
›› Environment Victoria
›› City West Water
›› Consumer Utilities Ad-
vocacy Centre
›› Cool Melbourne
›› Future Canvas.org
›› Moreland Energy Foundation
›› Owners Corporation Victoria
›› Origin Carbon
Milwaukee
›› City of Milwaukee
›› CH2MHILL
›› Greater Milwaukee Committee
›› Milwaukee 7 Water Council
›› Spirit of Milwaukee
›› University of Wiscon-
sin – Milwaukee
›› Veolia Water Milwaukee
›› World Trade Centre Wisconsin
Plock
›› City Hall of Plock
›› ABC Hurownia
›› ARS (Agency for Old
Town Revitalisation)
›› Auchn Plock Sp. Zoo
›› Basell Orlen Polyolefins Sp.zoo
›› BEM Sp zoo
›› BEM Brudniccy Sp j
›› Dominet
›› Forest Inspectorte
›› Municipal Services Utility
›› MZGM TBS Sp zoo
 ›› MTBS Sp zoo
›› Oddzial ZEP w Plocku
›› PERN ‘Przjazn’ S.A.
›› PKN Orlen SA
›› Plock Culture and Arts Centre
›› Plock Municipal Police
›› Plock Fire Brigade
›› Plockie Przedsiebiorstwo
Robot Mostowych S.A.
›› Rynex Sp zoo
›› Spolem PSS Zgoda
›› Technical School 70
›› Vectra s.j.
›› Vocational School Complex No.2
›› Wereszczynski
›› Zaklad Instalacji Wod-
Kan, CO I Gazu
Porto Alegre
›› City Hall of Porto Alegre
›› Rio Grande do Sul Fed-
eral University
›› The Estate Energy Com-
pany (CEEE)
San Francisco
›› City of San Francisco
›› San Francisco Depart-
ment of Environment
›› Arup San Francisco
›› BCCI Construction Company
›› Bentley Prince Street
›› Blue Green Pacific, Inc.
›› Bite Communications
›› Blue Shield of California
›› Borders + Gatehouse
›› Brown Bear Events
›› Catering by SMG
›› CH2M Hill San Francisco
›› Cityscape Graphics Inc.
›› ClimateCHECK
›› Cole Hardware
›› Creative Eco-Catalysts
›› CSRware ment and Consulting
›› David Baker + Part- ›› Sustainable Spaces Inc.
ners, Architects
›› TerraPass Inc.
›› EnerNOC,Inc
›› The Communication Group
›› Environmental Sci-
›› TRC Companies Inc
ence Associate
›› Universal Paragon Corp.
›› Fair Ridge Group
›› Vantage Communications
›› Farella Braun+Martel LLP
›› Varian Designs
›› Food from the Parks
›› W Hotel San Francisco
›› Galley Eco Capital LLC
›› Waldeck’s
›› Green Consultants
›› William McDonough + Partners
›› Green Key Real Estate
›› Webcor Builders
›› Green Zebra LLC
›› Zen Compound, LLC
›› Green Web, Inc
›› Hallisey and Johnson Tshwane
›› Hanson Bridgett LLP ›› City of Tshwane Metro-
politan Municipality
›› HMR USA Inc
›› BMW South Africa
›› HOK
›› Automotive Industry De-
›› Kwan Henmi Architec- velopment Centre (AIDC)
ture/Planning Inc
›› South African Breweries
›› Luminesa
›› Supplier Park Develop-
›› Mazzetti & Associates ment Company (SPDC)
›› Mixt Greens
Ulaan Baatar
›› New Resource Bank
›› Committee for Ulaan Baatar
›› Oliva Global Communications
›› Mongolian Associa-
›› organic ARCHITECT tion of Urban Centers
›› Pacific Gas & Electric ›› Governor of the Capital City
›› Pankow Builders
›› Pet Camp
›› Plan-It Hardware
›› Rebecca Geller
›› Recreational Equipment Inc.
›› Sherwood Design Engineers
›› Schwartz Communiactions, Inc.
›› Shift Design Studio
Appendix
›› SMWM Architecture Interi-
ors Planning + Urban Design
›› Sustainable Energy Partners, LLC
›› Solutions
›› Sustainable Industries
›› Swinerton Manage-
131
Endnotes
1. Mike Davis, Planet of Slums,
Verso, London, 2006, p. 1.
2. United Nations Statistics Di-
vision (UNSD), Principles and
Recommendations for Popula-
tion and Housing Censuses, Revi-
sion 1. Series M, No. 67, Rev.
1, UNSD, New York, 1998.
3. Graeme Hugo, Anthony
Champion and Alfredo
Lattes, ‘Toward a New Con-
ceptualization of Settlements
for Demography’, Population
and Development Review, vol.
29, no. 2, 2003, pp. 277–97.
4. Here we have drawn heav-
ily on the European Confer-
ence of Ministers Responsible
for Spatial/Regional Plan-
ning (CEMAT), Glossary of Key
Expression Used in Spatial De-
velopment Policies in Europe,
CEMAT, Lisborne, 2006,
available at: www.mzopu.
hr/doc/14CEMAT_6_EN.pdf,
accessed 15 August 2007.
5. The Global Compact website:
www.unglobalcompact.org
6. A joint initiative of the
World Business Council for
Sustainable Development
and the International Cham-
ber of Commerce, com-
prising a comprehensive
network of business organi-
zations that came together
at the Summit to promote
sustainable development.
7. Speech by Kofi Annan,
Secretary General United
Nations, ‘Business and So-
ciety Stand to Benefit From
working Together’, World
Summit on Sustainable
Development, Johannes-
burg, 1 September 2002.
8. There are reporting require-
ments for cities that are
undertaking a project or re-
search task as part of their
engagement. The Communi-
cation on Progress is consist-
ent with the Global Compact
reporting guidelines and of-
fers opportunity for cities
to demonstrate implemen-
tation of the ten principles
of the Global Compact.
9. The methodological back-
ground to this work is found
in Paul James, Globalism,
Nationalism, Tribalism: Bring-
ing Theory back In, Sage Pub-
lications, London, 2006.
10. PIM/PIÁ is a Municipal
project that intends to
strength familiar bonds in
families with children from
one to seven years (still not
in formal education age).
11. Brasil Alfabetizado is a Fed-
eral Government Project
that intends to raise liter-
ate rate among adults. Its
method includes classes in-
side the poor communities.
12. See S. Fritsch, ‘The UN Glo-
bal Compact and the Global
Governance of Corporate
Social Responsibility: Com-
plex Multilateralism for
a More Human Globalisa-
tion?’ Global Society, vol. 22,
no. 1, 2008, pp. 1–25.
13. One important joint publi-
cation in this area is the re-
port by Cities Alliance, ICLEI
and UNEP, Liveable Cities:
The Benefits of Urban Environ-
mental Planning, Cities Alli-
ance, Washington, 2007.
14. www.mercer.com.au/
qualityofliving (last ac-
cessed 5 January 2009).
15. This is the classic definition
of sustainable development
from the World Commis-
sion on Environment and
Development, Our Common
Future, Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 1997, p. 8.
16. Y. Rydin, N. Holman, and
132
E. Wolff, ‘Local Sustainabil-
ity Indicators’, Local Environ-
ment, vol. 8, no. 6, 2003, pp.
581–89, cited from p. 582.
17. M. Mulligan and Y. Nadara-
jah, ‘Working on the Sustain-
ability of Local Communities
with a “Community-En-
gaged” Research Methodol-
ogy’, Local Environment, vol.
13, no. 2, 2008, p. 81.
18. A. Gare, personal corre-
spondence, 30 March 2008.
19. As has been described by
B. Ehrenreich, Bait and
Switch: The Futile Pursuit of
the Corporate Dream, Granta,
London, 2006; J.B. Schor,
The Overworked American:
The Unexpected Decline of Lei-
sure, BasicBooks, New York,
1991; R. Sennett, The Cul-
ture of the New Capitalism,
Yale University Press, Lon-
don, 2005; amongst others.
20. See Raymond Williams,
Keywords: A Vocabulary of
Culture and Society, Fon-
tana, Glasgow, 1976.
21. The last example comes from
M. Holden and C. Mochrie,
Counting on Vancouver: Inau-
gural Report of the Vancouver
Urban Observatory, 2006.
22. Global Reporting Initia-
tive, Sustainability Report-
ing Guidelines: Version 3.0,
Collaborating Centre of
the UN Environment Pro-
gramme, New York, 2006.
23. M. Eames and M. Adebow-
ale, eds, Sustainable Devel-
opment and Social Inclusion:
Towards an Integrated Approach
to Research, Policy Studies
Institute, London, 2002.
24. L. Boltanski and E. Chia-
pello, The New Spirit of Capi-
talism, Verso, London,
2005, pp. 354–5.
25. J.C. Alexander, The Civil
Sphere, Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 2006, p. 33.
26. V. Plumwood, ‘Inequal-
 ity, Ecojustice and Eco-
logical Rationality’,
Ecotheology, no. 5/6, 1999.
27. J. Becker, ‘Measuring Progress
Towards Sustainable De-
velopment: An Ecological
Framework for Selecting In-
dicators’, Local Environment,
vol. 10, no. 1, 2005, p. 99.
28. Becker, ‘Measuring
Progress Towards Sustain-
able Development’.
29. J. Peet and H. Bossel, ‘An
Ethics-Based Systems Ap-
proach to Indicators of Sus-
tainable Development’,
International Journal of Sus-
tainable Development, vol. 3,
no. 3, 2000, pp. 224-5, 33.
30. Peet and Bossell, ‘An Eth-
ics-Based Systems Ap-
proach’, p. 224.
31. G. Delanty, ‘Knowledge as
Communication: A Review
of Recent Literature on Meth-
od and Theory in Social Sci-
ence’, International Journal of
Social Research Methodology,
vol. 5, no. 1, 2002, p. 83.
32. G. Delanty, ‘Citizenship
as a Learning Process: Dis-
ciplinary Citizenship
versus Cultural Citizen-
ship’, International Journal
of Lifelong Education, vol.
22, no. 6, 2003, p. 558.
33. P. Wagner, Theorizing Moderni-
ty, Sage, London, 2001, p. 36.
34. F. Sommers, ‘Monitoring
and Evaluating Outcomes
of Community Involve-
ment: The Litmus Experi-
ence’, Local Environment, vol.
5, no. 4, 2000, pp. 483–91.
35. K. Eckerberg and E. Mineur,
‘The Use of Local Sustainabil-
ity Indicators: Case Studies
in Two Swedish Munici-
palities’, Local Environment,
vol. 8, no. 6, 2003, p. 612.
36. Becker, ‘Measur-
ing Progress, p. 88;
37. Sustainable Seattle, Sustain-
able Seattle and Indicators, King
County, Seattle, 2005, p. 6;
38. Regional Vancouver Ur-
ban Observatory, www.rvu.
ca, accessed 5 May 2008.
39. SF Chronicle www.sf-
gate.com/cgi-bin/arti-
cle.cgi?f=/c/a/2005/03/14/
BAG2CBOTOP1.DTL
40. Urban Environmental Ac-
cords: www.sfenviron-
ment.com/downloads/
library/accords.pdf
41. US Census Bureau http://
factfinder.census.gov/serv-
let/ADPTable?_bm=y&-
context=adp&-qr_
name=ACS_2007_3YR_G00_
DP3YR2&-ds_name=&-tree_
id=3307&-redoLog=false&-
all_geo_types=N&-geo_
id=05000US06075&-
format=&-_lang=en)
42. www.cdfa.ca.gov/state_
board/docs/CBACAWATER-
CDFABOARD1-21-09.ppt
43. SF Climate Action Plan
44. US Geological Survey ht-
tp://earthquake.usgs.gov/
regional/nca/1906/18april/
casualties.php
45. Photograph courtesy of
www.energyoverseer.com
46. www.bcdc.ca.gov/
47. www.bcdc.ca.gov/pro-
posed_bay_plan/bp_
amend_1-08.shtml
48. www.climatechange.
ca.gov/adaptation/
49. www.sfenvironment.org/
downloads/library/cli-
mateactionplan.pdf
Appendix
133
The Ten Principles of the Cities Programme

Human Rights
Principle 1: Support and respect for the protection of internationally proclaimed human
rights;
Principle 2: Active rejection of human rights abuses.

Labour Standards

Principle 3: Upholding of the freedom of association and effective recognition of the right to
collective bargaining;
Principle 4: Support for the elimination of all forms of forced and compulsory labour;
Principle 5: Upholding of the effective abolition of child labour;
Principle 6: Support for the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and oc-
cupation.

Environment

Principle 7: Support for a precautionary approach to environmental challenges:

Principle 8: Undertaking to promote greater environmental responsibility;
Principle 9: Encouragement of the development and diffusion of environmentally friendly
technologies.

Anti-Corruption

Principle 10: Work against all forms of corruption, including extortion and bribery.

134