See

discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/301713192

Ethnic identity over national identity: an

alternative approach to measure the effect of the
World Cup on social cohesion
Article in Journal of Sport Tourism April 2016
DOI: 10.1080/14775085.2016.1175369

READS

84

6 authors, including:
Matthew Walker

Heather J Gibson

Texas A&M University

University of Florida

48 PUBLICATIONS 472 CITATIONS

89 PUBLICATIONS 2,127 CITATIONS

SEE PROFILE

SEE PROFILE

Brijesh Thapa

Willie Coetzee

University of Florida

University of Otago

79 PUBLICATIONS 975 CITATIONS

19 PUBLICATIONS 79 CITATIONS

SEE PROFILE

All in-text references underlined in blue are linked to publications on ResearchGate,

letting you access and read them immediately.

SEE PROFILE

Available from: Bob Heere

Retrieved on: 15 July 2016

Journal of Sport & Tourism

ISSN: 1477-5085 (Print) 1029-5399 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjto20

Ethnic identity over national identity: an

alternative approach to measure the effect of the
World Cup on social cohesion
Bob Heere, Matthew Walker, Heather Gibson, Brijesh Thapa, Sue
Geldenhuys & Willie Coetzee
To cite this article: Bob Heere, Matthew Walker, Heather Gibson, Brijesh Thapa, Sue
Geldenhuys & Willie Coetzee (2016): Ethnic identity over national identity: an alternative
approach to measure the effect of the World Cup on social cohesion, Journal of Sport &
Tourism, DOI: 10.1080/14775085.2016.1175369
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14775085.2016.1175369

Published online: 28 Apr 2016.

Submit your article to this journal

View related articles

View Crossmark data

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rjto20
Download by: [MUSC Library]

Date: 28 April 2016, At: 06:12

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM, 2016

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14775085.2016.1175369

Ethnic identity over national identity: an alternative approach

to measure the effect of the World Cup on social cohesion
Bob Heerea, Matthew Walkerb, Heather Gibsonc, Brijesh Thapac, Sue Geldenhuysd and
Willie Coetzeee
a

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

Department of Sport & Entertainment Management, University of South Carolina, Carolina Coliseum, Room
2026m, Columbia, SC 29201, USA; bDepartment of Health and Kinesiology, Texas A&M University, 4243 TAMU,
College Station, TX 77843, USA; cDepartment of Tourism, Recreation & Sport, University of Florida, PO. Box
118208, Gainesville, FL 326118208, USA; dDepartment of Tourism Management, Tshwane University of
Technology, Private Bag X680, Pretoria 0001, Staatsartillerie Road, Pretoria West, South Africa; eDepartment
of Tourism, University of Otago, PO Box 56, Dunedin 9054, New Zealand
ABSTRACT

ARTICLE HISTORY

The purpose of this study was to examine whether a mega sport

event has the potential to bring the nation together by increasing
the importance of national identity and decreasing the
importance of ethnic identity on the outcome of social cohesion.
Instead of replicating prior work that has performed mean score
comparisons of national identity, ethnic identity, and social
cohesion before and after a particular event, the authors
compared the variance explained (pre vs. post event) to show the
aggregate inuence of the two identities on social cohesion. By
focusing on this reporting method, the subsequent discussion
rests entirely on the practical inuence of the perceptual changes
that resulted from event hosting. Data for this trend analysis were
collected from South African residents, pre (N = 1749), and post (N
= 2020) the 2010 FIFA World Cup. Results indicated that while the
importance of national identity on social cohesion did not
increase, the importance of ethnic identity did decrease strongly,
indicating that these mega sports events might cause individuals
to forget about their ethnic differences as a result of these events.

Received 1 December 2015

Accepted 4 April 2016
KEYWORDS

Mega sport events; national

identity; ethnic identity;
social cohesion; social impact

This last decade scholars have begun to shift their focus from the economic effects of
mega sport events such as the World Cup and the Olympic Games, to the potential
social effects these events have on the host nation. These social effects can be quite
diverse but for the majority of host nations, the aims have been to increase a sense of
nationalism among their residents (Houlihan, 1997; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2011), enhance government approval rates (Hargreaves & Ferrando, 1997), improve international relations
(Heere et al., 2012), ght xenophobism (Kersting, 2007), and bolster levels of social
capital (Gibson et al., 2014). While scholars have been divided on the power of these
events to promote social change (Chalip, 2006), politicians in host cities/nations often
ignore the critical research and instead focus on the acclaimed positive inuences.
Some political ofcials, such as Brazilian president Rousseff, claimed that Football
CONTACT Bob Heere

bheere@hrsm.sc.edu

2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

B. HEERE ET AL.

and sport are symbols of peace and peaceful coexistence among peoples (Kent, 2013).
The argument of these politicians is that mega sport events create social cohesion and
bring the nation together, as publicly stated by South African president Zuma (Bell,
2010). The implication is that this social cohesion, which is dened as: the extent of connectedness and solidarity among groups in society (Kawachi & Berkman, 2000, p. 175), is
similar to a sense of national identity, yet researchers have yet to nd any support for a
relationship between these two constructs. While social cohesion measures how people
connect to other citizens, national identity is measuring how strongly people identify
with the more abstract notion of an imagined community (Anderson, 1983), which
might not be related to how people feel about other citizens. In particular, in an ethnic
heterogenic nation, these two constructs might not be related. Thus, while researchers
have found empirical support for increased levels of national identity (Kersting, 2007)
and happiness (Kavetsos & Szymanski, 2010) during mega sport events, it is unclear if
this is accompanied by increased levels of social cohesion. For instance, when South
Africa hosted the World Cup 2010, people had high expectations of the event as they
drew comparisons with the 1995 Rugby World Cup. In 1995 Nelson Mandela used the
success of the national rugby team to build a sense of national identity with the reformed
South African nation, in which reconciliation between the different ethnic groups was a
central feature (Nauright, 1997), yet empirical evidence of this truly occurring is still
lacking.
Moreover, while levels of national identity during the event might increase, researchers
have demonstrated that mega sport events do not have an enduring effect on how people
identify with their nation (Heere et al., 2013). Chalip (2006) argued that the effects of these
events are temporal, and a longitudinal study of how a mega sport event has inuenced
prolonged feelings of national identity is absent from the literature. Heere et al. (2013) conducted a pre/post assessment of national identity and the FIFA World Cup in 2010, measuring national identity three months before the event and eight months after. The results
of this analysis indicated little to no change in identity perceptions among South African
residents. The authors concluded that the effect of the event on national identity was
indeed temporary, and any extended value might be limited to how people evaluate
their nation privately, or how they think that others perceive their nation.
Aside from questions centered on the enduring inuence of mega sport events on
national identity, we question what the value is of an increased national identity among
residents of a nation. Heere et al. (2013) argued that while people evaluate their nation
more positively after a mega sport event, this psychological increase did not translate
to social outcomes, such as collective community action, trust in ones nation, social connections, tolerance of diversity, or value of life (Onyx & Bullen, 2000), placing doubts upon
the ability of national identity to provide social cohesion.
What is absent from the discussion of the social effects of a mega sport event on the
unity within a nation is ethnic identity. Individuals maintain multiple collective identities,
each providing guidelines for behavior. In many instances, individuals choose between different social identities (Ashmore, Jussim, & Wilder, 2001). In modern society, many individuals maintain both a national identity and an ethnic identity, both of which demand
different behavioral patterns from an individual (Eriksen, 2001). Particularly in nations
with a diverse ethnic make-up such as the United States, South Africa, and West-European
nations with high levels of migration (e.g. Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany, and

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

France), national identity cannot be examined without a discussion of ethnic identity.

While the general perception currently is that social cohesion within a nation can be
accomplished by an increased national identity, it might be that decreasing ethnic identity
is equally important. In this approach, the focus is not on emphasizing similarities between
people (e.g. national identity), but de-emphasizing the differences between groups within
the population (e.g. ethnic identity). Consequently, if the inuence of sport on national
identity is discussed, ethnic identity cannot be omitted. Following the rationale that a
mega sport event such as the World Cup provides social cohesion and brings people
together, the logical assumption would be that a mega sport event would make national
identity more salient, while at the same time it would decrease the importance of ethnic
identity. As a consequence, peoples attitudes and/or behavior toward society are more
driven by national identity and less by ethnic identity.
Finally, we argue that researchers have been focusing too much on one dimension of
attitude formation toward their nation. In most studies, researchers have anchored their
scales in a positivenegative continuum, a method often used in psychological inquiry
(Eagly & Chaiken, 1993). As a result, this method is not providing the full picture of the
social effects these events could have. After all, a positivenegative continuum measures
the favorability of people toward national identity, which is an attitude change that might
be hard to capture, considering the strength and longevity associated with such an attitude. Through a review of attitudinal research in organizational behavior, Funk, Haugtvedt,
and Howard (2000) argued that in order to better understand psychological measures
such as attitudes, we should explore other properties of social constructs, beyond the
usual favorability continuum, such as importance, extremity, and accessibility. Particularly
when we try to gain a deeper understanding of how one construct affects the other,
importance might be more relevant than favorability.
Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine whether a mega sport event (e.g.
FIFA World Cup or Olympic Games) has the potential to bring the nation together by
increasing the importance of national identity, and decreasing the importance of ethnic
identity for various social outcomes. This study is a follow-up to the work of Heere et al.
(2013), but instead of conducting a mean comparison of national identity, ethnic identity
and social capital before and after the event, the authors conducted a comparison of
squared regression analyses scores. The argument is that mega sport events do not
increase the levels of national identity, but might increase the variance national identity
can explain in social cohesion, while at the same time decreasing the level of variance
ethnic identity can explain in social cohesion.

Literature review
Ethnic and national identity explained through social identity theory
Both national identity and ethnic identity are forms of social identity, with the nation
(Huddy & Khatib, 2007) or ones own ethnic group (Phinney, 1992) serving as the focal
point. What differs social identity from social cohesion is that social identity is measuring
how people feel about the overall group they belong to, while social cohesion more specically measures how people feel about other group members. The underlying narratives
of each social identity might be unique to the particular focal group, yet there is a shared

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

B. HEERE ET AL.

understanding among researchers that these social identities are driven by similar processes (Ashmore, Deaux, & McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004), and can be measured by homogeneous scales (Leach et al., 2008). Heere and James (2007) developed a six-dimensional
scale, tested in several group contexts, which included nations (Heere et al., 2013),
states, cities, universities, and sport teams (Heere et al., 2011b). The scale included two evaluation constructs taken from Luhtanen and Crocker (1992), which measured how individuals rate their own membership to the group (e.g. I am happy to be a [insert group]
afliation) through the construct of private evaluation, and how individuals thought
others viewed their group, through the construct of public evaluation (e.g. others
respect my [insert group]). The scale also included two attachment constructs: (1) interconnection of self with the group (Mael & Tetrick, 1992), and (2) sense of interdependence
with the group (Gurin & Townsend, 1986). Interconnection with the group captured the
extent to which individuals believed their personal identity was merged with the group
(e.g. when somebody compliments my [insert group], it feels like a personal compliment),
while sense of interdependence measured to what extent people believed the fate of the
overall group would affect their personal lives (e.g. what happens to my [insert group], will
inuence what happens in my life). The fth construct was a measure of behavioral involvement that captured to what extent the members were truly involved with the group and
the other members (e.g. I participate in activities with others [members] of my [insert
group]). Finally, Heere and James (2007) developed a sixth construct to gain a measure
of the cognitive awareness an individual had of the group, as they view social identity
as an attitude, combining affective, behavioral, and cognitive components (Eagly &
Chaiken, 1993). The advantage of using such a multi-dimensional scale is that it provides
an in-depth view of how people identify with a social group, and it is more likely to pick up
on changes in the social identity process, if such changes would occur (Heere et al., 2013).

The relationship between national identity and ethnic identity

Currently, two different perspectives exist on the relationship between national and ethnic
identity. The rst perspective describes the relationship as positively correlated, where an
increase in one would cause a decrease in the other. The second perspective views the
relationship as multi-dimensional and argues that the two identication processes are
independent (Phinney, Horenczyk, Liebkind, & Vedder, 2001). In a comparison of immigrant ethnic and national identity in the United States, Israel, Finland, and the Netherlands,
researchers found empirical support for both models and argued that the relationship
between the two identities was dependent on nation and immigrant group (Phinney et
al., 2001). For example, Mexican immigrants in the United States exhibited a positive relationship between their ethnic and national identity, while Antilleans in the Netherlands
exhibited a negative relationship between ethnic and national identity.
In a country like South Africa, dominated by Apartheid politics for almost half a century,
we propose these social identities to be conicting. In fact, President Mandela conded
during his tenure of South Africas president that his biggest fear would be that the
nation would disintegrate after his death (Mandela, 1994). He feared the ethnic identity
of the different groups (e.g. Afrikaner, English, Zulu, Xhosa, etc.) to become the dominant
social identity in the nation. In essence, Mandela made the reconciliation between ethnic
groups, and the promotion of a national identity (i.e. the Rainbow nation) as one of his

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

primary objectives of his tenure. According to Phinney et al. (2001), ethnic identity receives
higher scores than national identity (regardless of nation), which indicates it is a more
salient identity for respondents than national identity. Therefore, we surmise that within
South Africa policies, decreasing the importance of ethnic identity to social behavior
might be as valuable for social cohesion as policies that are focused on increasing the
national identity.

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

The social effects of mega sport events

While there seems to be an agreement that the organization of these mega sport events
have a temporary psychological effect on host nation residents (Gibson et al., 2014;
Kavetsos & Szymanski, 2010; Kersting, 2007), little work has attempted to connect
these psychological effects to social outcomes. Considering the huge nancial costs
that are required of a nation to organize the event (Zimbalist, 2010), it is noteworthy
to examine whether these costs result in particular social outcomes, such as increased
trust in government, increased engagement with the community, and increased
quality of life.
One of the major challenges in mega sport event organization is to use the event to
create long-term social benets for the host nation or city, referred to by scholars as legacies (Preuss, 2004). Due to the high costs of mega sport events, and the public subsidies
they receive, organizers have come under scrutiny to deliver returns on these investments,
in the form of social benets. Unfortunately, empirical evidence of such social benets is
limited (Fredline, 2005). Benets discussed in the literature include potential economic
legacies such as increased trade (Rose & Spiegel, 2009), increased tourism (Li & Jago,
2013), and increased brand image of the host nation (Cornelissen, 2008), all of which
have been criticized (Lenskyj, 2000; Shaw, 2008; Tien, Lo, & Lin, 2011). Other social legacies
include potential improvement of infrastructure, urban regeneration, increase in sport participation, and a higher participation of individuals in their communities (Ohmann, Jones,
& Wilkes, 2008. Yet, these benets have been placed in doubt, as for every successful
example (e.g. Atlanta airport) there seems to be an unsuccessful example (e.g. Montreal
airport). Or in some cases, the events have resulted in pejorative outcomes such as resident displacement, notably in Seoul and Beijing, where 700.000 and 1.2 million people
(respectively) were displaced from their homes due to the Olympic Games (Center on
Housing Rights and Evictions, 2007).
An important perceived outcome of these mega sport events is the aforementioned
concept of social cohesion. According to Kawachi and Berkman (2000), social cohesion
refers to the extent of connectedness and solidarity among groups in society (p. 175).
They claim that cohesive societies are those societies that have two features: First, they
have high levels of social capital, which manifests itself through strong social bonds
and the abundance of associations that bridge social divisions. Second, they have an
absence of latent social conict, which could manifests itself through economic inequality,
and or racial/ethnic tensions. Therefore, if we would like to gain a better understanding of
the effect of a mega sport event on social cohesion, we need to: (1) Collect data on both
national and ethnic identity before and after the event, and (2) Use a methodology that
allows us to measure the effect of these psychological measures on social outcomes
that could serve as an indicator for social cohesion.

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

B. HEERE ET AL.

Chalip (2006) referred to the linkage between psychological attitudes and social outcomes as social leveraging, and argued that more work is needed to understand how temporary psychological benets, such as increased social identity, can be leveraged to foster
social outcomes. Despite his recommendation, a true linkage between psychological
changes and social outcomes has yet to be made. Of particular interest is whether psychological changes, such as increased identity or pride, result in increased attitudes toward
society, most notably social cohesion. Both the studies of Heere et al. (2013), and
Gibson et al. (2014) compared mean scores of either one or both concepts before and
after the mega sport event, yet they did not measure if the relationship between the
two concepts change from before the event to after the event, and neither study incorporated a measure of ethnic identity, which is essential for the understanding of social
cohesion. Indeed, most of the existing studies have failed to directly examine the relationships among key variables and have opted for comparing mean scores before and after
the mega sport event. Thus, researchers have yet to examine the relationship between
constructs before and after the event, which requires a different methodology and a
shift from measuring attitudes on favorability continuum to other dimensions to
measure attitudes.

Psychological dimensions to attitude measures

Most scholars who have measured social identity have followed the general guidelines
offered by attitudinal theorists to measure attitude change (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
From this research line it was concluded researchers have typically assessed a
persons position on a positivenegative continuum and then determined what theory
(theories) was (were) most likely to account for attitude formation and change given
the individuals position on the continuum (Funk & James, 2004, p. 5). Yet, this approach
has received criticism (Watson & Clark, 1997; Zautra, Potter, & Reich, 1997) since it fails to
accurately capture changes in extremity, accessibility, importance, intensity, certainty,
knowledge, direct experience, affective-cognitive consistency, vested interest, and
ambivalence (Krosnick & Abelson, 1992; Krosnick & Petty, 1995). Among these different
properties to measure attitude change, importance (or salience) stands out particularly
for the purposes of our study. For example, we argue that while respondents might not
rate national identity more positively, it might become more important to the individuals
(i.e. and vice versa for ethnic identity). Importance has assumed a central role in social
identity theory, as reviewed by Ashmore et al. (2004). First, the authors discussed importance as explicit, which referred to the degree the individual found the social identity to be
important for his or her overall self-identity or centrality (see Rosenberg, 1979). This perspective views the importance of a social identity to an individual in a vacuum, and
does not discuss the importance a social identity relative to the importance of other
social identities. The second perspective on importance (i.e. implicit) centers on the relationship between different social identities, and focuses on the hierarchy one places on
their social identity. This form of importance is referred to as salience, which Stryker
and Serpe (1994) dened as a readiness to act out an identity as a consequence of
the identitys properties as a cognitive structure or schema (p. 17). For this study, salience
is particularly relevant since it provides a guide to understand the importance of both
national and ethnic identity to an individual and whether a mega sport event could

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

cause changes in peoples willingness to act based on one identity above the other. To
examine these effects, we implemented a different methodology to analyze the data.
Rather than focusing on a mean comparison between two time points, the authors conducted a pre- and post-multiple regression analysis, using national identity and ethnic
identity to explain variance in social capital outcomes, which served as indicators for
social cohesion. Consequently, we assessed whether these two regression analyses exhibited differences before and after the event. This approach would allow us to focus on the
importance of both identities to predict social outcomes. To that end, we propose the following hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1: National identity will explain a higher percentage of variance (practical signicance) on: a) collective action, b) trust and safety, c) social connections, d) tolerance of diversity,
e) value of life, and f) government support after the World Cup, compared to prior to the event.
Hypothesis 2: Ethnic identity will explain a lower percentage of variance (practical signicance)
on: a) collective action, b) trust and safety, c) social connections, d) tolerance of diversity, e) value
of life, and f) government support after the World Cup, compared to prior to the event.
Hypothesis 3: After the event, national identity will explain a higher percentage of variance
(practical signicance) on: a) collective action, b) trust and safety, c) social connections, d) tolerance of diversity, e) value of life, and f) government support, than ethnic identity.

Method
Study design
To test the posited hypotheses, the 2010 FIFA World Cup was used as the quasi-experimental context. Due to the magnitude of this event it was not possible to use a control
group (i.e. people who did not experience the World Cup) to establish any baseline attitudinal measures. Additionally, a lack of general communication channels available to many
South Africans and a lack of physical addresses made the logistics of capturing the same
data points in the pre- and post-event conditions not possible. These issues resulted in the
researchers deciding to adopt a trend analysis design where different participants from
similarly representative demographic backgrounds were asked to complete the preand post-event questionnaires. This method corresponds with similar studies on resident
perceptions of mega sport events in the tourism literature (see Kim, Gursoy & Lee, 2006).
The rst data collection took place three months prior to the event, while the second was
performed eight months following the event. This time lag was essential to avoid any temporal biasing effects in the data.

Instrumentation
Ethnic and national identity. Items used to measure ethnic and national identity were
adopted from the multi-dimensional Group Identity Scale (Heere & James, 2007).
Comprised of six dimensions, this scale is used to explain how individuals identify with
various social groups. Since its development, the instrument has been validated in a
variety of countries and contexts (including South Africa) and has been used to explain
how individuals identify with teams, cities, universities, states, religions, and nations
(e.g. Heere, James, Yoshida, & Scremin, 2011a; Heere et al., 2011b; Heere et al., 2013).

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

B. HEERE ET AL.

Based on this prior usage of the scale, the constructs and corresponding items were
deemed to be externally valid in the South African context (see Table 1).
Social cohesion. Following the reasoning of Kawachi and Berkman (2000) that social
cohesion is characterized by high levels of social capital, we measured social cohesion
through the use of a multi-dimensional social capital measure (Onyx & Bullen, 2000),
which we believed in many ways to be more reective of social cohesion, rather than
social capital. If one would review the items in Table 1, with items proposed by Fone
et al. (2007), the overlap and similarity between the two scales is striking. Yet, where
Fone et al. proposed a one-dimensional scale, Onyx and Bullen (2000) proposed a
multi-dimensional scale, which we deemed more suitable for our research, because of
the exploratory nature of the research. Onyx and Bullen originally developed the measures
of social capital in a rural Australian context. Since social constructs can be society-specic,
adapting the items and constructs to alternate contexts is a necessary aspect for validity
(Woolcock & Narayan, 2000), and ensuing research on these social outcomes conducted in
developing nations was used to guide the adoption of the nal scale dimensions (see
Narayan & Cassidy, 2001; Thuy, Dwivedi, Rossi, Alavapati, & Thapa, 2011), as well as a
content assessment of the applicability of the social capital measures to serve as an indicator for social cohesion. As such, ve different social outcomes associated with social
capital were selected and adapted for the current study: (1) collective action (i.e. community engagement), (2) trust and safety (i.e. helpfulness and security), (3) social connections
(i.e. family and community support), (4) tolerance of diversity (i.e. respect of others), and (5)
value of life (i.e. perceived personal life value). Each of these ve indicators were discussing
how individuals felt about their fellow citizens, whether it was their willingness to engage
in activities with them, the amount of connections they had with them, etc. and thus were
deemed to be reective of social cohesion.
In addition to these ve outcomes, government trust was added as one nal outcome
variable. Dened as a basic evaluative or affective orientation toward the government
(Stokes, 1962, p. 64), the construct of government trust was adapted from Miller (1974)

Table 1. Constructs, internal consistency measure, and sample item.

Construct
Governmentttrust a
National/ethnic ID a
Private evaluation
Public evaluation
Interconnection with group
Sense of interdependence
Behavioural involvement
Cognitive awareness
Social outcomes b
Collective actionc
Trust and safetyc
Social connectionsc
Tolerance of diversityd
Value of lifed

Pre|Post

Sample item

.80|.81

I trust my national government to do the right thing

.90|.91
.75|.75
.75|.76
.70|.82
.76|.71
.74|.73

I am proud to think of myself as part of my (nation/ethnicity)

Overall, people hold a favourable opinion of my (nation/ethnicity)
When someone criticizes my (nation/ethnicity), it feels like a personal insult
Being associated with my (nation/ethnicity) is important to my self-image
Changes impacting my (nation/ethnicity) will change my life
I am aware of the history and traditions of my (nation/ethnicity)

.90|.91
.75|.75
.75|.76
.70|.82
.76|.71

Do you help out a local group as a volunteer?

Do you feel safe walking down your street after dark?
Can you get help from friends when you need it?
Can you get help from friends when you need it?
Do you feel valued by society?

1 strongly disagree to 5 strongly agree.

1 no, not at all to 5 yes, often/denitely.
Collective Action, Trust and Safety, and Social Connections each were measured with ve items.
d
Tolerance of Diversity and Value of Life each were measured with three items.
a

b
c

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

who examined political issues related to a sense trust associated with governmental decision-making. The items included in the scale were as follows: I trust my national government to do the right thing, In general, the peoples interests are important to our
government, The government could use the money we pay in taxes more appropriately,
The government is run by people who generally know what they are doing, In general,
the people running the government are trustworthy. While Onyx and Bullen (2000) initially identied government trust as a construct related to social capital, they later removed
it because of low correlations with the other measures in their Australian research context.
It was added to this study because of the relevance to the South African context for two
reasons: (1) the researchers felt it would provide a strong indication of solidarity among
the South African population (Kawachi & Berkman, 2000), and (2) the researchers examined each social cohesion outcome in separation, thus low correlations are less relevant.
The items in the original survey were anchored in multiple and varying ways (e.g.
always, for the benets of all, not much). For the purpose of standardization across the
survey instrument in the pre and post conditions, the items were reworded slightly to
t on the strongly disagree strongly agree continuum. As we did not expect any
changes to occur to potential latent ethnic conicts before, during or after the World
Cup, we limited ourselves to using the ve social capital measures to measure social cohesion. We believe this approach to be appropriate because the constructs proposed by
Onyx and Bullen (2000) did reect on latent ethnic conicts to some extent, such as
safety and tolerance to diversity. The nal section of the questionnaire contained demographic items, which were used for descriptive purposes (e.g. age, race, gender, length of
residency, income).

Data collection
Data were collected from South African residents, prior to, and following the 2010 FIFA
World Cup. Due to the size of the nation and the geographically distal nature of the
nine host cities, data were collected from ve tournament host cites (i.e. Johannesburg,
Pretoria, Polokwane, Rustenburg, and Nelspruit). While all of these cities are located in
the northern region of the country, city selection was based on their relative proximity
to Johannesburg, which was the home base for the data collection efforts. Accordingly,
a trained team of eldworkers and coordinators were instructed to administer the questionnaires, using spatial location intercept sampling, at major public areas throughout
each host city (e.g. business districts, shopping area, parks and public recreation areas,
entertainment districts, etc.). At each pre-designated city location, a systematic sampling
approach was employed where every fth person or group was targeted and one selected
adult (i.e. alternating between male and female) was asked an initial screening question
(i.e. what is your primary city of residence?). If the individual was identied as a resident
of the data collection city, they were asked to complete the questionnaire. However, if
the individual was unable to read or write, eldworkers used an oral interview method
(Nyaupane & Thapa, 2004; Singleton & Straits, 2002) to aid with questionnaire completion.
In total, N = 1749 complete and usable questionnaires were retained for testing in the preevent condition, while N = 2020 complete and usable questionnaires were retained for the
post-event condition.

10

B. HEERE ET AL.

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

Sample
Data from the pre-test sample showed the aggregate age as slightly less than 30 years old
(M = 29.69, SD = 8.90). Half of this sample were male (n = 999) and the majority self-identied their race as Black (n = 1449; 82%). Education levels ranged from secondary school (n
= 650; 37%), to having earned a diploma (n = 449; 25%), to having earned an honors
degree (n = 53; 3%). The post-test sample was relatively similar reporting an aggregate
age of just above 30 years old (M = 30.11, SD = 9.41). Approximately half were male (n =
1087) and the majority self-identied as Black (n = 1599; 80%). Education levels were
similar to the pre-test sample with one-third reporting a secondary education (n = 663),
and 2% reported earning honors degree (n = 47). Both the pre-event and post-event
samples reported having less than ve persons per household (M = 4.42pre-event;
M = 4.89post-event), and both samples had lived in their current residence for approximately
fourteen years each. In order to establish representativeness of the two samples, we compared the demographic proles to those outlined in the most recently available South
African census data (Mid-year population estimates 2009, 2010). Data in the census
report indicated nearly identical percentages for race and age, but the percentage of
males in our samples were over-represented by nearly 2%.

Data analysis
For this study, we were only interested in explaining variation among the identity dimensions by interpreting the adjusted R 2 values. This was done to gauge the practical signicance of each identity type on the outcomes between two time points (i.e. before and after
the event). We opted for this approach because the use of two different samples for the
pre and post-test did not allow us to do a test for linear restrictions (Anderson, 1951),
which would allow us to test the signicance of the difference between the R 2 values.
Instead, we were limited to interpreting the adjusted R 2 values on face value. As a
result, we were very conservative in our interpretation of the values and only took
meaning from very strong changes. However, we did follow standard analytic procedures
for the multiple regression analyses, whereby the data were analyzed by conducting
twelve separate multiple regression analyses with both the pre- and post-event data
(i.e. six multiple regression analyses used national identity constructs as the independent
variables to explain variance in each of the social capital outcomes, while the other six of
the multivariate multiple regression analyses used the ethnic identity constructs to explain
variance in the social capital outcomes). We then compared the adjusted R 2 square scores
of the pre-event data and the post-event data to examine which constructs, at what time
point, were able to explain more variance in the social outcomes.

Results
All scales indicated appropriate internal consistency scores according to Lance, Butts, and
Michels (2006), with Cronbachs alpha coefcients ranging from .71 to .91 in the pre- and
post-event conditions (see Table 1). Descriptive statistics and scale diagnostics were calculated for all the study measures. In addition to inspecting the means, standard deviations
for the social capital outcomes (see Table 2), reliability coefcients (Cronbachs a), and

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

11

Table 2. Regression for national identity on social outcomes.

Social outcomes

Adj R 2
Time 1

M (SD)
Time 1

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

Collective action
.110
2.87 (1.24)
Trust and safety
.112
3.09 (1.01)
Social connections
.106
3.66 (.947)
Tolerance of diversity
.113
3.92 (.902)
Value of life
.107
3.65 (1.00)
Government trust
.089
4.39 (1.57)
a
All the regression coefcients were signicant at the p = .05 level.

Adj R 2
Time 2

M (SD)
Time 2

R2

.044
.109
.060
.100
.120
.032

2.46 (1.20)
3.06 (.933)
3.44 (1.03)
3.79 (1.01)
3.61 (1.01)
4.14 (1.52)

.066
.003
.046
.013
+.013
.057

zero-order correlations, preliminary data checks for normality were also conducted. All correlations fell below .60, which indicated that multicolinearity among the study measures
was not an issue (Grewal, Levy, & Lehmann, 2004). Since multivariate multiple regression
was used for the analyses, variance ination factors were examined, which fell below the
suggested cut-point of 10.
Our rst set of hypotheses assumed that the national identity constructs would explain
a higher percentage of variance in the social capital outcomes after the event, compared
to prior to the event. Upon examination, we disconrmed the hypotheses for ve of the six
social outcomes. National identity explained more variance only on the construct of value
of life, which demonstrated a slight increase (which might not have been signicant),
while the other social outcomes showed small negative changes. Because we cannot
test whether the change between study conditions was signicant, it is hard to evaluate
how large these changes actually were. Thus, we argue that national identity salience
remained fairly stable from time one to time two. These results fail to support our rst
set of hypotheses.
Our second set of hypotheses assumed that the salience of ethnic identity to social
capital outcomes would decrease, and we did nd strong support for these hypotheses,
as the R 2 scores showed large decreases from pre-event to post event. Prior to the
World Cup, ethnic identity explained a fair amount of variance in social capital outcomes
(ranging from 16% to 26%), yet after the World Cup, the R 2 scores plummeted, and only
explained 3% (collective action) to 13% (value of life) in the various social capital outcomes
(Table 3).
Despite the fact that national identity did not become a more salient construct to
explain variance in the social capital outcomes, we still found partial support for our
third set of hypotheses in this pre/post evaluation, due to the large decreases in ethnic
identity. After the World Cup, national identity was able to explain slightly more variance

Table 3. Regression for ethnic identity on social outcomes and government trust.
Social outcomes

Adj R 2
Time 1

Collective action
.181
Trust and Safety
.219
Social connections
.156
Tolerance of diversity
.182
Value of life
.181
Government trust
.259
Note: All the regression coefcients were signicant at the p = .05 level.

Adj R 2
Time 2

R2

.033
.102
.070
.118
.130
.088

.148
.117
.086
.064
.051
.171

12

B. HEERE ET AL.

in collective action and trust and safety, yet ethnic identity remained a more salient predictor of variance in social connections, tolerance of diversity, value of life and government
trust.

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

Discussion
In our exploration of the effects of the World Cup on social cohesion, we conrm the ndings of Heere et al. (2013) that national identity is a relatively stable construct that does not
change because the organization of a mega sport event, and expands on this view,
showing that this lack of change is not only based in the positivenegative continuum,
but extends to the concept of salience. If anything, the slight decreases in salience
seem to indicate that after a mega sport event, citizens might perhaps have become a
bit tired of the nationalistic rhetoric that accompany the organization of such events
and thus deem their national identity less important to them. Since we were not able
to conduct a test for linear restrictions, future research could attempt to conrm or disconrm this nding and search for evidence of signicance.
Adding the concept of ethnic identity to the examination of how the organization of
mega sport events could affect social cohesion was particular insightful, as it appeared
that the true value of these mega sport events is not that it increases the importance of
national identity, but decreases the importance of ethnic identity in predicting social cohesion within in a nation with a heterogenic ethnic population, such as South Africa. Thus,
the World Cup did seem successful in making South Africans less aware of their differences
(i.e. different ethnic groups), and it became a less salient predictor to understand peoples
willingness to be involved with community action, their perception of safety and trust,
their tolerance of diversity, their social connections and their perception of value of life
in South Africa. When South African president Zuma stated: The enthusiasm, joy and excitement that has engulfed the entire nation in recent weeks (due to the World Cup) has not
been witnessed since President Nelson Mandela was released from prison, he believed
this was due to an explosion of national pride (Bell, 2010). Yet, we suggest that while
the rst observation was probably correct, it was not because of an explosion of national
pride, but because hosting the World Cup made South Africans forget about their differences, a sentiment that extended well beyond the event, as our post-event data collection
was months after the event. The source of the excitement was not national identity, but a
lack of salience for ethnic identity. If we follow the argument of Phinney et al. (2001) who
claims that national identity and ethnic identity should be viewed as independent constructs, not related to each other, we can truly appreciate the magnitude of the ndings
of this study. Rather than focusing on increasing national identity, the South African government is well advised to focus on decreasing ethnic identity, if they would like to
increase social cohesion in their nation. Following this reasoning, we could qualify the
World Cup as a great success.
The largest limitation of this study might have been the geographical area in which
the data were collected. For example, the data were collected only in World Cup cities,
which undoubtedly caused a stronger response to the World Cup among respondents.
Additionally, this biasing effect may have articially overestimated the inuence of the
World Cup on the social identity processes across the nation. Second, all the datacollection cities were located in the Northeastern part of the nation, which again

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

13

limited the representativeness of the sample for the nation, as data from major cities such
as Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, and Durban were missing. Yet, due to the large decreases in
ethnic identity in the World Cup cities, we believe that while the changes outsides these
cities might have been less strong, they still occurred. Additionally, the use of a multidimensional social capital scale as indicator for social cohesion should be considered
as a limitation, because the validity of such approach relies entirely on an assessment of
content validity. Future researchers should continue to explore the validity behind the
instrument of Onyx and Bullen (2000) and evaluate to what extend it might be more reective of social cohesion, rather than social capital. Another outlet for future scholarly work
could be the exploration to what extent smaller events could provide social cohesion for
their communities, whether this may be a city, a university or even neighborhood. Events
such as the World Cup and the Olympics are extremely expensive to host and are rarely
hosted multiple times by the same city or nation; therefore, the true value of using
sport events for social cohesion might be in these smaller events as destinations are
more likely to replicate the success of the event.

Conclusion
Ultimately, the South African World Cup served as an exploratory case study to explore
other dimensions of attitudes, such as salience. Comparing R 2 scores between pre- and
post-event data was a creative way to move beyond the positivenegative continuum
to measure attitude change and focus on capturing the notion of salience in attitude
change (Funk & James, 2004). This approach allowed us to gain a better understanding
of the effect of mega sport events on social cohesion, and integrate a discussion of the
importance of ethnic identity in such examinations. Recommendations for future research
in this area are twofold. First, in terms of overall program evaluation, our approach offers
an alternative method to understand the effectiveness of an intervention or treatment.
Rather than looking at higher positive scores, our approach would allow researchers to
compare relationships between constructs before and after the experiment. However,
future researchers who are looking to replicate this study using our method are advised
to use the same sample before and after the intervention, as this would allow for the statistical comparison of the R 2 scores. Something we were unable to do in this study. Second,
our study indicates the need to change the perspective from positivenegative attitude
studies and encourages researchers to explore other dimensions of attitude, such as
importance, intensity, knowledge, direct experience and ambivalence among others
(Funk & James, 2004). Expanding our exploration of attitude changes would allow us to
gain a stronger understanding of the effect certain interventions have and how we continue to improve these interventions to maximize its desired effect.

References
Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined communities: Reections on the origins and spread of nationalism.
London: Vorso.
Anderson, T. W. (1951). Estimating linear restrictions on regression coefcients for multivariate
normal distributions. The Annals of Mathematical Statistics, 22(3), 327351.
Ashmore, R. D., Deaux, K., & McLaughlin-Volpe, T. (2004). An organizing framework for collective identity: Articulation and signicance of multidimensionality. Psychological Bulletin, 130(1), 80114.

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

14

B. HEERE ET AL.

Ashmore, R. D., Jussim, L., & Wilder, D. (Eds.). (2001). Social identity, intergroup conict and conict
reduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bell, G. (June 6th, 2010). World Cup is uniting South Africa, says Zuma. Retrieved February 7, 2012,
from: http://www.reuters.com/article/2010/06/06/us-soccer-world-unity-idUSTRE6550LJ20100606
Center on Housing Rights and Evictions. (2007). Fair play for housing rights: Mega-events, olympic
games and housing rights, opportunities for the olympic movement and others. Geneva: Author.
Chalip, L. (2006). Towards social leverage of sport events. Journal of Sport & Tourism, 11(2), 109127.
Cornelissen, S. (2008). Scripting the nation: Sport, mega events, foreign policy and state building in
post-apartheid South Africa. Sport in Society, 11(4), 481493.
Eagly, A. H., & Chaiken, S. (1993). The psychology of attitudes. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace Janovich.
Eriksen, T. H. (2001). Ethnic identity, national identity and intergroup conict. In R. D. Ashmore, L.
Jussim, & D. Wilder (Eds.), Social identity, intergroup conict and conict reduction (Chapter 3, pp.
4270). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Fone, D., Dunstan, F., Lloyd, K., Williams, G., Watkins, J., & Palmer, S. (2007). Does social cohesion
modify the association between area income deprivation and mental health? A multilevel analysis.
International Journal of Epidemiology, 36, 338345.
Fredline, E. (2005). Host and guest relations and sport tourism. Sport, Culture and Society, 8(2),
263279.
Funk, D. C., Haugtvedt, C. P., & Howard, D. R. (2000). Contemporary attitude theory in sport:
Theoretical considerations and implications. Sport Management Review, 3(2), 125144.
Funk, D. C., & James, J. D. (2004). The fan attitude network (FAN) model: Exploring attitude formation
and change among sport consumers. Sport Management Review, 7, 126.
Gibson, H. J., Walker, M., Thapa, B., Kaplanidou, K., Geldenhuys, S., & Coetzee, W. (2014). Psychic
income and social capital among host nation residents: A pre-post analysis of the 2010 FIFA
world Cup in South Africa. Tourism Management, 44, 113122.
Grewal, D., Levy, M., & Lehmann D. R. (2004). Retail branding and customer loyalty: An Overview.
Journal of Retailing, 80(4), ixxii.
Gurin, P., & Townsend, A. (1986). Properties of gender identity and their implications for gender consciousness. British Journal of Social Psychology, 25, 139148.
Hargreaves, J., & Ferrando, M. G. (1997). Public opinion, national integration and national identity in
Spain: The case of the Barcelona Olympic Games. Nations and Nationalism, 3(1), 6587.
Heere, B., & James, J. D. (2007). Stepping outside the lines: Developing a multi- dimensional team
identity scale based on social identity theory. Sport Management Review, 10(1), 6591.
Heere, B., James, J. D., Yoshida, M., & Scremin, G. (2011a). The effect of associated group identities on
team identity. Journal of Sport Management, 25(6), 606621.
Heere, B., Walker, M., Yoshida, M., Ko, Y. J., Jordan, J., & James, J. D. (2011b). Brand community development through associated communities: Grounding community measurement within social
identity theory. Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice, 19(4), 407422.
Heere, B., Kim, C. Y., Yoshida, M., Ogura, T., Chung, K. S., Lim, S. Y., & Nakamura, H. (2012). The impact
of world Cup 2002 on the bilateral relationship between South Korea and Japan. Journal of Sport
Management, 26(2), 127142.
Heere, B., Walker, M., Gibson, H., Thapa, B., Geldenhuys, S., & Coetzee, W. (2013). The power of sport to
unite a nation: The social value of the 2010 FIFA world Cup in South Africa. European Sport
Management Quarterly, 13(4), 450471.
Houlihan, B. (1997). Sport, national identity and public policy. Nations and Nationalism, 3(1), 113137.
Huddy, L., & Khatib, N. (2007). American patriotism, national identity and political involvement.
American Journal of Political Science, 51(1), 6377.
Kavetsos, G., & Szymanski, S. (2010). National well-being and international sport events. Journal of
Economic Psychology, 31(2), 158171.
Kawachi, I., & Berkman, L. (2000). Social cohesion, social capital, and health. In L. Berkman, & I.
Kawachi (Eds.), Social epidemiology (pp. 174190). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kent, D. (2013, June 22). Brazil president Dilma Rousseff defends public spending on World Cup as protests continue. Retrieved November 4, 2014, from: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sport/football/
article-2346359/Brazil-president-Dilma-Rousseff-defends-public-spending-World-Cup.html

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

JOURNAL OF SPORT & TOURISM

15

Kersting, N. (2007). Sport and national identity: A comparison of the 2006 and 2010 FIFA world cups.
Politikon: South African Journal of Political Studies, 34(3), 277293.
Kim, H. J., Gursoy, D., & Lee, S. B. (2006). The impact of the 2002 world Cup on South Korea: comparisons of pre and post games. Tourism Management, 27, 8696.
Krosnick, J. A., & Abelson, R. P. (1992). The case of measuring attitude strength in surveys. In J. Tanur
(Ed.), Questions about survey questions (pp. 173203). New York: Sage.
Krosnick, J. A., & Petty, R. E. (1995). Attitude strength: An overview. In R. E. Petty, & J. A. Krosnick (Eds.),
Attitude strength: Antecedents and consequences (pp. 124). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.
Lance, C. E., Butts, M. M., & Michels, L. C. (2006). The sources of four commonly reported cutoff criteria
what did they really say? Organizational research methods, 9(2), 202220.
Leach, C. W., Van Zomeren, M., Zebel, S., Vliek, M., Pennekamp, S. F., Doosje, B., Spears, R. (2008).
Group-level self-denition and self-investment: A hierarchical (multi-component) model of ingroup identication. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95, 144165.
Lenskyj, H. J. (2000). Inside the Olympic industry: Power, politics, and activism. New York, NY: Suny Press
Albany.
Li, S. N., & Jago, L. (2013). Evaluating economic impacts of major sport event a meta analysis of key
trends. Current Issues in Tourism, 16(6), 591611.
Luhtanen, R., & Crocker, J. (1992). A collective self-esteem scale: Self-evaluation of ones social identity. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 18(3), 302318.
Mael, F. A., & Tetrick, L. E. (1992). Identifying organisational identication. Educational and
Psychological Measurement, 52, 813824.
Mandela, N. R. (1994). A long walk to freedom. New York, NY: Little, Brown and Company.
Mid-year population estimates 2009. (2010). Statistics South Africa. Retrieved February 15, 2011, from
www.statssa.gov.za
Miller, A. H. (1974). Political issues and trust in government, 19641970. American Political Science
Review, 68, 951972.
Narayan, D., & Cassidy, M. F. (2001). A dimensional approach to measuring social capital:
Development and validation of a social capital inventory. Current Sociology, 49(2), 59102.
Nauright, J. (1997). Sport, cultures and identities in South Africa. London: Leicester University Press.
Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. (2011). The world Cup, vuvuzelas, ag-waving patriots and the burden of building South Africa. Third World Quarterly, 32, 279293.
Nyaupane, G. P., & Thapa, B. (2004). Evaluation of ecotourism: A comparative assessment in the
Annapurna conservation area project, Nepal. Journal of Ecotourism, 3(1), 2045.
Ohmann, S., Jones, I., & Wilkes, K. (2008). The perceived social impacts of the 2006 Football world Cup
on Munich residents. Journal of Sport & Tourism, 11(2), 129152.
Onyx, J., & Bullen, P. (2000). Measuring social capital in ve communities. The Journal of Applied
Behavioral Science, 36(1), 2342.
Phinney, J. S. (1992). The multigroup ethnic identity measure: A new scale for use with diverse
groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156176.
Phinney, J. S., Horenczyk, G., Liebkind, K., & Vedder, P. (2001). Ethnic identity, immigration, and wellbeing: An interactional perspective. Journal of Social Issues, 57(3), 493510.
Preuss, M. (2004). The economics of staging the Olympics: A comparison of the games 19722008.
Cheltenham: Edward Elgar.
Rose, A. K., & Spiegel, M. M. (2009). The Olympic effect (Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Working
Paper Series).
Rosenberg, M. (1979). Conceiving the self. New York: Basic Books.
Shaw, C. A. (2008). Five ring circus: Myths and realities of the Olympic games. Gabriola Island, BC: New
Society.
Singleton, R. A., & Straits, B. C. (2002). Survey interviewing. In J. F. Gubrium, & J. A. Holstein (Eds.), The
handbook of interview research: Context and method (pp. 5982). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Stokes, D. E. (1962). Popular evaluations of government: An empirical assessment. In H. Cleveland, &
H. D. Lasswell (Eds.), Ethics and bigness: Scientic, academic, religious, political, and military
(pp. 6172). New York, NY: Harper and Brothers.

16

B. HEERE ET AL.

Downloaded by [MUSC Library] at 06:12 28 April 2016

Stryker, S., & Serpe, R. T. (1994). Identity salience and psychological centrality: Equivalent, overlapping, or complementary concepts? Social Psychology Quarterly, 57, 1635.
Thuy, N. N., Dwivedi, P., Rossi, F., Alavapati, J. R. R., & Thapa, B. (2011). Role of social capital in determining conservation attitude: A case study from Cat tien national park, Vietnam. International
Journal of Sustainable Development & World Ecology, 18(2), 143153.
Tien, C., Lo, H. C., & Lin, H. W. (2011). The economic benets of mega events: A myth of reality? A
longitudinal study on the Olympic games. Journal of Sport Management, 25, 1123.
Watson, D., & Clark, L. A. (1997). The measurement and mismeasurement of mood: Recurrent and
emergent issues. Journal of Personality Assessment, 68, 267296.
Woolcock, M., & Narayan, D. (2000). Social capital: Implications for development theory, research, and
policy. World Bank Research Observer, 15(2), 225249.
Zautra, A. J., Potter, P. T., & Reich, J. W. (1997). The independence of affects is context dependent: An
integrative model of the relationship between positive and negative affect. In M. P. Lawton & K. W.
Schale (Eds.), Annual review of gerontology and geriatrics (Vol. 17, pp. 75102). New York: Springer.
Zimbalist, A. (2010). Is It worth It? Finance and Development, 47(1), 811.