Clothing and Textiles Research Journal

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Beyond Capabilities: A Case Study of Three Artisan Enterprises in India

Susan Strawn and Mary A. Littrell
Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 2006; 24; 207
DOI: 10.1177/0887302X06294686
The online version of this article can be found at:
http://ctr.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/24/3/207

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Beyond Capabilities: A Case Study of Three Artisan

Enterprises in India
Susan Strawn

Dominican University

Mary A. Littrell

Colorado State University

Abstract
Textiles are part of the handcrafts industry that employs a substantial percentage of Indias population.
Despite the economic importance of handcrafts, not all decision-making officials support the sectors
development. Arguments against government and foundation for developing artisan enterprises point to
the stopgap nature of craft production and question whether artisan enterprises foster skills that can lead
to new entrepreneurial endeavors. Arguments for artisan development propose models that emphasize
capabilities artisans can develop to improve their well-being. Among these, a model developed by
economist Amartya Sen distinguishes capability acquisition from entrepreneurial application. In this
research, the authors conducted a case study of three artisan entrepreneurs that appeared to demonstrate
this distinction. Individuals acquired textile production and business management capabilities while
working for a parent fair trade enterprise and applied their skills in forming entrepreneurial ventures.
Research identified the most salient capabilities applied to artisan enterprises.

Key Words
Artisans, Capabilities, Entrepreneurs, Fair Trade, India, Weaving
extile handcrafts in India spring from their
creative roles in religion, art, festivals, and in
everyday life. In the past, royal patronage
supported much of Indias textile production.
During the struggle for independence, Mahatma
Ghandi and his supporters made the hand
production of indigenous cloth a visible, unifying
symbol of Indian nationalism in the face of
imported British cloth (Bayly, 1986). After
independence, the government of India attempted to
develop market outlets to support small-scale and
cottage industry textile production. During the
1990s, India joined forces with nongovernment
organizations (NGOs) to support marketing fairs

Authors Addresses: Susan Strawn, Apparel Design &

Merchandising, Dominican University, River Forest, IL
60305, sstrawn@dom.edu
Mary A. Littrell, Department of Design and Merchandising,
Colorado State University, Fort Collins, CO 80522, mlittrel@
cahs.colostate.edu.
2006 INTERNATIONAL TEXTILE & APPAREL ASSOCIATION

instead of outlet shops, to provide loans at

reasonable interest rates, and to facilitate design and
technical assistance for the handcraft industry (Joshi,
2001; Roy, 2001). As commodities, textiles are part of
a handcrafts industry that employs a substantial
percentage of Indias population. According to
Indias National Sample Survey, employment in
handcrafts industries was estimated at 5.7 million in
1991 and 8.4 million in 1994-1995 (Roy, 2001).
Despite the importance of crafts in India, not all
officials in decision-making positions support the
sectors development (Roy, 2001). Arguments
against government and foundation support for
developing artisan enterprises point to the
unpredictable, stopgap nature of craft production.
Funding organizations may question whether
artisan work is a survival strategy or an assetbuilding strategy that can lead to new
entrepreneurial endeavors (M. Cockram, Aid to
Artisans, personal communication, March 4,
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2003). The central and state governments of India

have acknowledged such concerns and shifted the
administration of crafts production such that the
producers play a larger role in decisions related to
intervention strategies (Joshi, 2001).
Arguments for artisan development propose
models that emphasize capabilities artisans can
develop and use to improve their well-being (Basu,
1995; Frater, 2002; Tice, 1995). Artisan enterprises
organized under Fair Trade Organization (FTO)
guidelines assign high priority to the development
of management and technical skills as catalysts for
increased opportunity and independence
(International Fair Trade Association, 2004; Littrell
& Dickson, 1999). Socially responsible FTO
business practices emphasize fair wages paid in
local contexts, equitable employment opportunities
for all workers, community development, and safe
and healthy working conditions (International Fair
Trade Association, 2004). As a strategy for poverty
alleviation and sustainable development, fair trade
enterprises strive to conduct business in a manner
that addresses social responsibility, economic
viability, and ecological soundness.
Amartya Sen (1993), an economist who emphasizes
social values in economic development, provided a
capabilities model that appeared useful in
distinguishing capability acquisition from
entrepreneurial application. For Sen, an important
objective of development is maximizing peoples
capabilities, the freedom to pursue the kinds of lives
they value. Sen defined capability as a combination
of functionings or the various doings and beings
that lead to well-being. Functionings range from
elementary (nourishment, health) to complex (selfrespect, social integration) and vary within different
local cultures. Resources from economic growth are
of value only if they contribute to human
functionings. According to Sen, workers in poor
countries not only need access to such resources as
training and technology; they also need real
opportunities to apply their learned skills. Workers
also require the social and personal freedom to
choose to access resources that may contribute to
improved well-being. Sen distinguishes between
well-being freedom and well-being achievement,
a difference between the freedom to access resources
208

that develop capabilities and the freedom to apply

their achievements and improve well-being (1980,
1993). Although other research has documented the
acquisition of capabilities among artisans in a fair
trade enterprise (Dickson & Littrell, 2003), the
question of whether fair trade leads to application
of the capabilities in forming new entrepreneurial
enterprises remains open to investigation.
Therefore, the purpose of this research was to
explore whether the opportunity to acquire
capabilities while working with a socially
responsible parent enterprise had led to new
enterprise formation in India.
In this research, we examined three artisan
enterprises in India that appear to demonstrate
Sens distinction between well-being freedom and
well-being achievement. In each business,
individuals acquired textile production and
business management capabilities while working
for a parent enterprise. They then grasped the
opportunity to apply their skills in forming the
three entrepreneurial ventures described in this
article. The first two artisan enterprises
originated in MarketPlace: Handwork of India in
Mumbai, and the third arose from the Rehwa
Society, a weaving cooperative in Maheshwar,
Uttar Pradesh.

METHOD
In January 2003, we conducted a case study of
three artisan enterprises following practices
recommended by Yin (2003). Data sources
included interviews, observations, photo
documentation, and examination of textiles.
During site visits to workshops, textile products,
workspaces, and production were observed and
photographed. Through translators, business
leaders were asked open-ended questions about
development histories, production methods, and
marketing strategies for their businesses. We
attempted to identify the capabilities artisan
entrepreneurs had acquired while working for
parent FTOs. What had business leaders learned
that prepared them to found and run their own
businesses? What resources supported their
opportunities to apply capabilities learned during
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artisan work? How had their businesses generated

additional employment for other artisans?

NEW ARTISAN ENTERPRISES

Indian Roots
Since 1998, the artisan enterprise in Mumbai
called Indian Roots has produced a line of Indiainspired tailored and embroidered clothing and
household textiles sold in India, but not in the
global market. The artisans of Indian Roots are
members of MarketPlace: Handwork of India
(MarketPlace) workshops in Mumbai. MarketPlace
employs approximately 400 artisans who tailor and
embroider textile products, all of which are
marketed outside India to American consumers
through mail-order catalogs and specialty retail
stores. Artisans paid by the piece for their tailoring
and embroidery suffered economic hardship
whenever MarketPlace orders slowed. Concerned
with artisan dependence on MarketPlace, Pushpika
Freitas, the founder of MarketPlace, encouraged
artisans to develop alternative markets.

Figure 1. Artisans Working for Indian Roots

Three MarketPlace artisans seized the opportunity

to apply what they had learned as production unit
leaders for their workshops and formed a new
business arm within MarketPlace that caters to a
local market. Under the direction of Devi Nair,
2006 INTERNATIONAL TEXTILE & APPAREL ASSOCIATION

MarketPlace office coordinator in Mumbai, Indian

Roots forged a plan that has generated work for
MarketPlace artisans without threatening current
MarketPlace product lines. Pressured to protect the
distinctive MarketPlace look and discourage
knockoff products that would compete with its
overseas catalog, MarketPlace requires its fabric
suppliers hold for at least 2 years all custom-dyed
and -printed fabric rejected for inaccurate color or
printing. Indian Roots purchased at cost the
rejected fabric, which artisans tailored and
embroidered into Indian Roots products. This
arrangement placed fabrics used for the Indian
Roots product line three seasons behind the
MarketPlace catalog and posed no threat to
current or upcoming MarketPlace products.
Indian Roots has sold small orders to a
government shop but relies heavily on one annual
sale in Mumbai. Concern India, an organization
that coordinates exhibitions and sales of Indian
handcrafts in government halls, stages a 3-day sale
each November during Diwali, the Hindu festival
of lights for which many Indians purchase new
clothing. Indian Roots has been the top seller at
the Concern India sale, grossing between 50,000
and 75,000 rupees ($US1,1001,650) each year.
MarketPlace artisans prepared for the sale by
tailoring and embroidering Indian Roots products
throughout the year when MarketPlace orders
were slow. The month before the sale, however,
artisans intensified their efforts for Indian Roots
while keeping up with MarketPlace orders. When
Indian Roots sold out during the 1st day of the
Concern India sale, artisans worked through the
night tailoring and embroidering more products to
sell the following day. Indian Roots paid artisans in
cash at the same rate as MarketPlace.
The leadership for Indian Roots consisted of artisans
and personnel from MarketPlace. Devi Nair,
secretary for Indian Roots, met regularly with each
MarketPlace artisan group, assessed their workloads,
and assisted with decisions about work distribution.
Delphine Fernandes, treasurer for Indian Roots, kept
records that the government of India can request at
any time. Production unit leaders from three of the
seven MarketPlace artisan groups served as business
leaders for Indian Roots. Aburkani Mohmed from
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the workshop Ghar Udog, Abdul Sheikh from

Sahara, and Neenah Sikhligar from Udaan Madan
staffed the Concern India sale and coordinated
design and production using the same skills gained
as group leaders for the MarketPlace workshops.
These business leaders learned from their work
with MarketPlace how to adjust styles and
production time for the Indian Roots product
line according to preferences of Indian consumers
who buy at Concern India. Typically, an artisan
embroidered for 6 hours on one piece for
MarketPlace, but prices for an Indian Roots
product sold at Concern India would support only
1 hour of embroidery time. American customers
will buy jackets, vests, placemats, and tablecloths
from the MarketPlace catalog. However, Indian
Roots sold wrap skirts, blouses, pants, and the
loose-fitting Indian tops called kurtas and salwars
at Concern India. Indian customers in general will
not buy jackets and vests because they cannot wear
them over saris or salwar suits. Many Indian
customers, who prefer plastic-coated table
coverings for easier cleaning, will not purchase
household textiles at Concern India.
During January 2003, Indian Roots also marketed
to a group of Earthwatch Institute volunteers and
researchers, their first non-Indian customers.
During the Earthwatch orientation at the
MarketPlace office, participants from Australia,
England, and the United States sifted through
racks and tables that held clothing and household
textiles, each presented with a sewn-in Indian
Roots label and a hangtag with the price in rupees.
The women chose among a colorful selection of
salwars, pants, long scarves (dupattas), kurtas,
vests, jackets, wrap skirts, blouses, bathrobes, tote
bags, placemats, table runners, tablecloths, and
business card and computer disk holders. Quickly
mastering the rupee/dollar conversions, everyone
asked for more. Not only did Indian Roots
business leaders respond with new products each
day for their enthusiastic Earthwatch customers,
but they also brought fabric samples and offered
custom orders made to measure. They also agreed
to sew and embroider yardages of fabric their
customers had purchased from other shops in

210

Mumbai. Neena and Aburkani applied an eye for

design and suggested fabric and style
combinations, many with borders and embroidery
that generated more work for tailors and
embroiderers. In addition, the Indian Roots
business leaders encouraged artisans to create
more textile products to sell when the Earthwatch
group visited three other MarketPlace workshops
in Mumbai.
These business leaders, who learned production
skills in MarketPlace workshops, transferred their
capabilities to Indian Roots. They delivered fabric
and materials to workshops, trained artisans in
production techniques, maintained quality
standards, supplied finished products to appropriate
venues, and distributed payment to artisans. For
Indian Roots, however, they had also extended their
capabilities to include design, custom tailoring, and
quick response to consumer demand.
Udog Kala Kendra
The second artisan enterprise that grew from
MarketPlace is Udog Kala Kendra, a fabric
workshop that specializes in dye and surface
design. P. Ziauddin, who goes by the name Zia,
developed Udog Kala Kendra using the dye and
surface design skills he learned after joining
MarketPlace in the late 1980s. Initially, all
MarketPlace fabric was produced by outside firms
in another region of India, an overnight train ride
away. The distance between the MarketPlace office
in Mumbai and Kutch, where fabric was printed,
contributed to challenges in securing fabrics in a
timely manner for production. In addition, when
fabrics arrived, they sometimes had to be
overdyed, which became Zias responsibility.
Zia observed this problem and used his emerging
skills as a dyer to start a new workshop in Utan, 40
miles north of the MarketPlace office. In Mumbai,
autorickshaws and taxis, jeeps and vans, bicycles
and motorbikes, colorful trucks and tidy sedans,
and the occasional oxcart or pushcart all crowd
onto roadways. Driving toward Utan, traffic thins,
horn honking dwindles, the temperature drops,
palm trees appear, and detached bungalows replace

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Specialists in Gujurat carved custom MarketPlace

motifs three-quarter-inch deep into shatter- and
wear-resistant teakwood blocks.
The Udog Kala Kendra workshop handled many
surface design treatments, including tie-dye, batik,
and overdyeing. Confident and efficient, artisans
stamped six-meter lengths of white cloth with
black ink for prints or with melted wax for resists.
Other fabrics were painted, not printed, with wax.
Shehnaz Sheikh, the only woman in the workshop,
painted delicate freehand designs in pale yellow
wax onto the borders of undyed curtains and
tailored salwars. She had learned to follow
specified designer patterns. Shehnaz has a talent
for design, however, and she found opportunities
to send samples of her original painted motifs
along with custom design orders. MarketPlace had
adopted some of her motifs in their product line.
Figure 2. P. Ziauddin of Udog Kala Kendra

Mumbais miles of slum dwellings, factories, and

high-rise apartments. For 6 years, Zia had rented
workshop space in Utan, where he dyes and prints
fabric exclusive to the seasonal MarketPlace colors
and motifs that Pushpika Freitas, MarketPlace
President, has chosenand that Zia guards with
care. Following 6 years of growth, Zia employed 10
artisans and produced approximately 60% of the
fabric MarketPlace purchased for its catalog
products. Zia told us his wife kept the business
books and records for Udog Kala Kendra.
Zias compact workshop space accommodated all
stages of dyeing and surface design. Fabric dried on
lines across the ceiling, and metal cabinets along the
walls held piles of fabrics and wooden stamps. The
dyeing process occupied the end of a narrow room
where jugs of powdered dyes, water buckets, scales,
metal pots, bags of wax from China, and stoves
surrounded an open water tank. On the other end
of the room, three broad platforms covered with
moist sand provided surfaces on which artisans
stamped and painted fabrics. Zia bought Indian
white cotton cloth from a single supplier to ensure
consistent price and quality. He purchased dyes in
Mumbailess expensive dyes for simple colors and
more expensive varieties for subtle, complex hues.
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Zias business prospered, and his workshop and

products continued to grow. In 2002, he purchased
land in Utan and constructed a building to house
his new workshop. In 2003, he moved his workshop
into the new building, four times the size of the
space he had rented. Using the large wax reservoir
built into the workshop floor, Zia can expand batik
production. A new water well replaced municipal
water used in the rented workshop and will allow
him to experiment with natural dyes, which require
more water. Zia transferred artisan skills used to
overdye cloth at MarketPlace to his new business,
and he expanded his knowledge of dyeing and
surface design. In addition, he developed the
capability to train and coordinate more artisans in
specialized textile techniques.
Ganesh R. Bichawe, Master Weaver
The third artisan enterprise was developed by
Ganesh R. Bichawe, a master weaver in Maheshwar,
Uttar Pradesh. Located beside the Narmada River in
the heart of India, Maheshwar is known for its
temples, sari weaving, and the palace of the princely
family of Holkars. During the 1700s, the Holkar
queen Ahilya Bai Holkar was revered for her
charitable foundations, including the introduction
of sari weaving that revitalized the village.
Throughout India, Maheshwari saris gained favor
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for their intricate, gossamer silk weaves with

distinctive reversible borders of supplementary
warp (Chari, 2001). After Indian independence in
1947, however, tariff protection and royal patronage
for Maheshwari saris disappeared. World War II had
decimated Chinese and German yarn and dye
supplies, and by the 1960s, Maheshwar weavers
languished in poverty, paid only a few rupees for
large amounts of work (Chari, 2001; Lynton, 1995).
In 1978, Sally and Richard Holkar founded the
Rehwa Society, a weaving cooperative that
revitalized Maheshwars destitute weaving industry
(Lynton, 1995). Rehwa trained artisans, both men
and women, to weave high-quality saris with
designs adapted from the traditional Maheshwari
saris. Working with professional designers, weavers
learned new ways to work with color, design, and
fiber and to weave not only saris but dupattas,
shawls, and yardage in cotton and silk. Profits from
the Rehwa Society improved education, literacy,
housing, and health care in Maheshwar.
The Rehwa Society began with just 12 female
weavers, and Ganesh R. Bichawe joined as
production manager. The youngest of nine children,
Ganesh grew up in a family of weavers so poor they
felt fortunate if they ate one meal a day. Before
Rehwa, many children, including Ganesh, learned
weaving skills during childhood; of necessity, they
left school to weave and help support their families.
By the age of 22 years, Ganesh understood all
technical aspects of weaving. He used his innate
sense of color and design when he began working
with Sally Holkar to design Rehwa saris.
Relying on marketing, design, and business skills he
learned at the Rehwa Society and on his superior
weaving knowledge learned during childhood,
Ganesh founded and runs his own business. A
master weaver, Ganesh owns approximately 30
looms, mostly pit looms, and employs cottage
weavers. He owns a sari shop in Maheshwar, and his
weaving was featured in a 2003 master handcraft
exhibition in Mumbai. He continues to participate
in retail exhibitions for local, expatriate, and tourist
customers. A role model for aspiring master
weavers, Ganesh escaped common financial and
marketing traps. Master weavers tended to fall into
debt when they overextended investments, when
212

Figure 3. Ganesh R. Bichawe, Master Weaver

retailers cheated them, or when competing weavers

copied designs or undercut prices. Ganesh, aware
that new designs are essential for success, has hired
designers and guards new designs against copying.
He sells direct to retailers and gets orders in advance
to ensure payment. Using skills he developed at the
Rewah Society, Ganesh developed excellent
management practices and quality control.

CONCLUSIONS
Development organizations may express reluctance
to invest in artisan organizations. This case study of
three artisan enterprises, however, identified
artisans who had the opportunity to work under
socially responsible, fair trade business practices.
Each had taken newfound capabilities to the next
level and formed new business organizations. This
case study appears to illustrate Sens model in
demonstrating that an individuals opportunity to
apply capabilities corresponds to the freedom to
lead the kind of life the person values. Three
specific capabilities appeared most salient in the
new business applications. First, business leaders
gained an intimate and thorough knowledge of
textile production techniques when they worked in
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organizations that shared, rather than protected,

production expertise. This knowledge positioned
them to train and supervise their own artisan
employees, to maintain specialized equipment, to
purchase appropriate raw materials, and to
calculate production capacity. Second, business
leaders gained an understanding of the importance
of innovation and newness in the market when
they observed the guarded changes in seasonal
styles and motifs used at the parent enterprise.
Their new businesses reflected a spirit of
innovation specific to each of their textile products.
Third, business leaders learned the critical
importance of targeting products to their intended
market when they worked with parent enterprises
that marketed products nationally or
internationally. Artisan businesses that want to
foster new venture entrepreneurship among their
workers need to attend to these specific capabilities.
This case study, although it relied on a small
sample, suggested the value of further research in
this vein. Several questions emerged. How have
other businesses operated in a socially responsible
manner spawned new entrepreneurial ventures?
What capabilities learned under the parent
business seem most critical for transfer to the new
enterprise? Does a similar pattern of
entrepreneurship emerge when businesses are not
operated in a socially responsible manner?
Research into opportunities for women in the
worlds many highly gendered societies deserves
particular attention. For example, in her case study
of an Indian weaving collective, Hill (2001) argued
that cultural norms curtail choice and freedom to
develop capabilities and that effective life change is
linked to womens involvement with collective
action processes. Further research needs to look
beyond capabilities acquired to the process of
applying those capabilities in new ways.

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