Vergina-Aigai: The Macedonian Tomb with Ionic

Faade. Observations on the Form and Function

of Macedonian Tombs
Stella Drougou
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
In the summer of 1987, the ruins of a large double-chamber Macedonian tomb were revealed1 on the east slope of the modern village of Vergina next to the old City-hall. The site
forms part of the ancient cemetery located in close proximity to the Great Tumulus and to
the northwest of the walls of the ancient city of Aigai.2 It was already during the first excavation season (when the nearly complete destruction of the burial structure and the extensive
robbing of building material became obvious) that its best preserved part came to light: the
Ionic faade of the tomb which defined the importance of the new find (Fig. 1a, b). The greatest damage is observed on the walls of the large main area B to such a degree that on certain
places only the foundation bed has survived. By contrast, the walls of area A (the antechamber) have been preserved to a small height, enough to allow a description of the robbed out
burial structure, by comparison with similar monuments, which will be mentioned later.3 As
if in favour of modern archaeologists, big pieces of Ionic semi-columns, as well as part of the
entrance-wall masonry, have been identified as coming from the tombs faade (Fig. 1). On
its premises, scattered fragments of other stone architectural members, mostly from its superstructure, have also been found. The broad access-path to the tomb is particularly useful
because its mixed fill was not heavily disturbed, as opposed to the slanting narrow passage
used by clandestines on the tombs south side4(Fig. 1a, c).
Despite its terrible state of preservation, the new burial structure was systematically studied, offering useful information on the group of Macedonian tombs with Ionic faade, with
particular emphasis on the prostasis of an Ionic temple (Fig. 2), as it is depicted on similar
above-ground monuments.5 Built of limestone blocks, the structure was divided into two relatively large rooms along an east/west axis, accessible from the east (Fig. 3). Four Ionic semicolumns formed its entrance (two on either side, placed 1.67 m apart). No traces of a casing
(perithyroma) has been preserved nor anything alluding to a doorway, a rather familiar feature
in Macedonian tombs.6 However, the larger chamber B presents a different picture, compared
to the entrance. The existence of a big marble door is suggested by fragments of its frame, as
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Figure 1a. Ground plan of the tomb with Ionic faade Figure 1b. Lengthwise section of the tomb with
(Drawing by N. Haddad).
Ionic faade(Drawing by N. Haddad).

Figure 1c. The court and dromos of the tomb (Drawing Figure 1d. Ionic capital of the tomb with Ionic
by N.Chatzidakis).
faade (Drawing by N. Haddad).

well as by foundation traces of the marble jambs and threshold (2.50 m long, including the
jambs, and 0.50 m wide), evident on the structures floor.7
The total length of the building is about 10 m, with the faade reaching 6.30 m in width. On
the inside, chamber A measures 3.55 m in length by 3.85 m in width, whereas the main chamber
B is 4.30 m long and 3.85 m wide. The thickness of the walls ranges from 0.40 m to 0.50 m and,
at several points, they must have abutted against the vertical sides of the foundation trench.
At this point, it is worth noting that the elevation of the interior spaces, mainly that of B, is not
perfectly square, as in most Macedonian tombs.8 The difference in width between the faade
and chamber A (the antechamber) is considerable: even if the thickness of the lateral walls adds
up to the overall width of the chamber, it still remains smaller than that of the faades. As a
result, the faade is extended, with the two columns at its edge, beyond the lateral walls of the
structure (Fig. 4). It comprises a characteristic feature of the Ionic faade, if compared to the
tomb of Rhomaios in AigaiVergina, although their differences are obvious, but it contrasts the
tomb of Palmettes in Mieza (modern Lefkadia, in Imathia), where the faade is just as wide as its
two inner compartments.9 The attempt to achieve the elegance of an Ionic temple, as regards
the vault, for example, causes several technical problems to the subterranean structure, which
nonetheless were solved by various means, such as the ones noted above.
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Figure 2. Sketch of the tombs faade.

Figure 3. The tomb from the east (inside).

Another essential element was identified in the destroyed subterranean monument: the
two chambers are almost similar in size, since their difference amounts to almost one meter
in length, representing, according to . Schmidt-Dounas, a ratio of 1:21, the smallest known
among Macedonian tombs.10 Immediately one wonders about the purpose of a double burial,
which occurs rarely. One attested occasion is the tomb of Philip in the Great Tumulus in Vergina,11 where the purpose of two such big areas becomes obvious.
The floor of both chambers is formed by a thick layer of red plaster (0.03 m0.05 m) on
top of compact earth. This manner of construction may be explained by the extremely loose
consistency of the ground in this area.12 Along the preserved north and south walls of chamber
A, a ledge is formed at the height of the pillars, up to 0.10 m wide and 0.50 m high (Fig. 5).
The ledge is covered in black plaster, whereas higher up the wall was red.13. Pieces of plaster
found in the lower layers of the earth-fill indicate the use of other colours, too, besides white,
red and black, and one could suggest an arrangement in bands. Also, the small fragments of a
moulding in plaster suggests dividing bands in relief (Fig. 6a), marking, for example, the base of
the vault or the transition between coloured bands,14 while the surface of the vault may have
been covered in white plaster. Based on other, better preserved similar monuments, such as
the tomb at Lefkadia or Agios Athanasios in Thessaloniki, the same could be argued as regards
polychromy and relief mouldings.15
The tombs faade with the Ionic semi-columns is the better preserved part offering information on its construction: the four engaged columns, with their characteristic bases, stand
on a ledge-stylobate (0.15 m in visible height) of marble, which, inside chamber A, functions
as the wall-base. The engaged semi-columns slightly exceed a hemicycle and stand on the
surface of the entrance wall.16 The intercolumniation and interaxial space measure 0.70 m
and 1.50 m respectively, while the intercolumniation at the entrance is 1.70 m (the interaxial
distance between the two central semi-columns is 2.30 m). The first south engaged column
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Figure 4. The tombs faade, north part.

Figure 5a, b. The tombs faade, view of

the inside from west.

is preserved to a height of almost 3 m, where the capital would have been. On the analogy of
other examples, it would have reached a total height of 3.70-3.80 m. At that level, a drum of
a double-column survives in second use. Part of it was embedded in the wall, in order to support both the capital and the engaged column on the surface of the entrance wall; a remarkable and rather unusual way of setting an engaged column, in relation to the wall.17 The other
three columns of the same type do not survive at a similar height; therefore, a clear picture
of the entire facade is not possible. The four engaged columns bases stand directly upon the
stylobate, without a separate plinth. They can be ranked among the best examples of the Ionic
order in the late 4th century Macedonian burial group, despite their fragmentary preservation: two unequal in diameter tori with a pronounced profile curve frame horizontally the
characteristic scotia, which is distinguished by two narrow fillets. The bigger in diameter torus
rests at the bottom, upon the stylobate, then comes the scotia and above it the smaller torus.
From that point upwards, thirteen (or fifteen) flutes extend to the now-lost capital (Attic-Ionic
order without its quadrilateral plinth).18 (Fig. 4). The distinct profile of the bases seems more
advanced than the plain and restrained style of the bases of the engaged columns at the tomb
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Figure 6b. Fragment of pediment.

Figure 6a. Fragment of plaster cyma.

Figure 6c. Fragment of the marble acroterion.

of Rhomaios or even those of the earlier faade of the Eurydice tomb.19 Only a big fragment of one of the capitals has been found, of soft sandstone, which unfortunately crumbled
immediately after its revelation. Its large but low echinus was framed by two volutes and covered by an Ionic moulding of three eggs in high relief. This contrasts the capitals from the
tomb of Palmettes, with a cyma rendered in painting. Each half cushion on the lateral sides
of the capital (Fig. 7) bears in its middle two pairs of relief rings and the conical part that ends
in the volute of the faade drawn around two centres. In the abacus, there is a lightly concave
element with three pronounced flutes.20
As noted above, the preserved architectural elements that could offer a complete picture
of the superstructure of the tombs faade are markedly few. One fragment confirms the existence of a pediment21 and other architectural fragments (Fig. 6b and Fig. 1d) originate from
marble floral akroteria, as suggested by the fragment of a ridged tendril22 (Fig. 6c). As far as
the entablature is concerned, no finds have been yielded. An entablature is bound to have
been included in the faade, as we infer from analogous monuments, such as the tomb of
Palmettes (Fig. 2). An Ionic faade recurs in several examples of Macedonian tombs, and
most certainly elements in the Ionic order were adopted in almost all Macedonian burials,
as attested in relevant monuments at Vergina.23 Having forerunners already in the previous
century, the merging of characteristic features of both orders was widely established in the
4th century BC. This combination caused additional problems to the Macedonian tombs, due
to their subterranean position and the construction materials employed (plaster and porous)
resulting in the creation of distinct architectural compositions.
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Figure 7. Fragment of the Ionic capital.

Figure 9. The tombs faade and part of the
dromos with enagismos, southern part.

Figure 8a. Clay lamp from the

interior of the tomb.

Figure 8b. Fragment of a panathenaic

amphora.

Figure 8c. Bronze lappets of a

breastplate.

The excavated portable finds that can be directly linked with the burial structure itself are
quite few. Concerning the always useful pottery, most sherds were discovered in the lower
layers of earth-fill or on the floor. Noteworthy is an integral small clay lamp (Fig. 8a) which
may be directly associated with the burial and is also dated to the end of 4thearly 3rd century BC A small sherd from a black-figure vase was discovered in the fill in front of the tombs
faade. It may belong to a Panathenaic amphora (Fig. 8b), a fairly common find in 4th century
BC graves, both in Aigai and elsewhere.24 The remaining portable finds connected with the
burial are only a few. Among them a large fragment of an iron helmet and a small number of
gold-plated bronze lappets (Fig. 8c), which may belong to a breastplate, are worthy of note.25
If all these observations are true, then all finds including the care for the construction of this
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sizable monument - indicate that the deceased was probably a military man. The lack of characteristic portable finds does not allow us to identify this military man with a specific historic
person. The relative chronology of the burial could be our basic starting point, however, we
would rather not rash into conclusions without taking some other factors into consideration.26
The dromos (access-path) to the large burial structure contains interesting features, quite
useful for our understanding of the monument, its chronology and form. In the course of removing the earth-fill, it became clear that the tomb was intact in its greater part, except for the
passage opened by looters and the stone robbing at its southern side and near its faade. It is
estimated to have been more than 15-16 m long and 6.30- 6.50 m wide, at least in front of the
tombs faade, that is, as wide as the structure (Fig. 1c). The space of the indispensable yard
(aula) in front of the entrance-wall and with a slightly slanted floor was usually protected along
its side walls [essentially of the dromos/pathway] and conforming to the terrain in a variety
of ways, as seen in several similar burial structures.27 In the case under examination, a rough
wall built of large stones, has been preserved on the southern face of the pathway, ca. 10 m
long and 2-3 m high, starting from the tombs faade eastwards. Actually the wall appears to
have functioned as a retaining-wall to contain the soft earth of the area.28 The connection of
the wall with the tombs faade and mainly the findings, such as sacrificial pottery distinct from
tableware, discovered inside a cavity of this wall confirm the initial structural relation of the
wall to the subterranean building itself29 (Fig. 9). Most remains of the sacrificial offerings (the
enagismos) were found inside a cavity formed by the stones on the upper part of the southern wall of the pathway. In addition, a few fragments were discovered in the lower layers of
the paths earth-fill in front of the tombs faade carried away by earth. These include sherds
of burnt clay vases, mainly fishplates as well as a small number of handless small bowls, also
burnt30 (Fig. 10). The fire traces in the area of the sacrifice are so intense, that even the clay
that covered the cavity had been baked.
A similar wall on the north side of the wall has not been revealed and possibly never existed. This shows the care of the craftsmen to secure the safety of the area of the yard from
loose earth, rather than rendering a regular form. Still, the necessity of having a yard in front
of the entrance wall of the tomb is confirmed, obviously in order to accommodate the various
construction stages, as well as the funeral procession. The plain clay vases discovered along
and at the lower section of the north side of the path near the faade are characteristic for
the above mentioned uses. They are made of various materials, in a variety of colours (ochre,
red and white limestone? ). As has been already described, the space of the tombs yard is
formed in a particular way between the faade and the two faces of the dromos. In the east,
at a distance of 12-15 m, the ruins of a transverse wall of poros stone, vertical to the paths
axis, were found. Excavation data allow the assumption that here was a structured stone access (?) to the aula (yard) too, which has not survived like the remaining section of the path
to the east.31 It is impressive that recent finds, such as the neighbouring deserted Macedonian
grave with its yard made of poros stone (floor and sidewalls) and three poros steps opposite its
faade covering the width of the path create a truly monumental yard.32 These come in contrast
to the - until now - known examples, which are defined by the tombs faade and the paths faces
in various simple ways (with a wall or a mere coating of plaster on top of the earth layer).33
It has been mentioned above that the non-alimentary sacrifice located on the south side
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of the dromos (pathway), at the height of the faade capitals and in close proximity to it, are
among the most interesting finds of the excavation. It included broken clay vases and some
burnt within a lot of ash. Among them, fishplates prevail (Fig. 10). There are also a few blackglazed handless small bowls and sherds of one or two black-glazed pottery. All fishplates are
medium-sized and share common features: the base ring is low and, on the interior, a very
low but evident cone is formed by means of one or two painted circles in the centre. The rim
of the plate is slightly askew defined in its periphery by a narrow clay-coloured band. The
body (diameter 0.03-0.05 m) is marked by a similar round band, also clay-coloured.34 The common morphological and structural characteristics indicate a common production workshop.
Their condition and particular use in a non-alimentary sacrifice suggest that they were not
old items or heirlooms, so their date could be directly associated with the date of the burial
monument.35 On the rounds of similar examples from Macedonia (Vergina, Pydna, Aeneia)36
and the Athenian Agora,37 they could be dated from the last decade of the 4th century to the
early 3rd century BC. . Simon notes that this 4th century BC popular vessel retained its shape
throughout the century and only in the 3rd century did it undergo significant changes.38 Still,
these small differences, impressions left by the potter rather than by time, allow the creation
of certain morphological variations.39
The use of this type of plate in burial practices is not unusual. However, a more detailed
observation raises certain questions. As testified by the relevant archaeological finds in private
residences, sanctuaries etc., fishplates held a prominent place in everyday life activities. Yet,
fishplates are very often identified among the contents of burial assemblages in the broader
northern Greece, hence their presence in funerary practices apparently has a special meaning.40 They are frequently found in the kingdom of Macedonia, in Thrace and the rich lands
of Crimea, where apparently they were charged with particular funerary symbolism beyond
their use as table and symposium ware, evident in their inclusion in enagismos assemblages.
It has been observed that in those areas black-glazed fishplates are regularly almost as a
rule - included inside graves. By contrast, the decorated or painted similar plates found in the
same region are very few, compared to those discovered at sites in South Italy.41 The silver example, among other silverware not necessarily directly connected with the symposium, from
the tomb of the Prince in the Great Tumulus reveals the strong preference for this specific
shape.42 Within this context, an important find from the Mt. Ganos (Isiklarberg) in eastern
Thrace-Turkey is worth noting. It concerns the marble furniture inside a 4th century monumental tomb where the images of vessels are rendered in relief on the marble table, a distinct
reference to some essential procedure.43
There is no clear or definite view on the use of these particular plates. On account of their almost exclusive decoration theme, i.e. seafood (with exceptions), it has been thought that they were
linked with particular food and/or special types of cooking.44 However, the shape may also reveal
the vessels use; its presence on many occasions, both residential and burial, could indicate certain
symbolism, like that shown by the non-alimentary sacrifices in famous funerary monuments, such
as the tomb of Persephone in Vergina, with no allusion to a symposium. Their potential symbolic
meaning, in the context of some funerary process, cannot become any clearer; yet, a rare plate
from the University Collection of ancient Greek vases at Bochum is worth noting.45 On the lower
surface of the coarse (unslipped) base, two small chests () have been drawn in outline.
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Figure 10. Sherds of fishplates and other small vessels from the enagismos (sacrifice).

Even though . Kunisch in his excellent book on fishplates considers these drafts as a game or exercise by some craftsman, they might suggest the funerary use of the particular vessel, precisely
because of its constant presence in burial assemblages carrying no special symbolism other than
being necessary, along with other vases, in the life beyond.46
. Schmidt-Dounas has remarked on the close morphological and chronological relation of the
new Macedonian tomb with the Ionic faade at Vergina and the tomb of Palmettes at Mieza
(Lefkadia) in the publication of this impressive monument. The study of the enagismos pottery
from the south face of the pathway in the Vergina tomb has confirmed the chronology of the tomb
of Palmettes though they should be more accurately placed in the end of the 4th to the early
3rd century BC. A larger number of Macedonian burials have been dated to this period compared
to those from the middle or the third quarter of the 4th century BC. Among them, many bear
Ionic elements and a complete Ionic faade. They apparently follow standard 4th century BC architectural features; nonetheless, it seems that a stereotypical way of rendering the orders in those
subterranean structures was formed. Already in the city of Aigai, the combination of both orders
is identified in the palace while the Ionic composition is shown on a wall of the tomb of Eurydice
dated after mid-4th century BC.
Despite the similarities with the tomb of Palmettes in Lefkadia, the one from Vergina has
larger compartments. The two chambers are big and the main one is proportionate to the narrow
antechamber. The arrangement of the yard constitutes another peculiarity that associates the
monument with other similar ones located in the city of Aigai (e.g. the tomb of Philip, the new
neighbouring Macedonian grave etc.). Besides, the variety of the architectural forms in this city
except for the other important data, as for example the painted decoration, is quite remarkable
indicating not only the religious but also the secular and social significance of the monuments.47
Based on the archaeological reports on the numerous burial structures recently revealed in the
area of our monument, these are dated to the 5th and 4th centuries BC. Important historical persons of the kingdom of Macedonia have been associated with those graves. However, one should
await more concrete evidence although the significance of the city of Aigai as production centre of
all these works is evident.48
Certainly, all these monuments and their architecture, as well as the ideology manifested
through the burial, mark the crucial period following the death of Alexander and the end of the
house of the Temenids down to the dominance of the Antigonids and the final passage into the
Hellenistic times.49. It should be understood, however, that historical events and historical people
can offer only the context of an era whereas real changes and developments occur in art, daily life
and the beliefs of a society.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The architects N. Haddad and N. Hatzidakis made the architectural drawings, while the archaeologist A. Thanos those of the vases. The English translation was done by D. Dimitriadou. I owe
them all my warmest thanks. For a refinement of the English language, I wish to thank the Editors
of the present volume.
NOTES
1. Drougou 1987, 89-100. Drougou 1987, 50 ff.; Andronikos 1987, 143 ff.; Konstantoulas 1998, 10-11; Drougou, S. 2005a, 475-779; Drougou 2006, 76-70; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 64 ff.; C. Huguenot, La tombe aux Erotes et la tombe d Amarynthos, Eretria XIX 1-2, 2008; Guimier-Sorbets, Morisot 2006;
Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 120-124, 129-130; Von Mangoldt 2012, 294-296.
2. On the ancient necropolis of Aigai in Vergina, see Andronikos 1969, Athens; Andronikos 1984, 23-37;
Bruning and Kilian-Dirlmeier 2013 (bibliography); Kottaridi 1991, 23-30; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli
1999, 148-207; Kottaridi 2002, 75-81; Kottaridi 2004, 527-541; Kyriakou 2010, 260-261; S. Drougou, Ch.
Kallini and L. Trakatelli, . Heuzey (in print).
3. See below notes nr 5, 6.
4. See below and notes nr. 21 and 22. Also Drougou 2005a, 477-479 and Drougou 2006, 767-770. On other
similar of grave robbing, see forthcoming S. Drougou, Ch. Kallini and L.Trakatelli, . euzey
T (in print ).
5. Rhomaios 1951, 20; Goessel 1980 ; Andronikos 1987, 15 ff.; For the Macedonian tombs with an Ionic
facade prostasis of a temple see, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 129-130 (with collective lists of Macedonian tombs with Ionic faade and the temple prostasis).Also see the faade of the
Eurydike-tomb in Aigai, Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 183-186 ; Kottaridi 2011,146.
6. For analogous or similar examples, see Rhomiopoulou, Schmidt-Dounas 2010, pl. 1 Beil 1; Von Man goldt
2012, pl. 70-71; cf. Von Mangoldt 2012, 186-187, pl. 72 (Macedonian tomb VII at Lefkadia with an Ionic
faade). Also at Vergina, double-chamber Macedonian tomb Bellas (of the General with a Doric facade):
Andronikos 1984, 34, fig. 12; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 200-207 and Von Mangoldt 2012,
66-69, pl. 17. At Agios Athanasios, tomb (with an Ionic faade): Von Mangoldt, H. 2012, 177-181, pl. 67. At
Lefkadia, tomb (with a different solution regarding the Ionic facade): Von Mangoldt 2012,187. It is usually
proposed a wooden door for such entrances without however having been able to support a solution as this
in lack of certain evidence (notches or cavities etc.), see Haddad 1995, 66-68; Sismanidis 1986, 84 note 28 (
Makridy-tomb in Langada). No clear interpretation exists on this composition given that 4th century architectural elements were widely adopted in a variety of structures; see also Pantermalis 1976.
7. Already since the first excavation season (1987) numerous fragments of the marble door were col lected from
the lower levels of the landfill and the cleaning of the tombs floor. On the largest surviving examples, see
the large door in the single-chamber tomb Bella, of the General, (strategos) Andronikos 1984, 36, fig.
15; Haddad 1995, 68, 83; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 204. Cf. also Rhomiopoulou and SchmidtDounas 2010, 19-24.
8. On the geometry of Macedonian tombs, see Demakopoulos 2000, 125-159 mainly 86-88. Regarding the
tomb of the City-Hall in question, the height dimension is missing hence no accurate depiction of its geometry is possible, as in the case of the tomb of Palmettes, and only a hypothesis on an analogous height
(equal to the width?) can be made.
9. Rhomaios 1951, 20, fig. 5. Differently structured is the tomb Bella II, Andronikos 1984, Rhomiopoulou

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and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 12-13. Similarly, the Lefkadia (the tomb of Judgment); Petsas 1966, 7374; Von Mangoldt 2012, 177- 180 (with bibliography), pl. 67-68. Cf. Demakopoulos 2000 ibid. where he
ascertains that the faade of the tomb is essentially a square.
10. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 128; Cf. same ratio of 1:21 in the built-in tomb at the Archon
tiko in Giannitsa, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 127 (3.75m 4.56m).
11. Andronikos 1984, 97 ff.; Von Mangoldt 2012, 275-280. It is ascertained that among the surviving Mace
donian tombs, those with the small or narrow ante-chambers are more in numbers (cf. the tomb of the
Prince in the Great Tumulus of Vergina, Andronikos 1984, 198-199, Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli
1999,168-171, or the tomb of Judgment, Petsas 1966, 44ff
12. In this particular area, the earth is mostly loose whereas it has been also observed that other digs for
earlier burials may have been preceding in date, (see recent AEMTh presentations of the 17th EPCA=EFA
Emathias). Same problematic ground is also seen in the big peristeri (dove) cist-grave (west of the Palatitsia village) in the eastern section of the necropolis in Aigai Vergina. In most known examples, the
foundation of the floor is supported by porosstone, like the tombs in the Great Tumulus in Vergina and
Mieza (Lefkadia).
13. A similar formation is not observed in burial structures of this category as far as we know and wherever
the plaster has been preserved, the use of which in these constructions is very prominent.
14. Cf. similar colour compositions and bands which are seen in several of the monuments, where most
common are black, white, red and occasionally yellow - ochre, like in the tomb of Palmettes, Rhomiopoulou,
Schmidt-Dounas 2010, pl. 15 (in a rich composition) and in the tomb of Persephone with the wide bands
of red and white and the large-scale wall paintings, . Andronikos, . ,
Athens 1994, 42-44. See also other examples below note 15. On other examples, see H. Brecoulaki, La
Peinture Funeraire de Macedoine. M 48, Athens 2006.
15. The colours and the various narrow bands with relief cymatia and ultimately the general picture of
the interior of certain graves appears to mark a distinct imagery or content in burial structures of this category. The architectural elements, their selective usage and the variety of decorative themes and colours may
suggest an attempt to render a structure with a public or religious symbolism, such as a temple or even an
important public secular building (palace?). On this issue cf. the tomb of Palmettes, the tomb of Agios Athanasios or Phoinikas in Thessaloniki, Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, passim. M. Tsimbidou-Avloniti, H. Brekoulaki,
, , in M. Tiverios, D. Tsiafaki (edit.),Color in ancient Greece, Thessaloniki 2002,117-128, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010,
19 pl.15, as well as the palace of Aigai based on its remains, . Andronikos, Ch. Makaronas, . Moutsopoulos,
G. Bakalakis, , Athens 1961, 27; Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 101-123.
16. Cf. the different formation of the engaged columns and the entrance wall of the tomb of Rhomaios,
Rhomaios 1951, 20. Also, Makaronas and Giouri 1989, 56-57. It is difficult to explain the exact method of
forming the engaged columns in the well-preserved monuments hence the destroyed tomb under study is
very useful, since many of its elements are inevitably visible, see above note nr.1 and Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999 pl. 194.
17. The support method of the capital in relation to the semi-column is essentially unique while the stone
has been eroded to such a degree that cannot allow further observations on this separated drum of the
double-column.
18. Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999 pl.192-193. Cf. the Ionic capitals in the monuments of Aigai,
. Kottaridi, 2007-2009 (Thessaloniki 2009) pl.176-177, 183, Palace, tomb of
Eurydice, tomb of Romaios). Cf. with regards to the absence of plinth, see for example the tomb of
Eurydice in Aigai, the tomb of Palmettes, Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, Beil. 11. Differently in the tomb of Rhomaios, Rhomaios 1951, 21. See also, Hoepfner 1996, 10-11. In general see

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also, the Ionic elements on secular buildings, like the palace in Vergina or the big residences-houses in
Pella, Makaronas and Giouri 1989, 63-83.
19. On architectural features in general, see Gossel 1980 passim, Miller 1972, 228-233 (conclusions);
Miller 1973, 88, 189 ff. Other examples of Ionic burials, Konstantoulas 1998, passim.
20. See note nr.16. Also cf. capitals (but also the entire column) from the House of Dionysus in Pella bearing
several similarities, Makaronas and Yiouri 1989, or the tomb of Eurydice in Vergina, see above note
18. Other capitals with a simpler plain echinus as well as similar design like those in the tomb of Romaios, see Rhomaios 1951, 21, or the Palace in Aigai.
21. Cf. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 17-18. Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 20-21, 111-114 (Agios
Athanasios and Phoinikas).
22. Cf. Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 18. Beil 12-13. Other examples of marble acroteria are
not reported in connection with burials as opposed to surviving temples.
23. Konstantoulas 1998, 35 ff.; Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 35-36; Miller 1972, 22-24.
24. Late example of the 5 type, S. Drougou, 1957-1964. . Athens
1992, 49-51. Panathenaic amphoras or their fragments have been found in several burials in 4th century BC Macedonia which raises a quite an interesting issue; cf. finds from the tomb of Eurydice,
see Kottaridi 2011, 149; Tiverios 1991,38-40; . Tiverios, .
, Athens 2000, passim.
25. On the iron helmet, cf. the iron helmet from the tomb of Philip in the Great Tumulus in the cemetery of Aigai, see Andronikos 1984, 140-144; the iron helmet in Thesprotia, see A. Choremis,
,AAA 13 ,1980: 15 as well as the
fragments of a helmet in Aiani, see G. Karamitrou-Mentesidi, ,
Th 3, 1989, 49, fig. 8. Also see, P. Dintsis, Hellenistische Helme, Rome 1986; A. Bottini et. al., Antike
Helme, Handbuch mit Katalog. Sammlung Lipperheide und andere Bestaende des Antikenmuseums
Berlin, Mainz 1988, 151 ff. The rendering of sheets in a breastplate, linen or metal, is a reasonable
hypothesis given that other similar examples are not known, though linen breastplates have been reported from, for example, the tomb of Philip (see the unpublished Work of P. Faklaris for the weapons
in the Macedonian tombs in Great Tumulus in Aigai - Diss. Thessaloniki 1994 ).
26. This could be possibly argued when the results of the excavation research undertaken in the area
around the tomb with the numerous other burial structures are made public (according to the excavator A. Kottaridi, the tombs belong to members of the House of the Temenids!).
27. On the covering of the pathways sides with walls, cf. Bella Tomb I in Vergina, Andronikos 1984, 3435. Walls made of unbaked plinths, cf. Tomb of Philip, Andronikos 1984, 98-99, . Zambas,
, Th 13, 1999: 553-565; tomb in
Agia Paraskevi, Thessaloniki, Sismanidis 1986, 91-92; tomb of Korinos-Heuzey (by Pydna), Von Mangoldt 2012, 154-158 (61, with relevant bibliography). On covering the earth with mud or plaster, see
tomb with free-standing columns in the Great Tumulus, Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, 180181. Recent findings in the area of the tomb of the City-Hall show impressive examples concerning the
yard (unpublished). The relevant finds in the monumental tomb in Kastas, Amphipolis appear to
exhibit a development on the initial idea regarding the entrance and the pathway.
28. See above notes nr. 20-21. The picture in the pathway is more complex and vague as a result of the
big destruction. There are more indications for not only a distinct arrangement of the court but also
for further protection measures that were taken even in antiquity, cf. Sismanidis 1986, 91 (Agia Paraskevi Thessaloniki).
29. Cf. the unique enagismos on top of the vault of the tomb of the Prince or the many more in the
landfill of the tumulus of the tomb of Philip, see Drougou 2005, 49-61. The pottery finds in pyres in tombs

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Vergina-Aigai

are usually same, cf. for example Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 84-86. K. Rhomiopoulou,
. . 1956, ArchEph. 152, 2013: 242-244.
30. See finds from thepyre in the tomb of Palmettes bearing distinct similarities, Rhomiopoulou and
Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 84-85. Cf. also the remains of the great pyre of the deceased in the tomb of
Philip, Drougou 2005, 49-61. See above note 29.
31. The existence of the transverse wall of the pathway is certain despite the fact that only very few porous
cornerstones survive. In close proximity, it seems there was another transverse wall of rough stones
following the terrace wall of the southern side of the path.
32. See above note nr. 27 ( Kottaridi)
33. See above notes nr 29,30.
34. On red-figure and black-glazed fishplates, see K. Schefold, Untersuchungen zu Kertscher Vasen (Berlin
1934); D. M .Robinson, Olynthus XIII (1950) 124 ; S. Rotroff, Three Cistern System on the Kolonos
Agoraios, Hesperia 52, 1983: 268-269, Rotroff 1997, 147-148, pl. 37; Kunisch 1989,39-61; Drougou
2005, 26, 59-61, 163; Lindner 1985, 251 ff. ; McPhee and Trendall 1987. Lately, Simon 2010, 145-146.
Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010, 84-85.
35. See, examples of burial assemblages containing fishplates that do not always reflect the symposium as
in Tomb of Persephone, Drougou 2005, ibid.(no attic); Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010,
ibid. Tomb of Heuzey , gold-plated clay fishplate (in press). Tombs at Derveni (37), (53, 54),
(3) and (24), Themelis and Touratsoglou 1994, 40-41 (37). In Aeneia, Tomb , 10, Vokotopoulou 1990, 58, pl. 34c. . Lilimbaki-Akamati, (Athens 1994),
pl. 143 and Appendix 12 (from the tomb in Marina, Imathia, end of 4th early 3rd century BC). For
silver plates, see Zimi 2011,262.
36. See above note nr 29-30.
37. Finds from residential complexes, like in the Athenian Agora, private houses or sanctuaries, see Rotroff
1997, 147-148, J. E. Jones et al., An Attic Country House, BSA 68, 1973, 380, 418. Olynthos, D. M.
Robinson, Olynthus V (1933 ), 253-255, pl. 191-191, (no. 1044-1055, 1057-105 (; Drougou and Touratsoglou 1989, 76 (Veroia, an example from a central building with the stratigraphy, end of 4th early
3rd century BC).
38. Simon 2010, 146-147, 157, fig. 6-7.
39. In the Hellenistic period (3rd and 2nd century BC), this shape of the fishplate is withdrawn and the char
acteristic cavity in its bottom is found in lekanes or lekane-shaped open vessels, cf. Rotroff 1997, 148ff.;
Sparkes and Talcott 1970,147 ff.
40. See above, notes nr. 30 and 31.
41. Kunisch 1989; McPhee and Trendall, 1987 ibid.
42. Andronikos 1984, 201, fig. 162, 163; Zimi 2011, 92, 262, no. 134.
43. J. Delemen, An Unplundered Chamber Tomb on Ganos Mountain in southeastern Thrace, AJA 110,
2006: 251-278.
44. See Rotroff 1997, 148 (with bibliography); Kunisch 1989,43.
45. Kunisch 1989, 19 note 8, 89.
46. The symbolic significance of funerary offerings on the basis of religious beliefs and social reality; It is
not easy, especially in this period, to clearly distinguish whether a vase was used for the liquids (water,
wine etc.) it contained or indirectly indicated some event such as the symposium, sacrifice etc. Cf. for
example, Tsimbidou-Auloniti 2005, 106-171, 134-140.
47. The iconography of these funerary structures is indicative because it contains symbolisms, imagery and
representations that render the social identity of the deceased. Cf. the wall-painting of the hunting
scene on the faade of the tomb of Philip II in the Great Tumulus; cf. Ch. Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, .

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Stella Drougou

, . Athens 2004,164-169. Chr.Saatsoglou-Paliadeli,

The Arts at Vergina-Aegae, in R. J. L.ane Fox(edit.), Brill`s Companion to Ancient Macedonia, Leiden
2011; 282-284. Cf. D. Ignatiadou, Royal identities and hidden symbolism in the painting of royal hunt
in Aegae, Archaeol. Deltion 57, 2002A ; 119-154.
48. The importance of the city of Aigai is confirmed by many data and finds though the study of the resi
dential section has been proved to be very limited compared to that of the cemetery. However, historical information and archaeological data gradually reveal her significance of this settlement for the
kingdom of Macedonia, cf. the palace complex, the sanctuaries in the city as well as the traditions of
the Temenids and their association with Aigai; Andronikos 1984, 227-235. More general yet pertinent
remarks, see Touratsoglou 2010,112-123.
49. Cf. Hammond 1982, 64-82. G. J. Shipley, The Greek World after Alexander: 323-30 BC ,Oxford 2000, 7376, 86 ff. ; Touratsoglou 2010, 106-107.

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ABSTRACT
VERGINA-AIGAI: THE MACEDONIAN TOMB WITH THE IONIC FAADE.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE FORM AND FUNCTION OF MACEDONIAN TOMBS
The large Macedonian tomb with the Ionic faade was discovered in 1984 in the area of the
old City-hall in Vergina and was excavated during short campaigns until 2010. Despite its extensive damage, the burial monument offers significant information on Macedonian tombs.The
scarce movable finds from the initial phase of the structure indicate the identity of the deceased,
being apparently that of a military man. The subterranean building consists of two big chambers
communicating via a marble door. By contrast, the entrance to the tomb had no door and was
protected by simple limestone cornerstones. The faade of the tomb was formed by four tall
Ionic semi-columns. Both the interior of the chambers and the dromos leading to them show
distinct morphological and structural elements.
On the basis of pottery finds from the undisturbed sections of the dromos, the tomb can be
dated to the end of the 4th century BC. The Ionic features, as well as other special characteristics
of the burial, strongly indicate the variety in conception of this architectural composition of the
4th century and the subsequent Hellenistic times.

-: .


1984

2010. ,
.
,
. ,
. ,
.
. ,
.
,
4 . .

4 .
350