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Steven E.Aschheim
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Journal of ContemporaryHistory
with ironies and tables turned: thus, when Nordau predicted that his
fin-de-siecle degenerates would 'rave for a season, and then perish',4
this apparently applied more to himself than it did, for instance, to the
objects of his scorn - Ibsen, Wilde, Baudelaire,Nietzsche and so on.
These perceptions notwithstanding, this paper will seek to analyse
and reassess the Nietzsche-Nordau relationship in terms of a
contemporary perspective. On one level, clearly, it is tempting to
regard both thinkers as almost archetypal figures, extreme personifications of an epochal parting of the ways, the point at which an
indignant, rather bewildered and uncomprehending yet aggressively
self-assertiveEuropean positivism confronted the incipient modernist
revolution intent on radically questioning, indeed destroying, all its
revered postulates. The clash of the Nordauian and Nietzschean
sensibilities can then be taken as historical evidence of a particular
cultural turning-point.
Nevertheless, appearances apart, there were not only differences:
there were also certain interesting - if limited - affinitiesthat need
to be identified and analysed. We shall document both the clash and
the commonalities and then attempt to evaluate the competing
legacies of these two thinkers from our own present historical
perspective. In so doing we may yet uncover some unsuspected
relevancies contained in Nordau's heritage.
At the very centre of what Max Nordau described as 'a severe mental
epidemic... a sort of black death of degeneration and hysteria'5
stands the figure of Friedrich Nietzsche. In Degeneration it is
Nietzsche who, more than anyone else, provided the philosophy
behind what he described as the prevalent 'ego-mania' and who
furnished the grounds for an ongoing 'deification of filth', 'licentiousness, disease and corruption'.6 Nietzsche represented nothing
less than the quintessence of intellectual and moral degeneration.
Indeed, Nordau's definition of the ethical climate of the fin-de-siecleis
markedby what appearsto be its essentiallyNietzscheancharacteristics:
a contempt for traditional views of custom and morality... a practical
emancipation from traditional discipline ... unbridled lewdness, the unchaining of
the beast in man ... disdain of all consideration for his fellow-men, the trampling
under foot of all barriers which enclose brutal greed of lucre and lust of
pleasure ... to all, it means the end of an established order, which for thousands of
years has satisfied logic, fettered depravity, and in every art matured something of
beauty.7
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645
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646
Journal of ContemporaryHistory
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647
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Journal of ContemporaryHistory
648
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649
But for Nordau, ecstasy was regarded quite simply as 'a consequence
of the morbid irritability of special brain-centres'30and dance and art
(those most liberating and expressive of Nietzschean activities) were
dismissed as 'pure atavisms' to be practised in the future only 'by the
most emotional portion of humanity - by women, by the young,
perhaps even by children'.3 While Nietzschean man sought to
transform himself into a work of art, Nordau more or less banished
art from his future order:32'Observation... triumphs ever more and
more over imaginationand artisticsymbolism - i.e., the introduction
of erroneous personal interpretations of the universe is more and
more driven back by an understanding of the laws of Nature.'33
The alternative to Nietzsche and his ilk was quite evident to
Nordau:
The normal man with his clear mind, logical thought, sound judgement, and strong
will, sees, where the degenerate only gropes... Let us imagine the drivelling
Zoroaster of Nietzsche, with his cardboard lions, eagles, and serpents from a
toyshop in competition with men who rise early and are not weary before sunset,
who have clear heads, solid stomachs and hard muscles: the comparison will
provoke our laughter.34
Yet we need to pause here for, all the obvious differences between
Nietzsche and Nordau notwithstanding, it is precisely in their
common emphases on 'normalcy' and 'abnormalcy', 'sickness' and
'decadence' and their common advocacy of the manly ideal, their
desire for healthy, regenerated 'men with hard muscles' that certain
important underlying affinitiesmay be discovered. What united these
apparently diametrically opposed figures was the fact that they were
key participants, both as makers and beneficiaries, in a wider
nineteenth-century discourse of 'degeneration'. Here was a highly
flexible, politically adjustable tool, able simultaneously to locate,
diagnose and resolve a prevalent - if inchoate - sense of social and
cultural crisis through an exercise of eugenic labelling and a language
of bio-social pathology and potential renewal.35The rhetoric of
degeneration cut across the ideological spectrum. Linked to the
optimistic language of evolutionary naturalism but marked by a
belief in imminent breakdown and a search for ever-more drastic
corrective measures, it was employed by conservatives, liberals (like
Nordau), the incipient radical right and materialist socialists of all
kinds.
And although Nordau and others had marked him as a major
symptom and exhibit of the condition, it was also perhaps the key
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Journal of ContemporaryHistory
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Journal of ContemporaryHistory
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653
Perhaps, in the end, Nordau does not come out quite as grotesquely
anachronistic as at first sight he may have appeared. To be sure, his
monochromatic positivism and aesthetic traditionalism narrowed his
vision and openness to the point where he had no capacity to absorb
vital new developments of a nascent modernist culture. Nietzsche's
playful perspectivismand indeterminateepistemology were indeed to
become the wave of the intellectual future (though even here Nordau
more faithfully reflected the ongoing tenor and more conservative
tastes of popular culture). For all that, even if, together with
Nietzsche, Nordau wrote from within what today we consider the
highly dubious presuppositions of the discourse of degeneration, he
was determinedly sceptical of moral relativism and integrated his
naturalism into an evolving progressive social morality. Nietzsche's
immoralist vitalist ethics 'beyond good and evil' may have been more
exciting and experimental, but they played a part in unthinkable
political developments the nature of which should reawaken us, in
our own species-threatened fin-de-siecle situation, to the importance
of Nordau's message of universal human solidarity.
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Journal of ContemporaryHistory
Notes
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Journal of ContemporaryHistory
44. Ibid., 'The Birth of Tragedy', 4, p. 274. My translation differs somewhat from
Kaufmann's here.
45. For various examples see chapters 8 and 9 and Afterword of The Nietzsche
Legacy, op. cit. While there were always those who opposed this alliance, these forces
were never decisive.
46. On this point see the generally informative article by Jens Malte Fischer,
'"Entarte Kunst": Zur Geschichte eines Begriffs', Merkur, 38, 1 (January 1984).
47. All the differences between Nietzsche and nazism notwithstanding, as Jacques
Derrida has pointed out, there 'is nothing absolutely contingent about the fact that the
only political regimen to have effectively brandished his name as a major and official
banner was nazi'. See The Ear of the Other (New York 1985), 31. And, as Martin Jay
has written: 'while it may be questionable to saddle Marx with responsibility for the
Gulag Archipelago or blame Nietzche for Auschwitz, it is nonetheless true that their
writings could be misread as justifications for these horrors in a way that, say, those of
John Stuart Mill or Alexis de Tocqueville could not.' See 'Should Intellectual History
Take a Linguistic Turn? Reflections on the Habermas-Gadamer Debate' in Martin
Jay, Fin-de-Siecle Socialism (New York and London 1988), 33.
48. See George L. Mosse, 'Max Nordau, Liberalism and the New Jew', Journal of
ContemporaryHistory, 27, 4 (October 1992), 565.
49. See The ConventionalLies of Mankind, op. cit. and also Paradoxes, translated
by J.R. Mcllraith (London 1906).
50. The ConventionalLies of Mankind, op. cit., 132-3.
51. 'Introduction', Degeneration, op. cit., xix-xx. Mosse points out that this tough,
disciplined liberalism was quite different from the open and permissive twentiethcentury version.
52. Ibid., xxi. Nordau's conception of human solidarity was based upon his view of
the interdependence of all living matter within a scientifically determined universe.
53. The Will to Power, op. cit., 1050 (March-June 1888), 539.
54. The ConventionalLies of Mankind, op. cit., 353.
55. Morals and the Evolution of Man (translation of Biologie der Ethik (London,
New York 1992), 82. The work was first published in 1916. See, too, 276 for an example
of how Nordau's hero differs from the Nietzschean version: 'Heroism is the noblest
victory of a thinking and volitional personality over selfishness; it is altruism which
rises to self-sacrifice, the proud subjugation by Reason of the most primitive ... of all
instincts, . . . self-preservation .. heroic conduct liberates [the hero] from the
trammels of his individuality and enlarges this to represent a community, its longings,
its resolutions . . .
56. The Will to Power, op. cit., 98 (Spring-Fall 1887), 61; Morals and the Evolution
of Man, op. cit., 278.
Steven E.Aschheim
is an Associate Professor in the Department
of History at the Hebrew University,
Jerusalem. He is the author of numerous
articles on German and German-Jewish
cultural history and of Brothers and
Strangers. The East EuropeanJew in German
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