Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Debra Miller
12/28/2012
ATCK TRANSCULTURATION
Abstract
Adult third culture kids (ATCKs) have spent significant portions of their developmental years in
cultures other than their parents own. After living a highly mobile lifestyle, they often spend
adult years living in a culture related to their parents origin. Through these transitions, they
become astute at observing multiple assumptions. They may live as hidden immigrants in
situations where they externally resemble a dominant culture to which they do not necessarily
relate. ATCKs identify with those who have a history of living between cultures more than with
those who have a history of living in a single culture. This paper describes these and other
features of ATCK adjustment, and considers possibilities for measuring related processes,
including one study shows that ATCKs may be able to transcend the gap between ethnocentric
and ethnorelative views.
Key Words: Adjustment; Acculturation; Adult Third Culture Kids; Conceptualization;
Hidden Immigrant; Measurement; Third Culture; Transculturation; Transcendence
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By reading this paper, higher educators may improve their understanding of the
ATCK learning process. Counselors may better appreciate the challenges faced by ATCKs.
People involved in intercultural activities will understand and capitalize on ATCKs capacity to
transcend cultural confounds and hiring personnel will understand finesse of ATCKs as
interlocutors.
The central question asks how the paradox of ATCK transculturation can be understood
relative an apparent tendency to be at home anywhere while only feeling at home among those
who have a similar history (Greenholtz & Kim, 2009). Research questions include: (1) What are
the essential components of ATCK experiences? (2) How does a highly mobile upbringing affect
ATCKs during their adult lives? (3) How do views of belonging differ between perceptions of
ATCKs, and expectations of those around them?
Before discussing ATCK acculturation, I acknowledge my relationship to the topic. I am
an adult third culture kid who started life in rural Indiana in 1961. My parents are American.
When I was ten months old, I accompanied my parents to Swaziland, a small country in
southeast Africa. With the exception of three one-year furloughs that my family spent in Indiana,
my formative years were spent in Swaziland and South Africa. I returned to the United States for
college a few months before my 19th birthday. As an adult, I relate to a hidden aspect of
immigration given my blonde hair, pail skin, and American accent. Differing assumptions
between instructors and myself have challenged my higher education experience. For that reason,
I want to improve the understanding of hidden immigrants.
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more than the sum of their parts. They serve as supporting agents in cross-national
settings, and they carry an internal responsibility of coordinating their multiple cultures. Third
culture kids may give a false impression of internal homogeneity. Greenholtz and Kim (2009)
describe a central paradox of global nomads (TCKs) involving their apparent tendency to be
at home in any cultural context while only feeling at home among those with a similar
cultural history (p. 391).
The ATCK Experience
Many ATCKs experience high mobility during their impressionable formative years.
Parents may travel the world multiple times within the ATCKs formative life cycle. Frequent
comings and goings leave ATCKs saying goodbye to people they are leaving or who are leaving
them and create a state of state of ongoing grief.
Throughout childhood and into adulthood, ATCKs have no single culture by which to
frame their experiences. As humans we naturally make comparisons in an effort to make sense of
our environments. Within a given cultural context, we make continual assumptions. But ATCKs
lack an established set of norms with which to compare experiences. They may not know what
assumptions to make, where their assumptions come from, or what assumptions their instructors
or mentors are making.
ATCKs experience stages of transition similar to those of immigrants and other people
negotiating multiple cultures. The stages can be conceived as starting with involvement in the
host culture, moving to preparation for leave-taking, the transition process itself, entering the
new culture, and reinvolvement in the new culture (Pollock & van Reken, 2009). To understand
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Acculturation
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whereas a hidden immigrant looks and sounds like the surrounding culture but thinks
differently. Appreciating the hidden nature of an ATCKs experience is key to understanding
their ongoing adjustment process. They may look (and sound) like their culture of origin but their
experiences may be drastically different.
Measurement
Measuring ATCK acculturation can be helpful for interpreting the results of academic
tests, for counseling purposes, or for organizations that want to understand the unique skills that
ATCKs often possess. Many ATCKs have attended school in multiple systems, including local
schools in their host country, home schools, expatriate schools, boarding schools, or schools in
their country of origin. Their academic formation may have been interrupted at various points.
ATCKs may struggle emotionally and scholastically to know what is expected in which context.
Appropriate measurement may help mentors know how to help ATCKs, and may help ATCKs
better understand where they fit relative to the process of adjusting to their culture of origin.
Such measurement may also help educators know how to appreciate and interpret the academic
performance of ATCKs.
Lyttle, Barker, and Cornwell (in press) recently conducted an empirical test of the
popular belief that third culture kids acquire a heightened sense of perception from their
experiences of adapting interculturally. The authors designed web surveys to measure emotional
and social aspects of interpersonal sensitivity. Social sensitivity was found to be higher among
ATCKs than among individuals with a monocultural background. However, emotional
sensitivity was higher among monocultural than among adult third culture individuals.
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Cited tests are summarized in Appendix E: Measurement Tools for TCK Transculturation
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experiencing ethnorelative stages tend to embrace cultural differences. Note that this is
not a continuum of assimilation into a particular culture, but away from a centrist view of a
persons own perceived culture. Perhaps the IDI could be viewed as measuring acculturation to
the world and away from ones own culture rather than toward a single culture.
A couple of stages of ethnocentrism and ethnorelativism need to be revisited, especially
for ATCKs. At the defense stage, instead of defending ones own or passport culture, a TCK
may go native and believe that a culture they have adopted (e.g. a host culture) to their
passport culture. At the integration stage, a person runs the risk of becoming culturally marginal
by identifying only with the margins of multiple cultures and not with the center of any culture.
Cultural marginality can take the form of either encapsulated or constructive marginality
(Hammer, Bennett, & Wiseman, 2003). Encapsulated marginality involves a sense of alienation
from cultures, whereas constructive marginality involves moves between cultures in a way that is
positively consistent with a persons identity. Note that integration may not be advantageous
over adaptation.
Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman (2003) operationalized the stages proposed by the DMIS
resulting in an Intercultural Development Inventory (IDI) to measure respondents cultural
competence (p. 421). In an early stage of instrument development, the authors conducted indepth interviews among people from various cultural backgrounds within the United States
(Greenholtz, 2005). Content validity was determined through the use of raters and an expert
panel. The instrument is administered by paper-and-pencil, and includes 50 psychometric items
in addition to ten demographic items. The designers conducted applied confirmatory factor
analysis to validate the following five key dimensions from the DMIS: Denial/Defense, Reversal,
Minimization, Acceptance/Adaptation, and Encapsulated Marginality (Hammer, Bennett, &
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Wiseman, 2003). The test designers did not consider constructive integration, but
verified that five factors fit better than seven or two. To determine construct validity, they
compared the results of the IDI to two related scales: the Worldmindedness and the Intercultural
Anxiety scales.
Relative to the DMIS, Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman (2003) encountered problems
distinguishing between denial and defense (p. 433) A marked difference between the DMIS
and the IDI was the finding that Reversal is not simply the opposite of Defense, in spite of the
test designers expectation that the each represented polarized views. This makes sense to me
because perceiving another culture as better than ones own seems to require a broader global
mindset than perceiving ones own culture as better than others.
Greenholtz and Kim (2009) used mixed qualitative and quantitative methods to study a
single case. Lena, an ATCK with a Korean passport who was born in Hong Kong, spent
significant portions of her developmental years in the France, the U.S., the U.K., Canada, and
Japan. As an adult, Lena completed graduate degrees in Canada and the U.S. Because Lena is
completely bilingual in English and Korean, Greenholtz and Kim administered the IDI to her in
both languages to minimize any confounding effects of language. Lena commented on the
translation along with three other bilingual Korean and English speakers. Greenholtz and Kim
calculated an Interclass Correlation Coefficient to ensure that results were equivalent (the
average measure was 0.91). Twelve ninety-minute interviews were conducted with Lena in
addition to the two administrations of the IDI. The interviews addressed various stages of her
life, her culturally hybrid identity, and relationships with people who have minimal exposure to
cultural differences.
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Results were considerably different than Greenholtz and Kim (2009) expected
relative to expectations based on Bennett (1986) and Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman (2003).
Greenholtz and Kim (2009) noticed a discrepancy between Lenas perception of her intercultural
sensitivity (in the Acceptance/Adaptation range) and her actual development (in the
Minimization range). Because there were no unresolved issues on the ethnorelative side of the
continuum (i.e. with acceptance/adaptation or with encapsulated marginality), the test
administrators concluded that Lena simultaneously embodied both ethnocentric and
ethnorelative positions. Practitioners who use the IDI instrument are trained to disregard scores
that are strong in both Acceptance/Adaptation and the ethnocentric end of the proposed
continuum, and to attribute the discrepancy to a respondents unsophisticated interpretation of
items that relate to adaptation or acceptance. However, based on extensive interviews and
observations of Lena, Greenholtz and Kim (2009) believe that she relates both to the true intent
of items and successfully shifts frames to build bridges on a daily basis. The authors propose the
possibility that ATCKs can straddle the ethnocentric/ethnorelative divide (p. 395), hence the
paradox of appearing to be at home anywhere but feeling at home only among those who share a
similar cultural history (p. 391).
In speculating about the TCK milieu (p. 397), Greenholtz and Kim (2009) propose that
the TCK attraction to people who share a similar culturally hybrid background fosters a tendency
toward Minimization. The fact that Lena attended international schools when living in Tokyo
and Paris may have contributed to this Minimization. Lena felt that she would always need to
live in a multicultural city (such as Vancouver) to truly feel comfortable. Lena described this
idea and other overseas-living experiences as living in a unique cultural bubble or mini
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United Nations (p. 397). In Lenas case, even when she changed locations every few
years, she remained in a multicultural bubble by living among the most cosmopolitan groups.
Reflecting on my own situation, I expect that my overseas-living experiences were less
bubble-like than Lenas in that my family was more involved in local situations than is true of
many expatriate families. However, like Lena, I feel the pull toward cosmopolitan environments.
I am interested in knowing how the degree of involvement with local people affects the
Minimization score. I suspect the number of differing cultures and the degree of cultural
differences would also impact scores on the IDI. Greenholtz and Kim (2009) call for more
quantitative research regarding whether Minimization is a transitional stage (p.397) or whether
the division between ethnocentric and ethnorelative orientations are unbridgeable. I suspect that
for other TCKs, they may be bridgeable, as they appear to have been in Lenas case. I
recommend administering the IDI to a larger group of ATCKs with diverse passport countries
and host countries.
Discussion
ATCKs experience the paradox of feeling at home (only) among others of nationally
mobile background but appearing to be at home anywhere. The paradox found by Greenholtz
and Kim (2009) is that ATCKs may be able to transcend the ethnocentric and ethnorelative
divide proposed by Bennett (1986). I expect that all of the above are true. But in attempt to
resolve the paradox of these two paradoxes, perhaps ATCKS feel at home only among others of
nationally mobile background but are able to transcend the ethnocentric and ethnorelative divide
in the way they function (mentally and in their behavior).
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different than most people from the culture in which they live. However, we must add
to this complexity by saying that as the world becomes more global, these distinctions will hold
less true. Imagine the U.S.-born child of a Philippine immigrant who then relocates to Germany
for an adult work assignment. The children of the U.S. born adult may return to the United States
continuing to appear as foreigners or adoptees, but their internal complexity will be even greater
than would be the case for TCK children of monocultural American expatriates. On the other
hand, imagine that the grandchild of a Philippine immigrant to the United States return to the
Philippines to work for a couple years. The adult grandchild would then be a hidden immigrant
in a country they appear to belong to but may have never visited and of which they may have
minimal understanding.
Conclusion
ATCKs are capable of benefitting people across a range of cultural settings when they
and those around them understand what they have to offer. These benefits partly relate to the
ability of ATCKS and those around them to accept their hidden differences. ATCKs have
inherent skills as ombudsmen, interlocutors, and liaisons. By virtue of experiencing so many new
situations throughout their lives, and particularly during their formative years, ATCKs are able to
enter new situations with minimal difficulty. They intuitively assess multiple dynamics and may
be able to offer suggestions when others are at a loss for ideas.
This paper has focused primarily on the conceptualization and measurement of adult
third culture kid transculturation. Further work also needs to consider the impact of
ethnocentric/ethnorelative complexities on educational, psychological, and industry testing.
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However, my hope is that the present paper may help educators, counselors and
industry professionals to understand the depth of potential carried by ATCKs. The world is
becoming increasingly multicultural such that it is vital for persons with less breadth of cultural
exposure to understand the complexities that affect globalizing persons and contexts. ATCKs
must also understand the richness they have to offer, and must work to better communicate that
richness to those around them.
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Appendix A: Glossary
I describe an individual rather than a group acculturation process here because ATCKs tend to function as
individuals among groups of non-TCKs rather than continuing to live among ATCK groups as adults.
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Third culture kids are sons or daughters of globally mobile parents who have
spent a significant portion of their formative years outside their parents cultures (Pollock & van
Reken, 2009). They are also referred to as global nomads, internationally mobile children
(Ezra, 2003), or hidden immigrants. Greenholtz and Kim (2009) use the label cultural
hybrids4 (p. 391).
Transculturation can be described as a process in which two cultural entities give and
take from each other. The idea implies an absence of domination or subordination (Gutierrez,
2004). Whereas cross-culturation studies the interaction between individuals with identities,
transculturation views all parties as having a mixed identity (Kraidy, 2005).
Bhabha (1994) first used the term hybrid to describe cultures in general and former colonial cultures
specifically.
First Culture
Culture of parents
origin, or passport
culture
Third Culture
Shared belonging with
nationally mobile peers
Second Culture
Host culture
Scale Name
Subscales / Description
Developmental Model of
lntercultural Sensitivity
(DMIS)
Bennett (1986);
Hammer
Worldmindedness
Intercultural Anxiety
Cross-Cultural Adaptability
Inventory (CCAI)
CQS: Metacognition
Citation
Intercultural Development
Inventory (IDI)
DAndrea, Daniels,
and Heck (1991)
Cross-Cultural World
Mindedness (CCWM)
Der-Karabetian (1992)
Intercultural Adjustment
Potential Scale (ICAPS)
Matsumoto et al.
(2001)
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Topic
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Scale Name
Subscales / Description
Citation
(BII)
Haritatos (2005)
Adolescent International
Living Scale (AILS)
Global Relocation
Trends Survey (2010)
Defense (Reversal)
Ethnocentrism
Minimization
Acceptance
Adaptation
Ethnorelativism
This figure is a direct recreation of Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman (2003, p. 424)
Integration
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