415

USE TECHNOLOGIES: AN ETHNOARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY OF KALINGA

POTTERY

MEREDITH ARONSON*, JAMES M. SKIBO** AND MIRIAM STARK**

*University of Arizona, Department of Materials Science, Tucson,
AZ 85721
**University of Arizona, Department of Anthropology, Tucson, AZ
85721

ABSTRACT
It is difficult to assess the relative importance of technical
and non-technical factors in inferring modes of technological
decision-making in prehistory. Examination of pottery use
technology among the Kalinga using both ethnoarchaeological
material and laboratory analysis demonstrates the importance of not
only technical (physical properties or functional), but also
behavioral or social aspects of technological choices. Kalinga
consumers may select pots for functional superiority, or for
reasons of village allegiance. Explaining the resulting pattern in
the material record requires attention to both technical and
behavioral aspects of the pottery technology.

IJITRODUCTIOlf
One of the questions put forth by this symposium of Material
Issues in Art and Archaeology is the following: what can we hope
to infer from technical studies of material culture? one of the
dangers that we confront in these technical studies is a disregard
for the person behind the object. An ethnoarchaeological approach
provides a means for bridging the gap between object and culture by
allowing the study of ceramic technology in progress. We can
examine motivations for specific technological choices, since the
relationships between behavior and material culture can be observed
and the material culture can be collected for further technical
evaluation.
The relationship between ceramic technology and pottery use,
or techno-function, has gained prominence in archaeological
research (e.g., Braun 1983; Schiffer and Skibo 1987), especially
in experimental archaeology. An approach for linking experimental
technological studies to archaeological materials has been
established, providing insights into interpretation of prehistoric
technological decision-making. Such studies, usually grouped under
the rubric of experimental archaeology, have focussed on the
investigation of processes or products of technological change
(Bronitsky and Hamer 1986; Skibo et al. 1989; Stimmell et al.
1982; Tankersley and Meinhart 1982) This approach is often
limited to an investigation of the technical factors in
technological change, as non-technical factors are less amenable to
experimental research. For example, we can test the assumption
that corrugation as a technological innovation increases the amount

Mat. Res. Soc. Symp. Proc. Vol. 185. 1991 Matertals Research Society
 416
of surface evaporation, thus keeping stored water cool. A primary
weakness in such studies is discerning whether such a technological
change in the prehistoric record is behaviorally significant
(Schiffer and Skibo 1987). By behaviorally significant, it is meant
that the performance of the vessel changes (e.g., 2 degrees) enough
to be noticeable by the user: and if so, will the slight technical
improvement provide enough impetus to cause technoloqical change.
Another major difficulty in experimental studies is that the
ranqe of motivations for technological change that can be
experimentally tested is limited. In making a technological
decision, members of a society balance both technical and non-
technical factors. Experimental approaches often can only pinpoint
the technical factors involved in such decision-making. By taking
an ethnoarchaeoloqical approach, we can examine both the technical
and non-technical factors in technoloqical decision-making. The
objective of this study is to address the interaction between
technical and non-technical factors in decisions involving ceramic
use. Our conclusions are of archaeoloqical and art historical
interest.
POTTBRY USB TBCJIJIOLOGY: TRB JtALilfGA
In this study, we examine one aspect of pottery production
among the Kalinga of the Philippines (for previous
ethnoarchaeological work among the Kalinga, see Graves 1981, 1985;
Longacre 1974, 1981, 1985; Longacre and Skibo n.d.). We examined
reasons why consumers selected pots from one pottery-making
community over another (technical and non-technical), and then we
compared the physical reasons for pottery selection to laboratory
analyses. The result allows a comparison of ethnographic
description and laboratory analyses to evaluate the extent to which
physical factors affect technoloqical decisions regarding use.
Evaluating both the ethnoqraphic description of technological
choice and potential physical bases for these technological choices
yields insight into patterns in the material record and thus aids
in archaeoloqical interpretation (for a complete discussion see
Aronson et.al. n.d.).
Pottery Manuracture
Data for this study were collected in the northern Luzon in
the Philippines, in the Kalinga villages of Dangtalan, nalupa and
Guina-ang (Figure 1). Kalinga potters are part-time craft
specialists producing ceramics at the household level. The
villages of Dangtalan and Dalupa produce pottery for household use
and, in some casef!!. for distribution throughout the Pasil River
valley. The third study village of Guina-ang lacks potters and is
here described as a pottery-consuming village.
417
-
'.........
. .,._,-
. ./
r
\j~~"t
a _
-
t
r-TJ ........,
I ,_
Fig. 1. Map
Pasil River
Valley.
I_#)
The techniques of Kalinga pottery manufacture are similar in
Dangtalan and Dalupa. Clay is mined locally at one of several
sources for each village, after which it is cleaned and pounded.
Vessels are formed using a combination of coil-and-scrape and
paddle-and-anvil techniques to produce round-bottomed vessels.
Vessels are left to dry for 2.5 - 4 days after which the vessels
are stacked, surrounded by wood and fired for approximately 20
minutes. On several wares, a coating of resin is applied to the
hot pot immediately after removal from the fire (for a complete
discussion of pottery manufacture see Longacre 1981).
consumer Motivations for Teohnoloqioal Choice
Having provided a general overview of the manufacturing
technology of Kalinga potters, we can turn to the motivations for
technoloqical choices of Kalinga consumers. To better understand
the dynamics of pottery preference, it is necessary to discuss
briefly how Guina-ang residents obtain their pottery. Household
pottery inventories in Guina-ang during the 1988 field season
indicated that most pots are acquired through barter trips to
Guina-ang by Dalupa and Dangtalan potters. Within the Pasil River
Valley, a potter prefers to barter goods from the house of a
relative or friend within the consuming village. Pots are also
acquired as gifts between relatives and friends: gift-giving (of
pots and other items) occurs during household-based and community-
wide events.
In Guina-ang, we investigated use behavior from two angles:
eliciting information on consumer preference, and recording the
actual representation of pots in Guina-ang households. Each woman
of the household who purchased pottery was first asked which
village (Dangtalan, Dalupa or other) made the best cooking vessels
and water jars, and then was asked to provide reasons for
 418 4111

preferring vessels from a particular village. Differing relationships between residents of Guina-ang and those of
In Guina-ang the overwhelming preference was for Dangtalan Dangtalan and Dalupa (i.e., a closer link to oangtalan) may affect
cooking pots (Table I). Of those who preferred Dangtalan pots, 74% the overwhelming preference of Guina-ang residents for oangtalan-
cited pottery strength as the reason for their preference. In made vessels (see the section on nontechnical factors).
Dalupa, aside from the response of "I like them because they are The pottery preference survey done in oalupa provides very
the ones I have," which we consider here a non-response, the most different results (Table II). As one would expect nearly all the
common reason (29%) cited for preferring oalupa pots was weight: household cooking vessels were made in oalupa,and a vast majority
Dalupa pots were believed to be lighter than Dangtalan pots. (SU) of those questioned preferred Dalupa made vessels. In
contrast to the Guina-ang, the responses frOll the Dalupa
respondents referred primarily to non-technical factors. Hare we
TABLE I: P01TERY PREFERENCE IN GUINAANG can observe that there are factors besides technical performance
that influence pottery selection. The processes that control
..
c - , -Tnll. Donplu .... ("> consumption are different in a village that produces pottery.
Dalupa residents rarely would obtain oangtalan pots, even if the
72 llhonpr: lut lonpr, more dunble
pots are more durable or are in some way better. In fact it is
33 weDpolillted safe to assume that many Dalupa housewives rarely cook with
17 Ught-wolpt oangtalan pots, and thus lack the appropriate means to make a
16 - alee, cle<ontiom, shape comparison. Because they lack the opportunity to cook with vessels
10 doJquaUI)' from both villages their responses are not based on vessel
6
3
"""fired
thin performance in use, as is the case in Guina-ang. oalupa women
obtain, use and prefer pots from their village because they live
with a group of potters (or they are potters themaelvas)1 and in
..
c - n pnr.rrtae
Tnlt
n.._ .... (14) many cases the pots are made by their relatives and frianas.
The analysis that follows will focus on the technological
29 bcc1mc I hive them differences in the Dangtalan and Dalupa pots as perceived by the
29 lipt....ight residents of Guina-ang. In particular we will test whether
14 dunblc Dangtalan pots are in fact stronger and also if the Dalupa pottery
14
1
free or chC1per
....n polllhed
is lighter.
7 conductJ belt ......

Two points regarding pottery use technology emerge from the

Guina-ang interview data. First, Dangtalan pots are vastly
preferred over Dalupa pots by the Guina-ang residents interviewed. TABLE II: POTl'ERY PREFERENCE IN DALUPA
The reasons behind this preference were primarily technical in
nature as the common factor cited was strength; Dangtalan pots are
believed to be stronger and hence more durable. The second point
gleaned from the interview data is that technical reasons are also
given by the Guina-ang residents as the criteria for choosing pots
from Dalupa. The most consistent reason given for this preference
..

13
12
_,_
c - ........ .,..,,. .... (142)
Tnll

becl-lhlvethcm

9 villlF lllq:iance
was weight, since Dalupa-made cooking pots are often perceived as 6 ...... polillted
lighter in weight. From a technological perspective, the 4 prettier
advantages of a stronger pot would be increased durability and 1 thimler
vessel use-life. The advantages of a lighter pot, however, are 1 Ughl-weipt

--
1 clly ii better
less clear. Pots are typically carried daily to a water source, but 1 potten 1ie Ulllcd
this distance is not great. 1
The preference for Dangtalan pots in Guina-ang households is 1 -notlcllt
not a product of greater availability. The scale of Dangtalan
production since 1975 has plummeted, making Dangtalan a minor c - ........ .,..... .... (J)
pottery supplier to most of Pasil Kalinga villages. Dalupa potters .. Tnlt
make and barter more vessels in general, and Guina-ang represents
the most frequented Pasil village for Dalupa potters. Dalupa pots 67 wider moutla
are therefore more widely available to Guina-ang residents. 33 ...... polillted
 420
~I'~
:.,
Technical Wactor in Uae Technoloqy
In order to determine potential physical bases for stronger,
or "better" pots, a two-fold analytical approach was taken.
First, the question of pot strength was addressed using a
mechanical model. It is well established that ceramic fracture is
brittle fracture. The modulus of rupture, or stress at failure
under transverse bending and torsional stress, is defined as
directly proportional to the thickness (Grimshaw 1971). Thus, a
thinner specimen will fail at a smaller applied force or load, as
should be intuitively apparent. A difference in the average
thickness for Dangtalan pots versus Dalupa pots would be
significant in discussing why they might be considered stronger,
especially given the low hardness and fracture properties of the
421
size and shape of the clay particles will all result in changes in
the thickness and nature of the water layer between clay particles.
We propose that this is the reason for the distinguishable levels
of drying shrinkage in Dalupa and Dangtalan. In terms of pottery
manufacture, rate and degree of drying shrinkage will impact the
probability of forming drying cracks, which will in turn reduce
vessel strength. With a higher probability of drying cracks in
Dalupa clays, and subsequently a higher probability of a flawed, or
weakened vessel, we can conclude that Dalupa vessels should be
weaker than Dangtalan vessels.
DRYING SHRINKAGE
KALINGA CLAYS
I

.. ..
Kalinga ceramics. To test this hypothesis, samples were taken from
....
the Arizona State Museum collection of Kalinga meat and vegetable
cooking pots (~). Round samples one inch in diameter were
dri1led from an area approximately one third of the distance from
the base to the rim with resin on the inside and a polished surface
QI
Cll
Ill 7
..
.. ..
on the outside. The mean thickness of the Oalupa pots is 3.92 mm.
(standard deviation 0.653) and the Dangtalan vessels have a mean
...
~
c:
c.. 8 + ++

.,
.c
+
thickness of 4.55 mm. (standard deviation 0.987). A student's T-
test performed on the sample indicates that the sample means are 8 .. +
significantly different at the 0.11 level. Because of the small ...>
Cll
c:

sample size, the sample means will be affected strongly by c.. 4 +
'Cl
anomalous thickness measurements. To control for this, the extreme
high and low measurements were deleted from each sample. The new ~

:~ Ii ...
c: Dlllgt1l111: llcllOoJ
sample means are 3.81 mm (s.d. 0.323) for the Dalupa pots and 4.50 QI
u Dllngt1J111: LOllOlll
mm. (s.d. 0.709) for the Dangtalan vessels. These sample means are c.. + DIJupc 111rc110
QI
significant at the 0.04 level. The difference in thickness is a Q. DIJupe:
critical factor in determining strength, and establishes Dangtalan +
pots as stronger than Dalupa pots.
A thinner vessel wall also has an influence on vessel weight. B.oa .oo 1.00 12.00 se.oo 20.00 24.00
Recall that the residents in Guina-ang who preferred Dalupa
cooking vessels often said they did so because the pots were Percent water lost (by weight)
lighter. The above differences in thickness certainly would have
a noticeable influence on overall vessel weight. Figure 2. Drying shrinkage of Kalinga clays
As an additional line of evidence, measurements of drying
shrinkage were made. Based on working properties including Thus, by using a mechanically derived model, we can provide
plasticity and workability, two of the better clays from each of evidence for explaining differences in strength between Dalupa and
Dalupa and Dangtalan were selected. Sample tiles of uniform size Dangtalan vessels.
were made, and allowed to air dry. The results are shown in Figure Second, the question of pot strength was addressed using a
2, and establish that Dalupa clays undergo more drying shrinkage chemically derived model. Craft potters (Rhodes 1957) as well as
than the Dangtalan clays. The reason for this is based on materials scientists (Kingery et al. 1976) recognize that the
differences in the nature of the water layer between the clay addition of fluxing agents will result in a reduced melting
particles. Because the relative proportions of aplastic inclusions temperature; the implications here are that this will result in a
in both Dalupa and Dangtalan clays are similar, we know that the lower sintering temperature (i.e. the temperature at which
difference in drying shrinkage cannot be a result of displaced clay particles begin to fuse together). To test this hypothesis,
minerals. Because the potters of both Dalupa and Dangtalan prepare samples of clays from Dalupa and Dangtalan were analyzed using
the clay in a similar fashion (adding water and working with the energy dispersive x-ray diffraction (EDAX) in order to determine
clay immediately, as opposed to letting it age, saturating the clay the chemical composition of the clay. A Jeol 840 SEM with Tracor-
minerals with water), we know that the differences in drying Northern software was used. Relative amounts of fluxes were of ::.'.
shrinkage are related to the clays themselves. Differences in
amounts of alkali salts present (e.g., sodium or potassium), pH, or
particular interest: Na 2o, KzO, Cao, MgO, and iron oxide (assumed
to be Fe 2o 3 , although Fe3o 4 could be present). These data are '

~~
!

"
 423
422

presented in Table III.

Dangtalan in potassia
Note the difference between Dalupa and
(~O) concentration and iron oxide
concentration. The average Fe~03 concentration is Dangtalan is 41%
higher than in Dalupa ( 5. 5'l versus 3. 9%) ; the average K o
.
"-~..1.,...~.\~.~
,t. :..\.~
... ~ '
.' .....,,.~ .. . ~
. J. ..~.,
. ..-
..
..
.,_,
..,,~ .
concentration in Dangtalan is 80% higher than in Dalupa (O.S%
versus 0.9%). It becomes evident upon examination of x-ray maps of
the Kalinga clay (Fiqure 3) that both the iron and the potassium
Vi . :.... ,.,
\. ..........__._~
. ~1 ' '~I~ . .. .
~\ ,~ ,,~''-
are well dispersed throughout the system (as opposed to being . lo . !--1~.... . ) BackcaUcred electron in11gc,
. : _' ~"' .. ~
concentrated into specific grains); the result is that their
't~ "! ,~ ~ . . .
('X)
mobility, and impact on sinterability is high. When discussing
porous ceramics, better si~tered clay bodies are stronger;
could conclude on the basis of this chemical argument that
Dangtalan pots will be better sintered, and thus stronger than
Dalupa pots.
one
t:}
I

:~..,r;...

..~
-. .-.. ) < . '.
\.. 1).r.... '
~
',

.l.
,Ji. ,_ ;.\
f./ I .

.
' llii>

. .. '"'-1 .....h .
,.J~ .
!'.
,
;
Table III: Chemical composition of Kalinga clays
(weight percent, avg. of 3)
Si02 Al 2 0 3 Fe 20 1 MqO Cao Na 2 0 K2 0

Dalupa Awing 50.9 19. 7 5.3 1.0 1.4 o. 7

Dalupa Awaqa 51.0 21.0 4.5 1.2 0.7 0.5
Dalupa Bullayao 49.6 23.4 3.1 0.1 1. 7 o. 4
Dalupa Marcelo 53.4 20.J 2.3 0.1 0.7 0.5

Danqtalan: School 49.8 20.3 5.7 1.2 o.a O.J 1.5

Danqtalan: Lononq 49.7 20.9 5.7 1.2 1.0 0.5 o.a
Danqtalan: Col-anq 51.1 20.1 5.1 o.a 1.0 o. 5 b) X-ray map cl powoium (IC) content
('X). - - u (1).

Because the Kalinga pots are tired at low temperature for a

relatively short time, the amount of sintering is limited. The low
firing temperature was evident in comparing the range of color
developed in samples from Dangtalan and oalupa in a retiring
experiment. In an oxidizing atmosphere, as the temperature rises,
organics are burned off, water is driven off, and iron is converted
to an oxidized, or ferric state (Fe203 ) resulting in the
accompanying color changes from gray to yellow, orange or red
depending on the iron concentration (Rice 1987). Based on retiring
experiments, it would appear that the firing temperature of the
Kalinga ceramics is quite low, probably 600-650 c. The Dangtalan
specimens are redder than the Dalupa specimens, indicative of
either higher levels of iron present, higher firing temperatures, c) X-nr map cl boll (Fe) c:oatent
or more oxidation. Taking into consideration the low firing ('X). - - . ().
temperature and likely constraints on degree of sintering, it is
nonetheless probable that a difference in the flux levels of Dalupa
and Dangtalan pots may affect final pot strength.
The difference in strength is not related to longer or hotter
firings. Firing conditions are very similar in Dangtalan and
Dalupa and firing times are within the same range in each village.
If anything, Dangtalan firing times are shorter, which further
supports our claim that the differences in vessel wall strength is
related to varying amounts of flux in the clay. Electron and x-ray images of a Kalinga clay
Thus, by using a mechanically derived model in addition to a Figure 3.
 424
chemically derived model we can provide two independent lines of
evidence for explaining differences in strength between Dalupa and
Dangtalan vessels.
SUllllUY
Our analyses demonstrated significant differences in the
performance of Dangtalan and Dalupa cooking vessels, reinforcing
data from Guina-ang residents on pottery preference.
methodological restriction of both archaeological and
ethnoarchaeological research to date on this subject has been the
focus on technical factors. Limitations of the archaeological
record make this analytical imbalance understandable to some
extent, since neither informant-derived nor observational data can
be collected form prehistoric societies that might shed light on
non-technical factors that affect decision-making. The most
productive strategy, at present, is to first explore the
relationships in the technical realm and then begin to peer into
how non-technical factors can influence these relationships. That
is essentially what is done here because limitations on time
restricted the amount of research devoted to non-technical factors.
In examining the dynamics of pottery use, this study has
clearly demonstrated the importance of both technical and non-
technical factors in consumptive decision-making. In Guina-ang,
solely a pottery-consuming village, residents prefer and obtain
primarily Dangtalan cooking pots and respond that this is done
because the pots are stronger. The respondents who prefer Dalupa
cooking pots responded that they prefer vessels made in that
village because they are lighter. Our laboratory and technical
analyses demonstrates that Dangtalan cooking pots are stronger and
that Dalupa pots are lighter. In Dalupa, a pottery producing
village, technical factors are not important in the selection of
cooking pots. Thus we have an important contrast in the use
technology of a pottery producing and pottery consuming village.
When a clear distinction exists between the pottery producers and
consumers, and the consumers have at least a limited choice, the
technical performance characteristics of the pottery can be an
important consideration in pottery consumption. The people of
Dalupa, in contrast, live in a community of potters and do not
express their selection of pottery in terms of technical properties
and they do not obtain pots with superior performance
characteristics. In Guina-ang, a solely pottery-consuming village,
those who acquire Dangtalan pots (68t) largely recognize their
superiority in technical performance traits; those who buy Dalupa
pots, however, are selecting for another set of traits which are
not related to the physical performance of the vessel. In Dalupa,
where pots are produced, the majority buy Dalupa pots, yet
technical performance characteristics are not significant in this
decision. Thus we can see the importance in considering both
technical and non-technical aspects in consumptive decision-making.
In extending this study to the archaeological record, it is
important to consider the potential of both technical and non-
technical or behavioral factors in generating patterns in the
425
material record. Based on techno-function or appropriateness of
physical performance characteristics, it would appear that there is
no real reason to acquire Dalupa pots where Dangtalan pots are
available. Issues of village allegiance, kinship, and convenience
play a significant role in determining procurement of pots. one
important lesson for archaeologists is that we have a better
likelihood of testing technical/techno-functional explanations for
prehistoric decision-making in its relationship to technology. The
other important implication is that in exploring technical factors,
A we are restricted to explaining just one part of the observed
variability in prehistoric decision-making and the study of
technological change. It is clear that these issues should be
considered in archaeological interpretation.
References
Aronson, M.A., J.M. Skibo and M. Stark
n.d. to be published in an edited volume on Kalinga
Ethnoarchaeoloqy.
Braun, David
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New York.
Bronitsky, Gordon, and R. Hamer
1986 Experiments in ceramic technology: The effects of
various tempering materials on impact and thermal shock
resistance. Allerioan Antiquity 51: 89-101.
Graves, M.W.
1981 Ethnoarchaeology of Kalinga ceramic design. University
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1985 Ceramic design variation within a Kalinga village:
Temporal and spatial processes. In Decgc:Una prebistgric
ceramics, ed. B.A. Nelson, pp. 9-34. southern Illinois
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Grimshaw, Rex
1971 The chemistry and physics of clays ancl allied. ceramic
materials. Ernest Benn Limited: London.
Kingery, William D., Bowen, H.K. and D.R. Uhlmann
1976 Introduction to Ceramics. John Wiley and Sons: New
York.
Longacre, William A.
1974 Kalinga pottery-making: The evolution of a research
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of Goods and Technologies

Longacre, William and J.M. Skibo r~'

n.d. to be published in an edited volume of Kalinga

Ethnoarchaeology.

Rhodes, Daniel
1957 Clay and Glazes for the Potter. Chilton: Philadelphia.
schiffer, Michaele., and James M. Skibo
1987 Theory and experiment in the study of technological
change. current Antbropoloqy 28: 595-622.

Skibo, James M., Michael B. Schiffer, and Kenneth c. Reid

1989 Organic tempered pottery: An experimental study
.lllerican Antiquity
Stimmell, Carole, Robert e. Heimann, and R.G.V. Hancock
1982 Indian pottery from the Mississippi Valley: coping with
bad materials. In Archaeological ceramics, edited by J.S.
Olin, andA.D. Franklin, pp. 219-228. Smithsonian Institution
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Tankersley, Ken, and John Meinhart
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Archaeology 7: 225-243.
 \qq)
MATERIALS RESEARCH SOCIETY SYMPOSIUM PROCEEDINGS VOLUME 185

Materials Issues in Art and Archaeology II

Symposium held April 17-21, 1990, San Francisco, California, U.S.A.

I EDITORS:

Pamela B. Vandiver
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.

James Druzik
Getty Conservation Institute, Marina Del Rey, California, U.S.A.

George Segan Wheeler

Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, New York, U.S.A.

MATERIALS RESEARCH SOCIETY

IMIRISI Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania