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Flavius Josephus
Terminology of Magic:
Accommodating Jewish
Magic to a Roman
Audience
Phillip Jewell
The life of Flavius Josephus was certainly not short of incident. Born
in Jerusalem in 37 CE to a priestly family which could trace their line
back to the Hasmonean high priest Jonathan (161-143 BCE), the young
Josephus was inducted into all the major religious schools, the Pharisees,
Sadducees, and Essenes, as well as sitting at the feet of Bannus, a
wilderness ascetic.1 However, as a member of the nobility, Josephus
was installed as the general in command of Galilean forces at the
commencement of the war with Rome in 66 CE. As the rest of Judea
was shortly to find, little could stand in the way of Romes legions;
Josephus and his men were captured in the following year in the city of
Jotapata. It was here, as his fellow Jews engaged in a suicide pact, that
Josephus made a momentous decision, one which was to have great
ramifications for the rest of his life.2 Having been brought before the
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 9
Josephus represents a unique fusion of the two worlds; his life was a
rollercoaster of events in which he experienced both Roman and Jewish
cultures. These experiences are exemplified by his Jewish Antiquities in
which a synthesis between Jewish and Roman values is affected. An
under-appreciated aspect of his works, however, is the extent to which
magic featured as a part of his world view and as an important
consideration in his efforts to correlate Roman and Jewish values. The
theme of magic is often explained as simply a minor and fairly
insignificant interest for Josephus (Rajak 2002, p.xii), as a straw opponent
for his miracle stories (MacRae 1965, pp.128-147), or as a decorative
element for the benefit of his Roman audience (Brown 1992, p.204).
Nevertheless, the sheer number of magical episodes in his works, ranging
from biblical paraphrases to descriptions of events witnessed by Josephus
himself, in addition to a remarkable care and precision in the employment
of magical terminology, suggests that he felt that magic was not only
an important theme in Jewish history, but also an important bridge
between Roman and Jewish culture. In this article I will not only challenge
the view that Josephus held no interest in magic, but also advance the
idea that Josephus was a careful employer of magical terminology and
that he was well aware of the dual positive/negative nature of magic in
the Roman world.
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 11
Identifying Magic
In the first century CE, magic constituted a shadowy category of
human action, one which was increasingly of concern to Roman and
Jewish law; especially in the former, unsanctioned religious activities
(among which we may count magic) was readily being associated with
rebellion, revolt, and insurrection. Yet, at the same time, there was a
great degree of latitude with respect to the practice of magic in both
Roman and Jewish worlds. In essence, the strict definition of magic,
one which we would be familiar with today as being defined in concert/
conflict with the idea of miracle, was far from established. Biblical
literature, which formed the basis for Josephus paraphrase of his peoples
history in the Jewish Antiquities, whilst legislating against a wide array of
magicians and magical practices, is replete with episodes of both positive
and negative magic. In this respect terminology became an important
element in defining acceptable magical practices. For instance, we do
not see any of the outlawed terms given in Deut 18:10-14 in relation to
the figure of Moses, despite the fact that he engages in a contest of
magic with the Egyptian magicians at Pharaohs court (Exodus 7), uses
a magical staff to effect water from a rock (Num 20:11), and creates a
copper serpent figurine which magically heals the snakebites of the
Israelites (Num 21:6-9). All of these actions are acceptable because
they are sanctioned by God. One might prefer to term them miracles,
but this would seem to imply a categorical difference between the actions
of a magician and a miracle-worker. 4 Such is not seen in biblical
literature, where we can point to numerous examples of prophets
practising magic. In this respect, Elijah and Elisha are perhaps the
most pre-eminent examples. They know how to decontaminate polluted
waters, and make an iron axe come back up to the waters surface
12 Journal for the Academic Study of Magic - Issue 5
The first century CE was, however, a definitive era with respect to the
evolution and development of theories of magic, especially in relation
to the religion/magic acceptable/unacceptable dichotomy with which
we are so familiar today. For this period saw a heightened interest from
Roman social elites in the legality and acceptability of various religious
practices, amongst which we may count what we today would call
magic, and which in Roman society was described by a dedicated and
wide ranging set of terminology. However, we must not imagine that
early imperial Rome had an approach to magic, involving such
dichotomies as magic/negative and religion/positive, which mirrored
Frazerian intellectualist models. On the contrary, there was no clear-
cut dichotomy in operation; actions which invoked or involved the
supernatural could be described in a multiplicity of manners dependent
on not only context, but also the designs and intentions of the author.
In this manner two similar ritual actions (casting horoscopes for instance)
could be at once both legal and illegal. The only difference in terms of
legality was supplied by those who legislated. Thus, emperors could
attend magical banquets and be initiated into the mysteries of the Magi
(Nero), could cast their own horoscopes (Augustus), and could have
magicians on their private staff (Vespasian), whilst at the same time
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 13
issuing legislation banning magical practices from Italy and Rome and
conducting purges, trials, and executions of magicians as well as burning
magical texts. In these laws, related to us through a number of diverse
sources, the specific terminology serves to demarcate certain types of
figures; such figures were readily being associated by the end of the
first century CE with unsanctioned magical practices. Thus, in their
descriptions of the laws passed by Augustus dealing with magical
practices, Suetonius and Cassius Dio refer to the gohvte~, malefici, and
manteiv~ as those who were specifically banned.5 In these terms we
can clearly detect the roots of the modern terminology of magic (Cheak
2004, pp.260-286).
The attitude of the LXX translators seems clear, with their added
associations between the Exodus magicians and the Deuteronomic laws
on magic serving to further denigrate Moses opponents. Josephus,
however, having access to both texts for his paraphrase, chooses a much
bolder course; it would have been a simple matter, as the LXX
demonstrates, to construct a much more negative appraisal of the court
magicians and set them up in a clear contrast with Moses, but Josephus
instead provides a much more positive representation. For him, Pharaohs
magicians are skilled (sofov~) in an art (ejpisthvmh); moreover, he terms
16 Journal for the Academic Study of Magic - Issue 5
them priests (iJerei~), a term of high praise given his other employments,
especially striking when we consider that they are nowhere thus termed
in the biblical texts. In calling them priests, Josephus is linking them to
an organisation (the priesthood of Egypt, a sanctioned religious body)
and to ritual observances (sanctioned magico-religious rites). Likewise,
the terms which describe the profession of the magicians are particularly
positive, with sofiva terminology being particularly prominent in the
stories of Joseph, Solomon, and Daniel, figures who were biblically
famed for their magical/esoteric skills.10 Despite having his magicians
defeated again in a contest of skill and power, Pharaoh is not impressed
by Moses actions, criticizing him for imposing on him by using magic
(mageiva) and wonder-working (teratourgiva), and pointing out that
he cannot hope to pose as the only expert in such matters. For a biblical
paraphrase, in which our author vows to neither add nor subtract from
the Hebrew records (Ant.1.17 cf. War 1.17 and Ant.10.218), this is a
remarkable comparison between Moses and Pharaohs magicians. Instead
of miracle defeating magic, as per traditional views on Exodus 7,
Josephus clearly presents this episode as a contest of magic. It is a contest
of skill in which Moses is victorious.
However, in this episode there are two images of magic, one positive
and one negative. Following Pharaohs statement criticizing Moses, in
which we see an acceptable, sanctioned form of magic practised by
both Moses and the Egyptian magicians, Josephus has Moses offer a
contrast between his works and more negative forms of magic. Here
Moses refuses to disdain the skills of the Egyptians, which we might
group under the heading of mageiva; instead he offers a defence of his
own skills, stating that his magical performance (fainovmena) derives
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 17
Increasingly the term was used as a tool for literary elites to describe
those beyond the limited boundaries of a given society who either
admitted to engaging in, or were perceived as engaging in, a variety of
shadowy practices in which the law-abiding citizen would not be
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 19
By the time of the early Roman Empire, the figure of the govh~ was
increasingly being denigrated by law, and was repeatedly linked to the
actions of social and political revolutionaries. The extent to which the
govh~ was associated with civil disturbance, revolution, and illegal
activities is seen in an excerpt from the works of Cassius Dio (Roman
History, 49.43.5ff) who discusses the measures which Augustus and
Agrippa took to secure Rome. Acknowledging the need for sanctioned
soothsayers and augurs, Agrippa advises that Rome should not be a
home for the atheist or the govh~, for the latter often incite many to
revolution, either by telling the truth, or, as more often, by telling lies
(Cassius Dio, Roman History, 52.36.2). While this passage hails from
more than a century after Josephus, it is written in retrospect concerning
the measures which Augustus took to secure a post-civil war Rome,
20 Journal for the Academic Study of Magic - Issue 5
to civil order and Roman power; hence, Felix sent his forces to destroy
them (War, 2.260).
did not permit them to reap the fruit of their folly (ouj mh;n e]iasen
aujtou;~ th`~ ajfrosuvnh~ o]nasqai Ant., 20.99). Evidently, miraculous
and magical signs of Israelite freedom, as performed by Moses in the
ancient past, have no place in Josephus Roman Judea; even if they did,
one such as Theudas would not be performing them. This is the message
contained in the description of Theudas, a figure who constituted a
possible focal point for a rebellion against Roman power. Indeed, by
showing that the parting of the waves was never performed by Theudas,
Josephus also shows that the achievement of Moses is unique; it could
never be replicated by a govh~, someone who operates outside law, order,
and sanction.
Although we cannot be sure why Josephus leaves out these laws from
his rewritten Bible, for he is by no means a consistent author in terms
of creating his paraphrase (at least with respect to modern interpretations
of his goal of faithfully recounting the biblical text), their omission
allows him to create positive accounts of Jewish magicians through
specific magical terminology (some of which is specifically legislated
against in LXX). In the case of Eleazar, the instance of the term ejpwdhv
is clearly intended as a positive comment, for not only do the
incantations lead to the expulsion of the demon (evidenced by the
upsetting of a cup of water placed in front of the unfortunate host),
but it is also linked directly to the legendary magical skills of King
Solomon. On seeing Eleazars actions, Josephus states that
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 29
In this manner the magic of Eleazar receives not only the sanction of
Vespasian, before whom it is performed, but also that of Solomon and,
by extension, God. Again, we see an understanding of the positive art
of magic being described through wisdom (sofiv a ) terminology.
Josephus also describes the exorcisms of Solomon as an art or technique
(tevcnh Ant.7.341), one which is of great benefit to mankind.
Through such descriptions, we may draw parallels with not only the
Egyptian priests and their magical art, but also of those Jewish heroes
of the biblical Diaspora novels and the witch of Endor. Indeed, the
case of the witch of Endor provides a number of similarities. Not only
is her profession termed a tevcnh and an episteme (Ant.6.340), but she
is also classified as part of a group of diviners (mav n tei~) and
necromancers (ejggastrivmuqo~). Strikingly, Josephus even includes the
office of the prophet (profhvth~) in this group who all practice the
same art (tevcnh Ant.6.327). From his further comments on the witch,
it is evident that Josephus wished to portray her in a favourable light.
Not only are her designations as an ejggastrivmuqo~ and a mavnti~
lacking in any previous condemnation through association with biblical
laws on magic (both featuring in LXX Deut 18:10-14), but Josephus,
going far beyond the biblical texts, represents her as obedient, loyal,
30 Journal for the Academic Study of Magic - Issue 5
Conclusion
In Josephus works, then, it would appear that there are multiple
approaches to the subject of magic. In addition it appears to have been
an important area of Jewish culture for his representation of his people
to the Romans. Through careful application of magical terminology, he
is able to create both positive and negative images, from upholding the
fame and repute of Moses as a master magician to the labelling of the
false sign prophets and demagogues of the pre-revolt era as negatively
defined magicians. However, Josephus interest in magic is much more
than simply an especial care for the correct use of magical terminology.
For Josephus seems keen to communicate to his readers the power and
prestige which Jewish magicians have displayed throughout history. Thus,
Moses is clearly associated with the sanctioned court magicians of
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 31
Notes
1 Josephus claimed to follow the party of the Pharisees (Life 12). This
statement has, however, received critical comment; see Mason, S.
Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees: A Composition-Critical Study (Leiden,
E.J.Brill, 1991), 342-353.
2 Although Josephus did not relate his prophecies concerning Vespasian
at this point, he claims (War, 3.399-408) that his survival in the
aborted suicide pact was due to the fact that he had to act as Gods
messenger to announce to Vespasian his future elevation to imperial
power.
3 When citing the ancient primary sources I have used the standard
editions as found in the Loeb Classical Library editions. In the case of
Issue 5 - Journal for the Academic Study of Magic 33
notes that the Byzantine Suda of the late tenth century CE, in speaking
of the magic extant in its own time, states that the terminology of
sorcery and its practitioners (the govh~) is applied to the raising of
the dead by invocation and is derived from the wailing (gooi) and
the laments that are performed at tombs.
13 Herodotus (Histories, 4.105) also states, in an early example of the
association between the govh~ and deception; I myself do not
believe what they say, but they say it nonetheless, indeed swear it.
14 Apuleius, Apology, 29-32. The charges brought against Apuleius,
including his mysterious dissection of fish (for poisons or for
research?) his possession of instrumenta magicae, his catatonic effect on a
young boy and woman, his strange cult statue kept hidden from
prying eyes, and his enactment of noctunalia sacra, certainly seem to
give grounds to his accusers arguments. In invoking the more positive
aspects of the Persian magi however he is able to show that he is not
a govh~ but rather a form of the natural scientist or philosopher. See
further Luck, G. Witches and Sorcerers in Classical Literature, in
B.Ankarloo and S.Clark (eds.), Witchcraft and Magic in Europe, Vol.2
Ancient Greece and Rome, (London, The Athlone Press, 1999) 91-158
and Graf, F.Theories of Magic in Antiquity in P.Mirecki and
M.Meyer (eds.), Magic and Religion in the Ancient World, (Leiden, E.J.Brill,
2002) 92-104.
15 Repeated legislation was issued during the first century CE in order to
deal with the problem of magicians in Rome and Italy, especially on
the advent of a new emperor. See further, MacMullen, R. Enemies of
the Roman Order: Treason, Unrest, and Alienation in the Empire,
(Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1966) 95-127, and
Gordon, R. Imagining Greek and Roman Magic, in B.Ankarloo and
S.Clark (eds.), Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: Ancient Greece and Rome,
(London, The Athlone Press, 1999) 159-269.
16 Clearly, the idea of unsanctioned religious activity being troubling for
the Roman mind is one not limited to imperial times. Indeed, pre-
imperial Rome created some detailed legislation concerning magic,
such as the Twelve Tables and the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficus,
though these were perhaps aimed more at crimes involving murder
by magical means than with magical ritual and practice. See further,
Phillips, C.R. Nullem Crimen sine Lege: Socioreligious Sanctions on
36 Journal for the Academic Study of Magic - Issue 5
(Anab. 5.7.9) uses the term in a manner which suggests the forcing of
people to believe that which is patently untrue. In a similar fashion,
Apollonius (Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, 8.7), in his debate with the
Egyptian gymnophisist Thespesion, declares that the art of the govh~
is simply that of causing the ignorant to believe in the non-existent
and of hiding the truth. Indeed, by the time of the early Christian
church the term had an essential meaning of deceiver. Thus, as
Morton Smith, (Jesus the Magician, ((N.Y., Harper & Row 1978)) 109)
shows, Origen is forced to not only refute the image portrayed by
Celsus of Jesus as a magician, but also to defend him from being
seen as the secondary aspect of the govh~, a trickster trying to
discredit in advance his rival claimants and rival beggars.
22 The episode of Eleazar at Vespasians court has been termed an
example of white magic (Duling, D.The Eleazar Miracle and
Solomons Magical Wisdom in Flavius Josephuss Antiquitates Judaicae
8.42-49, Harvard Theological Review 78:1-2 (1985): 1-25), a form which
was increasingly acceptable at the higher levels of Roman society;
clearly Josephus was aware of this feeling, allowing him to relate a
positive image of magic, and one which emphasizes the skill and
power of Jewish magic and magicians. See further MacMullen, Enemies
of the Roman Order, 125-128.
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