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Andrew Schrank
To cite this article: Andrew Schrank (2009) Understanding Latin American political
economy: varieties of capitalism or fiscal sociology?, Economy and Society, 38:1, 53-61, DOI:
10.1080/03085140802560512
Download by: [Orta Dogu Teknik Universitesi] Date: 05 April 2016, At: 10:36
Economy and Society Volume 38 Number 1 February 2009: 5361
Understanding Latin
American political economy:
varieties of capitalism or
fiscal sociology?
Downloaded by [Orta Dogu Teknik Universitesi] at 10:36 05 April 2016
Andrew Schrank
Abstract
Ben Schneider and David Soskice trace the origins and reproduction of Latin
Americas hierarchical market economies to the perverse synergy of: 1) free-market
economic reforms that systematically atomize (or demobilize) low-income consti-
tuencies; 2) majoritarian presidential elections that no less systematically ensure
middle-class support for an upper-class agenda marked by labour market dualism,
educational elitism, corporate conglomeration, and associational underdevelopment;
and 3) proportionally-elected legislatures that are particularly susceptible to
corporate influence. I worry that in their haste to incorporate Latin America into
the varieties of capitalism framework, however, Schneider and Soskice: 1) overlook
the Iberian roots of the regions principal economic institutions; 2) confuse
symptoms like ignorance, informality, and corporate conglomeration with causes
like inequality and fiscal underdevelopment; and 3) ignore not only the possibility
but the likelihood of left-wing mobilization in the wake of democratization and
international integration. And I therefore conclude with an alternative account that
addresses not only the historical roots but the contemporary contradictions of the
regions admittedly benighted political economies.
Ben Schneider and David Soskice raise the proverbial bar for students of Latin
American political economy. By offering a comprehensive interpretation of the
regions woes, one that takes political institutions as well as economic interests
seriously, they bring unusual rigour and clarity to a discussion that has
altogether too often been opaque or incoherent and thereby bring Latin
America back into the heart of contemporary political economy.
Schneider and Soskice depart from an idealtypical model of a hierarchical
Latin American economy marked by labour market dualism, educational
elitism, corporate conglomeration and associational underdevelopment. While
the principal components of the model allegedly undermine skill formation,
social cohesion and collective bargaining, and thereby reproduce the regions
traditionally inequitable social orders, they are giving way to neither
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policy-makers and public officials have traditionally found it all but impossible
to impose taxes on their powerful private sectors let alone to ignore their
political demands. Figure 1 plots the average tax ratio for each variety of
capitalism (VoC) in 2005 and reveals persistent differences between
the revenue-poor hierarchical economies and their better-off northern
counterparts. In fact, Chile is the only HME to meet Arthur Lewiss (1966),
pp. 11516) target developing country tax ratio of 20 per cent.
Latin America is not unique, however, for Spain and Portugal featured the
lowest tax ratios in Europe for the better part of the twentieth century
(Gunther, 1996, p. 160) and, like their New World offspring, compensated for
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their fiscal underdevelopment with two symbiotic strategies. On the one hand,
they deployed tariffs designed to raise revenue as well as to protect their infant
industries. Trade taxes are relatively easy to collect because imports and
exports are channeled through centralized port facilities, explains Stephen
Krasner. Even with smuggling and corruption (often very serious problems)
tariffs and export taxes are easier to obtain than direct taxes, which require
high levels of bureaucratic skill and voluntary compliance (1985, p. 46). On the
other hand, they developed low-cost alternatives to fiscally demanding income-
The protection of capital and labour is not only less costly than their ex post
compensation but is simultaneously compatible with the mercantilist prefer-
ences of Latin elites who commonly commit themselves to an intermediate
statist model that is neither capitalist nor communist, in the words of Alfred
Stepan, by replacing private initiative with overall public regulation, at the
same time retaining the marketplace as the basic mechanism for the
distribution of goods and services (2001, p. 71). In fact, Figure 2 underscores
the coherence of the Latin model by plotting an index of employment
protection (e.g. the ease of hiring and firing) against an indicator of tariff
protection for representatives of the three varieties of capitalism at the dawn of
the free-market era.
Figure 2 The protection of capital and labour in Europe and the Americas
Sources: Employment protection index from Marquez and Pages (1998, Table 1);
mean tariff data from Sachs and Warner (1995, Table 6).
Note: I include all countries for which data are available on both variables.
Andrew Schrank: Understanding Latin American political economy 57
The Latin American HMEs cluster in the top-right corner of the graph.
The most developed welfare states within Latin America i.e. Argentina,
Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay (Mesa-Lago, 2008, p. 4) are generally
less protective than their benighted Andean and Mesoamerican neighbours.
And Spain and Portugal occupy a buffer zone between the HMEs and the
CMEs with the LMEs clustering towards the origin.1
The point is not so much to deny the features of the HME described by
Schneider and Soskice but to trace their origins to the fiscal underdevelopment
of the Latin state and not as they would imply (p. 46) vice versa.
Informality is the inefficient firms response to the imposition of burdensome
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labour laws that are themselves functional alternatives to costly welfare efforts
(Tybout, 2000, p. 16). Conglomerates are designed to take advantage of
protectionist measures that serve double duty as revenue-generating devices
(Garrido & Peres, 1998, p. 131). And elitist educational systems are
simultaneously symptoms and by-products of fiscal underdevelopment, for
states that are unable to extract resources from their citizens (and guests) are
unlikely to develop the social and political bases of widespread skill formation
(Estevez-Abe et al., 2001).2
Is an escape route available? Spain and Portugal began to abandon
mercantilism for a neo-corporatist alternative in the 1970s and 1980s
(Royo, 2002), when they at long last put paid to dictatorship and joined the
European Community, and Alvaro Espina therefore concludes his recent effort
to draw lessons from the Spanish experience by equating commercial isolation
with inequality and underdevelopment. The autarchic period with its
correlates of dirigisme, aversion to the market, monetary activism, and
exchange rate manipulation gave rise to the worst results in the economic
history of contemporary Spain, he writes, because it inhibited the exploitation
of comparative advantages like low cost, unemployed labour and gave the
private sector an incentive to pursue concessions and monopoly rents rather
than to concentrate on economic efficiency and organizational and technolo-
gical innovation (2007, p. 39, my translation).
Espina goes on to discuss Latin Americas more recent pursuit of a
commercial opening that seems irreversible (2007, p. 40, my translation)
against the backdrop of Spains earlier success and offers a guardedly
optimistic prognosis for the growth of a neo-corporatist model designed to
reconcile social protection with economic efficiency (2007, p. 54). Nor is he
alone. Others have identified nascent neo-corporatist projects (Korzeniewicz &
Smith, 2000, pp. 401; Etchemendy & Collier, 2007, p. 363) or their potential
building-blocks (Snyder, 2001) in Latin America itself. For example, the
International Labour Office (2008, pp. 312) holds that minimum wages are
established by tripartite bodies in most Latin American polities. Mara
Angelica Ducci (1997, p. 160) finds that tripartite training authorities are
growing more innovative as well as more influential throughout the region (see
also Gallart, 2008). And Michael Piore and I have documented the
resuscitation of a distinctively Latin approach to labour market regulation
58 Economy and Society
origins and evolution all but necessarily depend upon the state and nature of
public financial arrangements that have until now been all but external to the
VoC model. And, finally, Latin Americas future is decidedly less certain than
Schneider and Soskice would have us believe. After all, the principal
components of the HME are legacies of a mercantilist model that is by now
anachronistic rather than features of an equilibrium that is firmly entrenched
and the door is therefore open to new ideas, new models and new coalitions.
While majoritarian electoral rules have a tendency to inhibit the growth and
diffusion of radical alternatives, as Schneider and Soskice persuasively argue, a
majority of the regions citizens have an incentive to demand serious reform
and out of this volatile mix, anything is possible.
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Ben Schneider and David Soskice for a stimulating
debate, and Diego Sanchez and the editors of Economy and Society for their
support.
Notes
1 See the notes to Figure 1 for country classifications. While Hall and Soskice assign
France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain to an ambiguous Mediterranean position
marked by a large agrarian sector and recent histories of extensive state intervention
(2001, p. 21), they simultaneously portray their labour relations as liberal, and thereby
ignore the historical basis and impact of employment protection legislation. Neither
Hall and Soskice nor Schneider and Soskice classify the non-Hispanic Caribbean
countries; they are included for the sake of completeness and appear to constitute a
high tariff/low EPI group of their own.
2 Ex post (or compensatory) safeguards would appear to trade off with ex ante (or
protective) safeguards on a systematic basis and to have elective affinities with high-tax
(i.e. CME and LME) and low-tax (HME) polities respectively. In fact, the bivariate
correlation between the percentage of social expenditures in GDP (Pierson, 2003) and
the trade and employment variables displayed in Figure 2 are -.7 (pB.001) and -.5
(p B.005) respectively. Complete analysis available from author on request.
60 Economy and Society
on to win the presidencies of countries like Nicaragua, Paraguay and Uruguay that are
difficult to classify as beneficiaries of commodity export booms.
References