» NOT ONLY AGAINST JEWS: ANTISEMITIC ICONOGRAPHY AND ITS FUNCTIONS AT LA BRIGUE Véronique Plesch “L'art ignore Uhistoire mais se sert de sa terreur.” René Char, Outrages In 1492 the Piedmontese artist and priest Giovanni Canavesio completed the pictorial decoration of the pilgrimage sanctuary of Notre-Dame des Fontaines out- side the southern French town of La Brigue (Figs. 1 and 2). It is not known how long Canavesio had been at work, but this was no doubt a long project, for the artist covered the walls of this fairly large chapel with paintings, a vast cycle of the Passion of Christ on the nave walls, the infancy of Christ on the triumphal arch, and ‘a monumental Last Judgment on the entrance wall (Figs. 3 and 4). Canavesio’s paintings have been noted for their expressionistic style and violent content,’ but few have noticed that in his paintings at La Brigue much of that vehemence is directed toward Jews.” It is my aim here to survey the means Canavesio used to invest his pictorial account with anti-Jewish messages by focusing on La Brigue’s Passion cycle and Last Judgment. Then, I assess the meaning of such a message by considering the context and its intended perception by the fifteenth-century Christian viewer. I argue that the functions of this imagery go well beyond a simple attack on Jews, even though Jews were part of life at La Brigue, and that the paintings aimed at promoting a message that was first and foremost intended for the Christian community. To the Christian churchgoer the criticisms of Jewish usury ‘were meant to support the establishment of Christian lending institutions. Jews could also be understood as disbelievers and, in particular, as heretics—a message especially pertinent in an area where Waldensianism was widespread. Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 137TURIN ©. Chics: Pinerolo @ ITALY Celle Macra « Bastia Mondovi Bernezzo « @ CUNEO eer Tende Pass. © Pornassio FRANCE VENTIMIGLIA, Figure 1. Map of places mentioned in the article. 138 Antisemitic IconographyStudies in Iconography 232002 139140 Antisemitic IconographyCanavesio and Notre-Dame des Fontaines By the early 1490s, Canavesio must have enjoyed a certain local renown, as is attested by the corpus of paintings, both mural and on panel, that remain in the southern Franco-Italian Alps.? Ten years before La Brigue, Canavesio had com- pleted extensive pictorial decorations at San Bernardo in Pigna, a town in the Nervia valley, only fifteen kilometers east of La Brigue.* Most of Canavesio’s works bear an inscription with his name, which is always accompanied by the title “presbiter.” ‘These inscriptions, which often include the date of completion of the work, also inform us that he was from Pinerolo (30 km southwest of Turin), although it is not clear if this was his place of birth or of residence. During the last quarter of the fif- teenth century, Canavesio executed a dozen polyptychs or panel paintings and some ten ensembles of mural paintings. Most of his activity was concentrated in a rather limited area off the Mediterranean coast, today divided between France and Italy. The chapel of the Madonna of the Fountains—called in French Notre-Dame des Fontaines, and in Italian Madonna del Fontan or Madonna del Sorgente—is an isolated building, four kilometers from the town of La Brigue.* The area, located at an altitude of around 800 meters, is some 80 kilometers northeast of Nice and about 50 kilometers southwest of Cuneo. The valley of the Roya, an important axis, leads to the Tende pass, the lowest and southernmost Alpine pass (1879 meters), con- necting the western side of the Alps (today France) to the Italian ports of Ventimiglia and San Remo and to Piedmont and Turin. The chapel lies at the crossroads of “routes muletiéres” (mule paths) linking the principal villages dependent on La Brigue, but also allowing traffic between the county of Nice and Piedmont and to Provence and Lombardy. Notre-Dame des Fontaines owes its name to intermittent springs located below the chapel.* The origins of the sanctuary are unclear and ob- scured by legends. Local tradition traces the origin of the chapel to the unspecified time when, after the springs (an important source of water for the town) had run dry, La Brigue’s population sought the intercession of the Virgin. vowing to build a chapel in thanksgiving.’ As is often the case with sanctuaries associated with springs, it is very likely that there was already a cult in pagan times, which early on became a Christian pilgrimage site.* The building rests on a series of arches erected above the head of the springs. ‘The arches as well as the choir of the sanctuary are thought to date to the Roman- esque period.’ The building itself, which was enlarged in the second half of the fif- teenth century, is a simple rectangle of 16 by 10 meters, with a lower ceiling form- ing the choir at the eastern end. Pilgrimages were made to Notre-Dame des Fontaines for the major Marian festivals: on the Visitation (2 July), the Assumption Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 141(15 August), and the Nativity of the Virgin (8 September), as well as a novena of processions after Easter."° It is not clear exactly how many of these celebrations were already in place in Canavesio’s time. The novena, which consists of nine dominical processions culminating on the feast of the Visitation, was established as early as 1435 as a vow the town took in response to the threat of a plague." The pro- cession on 15 August was added as late as the nineteenth century, against a cholera epidemic. According to Luc Thevenon, pilgrims came from Liguria, Piedmont, and Provence"? and processed together with the canons from St, Michael’s collegiate church in La Brigue, Benedictine and Augustinian monks from nearby Saint-Dalmas, La Brigue’s civil authorities, and members of several confraternities."? Today, pilgrims still come from the neighboring regions of the Roya valley." ‘The awarding of the commission for this important pictorial ensemble to such a well-established artist sheds light on the financial situation of the town toward the end of the fifteenth century. Early in that century the counts of La Brigue had sworn fidelity to the Count of Savoy (soon to become Duke), Amadeus VIII. La Brigue certainly benefited by its association with Savoy; if today the town seems to be very remote, off a rather unimportant Alpine pass and populated with fewer than 500 inhabitants," this certainly was not the case in Canavesio’s time. With some 2,000 inhabitants in the fifteenth century,'* it was then located on one of the itineraries used for the transport of salt from the Mediterranean to the Piedmontese plain, developed by the gabelier of Duke Amadeus VIII, Paganino del Pozzo.'” The town was prosperous, with a growing middle class that had benefited from the biannual fairs and from the transit of men and goods.'® Notre-Dame des Fontaines’s Antisemitic Iconography Canavesio followed traditional antisemitic iconography when he depicted the enemies of Christ with features thought to be stereotypically Jewish, such as beards, hooked noses, pointed hats, and turbans."° In that regard a good point of comparison is given by the juxtaposition of the scene of the Entry into Jerusalem with the Ap- pearance of Christ before Caiaphas (Fig. 5). In the Entry into Jerusalem, as Christ is triumphantly welcomed into the city, no evil is present, and therefore no stereo- typed Jews can be seen. In the panel below, on the contrary, the high priest Caiaphas, who is enthroned on the right side of the composition, is unmistakably characterized as a Jew, as are the two men who stand to his right (behind Christ) whose civilian clothes distinguish them from the soldiers who lead Christ. These two figures can be identified as the false witnesses who, as recounted in the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, brought forth an accusation sufficient to condemn Christ. All three figures 142. Antisemitic IconographyFigure 5. Giovanni Canavesio, Entry into Jerusalem (upper register), Christ before Caiaphas (lower register). Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) _— Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 143Figure 6. Giovanni Canavesio, Christ being tortured. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) are bearded and wear headgear more or less suggestive of a turban, in two cases pointed at the top. Each of them sports a yellow article of clothing, yellow being a color traditionally associated with Jews.”! The man behind Christ, seen in full profile, displays a particularly hooked nose and emaciated facial features. The ileum cornutum—the pointed hat—was among the articles of clothing imposed on Jews by the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 to distinguish them from the Christian population. In pictorial representations the hat can vary in shape, but it is always pointed at the top;” in fifteenth-century French art, because of unfamiliarity with Jewish customs following their expulsion from France and because Jews were often confused with Moslems, turbans also appear as Jewish headgear.” ‘These motifs acquire an increased significance when one realizes that for several of his compositions Canavesio drew inspiration from engravings, in partic- ular from Israhel van Meckenem’s Large Passion series (ca. 1480),” and that as he Ss 144 Antisemitic Iconographyadapted his borrowings to the new pictorial context, he insisted on Jewish physiog- nomies and garb. In the Passion cycle’s twelfth panel (Fig. 6)—which was adapted from the scene in the background of van Meckenem’s print “Crowning with Thorns” (Fig. 7)—Canavesio added two onlookers, both bearded, to Israhel’s composition. In the same panel, all but one of the five henchmen wear turbans or pointed hats (as against only one in the print). In his “Crowning with Thorns” (Fig. 8), Canavesio added to van Meckenem’s composition a bearded and beturbaned man standing to the right, whereas the man who appears near Pilate in the print was given a beard and a tall hat in the fresco, Interesting and intriguing is the addition of two bands at the extremity of the scarf hanging from Pilate’s hat that make it resemble a tallith, a Jewish prayer shawl—and yet he is the Roman governor of Judea.® If this was indeed the meaning intended by Canavesio’s addition, this “Judaizing” of Pilate would further implicate the Jews in Christ’s death.” More straightforward is the allusion to Herod’s link with the Jewish sect of the Pharisees, for the same man clad ina long pink robe receiving Judas’s money at the Temple (Fig. 9) stands near the king during Christ’s trial (Fig. 10) and mocking (Fig. 11), and later appears with the crowd demanding Christ's Crucifixion (Fig. 12).” ‘As Christ is arraigned before Pilate (Fig. 13), two banners can be seen: one red with the Roman “SPQR” initials and one yellow with a black ba: and scorpion (Fig. 14). As Marcel Bulard has shown, in the Middle Ages the scorpion symbolized falsehood, and as such it appeared as an emblem on “Jewish” banners, shields, and garments in Crucifixions and in other Passion scenes, acting as a reminder of the supposed responsibility of the Jews for the death of Christ.”* Its presence here along with the Roman banner pictorially transcribes the idea that Jews and pagan gentiles shared the guilt. The rare motive of the bat can be understood in several ways. As anocturnal animal, it may represent the spiritual darkness in which Jews remain by refusing to accept Christian faith, or it may symbolize heretics, who hide during daylight hours, Because of its hybrid nature, half-bird and half-rodent, it may also refer to duplicity and hypocrisy, both considered Jewish traits.” Bats have also been linked to invidia, a vice very much associated with Jews. If, then, the bat is to be considered another Jewish emblem, we can conclude that both scorpion and bat con- vey a basically similar meaning, but that their juxtaposition, “in a rather subtle anal- ysis, allows the association in the Jew’s character, perfidy on the one hand, duplicity on the other.”*! Jewish responsibility for Christ's sufferings and death is further alluded to by the tituli that run along the bottom of each panel of the Passion cycle. In these twenty-five Latin inscriptions, Jews are mentioned seven times, stressing that Judas sold and handed over Christ to the Jews,” that the Jews were responsible for the ——— Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 145Figure 7. Israhel van Meckenem, Crowning with thorns, Large Passion series, ca. 1480. (Photo: National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.) 146 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 8. Giovanni Canavesio, Crowning with thorns, Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Courtesy of the Frick Art Reference Library, New York.) leading of Christ before Annas,” for his scourging,* for his appearing before Pilate and his accusation,’ for beating him by blows and by spitting,” and eventually for demanding that Christ be crucified.” If on the eighth titulus* the subject of the verb is not specified, it is nevertheless clear that it is again the Jews, as in the previous caption. Worth noticing is the fact that the tirulus of panel nine wrongly casts the guilt of Christ's flagellation on the Jews, whereas the torture had been ordered by the Roman Pilate.” In Notre-Dame des Fontaines’s Last Judgment, Jews are literally the first to be damned. They appear just below St. Michael, identified by a banner that reads “Judei” (Fig. 15), and are shown supplicating an angel who holds the arma Christ, Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 147Figure 9, Giovanni Canavesio, Judas retums the silver coins othe temple. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) thus emphatically displaying the reason for their damnation, Further down in hell we find usurers, a profession widely identified with Jews: “usurari e falsi mercanti” (usurers and false merchants) (Fig. 16),*° “usurari e rapinatori” (usurers and robbers) (Fig. 17)."' Interestingly, in this last group of damned we find a man who holds a ledger book, and the devil who is in charge of this bolgia has bat wings and a scorpion tail, thus calling to mind the two animals associated with Jews in a negative way. In addition to swallowing four of the damned through the faces on his chest, he holds a money bag from which he extracts coins. The depiction makes clear that the coins the devils drop on the damned produce wounds.” The antisemitic message is also conveyed by the overall prominence given to Judas, who appears as the most important character after Christ. His story is told in an unusually thorough way. It is indeed uncommon to find, as here, all three scenes of Judas’s Pact (Fig. 13), Remorse (Fig. 9), and Suicide (Fig. 18). Judas’s im- portance goes so far as to occasionally steal center stage from Christ, as in the Pact and the Suicide. In these two scenes, Christ is not present: in the first one (Fig. 13), the field has been split into two moments, and Judas appears in both; the Suicide (Fig. 18)—the only panel in the cycle devoted to a single figure—grabs the beholder’s attention by its violent expression, by its format (different from the rest of the cycle), and by the monumental way in which the body fills the entire pictorial field and projects into the viewer’s space." And as the traitor returns the coins 148 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 10. Giovanni Canavesio, Arrest of Christ (upper register), Christ before Herod (lower register). Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonett.) Studies in Iconography 232002 149Figure 11. Giovanni Canavesio, Christ before Annas (upper register), Mocking of Christ (lower register). Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) 150 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 12. Giovanni Canavesio, Ecce Homo (upper register), Way to Calvary (lower register). Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue, (Photo: Martin Antonett.) Studies in Iconography 23 —2002 151Figure 13. Giovanni Canavesio, Pact of Judas (upper register), Christ before Pilate (lower register). Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) 152. Antisemitic IconographyFigure 14. Giovanni Canavesio, Christ before Pilate, detail: flag with scorpion and bat. Notre- Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) Figure 15. Giovanni Canavesio, Last Judgment, detail: Jews. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La. Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonett.) Studies in Iconography 23 — 2002153Figure 16, Giovanni Canavesio, Last Judgment, detail: usurers and false merchants. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) (Fig. 9), we see Christ being led. But if here Christ and Judas are both present, they do not interact and, meaningfully enough, Christ appears only in the background, his body cut off by the frame. ‘The identification of Judas with the Jews is rooted in a long tradition; thus the importance Canavesio gives to Judas can also be understood as another means to spotlight Jewish involvement in the events. Notice, too, that at Notre-Dame Judas consistently wears a yellow robe, the color reserved to Jews, to traitors, and to Judas.“* He is also red-haired, another negative feature ascribed to evil characters, to Jews, and to Judas in particular;"” and his physiognomy is consistent with the so- called “Jewish type”: a long, hooked nose, sunken cheeks, elongated eyes, and pointed beard.** The traitor’s immoderate (read “Jewish” love for money is, of course, displayed in his pact with the priests (Fig. 13). The depiction of the scene at Notre-Dame, with its division of the panel into two moments—the handshake and the tabulation—must have conjured up for the fifteenth-century viewer actual com- mercial and banking activities and, in particular, moneylending. Furthermore, a reference to Judas’s pact was commonplace in contemporary sermons against usury.” 154 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 17. Giovanni Canavesio, Last Judgment, detail: usurers and robbers, false witnesses. Notre- Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue, (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) Studies in Iconography 23-2002 155Figure 18, Giovanni Canavesio, Suicide of Judas. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) 156 Antisemitic IconographyLa Brigue and the Jews ‘There was a Jewish community in La Brigue, as is still remembered today by a street name in the local dialect, the “Caréé df Ghét” (Ghetto Street; Figs. 19, 20)."° La Brigue became Savoyard in 1388, and the conditions of its Jews followed the reg- ulations established by the Statuta Sabaudiae promulgated by Amadeus VIII at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Rinaldo Comba has shown that Amadeus’s goal was to create a “coercively Christian society,” the Statuta providing a program of “social disciplining” governing not only Jews, but all “outcasts,” including pros- titutes, concubines, idlers, and the poor.‘! The Statuta also legislated dress and behavior: certain games were forbidden, and insults and blasphemy were fined. ‘There was a tradition of Savoyard legislation from which this attempt stems,” but what is new here is that in more than one place the Statuta betray the combined influence of ecclesiastical law and that of the Dominican St. Vincent Ferrer, who had preached in the Savoyard states in the first years of the fifteenth century. This is particularly apparent in the regulations conceming the Jews.™ Before the Statuta, Savoyard Jews, many of whom had fled France during the successive expulsions of the previous centuries, benefited from a rather liberal situation: thanks to a concession going back to an unknown period but confirmed by Amadeus VII in 1385, Jews were not required to wear a distinctive garb or sign. However, as early as the 1403 re- daction of the Statuta, Jews were obliged to wear the rouelle, a red-and-white, circular badge. Interaction between Christians and Jews was severely hindered: Jews could not exit from the judeasymus during the night and during Holy Week, they had to pay a tax to enter cities, and they were forbidden to hire Christian domestics and wet nurses. Along with these exclusionary measures there was a more positive, protective side, in which Jews were granted a certain legal status, and their forced conversion was forbidden. This had been prompted by the deterioration of the Jewish condition during the previous century, in the wake of the Black Death in 1348 and the subsequent accusation of Savoyard Jews of poisoning wells—as elsewhere in Europe—followed by several cases of blood libel.°* The Paintings’ Message for the Faithful Besides being an artist Canavesio was also a priest, and in far too many ways to expound here, his paintings are informed by his knowledge of the ars prae- dicandi." Fifteenth-century preachers were particularly outspoken in the expression of their antisemitism, but Canavesio’s negative emphasis on Jews and especially on usurers calls to mind the contemporary trend in preaching of encouraging the Studies in Iconography 23 —2002 157RUE Oe ne CZ Figure 20. Rue du Ghetto / Caréé di Ghét, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) 158 Antisemitic Iconographyexpulsion of the Jews and the founding of monti di pieta, so that Christians could avoid Jewish moneylending. It is in the years directly preceding Canavesio’s work at La Brigue that this type of preaching was at its peak,** and it was already bearing its fruits, for everywhere, first in Italy and then in France and Germany,” such Christian “pawnshops” were established. For example, in Savona, some 70 kilo- meters from La Brigue, a monte di pietd was founded in 1479, one of the earliest in Europe." The first monte di pieta was founded in Perugia in 1462 and provided the model for those to follow; it was very much the product of the efforts of two Franciscans, Barnaba di Terni and Antonio da Lodi. The friars’ achievement, in a town with an old and well-established Jewish community, bears witness to the true agenda behind it: the expulsion of the Jews by suppressing their function in society. The foundation of monti thus appears as a way of suppressing the Jews’ function in society and a way to force them to leave, That the first monti were created in the second half of the fifteenth century is therefore perfectly logical when put in the context of the wave of Jewish expulsions that took place then, Many countries were affected, but Spain remains the most famous instance; it is a poignant coincidence that the expulsion of the Jews from Spain occurred in the same year that Canavesio completed his work at Notre-Dame. In La Brigue itself monti di pier were founded, although it is not possible to trace the exact date of their creation, According to Liliane Pastorelli, they were of two kinds: one, philanthropic in nature and created at the very end of the sixteenth century, does not concern us here; the other, financial in nature and set up as houses of credit, were established by the Savoyard government and were managed by the confraternities.® With this in mind let us return to Canavesio’s Passion cycle, Notre-Dame’s pictorial decoration bears an inscription dated 1583, which replaces the original in- scription of 1492, and which documents the commission, the artist, and the date of the completion of the paintings. The text, located at the center of the northern nave wall, below the pictorial cycle, reads: DOMINICO PASTORELLO ET BARTHOLOMEO DE BARTHOLOMEIS PRCCVRATORIBYS / PRESBYTERI JOANNE CANAVEXIO PICTORE AERE ELEEMOSINARIO ACTVif 1492-12 0CTO 1 BRIS RUENS RESCRIPTYM A IOSEPHO PASTORELLO RECTORE PRESBYTERO IOANNEGRA / NELLO CAESARE LAMBERTO PROCVRATORE ANNO 1583 DIE QVARTO OCTOBRIS (This work was completed and paid for by alms [during the administration of] Domenico Pastorello and Bartolomeo de Bartholomeis, procurators, along with priest Giovanni Canavesio, painter, on the twelfth of October 1492, And now, falling into ruins, it was, rewritten thanks to Giuseppe Pastorello, rector, priest Giovanni Granello, and Cesare Lamberto, procurator, on the fourth of October 1583.) Studies in Ieonography 23 —2002 159The segment of the text added in 1583 mentions a “Josepho Pastorello, rectore,” and “rector” is a term designating one of the two administrators of a Brigasque monte di pieta. Its tempting to think that the sanctuary and Canavesio’s paintings stand at the watershed, that they bear witness to and participate in the campaign conducted through preaching in favor of the institution of monti di pieta, and that, by the time the dedicatory inscription had to be rewritten, it was a fait accompli: Jewish usury had been eradicated and replaced by a monte di pieta in town.© It should never- theless be kept in mind that, as Antoniazzi Villa has stressed, Jewish lending and ‘monti did not automatically exclude one another, that the goal of preaching seems to have been more the expulsion of Jews than the founding of monti, and that it could also have represented a rejection of governmental intervention in local affairs. That the desire and the need for a monte di pietd would be felt around that time in La Brigue is not just the local response to a far larger trend, but the product of important socio-economic changes from within. Historian Gabriel Audisio, who has studied migration patterns in southern France (particularly in the Lubéron region of Provence),” has noted that a considerable portion of the immigrants in the years 1490 to 1520 came from the Franco-Italian Alps. The reasons for this movement are to be found in the restructuring that took place in the previous century, when husbandry replaced agriculture. The transition, at least for those who were in- volved in the new activity, had a positive impact and led to prosperity. That this is exactly what happened at La Brigue is proven by the high number of remaining works of art dating from the last quarter of the fifteenth century. Among them are a splendid polychrome wooden ceiling today in a private house” and an important ensemble of lintels carved out of slate and placed above the principal entrances to many houses throughout the town.” One example (Fig. 21) is dated 20 March 1492 and displays the source of the income that made it possible: sheep shears. Only a minority benefited from this shift and exhibited their prosperity in such conspicuous consumption. As it turns out, raising cattle requires more space but less manpower than agriculture, and so those not involved in the new economy grew poorer. More often than not, those who were newly impoverished ran into debt and had to resort to the services of a usurer, which often led to the sale of property (to the prosperous neighbors) to pay off the debt.” This obviously led to a climate of discontent and of social tensions, among which resentment towards money-lenders must have featured prominently. But at Notre-Dame there is more than just propaganda against Jewish usury. ‘These paintings were also meant to function within Canavesio’s homiletic purpose as a warning for the Christian viewer against doubt and unbelief. This brings us again to the emphasis on Judas, who was damned not so much because he betrayed 160 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 21. Slate lintel, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antoneti.) Christ, since he repented from this as the representation of his remorse affirms, but because he committed suicide, despairing of Christ's pardon—that is, not believing in it. This is why Judas appears in the Last Judgment fresco at La Brigue among the damned, under the banner of the “traditori e desperati”—traitors and despairers (Fig. 22). In the Last Judgment several categories of damned belong to the same semantic field of unbelief or of false faith:” “ypocriti e falsi batuti” (hypocrites and false penitents), “laroni inganatori e blasfematori” (thieves, deceivers, and blasphemers) (Fig. 23). In this latter category, the man who holds the sign is depicted as a suicide, a rope around his neck. According to Jean-Claude Schmitt, suicide by hanging was by far the most popular form of suicide in the Middle Ages, and suicide and despair were intimately linked—Judas is the suicide par excellence.” Unbelief and suicide were also associated, as illustrations of Psalm 52 show ("The fool says in his heart, ‘there is no God””).”* Other damned are labelled “falsi testimonie lingue” (false witnesses) (Fig. 17), a category that can be linked to the Passion eycle’s depiction of false witnesses accusing Christ before Caiaphas (Fig. 5), two men who are assuredly endowed with caricatural Semitic features. That at Notre-Dame Jews are unbelievers is made clear by several scenes in which they witness miracles only to reject them.” One of these events is the so- called miracle of the banners depicted in the panel with Christ before Pilate (Fig. 13). In the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus we read that during Christ’s trial banners were lowered to salute the prisoner, and this against the will of their bearers.” Significantly here, itis the Jewish flag with the scorpion and bat that goes Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 161Figure 22. Giovanni Canavesio, Last Judgment, detail: Judas, Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonett.) down (Fig. 14), whereas the Roman banner remains up. Or take Malchus, who strikes Christ in front of Annas, Malchus whom Christ had miraculously healed after his ear was cut off by Peter at the arrest (Figs. 10, 11), and who nevertheless tor- ments his benefactor.” One can now fully understand the meaning of a bespectacled man in the Pact of Judas (Fig. 13), a detail that visually translates the Jew’s spiritual blindness, an accusation Christ himself had cast upon the Pharisees.”* This may also help explain the meaning of the flag with two storks that appears in the Way to Calvary—a motif unique to Notre-Dame (Fig. 12). Marcel Bulard suggested that the intertwined birds could be another emblem for the Jews.” Indzed, not only is the field of the flag yellow, the color associated with Jews and with traitors, as is the flag with the scorpion and the bat, but also each bird turns its head and refuses to see what is in front of it, thus symbolizing the Jews’ deliberate refusal to see the truth of Christ’s divinity. The question of unbelief should be grasped within the functional homiletic context of the pictorial ensemble, Rather than simply to attack the Jews or to plead in favor of Christian lending institutions, the artist/priest uses anti-Jewish imagery to provide the beholder with an ethical counter-example: Judas and the Jews are 162 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 23. Giovanni Canavesio, Last Judgment, detail, from left to right: thieves, deceivers and blasphemers, procuresses and their adulterers, hypocrites and false penitents, usurers and false ‘merchants. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) projected into the viewer’ s here and now. Indeed, a fifteenth-century German hymn places the responsibility for Christ’s suffering on the faithful who are present by deflecting the guilt from Judas and the Jews and affirming that “It is our great sin and grievous misdeeds that nailed Jesus, the true Son of God, to the cross. For this reason we must not revile you, Poor Judah, and the host of Jews. The guilt is indeed ours.”*” Penance in general is very much at the core of Canavesio’s message (Judas is only one among several repenting figures), and this assumes its full meaning in the eminently penitential context of pilgrimage to Notre-Dame des Fontaines.*! Notre-Dame and the Waldensian Heresy Finally, the message conveyed by the paintings, with its combination of straight antisemitism and more subtle warnings against unbelief, could also be linked to the threat of the Waldensian heresy.” The heterodox sect was born at the end of the twelfth century in Lyon under the impulse of one Pierre Vaudes (or Valdas, or Valdo™). Expelled from Lyon in 1181-82, the “Poor of Lyon” spread through southern France and into northern Italy.** By the end of the thirteenth Studies in lconography 23 —2002 163century, inquisitors note that a large proportion of the population of some Franco- Italian valleys was Waldensian. As a matter of fact, the heart of the Waldensian occupation in the western Alps—the area southwest of Turin—came to be known as the “Vallées Vaudoises.” Until the second half of the fifteenth century, the Waldensians seem to have been able to live rather peacefully among their neighbors. Perhaps as a result of the economic changes mentioned above, or of other factors, in the last quarter of the century persecutions against Waldensians started in earnest. The migratory wave from the Alps to Provence studied by Gabriel Audisio began around 1460, but a third of it took place in the years 1490 to 1520, and 95% of these Alpine immigrants came from villages considered Waldensian since the fourteenth century. The intensification of repressive measures led some of the Waldensians to forego their non-violent beliefs and take arms to resist, as for instance in Val Luserna in 1483. Four years later, the insurrection had still not been tamed and was spreading to neighboring valleys as well. Pope Innocent VIIT intervened, launching a crusade against the heretics.” La Brigue was not spared: from contemporary documents we know that in 1497 an inquisitor was there fighting heretics, as is documented by a letter of Duke Philibert of Savoy requesting the inquisitor to act more humanely. Neighboring communities also witnessed intense inquisitorial activity. Even limiting the argument to cases from towns located within a fifty- kilometer radius from La Brigue, the evidence is compelling. In Sospel (less than 30 kilometers from La Brigue), Waldensians were burned at the stake in 1471; in Cuneo, an important town in the plain north of La Brigue, an inquisitor is docu- mented in 1442; three years later twenty-two Waldensians from nearby Bernezzo (11 km from Cuneo) were burned at the stake; more persecutions took place in 1469 and 1471; and in 1484 several heretics were beheaded, This last event finds a pictorial echo in the representation of the Last Judgment in St. Sebastian’s chapel at Celle Macra.” The painting is dated 15 September of that year and is signed by Jean Baleison, an artist who on occasion collaborated with Canavesio.”* The chapel’s south wall displays Paradise and personifications of the virtues, whereas the north wall is occupied by a depiction of hell in which takes place a wide variety of torments, each of them reserved for a specific category of the damned. Among the later, under the label “Sophia et voracitas” (pride and avidity in vanity), many naked souls are being burned: one can see a pope, a soldier, a bishop, a king, and two heretics, each of whom wears a cylindrical hat decorated with a devil. A scroll reads: “isti sunt superbi . . .” (these are the proud) and “hic s[un]t Juphi et partesani et heretici” (here are the Jews and the partisans and the heretics). The identification of Jews with heretics and the use of antisemitic imagery to attack heretics are not new.™ A well-known example is the so-called Winchester 164 Antisemitic Iconography“Quinity,” an eleventh-century illustration of Psalm 109 (110) in which three ene- mies appear at the foot of the enthroned Trinity and Virgin and Child, Two of these enemies are identified: the heretic Arius and Judas, who stands for the Jews.” The connection between Jews and heretics is also emphasized by historical facts, with several cases in Savoy of inquisitors investigating Jews within the duchy for heretical views.” Similarly, in the middle of the fourteenth century L. de Perussis compared Jews and Waldensians, affirming that both intermarry.” ‘And looking closer into charges against the Waldensians,”* one is struck at how many of these apply a contrario to Notre-Dame’s pictorial program, starting with the very fact of having a chapel completely covered with pictures and dedicated to the Virgin Mary, for Waldensians refuse to adore images and reject the cult of the Virgin Mary and of the saints.” One of the most consistent tenets of Waldensianism is the negation of Purgatory," and, although Canavesio’s pictorial program does not include a representation of Purgatory," it nevertheless acknowledges it by encour aging the beholder to repent: after all, penance is the only way to be saved from Pur- gatory." The primary message of the paintings at La Brigue is an invitation to confess and to repent, and Waldensianism very much undermines the Church’s established penitential system." Confession, which was made obligatory in 1215 by the Fourth Lateran Council, has always been a means for the Church to control the beliefs of the faithful.! And because Purgatory does not exist for Waldensians, then pilgrimages, alms-giving, and indulgences are all meaningless to them." Juxtapose that notion with the decoration of a pilgrimage sanctuary which, according to the dedicatory inscription, was paid for by alms. The dogma of the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist is also rejected by Waldensians, a rejection expressed in the most straightforward manner by one Lorenzina, wife of Agabito from Lanzo, when she was interrogated in 1373: “In hostia consecrata per sacerdotem non est corpus Christi” (the body of Christ does not reside in the host consecrated by the priest).! Compare that statement to the triumphal arch at La Brgue, which displays several scenes in which the body of Christ is presented on an altar-like structure. In the Circumcision and the Presentation in the Temple, the infant Jesuis is standing naked above an altar (Fig. 24), in the Nativity and the Adoration of the Magi, he is also naked and being adored, and in these last two panels, as in the Flight into Egypt, the infant is held by the Virgin Mary in a way that assimilates her to an altar.” And finally, Waldensians do not consider usury a sin: “mutuare ad usuram non est peccatum” (to lend at interest is not a sin).'* Compare that with the variety of anti-usurious messages found at Notre-Dame. If Waldensians or heretics in general are not openly attacked here, there are nevertheless a few details that may point to them, such as the category of damned that appears in the Last Judgment and is labelled “rufianane e li soy adulteri” Studies in Iconograpiy 23— 2002 165Figure 24, Giovanni Canavesio, Circumcision (upper register) Flight into Egypt (middle register), Presentation in the Temple (lower register). Triumphal arch, Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Courtesy of the Frick Art Reference Library, New York.) 166 Antisemitic Iconography(procuresses and their adulterers). As Enea Balmas put it, “the equation Wal- densianism-witchcraft-orgiastic rites” was solidly established by the end of the fifteenth century. The accusation of “vauderie”—of being a Waldensian—had been combined since at least the beginning of the fifteenth century with that of witchcraft, and later, given the supposed practices carried on during the witches’ Sabbath, with sexual license." We have seen that in the panel with Christ's appearance before Pilate (Figs. 13 and 14), the Jewish flag with a scorpion also contained a bat, a motif that may be understood as referring to heretics. Bulard believed that the flag showing a bat at La Brigue was a unicum,""° but there is at least one other example, and interestingly from the same artistic area as Canavesio’: the Crucifixion painted around 1432 by Gugliemetto Fantini in the baptistry of the Piemontese town of Chieri.!" The fact that Waldensians are attested in this city as early as the last years of the thirteenth century" reinforces an anti-heretical reading for this motif. Twenty years before Fantini completed the baptistry paintings, the Chieresi had witnessed ‘a memorable act of repression when in 1412 the effigies and the bones of fifteen heretics were burned in a spectacular auto-da-fé."" In Chieri’s Crucifixion the flag with the bat is juxtaposed with the Roman SPQR flag." Similarly, at La Brigue we find the Roman flag alongside the Jewish one with the scorpion, but also a third one, with a black turtle on a red field (Figs. 25 and 26). The turtle, a motif that carries, infernal connotations, is also associated with heretics (Fig. 26).""* And so, in the climactic scene of the Crucifixion, this flag, along with those of the Jews and of the Romans, forms a set symbolizing different types of disbelieving enemies of Christ. ‘As T have been arguing throughout this paper, the paintings’ public were churchgoers, not Jews, but Christians, who were subtly encouraged to get their loans from a monte di pieta and were warned against disbelief. Among the churchgoing Christians were Waldensians, whose true beliefs had to remain clandestine, and so they protected themselves by attending Mass." Notre-Dame’s message certainly contains a warning against unbelief, but, in order to be really effective, in order to retain those tempted by the heresy and to gain back those won by it, a negative message was not enough. To some extent the paintings had to establish a common ground with Waldensianism. In countless inquisitorial records, as in the very few written expressions of faith by Waldensians, is the declaration that only two ways exist, one to hell and one to heaven: Ma I’Escriptura di, € nos creite or deven, Que tuit Hi ome del mont per dui chamin tenren: Li bon iren en gloria, ti fellon en torment.” (But the Scriptures say and we have to believe it, ‘That all the men in the world go by two ways: ‘The good ones go to glory and the bad ones to torment.) Studies in Iconography 23 — 2002 167Figure 25, Giovanni Canavesio, Crucifixion. Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonetti.) 168 Antisemitic IconographyFigure 26, Giovanni Canavesio, Crucifixion, detail: flag with aturtle, Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue. (Photo: Martin Antonett.) Studies in Iconography 23—2002 169The fundamental importance of this tenet might cast light on the composition Canavesio chose for his depiction of the Last Judgment. Although certainly tradi- tional, Canavesio’s rendition (Fig. 4), not only depicts both loci, but also, because of its position within the architectural setting, powerfully expresses the idea that life is a path leading to one or to the other. Indeed, as one exits the chapel, one walks right through the center of the Judgment." The judging Christ is thus placed above the door—he becomes the door, as a Waldensian author, paraphrasing John 10:9, af- firmed: “el es hus par laqual si alcun intrare sere salva” (he is the door through which, if anyone enters, that person will be saved). Preaching is an essential tool in fighting heresies, but preaching was fun- damental for the Waldensians as well. Until the time the Waléensians joined the Reformation in the sixteenth century, “presbiterii et predicacionis officium” (the office of priest and preacher) was one and the same for them, and itinerant preachers were essential to the movement.” One might wonder, then, if the commission of paintings from an artist who was also a priest, someone versed ia the techniques of preaching, was not a conscious choice, one that might ensure that among the messages conveyed by the paintings was a homiletic admonition against the risks of heterodox beliefs, and that might at the same time coax erring Waldensians to return to the Roman Church. NOTES This essay addresses some issues discussed in “Pictor and Presbiter: Structures of Meaning in Giovanni Canavesio's Passion Cycle at Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue (1492)” (Ph.D. diss.. Princeton Univ., 1994). My book, Painter and Priest: Giovanni Canavesio and the Passion Cycle at Notre-Dame des Fontaines, La Brigue, a thorough revision of my dissertation, is forthcoming from the University of Notre Dame Press. Versions were presented at the Princeton University Graduate Colloquium in Medieval Studies (1993), at the Social Sciences and Humanities Colloquium, Colby College (1995), and at the annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of America, New York (1995). I wish to thank Fiona T. Neuendorf, Cynthia L. Snyder, and Emily Rose for inviting me to the Princeton colloquium. My gratitude goes to Martin Antonetti for photographing Notre-Dame des Fontaines, his help in the translation of Latin texts, and his editorial acumen; to Arlen King-Lovelace who helped me with the map; to James H. Marrow for his support throughout my Canavesian research; to André Palluel- Guillard for his assistance in obtaining material on Savoyard history; to Grado Merlo for discussing Waldensian beliefs and history with me; and to Studies in Ieonography’s aronymous reader, who ‘encouraged me to develop the issues related to anti-Waldensianism. 1. See, for instance, Abbé F. Jean, Le sanctuaire de N.-D. des Fontaines & la Brigue et les fresques de Jean Canavesio (Nice: Imprimerie du Commerce, 1953), 24: “Nombre de personnages sont rendus avec un réalisme, une cruauté d’expression qui atteignent parfois & l’horreur.” Frangois Enaud, “Des, fresques du XV" siécle miraculeusement préservées sont découvertes en Provence,” Connaissance des Aris, no. 130 (December 1962): 109: “éloquence, puissance du geste fiévreux, forcené, multiplicité bouillonnante de détails, recherche de I'effet appuyé, terrible, atroce ou hideux, sens implacable et méme caricatural de humain.” 170 Antisemitic Iconography2. Daniel Jancu-Agou briefly mentions—although with some errors—the antisemitic motifs of Notre- Dame des Fontaines; sce “Le Diable et le Juif: Représentations médigvales iconographiques et ectites,” Le Diable au Moyen Age: Doctrine, Problémes moraux, Représentations, Sénéfiance 6 (Aix-en- Provence: CUERMA, 1979), 264-65. 3. On Canavesio and his signed or attributed oeuvre, the most recent contribution with a compre- hensive bibliography is Giuliana Algeri and Anna De Floriani, La pittura in Liguria: Il Quattrocento (Geneva: Tormena, 1992), 324-48 and 499, 4, San Bernardo’ s pictorial program consists, among others, of 23 scenes of a Passion cycle and a Last Judgment on the nave walls and Doctors of the Church and Evangelists on the nave vault. Canavesio is likely also responsible for the” paintings in the nearby church of San Dalmazzo at Pomassio, unsigned but dated 1490. 5, Until 1947 when the area became French (now part of the département des Alpes-Maritimes), La Brigue was called in Italian Briga Marittima or Briga di Nizza. On the history cf La Brigue, see Liliane Pastorelli, La Brigue au coeur (Nice: Gamba, 1987); and Giorgio Beltrutti, Tende et la Brigue, trans. Rita Parola (Breil-sur-Roya: Editions du Cabri, 1988), which was originally published as Briga e Tenda (Bologna: Cappelli, 1954). 6. Seven according to the tradition, but in fact a dozen. See M. Julian, “La Brigue et ses eaux souterraines: quelques mystéres élucidés,” typescript of his presentation at the conference La terre brigasque dans l’espace et dans le temps, La Brigue, Sept. 1992. 7. According to the legends, construction on the chapel was first started on a site close to the locality, but what was built during the day was mysteriously destroyed during the night. The population ‘understood that the Virgin did not want the chapel in that place, but closer to the miraculous springs. ‘When construction began next to the springs, it was carried on without any further negative inter- vention from the Virgin and even with her help. Every day at lunch, the springs were transformed into wine, Excesses were prevented because the miraculous wine had to be consumed in situ or it was changed again into water. See L. Imbert, “La chapelle de la Madonne des Fortaines & la Brigue et ses fresques,” Nice historique 53 (1950), 14 n. 10; and Luc Thevenon, “Du vallon des Fontaines la créte du Saccarel. Pélerinages brigasques,” Lou Sourgentin 72 (1986): 19. 8. As M. Julian (“La Brigue”) has noted, the possibility of a Celto-Ligurian cult in La Brigue is supported by the evidence of the town’s toponym, which means mountain (cf. Brig in Switzerland), 9. Georg Troescher, Burgundische Malerei. Malerund Malwerke um 1400 in Burgund, dem Berry mit der Auvergne und in Savoyen mit ihren Quellen und Ausstrahlungen (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1966), 333 10, Imbert, “Chapelle,” 5 n. 5; Jean, Sanctuaire, 17; Thevenon, “Du vallon des Fontaines,” 20. 11, On 25 August 1935, the Brigasque podesta contributed money for the celebration of the 500th anniversary of the vow. See the document in the Archives communales, La Brigue (currently in the Archives départementales des Alpes-Maritimes). 12, Luc Thevenon, L’art du moyen-dge dans les Alpes méridionales (Nice: Serre, 1983), 24. 13. Thevenon, “Du vallon des Fontaines,” 20. 14, E. Bernardini, “La Madonna del Fontan,” I mesi. Rivista di artualita economiche e culturali dell’ Istituto Bancario San Paolo di Torino 5:4 (1977): 55. The sanctuary is still considered a “regional pilgrimage.” See Thevenon, “Du vallon des Fontaines,” 6-11; and P. Bodard, “Les pélerinages,” Low Sourgentin 104 (1992): 9. 15. In 1982 the population numbered only 495 Brigasques. Studies in Iconography 232002 17116, According to Lue Thevenon in Luc Thevenon and Sophie Kovalesky, Arts et Monuments. La Brigue, Morignol, Realdo, Piaggia, Upega, Carnino, Notre-Dame-des-Fontaines (Nice: Serre, 1990), 17. 17. Thevenon in Thevenon and Kovalesky, Arts et Monuments, 10-11. In 1436 the duke of Savoy built a road along the Roya valley from Ventimiglia to Breil. The road then linked Breil with La Brigue and the old mule path leading to Mondovi through Upega and Caraino, Before that Savoy imported salt from Peccais in Languedoc, brought through the Dauphing. At that date the king of France decided to tax the salt transiting through the Dauphiné and, as a resul, the transit of salt from Nice (where storehouses were built) to Savoy was developed. See Réjane Bondy, Bernard Demotz, and Jean-Pierre Leguay, La Savoie de l'an mil la Réforme (Rennes: Quest-France, 1984), 297, 324-25. As Grado Merlo remarked to me, Paganino is still remembered by the name of the gorges of the Roya between Fontan and Saint-Dalmas-de-Tende (“gorges duu Paganin”). On the importance of salt, see Samuel A. M, Adshead, Salt and Civilization (London: Macmillan, 1992). 18, See Pastorelli, La Brigue, 57-92, in particular 87. This phenomenon is a common one throughout the Alps. Chapels with wall paintings, or “chapelles peintes” as they are referred to by the French, are generally found in localities that have been in the past more prosperous and populated. 19. On the iconography of antisemitism, see Bernhard Blumenkranz, Le juif médiéval au miroir de Vart chrétien (Paris: Etudes augustiniennes, 1966); Henry Kraus, “Anti-Semitism in Medieval Art,” chap. 7 in The Living Theater of Medieval Art (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1967); Eric Zafran, “The Iconography of Anti-Semitism: A Study of the Representation of the Jews in the Visual Arts of Europe 1400-1600" (Ph.D. diss., New York Univ., Institute of Fine Arts, 1973); Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 127-29 and passim; Willehad Paul Eckert, “*Von Niedrigkeit uumglinzt ihr reines Bildnis': Antijudaismus in der christlichen Kunst: Zur Darstellung von Juden und Judentum in christlichen Kunstwerken des Mittelalters und des Barock,” in Antisemitismus: Er- scheinungsformen der Judenfeindschaft Gestern und Heute, ed. Giinther B. Ginzel (Bielefeld: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1991), 358-88; and Heinz Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art: An Mlustrated History (New York: Continuum, 1996). 20. Matt. 26:59-67 and Mark 14:55-65. The depiction of the two witnesses isa faithful interpretation, ‘of the Gospel according to Matthew, in which we leas that several false witnesses had intervened, but none with sufficient evidence to indict Christ. Two then came, accusing Chris: of having declared that, hhe was able to destroy and rebuild the Temple in three days: “And they said: This man said, ] am able to destroy the temple of God, and after three days to rebuild it” (Matt. 26:61), Mark reports the scene in very similar terms, but does not specify the number of false witnesses who made this accusation: “some” (Mark 14:57). All biblical quotations are from the Douay-Rheims version. 21, Marcel Bulard, Le Scorpion, symbole du peuple juif dans l'art religieux des XIV", XV*, XVF siécles: A propos de quatre peintures murales de la chapelle Saint-Sébastien, a Lanslevillard (Savoie) (Patis E, De Boccard, 1935), 31-37. See also Ruth Mellinkoff, “Three Mysterious Ladies Unmasked,” Journal of Jewish Art 10 (1984): 14-28; and Mellinkoff, Outcasts, 46 and passim. 22, Bulard, Scorpion, 33. 23, Bernhard Blumenkranz, Histoire des Juifs en France (Toulouse: Privat, 1972), 24. Another possible explanation for the confusion between Jews and Moslems could be traced back to Lateran IV's Canon 68, which mention “Jews and Saracens.” For the Latin text and an English translation, see Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XHIth Century (Philadelpbia: Dropsie College for Hebrew and Cognate Learning, 1933), 308-9. 24, provide a comprehensive analysis of Canavesio's use of printed sources end his reworking of the borrowed material in “Jmitatio: Pictorial Sources for Notre-Dame des Fontaines,” ch. 4 of “Pinctor and 172 Antisemitic iconographyPresbiter” and in the paper I presented at the 1994 meeting of the Renaissance Society of America: “The End Justifies the Means: Giovanni Canavesio’s Graphic Sources.” On Israhel van Meckenem's Large Passion series, see Alan Shestack, Fifteenth Century Engravings of Northern Europe Prom the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (Washington, D.C.; National Gallery of Art, 1967), nos. 183-94; Max Lehrs, Geschichte und kritischer Katalog des deutschen, niederlandischen und ‘franzisischen Kupferstichs im XV. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Gesellschaft fur vervielfiltigende Kunst, 1908-34), vol. 9, nos. 142-53. 25. This could be compared to another possible and “disguised” occurrence of a fallith, in Campin's Mérode altarpiece, in the guise of the towel hanging on the background of the central panel with the ‘Annunciation. This hypothesis has been formulated by James Snyder, Northern Renaissance Art Painting, Sculpture, the Graphic Arts from 1350 to 1575 (New York: Abrams, 1985), 120. 26, Pontius Pilate plays a fundamentally ambiguous role in the Passion, as is proven by the opposite interpretations of a “good” and “evil” Pilate, See Mellinkoff, Outcasts, 71-72. This ambiguity is itlustrated by the contradicting interpretations of his wife's dream (recounted in Matt. 27:19), which for some exegetes was inspired by God and for others by the devil; see Georges Duriez, La Théologie dans le drame religieux en Allemagne au moyen dge (Lille: Giard, 1914), 93-94. The identification of Pilate with the Jews is a means of further blackening his figure and is a phenomenon that has been noted by several authors, such as Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1978), 50. For Pilate depicted as a Jew (wearing a Jewish hat), see the illumination from a thirteenth-century psalter from Litge, reproduced by Blumenkranz, Juif médiéval, 96, who notes: “I'intention du miniaturiste est tout simplement de déclarer Juifs tous ceux qui avaient participé de quelque maniére que ce soit & Ia condamnation de Jésus” (97). 27. On the links between Herod and the Pharisees, with references to the relevant gospel passages, see Michael Grant, Jesus: An Historian's Review of the Gospels (New York: Scribner's, 1977), 130. In the Gospels see for example Matt. 22:16 and Mark 3:6 and 12:13. 28. Bulard, Scorpion, passim. The origin of the motif can be traced to the fourteenth century in central Taaly, probably Siena, whence it was diffused throughout Italy. Fifteenth-ceatury examples attest 10 its diffusion along the main Alpine passes: the Brenner, the Val d’Aosta, and the route of the Mont Cenis, It is extremely popular in fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Savoyard passion scenes. An early Savoyard instance is Jaquerio's Way to Calvary at the abbey church of Sant’ Antonio di Ranveso (ca. 1430-40). See Andreina Griseri, Jaquerio e il realismo gotico in Piemonte (Turin: Fratelli Pozzo, 1965), 52 and pl. 36 ff.; and Enrico Castelnuovo and Giovanni Romano, eds., Giacomo Jaquerio ¢ il ‘gotico internazionale (Turin: Palazzo Madama, 1979), 30 and 46-47. 29, Bulard, Scorpion, 197 ff. 30. On bat symbolism see Bulard, Scorpion, 257; and Louis Charbonneau-Lassay, The Bestiary of Christ, trans. D. M. Dooling (New York: Penguin, 1991), 265. A famous example of a bat symbolizing evil forces and perhaps the Synagogue as well appears carved on one of the cusps above Gabriel in the Aix-en-Provence Annunciation (Aix-en-Provence, church of the Madeleine). See Maurice B. McNamee, S. J., ‘The Medieval Latin Liturgical Drama and the Annunciation Triptych of the Master of the Aix-en-Provence Annunciation,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 83 (1974): 39. The detail is also mentioned and reproduced by Gertrud Schiller (Ieonography of Christian Art, trans. Janet Seligman [Greenwich, Conn: New York Graphic Society, 1971] 1:49, fig. 114) who mistakenly attributes the painting to the “School of Dijon.” 31, Bulard, Scorpion, 258. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are mine. Studies in Iconography 23 — 2002 17332, “Capitulum TIT. Qualiter Tudas pactus est Christum judeis XXX argenteis et hic ipsos numerat” (Chapter HILL. How Judas promised Christ to the Jews for 30 silver coins and he counts them). “*Capitulum VI. Qualiter ludas tradidit Christum oscuto in manibus judeorum” (Chapter VI. How Judas handed over Christ into the hands of the Jews, with a kiss). My emphasis. 33. “Capitulum VI. Qualiter judei duxerunt Christum ad Annam pontificem” (Chapter VIL. How the Jews led Christ to Annas the high priest). 34, “Capitulum VITN. Qualiter Christus ligatus in columna a judeis flagellatur” (Chapter VIII. How Christ, having been bound to a column, was whipped by the Jews). 35. “Capitulum XI. Qualiter judet duxerunt Christum in pretorium pilati accusantes eum tanquem malefactorem” (Chapter X1. How the Jews led Christ to the praetorium of Pilate, accusing him as an evil doer). 36. “Capitulum XII. Qualiter Christus fuit a judeis alapis cesus expuentes in faciem ejus” (Chapter XI. ‘How Christ was beaten with blows by the Jews, spitting in his face). 37. “Capitulum XVI. Qualiter pilatus tradidit Christum judeis iterum flagellatum et ipsi multo magni clamantes crucifigatur” (Chapter XVI. How Pilate handed over Christ, having been flagellated again, to the Jews and very many of them shouting to him, “he should be crucified”). 38. “Capitulum VIII, Qualiter duxerunt Christum ad caypham’ (Chapter VIII How they led Christ to Caiaphas), 39, In the play entitled Singnore scribe and contained in the fourteenth-century Laulario in the confraternity of Saint Andrew in Perugia, the Jews are responsible for the flagellation, according to a stage direction: “Tudei ligantes Tesum ad colupnam.” See Kathleen Falvey, “The First Perugian Passion Play: Aspects of Structure,” Comparative Drama 11 (1977): 131. 40, Jérome Baschet, Les Justices de l'au-dela: Les Représentations de U'enfer en France et en Italie (XIF-XV" siécle) (Rome: Bibliothéque des Ecoles frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome, 1993), 663, noticed that the man who holds the sign identifying this group of damned has a “Jewish profile.” 41. Jews were already depicted in hell in the twelfth-century spiritual encyclopedia, Hortus Deliciarum. See Rosalie Green et al, ed., Herrad of Hohenbourg, Hortus Deliciarum (London: Warburg Institute and University of London, 1979), fol. 25r, pl. 146. My thanks to Alan Bernstein for this example. Jews in hell also appear in the tympanum of the abbey church of Beaulieu-sur- Dordogne (12th c.); see Kraus, “Anti-Semitism,” 139-44. See also examples reproduced in Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art, 244-48. In a Piedmontese play of the Last Judgment printed in Mondovi in 1510 a group of Jews—the only damned to be identified—tries in vain to gain Christ's, forgiveness. See Gian Luigi Beccaria, I! “Judicio de la fine del mondo,” Sacra rappresentazione piemontese del primo cinquecento (Turin: G. Giappichelli Editore, 1978), 35, ll. 313-27. On the association between Jews and usurers, see Little (Religious Poverty, 42-57), who rightly stresses that Jews were definitely not the only ones engaged in moneylending and who sees the phenomenon of their association with the function of usurer as a means for Christians to avoid facing their own guilt. 42, This striking motif calls to mind an exemplum that appears in Jacques de Vitry’s collection of sermons in which a devil fills a usurer’s corpse with red-hot coins. See Thomés Frederick Crane, The Exempla or Illustrative Stories from the Sermones Vulgares of Jacques de Vitry (London: D. Nutt, 1890), no, 168, cited in Cynthia Ho, “Corpus Delicti: The Edifying Dead in the Exempla of Jacques de Vitry,” in Medieval Sermons and Society: Cloister, City, University, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse, Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Debra L. Stoudt, and Anne T, Thayer (Louvain-La-Neuve: Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Etudes Médiévales, 1998), 210. 174 Antisemitic Iconography43. The only examples known to me are in the French churches of St. Silvain in Chalivoy-Milon (Cher département, 12th c.) and of St. Martin in Jenzat (Bourbonnais, 2nd quarter 1Sth c.), and in Italy in S. Marcello of Paruzzaro (Novarese, 1450-70). For Chalivoy-Milon, see Marcia Kupfer, Romanesque Wall Painting in Central France: The Politics of Narrative (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 76-97. For Jenzat, see Troescher, Burgundische Malerei, 215-19. For Paruzzaro, see Paola Astrua, “Due note documentarie su Daniele De Bosis ed alcuni aspetti del tardo Quattrocento nel vercellese,” in Ricerche sulla pittura del Quattrocento in Piemonte, ed. Giovanni Romano et al. (Turin: Soprintendenza per i Beni Artistici e Storici del Piemonte, 1985), 160-74. 44, ‘The depiction of Judas’s suicide follows the iconographical tradition, See Oswald Goetz, “Hie hencktt Judas,” in Form und Inhalt: Kunstgeschichtliche Studien, Otto Schmitt zum 60. Geburtstag am 13. Dezember 1950 dargebracht von seinen Freunden (Stuttgart: W. Koblhammer Verlag, 1950), 105-37. 45, See, for instance, Hyam Maccoby, Judas Iscariot and the Myth of Jewish Evil (New York: Free Press, 1992). The link between Judas and the Jews is evident in the countless popular words and phrases that in European languages are interchangeably associated with Judas or Jews, as in the mushroom called Judas's or Jew’s ear; see Wayland Hand, A Dictionary of Words and Idioms Associated with Judas Iscariot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1942). 46. See note 4 above and Hand, Dictionary of Words and Idioms, “Judas robe.” 47. See Ruth Mellinkoff, “Judas’s Red Hair and the Jews,” Journal of Jewish Art 9 (1982): 31-46: and Mellinkoff, Outcasts, 147-59, See also Hand, Dictionary of Words and Idioms, “Judas beard, “Judas hair,” “Judas-born,” and so forth. 48, Zafran, “Ionography of Anti-Semitism,” 20-21. 49. Moshe Barasch, Giotto and the Language of Gesture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 155; and Zafran, “Iconography of Anti-Semitism,” 222-23. A classic example illustrating the connection between the depiction of Judas’s pact and usury is provided by Giotto's paintings at the ‘Arena Chapel, a pictorial program commissioned by Enrico Scrovegni to atone for his father’s sin of usury, and in which the event figures prominently. 50. Thevenon and Kovalesky, Aris er Monuments, 20-21, 58. 51, Rinaldo Comba, "Il progetto di una societd coercitivamente cristiana: gli statuti di Amedeo VEIL di Savoia,” Rivista Storica Italiana 103 (1991): 33-56, 52. The interdiction of usury was not observed. See Laurent Chevailler, “La police religieuse, économique et sociale en Savoie d’aprés les “Statuta Sabaudiac’ d’Amédée VIII (1430),” Mémoires et Documents publiés par V Académie Chablaisienne 61 (1978): 11-33, esp. 17-18; and J. F, Poudret, “La succession des usuriers selon le concordat de 1430 entre Je duc Amécée VIII et le clergé de Savoie,” Mémoires de la Société pour l'histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays bour- guignons, comtois et romands 36 (1979): 44 n. 13. In 1440 Louis of Savoy authorized Jewish ‘moneylending against an annual tax; see Attilio Milano, Storia degli Ebrei in Italia (Turin: Einaudi, 1963), 145—46, See also Renata Segre, The Jews in Piedmont, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities arid Tel Aviv University, 1986), xxi, for the means used by the dukes to get around this decision, 53. The first statutes were promulgated in 1264 by Count Peter II (1263-68); see Brondy et al., Savoie de l’an mil & la Réforme, 124, 153, 54, St. Vincent Ferrer was very active in preaching against heretics in Savoy and in particular in the Vallées Vaudoises. His passage at La Brigue, orat least his popularity, is still attested today by astreet Studies in Iconography 23— 2002 175named after him. Luc Thevenon remarks that this street corresponds to one of the oldest accesses to the town (Thevenon and Kovalesky, Arts et Monuments, 21), 55. Jews were directly connected to the ducal chamber. See Segre, Jews in Piedmont, xxi-xxiii, esp. xxii and xxii, See also Chevailler, “Police religieuse,” 16-19. 56. See, for example, Brondy et a., Savoie de l’an mil @ la Réforme, 366; ard Costa de Beauregard, “Notes et documents sur la condition des juifs en Savoie dans les siécles du moyen-ge,” Mémoires de l'Académie des sciences, belles-lettres et arts de Savoie (1854): 81-134, esp. 100 ff. 57. For the paintings’ messages and for Canavesio’s pictorial and narrative techniques that present affinities with homiletic practice, see Véronique Plesch, “Pictorial Ars Praedicandi in Late Fifteenth- Century Paintings,” Text and Visuality, Word & Image Interactions 3, ed, Martin Heusser, Michéle Hannoosh, Leo Hoek, Charlotte Schoell-Glass, and David Scott (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999), 173-86. 58. Carol Bresnahan Menning writes of “twin themes” in preaching, “the evilof Jewish usury and the benefits of a monte di piet,” and stresses the importance of Franciscan preaching; see Charity and State in Late Renaissance Italy. The Monte di Pieta of Florence (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), 1, 26. One of the most famous examples is Bernardino da Feltre’s violent preaching during Holy Week 1475 in Trent, its dramatic impact on the events surrounding the murder of a Christian child called Simon, and the subsequent killing or conversion of Jews. On Simon of Trent, see R. Po-chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven: Yale University and Yeshiva University Library, 1992). The popularity of Simon quickly spread beyond the Trentino. A late fifteenth-century Savoyard depiction by the Piedmontese Gandolfino di Roreto d’Asti in Jerusalem's Israel Museum is reproduced in Gardens and Ghettos: The Art of Jewish Life in ltaly, ed. Vivian B. Mann (Berkeley: University of California Press; New York: The Jewish Museum, 1989), fig. 10 and cat. no. 245. 59. Leon Poliakov, Histoire de l'antisémitisme du Christ aux Juifs de cour (Paris: Calmann-Levy, 1955), 166. 60. According to the Encyclopaedia Judaica there were thirty monti di pieta in central and northern Italy in 1494 (New York: Macmillan, 1971), vol. 12. s.v, “Monti di Pieta.” On antisemitic preaching in favor of monti, see Anna Antoniazzi Villa, “A proposito di ebrei, francescani, monti di pieti: Bernardino de Bustis e la polemica antiebraica nella Milano di fine 400,” Il francescanesimo in Lombardia. Storia e arte (Milan: Regione Lombardia and Silvana, 1983), 49-52; and Renata Segre, “Bernardino da Feltre, i monti di pieta e i banchi ebraici,” Rivista storica itatiana 90 (1978): 818 ff. For examples of relationships between preaching and antisemitic iconography, see Gabriella Ferri Piccaluga, “Economia, devozione e politica: immagini di francescani, amadeiti ed ebrei nel secolo XV," ILfrancescanesimo in Lombardia, Storia e arte (Milan: Regione Lombardia and Silvana, 1983), 107-22. 61, For a bibliography on Italian monti, see Menning, Charity and State. 62, Menning, Charity and State, 28. 63. Pastorelli, La Brigue, 117-18, On the links between monti and confratemities, see Vittorino Meneghin, Bernardino da Feltre e i monti di pieta (Vicenza: LLE.P., 1974). 64, Pastorelli, La Brigue, 117. 65. A similar situation i studied by Marilyn Aronberg Lavin, “The Altar of Corpus Domini in Urbino: Paolo Uccello, Joos Van Ghent, Piero della Francesca,” Art Bulletin 49 (1967): 1-24, in which she shows the tight links between Pieros highly antisemitic predella and the monte that had just been founded in Urbino. 176 Antisemitic Iconography66, Antoniazzi Villa, “A proposito di ebrei,” 49-50. 67. Gabriel Audisio, “Une grande migration alpine en Provence (1460~1560)," Bollettino storico- bibliografico subalpino 87 (1989): 65-139 and 511-59. 68, Ibid., 99. 69, The ceiling is adomed with a series of paintings between the beams, with coats of arms and busts of figures (among which angels and the Virgin can be recognized). Itprobably dates from around 1475. 70. Thoroughly catalogued and commented on in “L'ardoise.” Art et techniques en sculpture et peinture de la Ligurie au pays de Nice (Palais Lascaris, Nice: Action Culturelle Municipale, 1992). 71, Rinaldo Comba, “Il problema della mobilita geografica delle popolaziori montane alla fine del Medioevo attraverso un sondaggio sulle Alpi Maritime,” Medioevo rurale: Sulle tracce della civilta contadina, ed. Vito Fumagalli and Gabriella Rossetti (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1980), 306. 72. In Latin this would be defined by the term infidetitas. See Jean Wirth, “La naissance du concept de croyance (XIF-XVIF sigcles),” Bibliotheque d’ Humanisme et de Renaissance 45 (1983): 42: fait de croire quelque chose de non évident qui n'est pas conforme a la foi chrétienne se désigne en énéral comme infidelitas.” Wirth adds that the term “englobe I'athéisme, "hérésie, l'appartenance une autre religion, le paganisme et la superstition.” 73. “Le suicide au moyen-Age,” Annales Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 31 (1976): 3-28. See also the recent and monumental study by Alexander Murray, Suicide in the Middle Ages, vol. 1, The Violent against Themselves (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), and vol. 2, The Curse on Self- Murder (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), especially the chapters on Judas and on Despair. 74, See Francois Garnier, “Suicide de lincroyance,” in Le langage de l'image au moyen age, Il Grammaire des gestes (Paris: Le Léopard d’or, 1989), 279. On the illustrations of Psalm 52, see Marco Assirelli, “L'immagine dello ‘Stolto’ nel Salmo 52,” Il codice miniato: Rapporti tra codice, testo € {figurazione. Atti del Iil Congresso di Storia della miniatura, ed. Melania Ceccanti and Maria Cristina Castelli (Florence: Olschki, 1992), 19-34, esp. 21, 23 for the fool in Psalm 52s a symbol of the Jews anid 24-25 for his suicide. Further associations between fools and Judas are suggested by the latter's clothing: at Notre-Dame des Fontaines, he consistently wears a yellow robe with a green mantle, colors worn by actors in the theatrical genre of the sottie. See Verdun L., Saulnier, La littérature francaise du Moyen Age (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1954), 115. The fool of Psalm 52 is also understood as a prefiguration of Christ’s enemies, a theme studied by V. A. Kolve in the paper read at the 1993 annual meeting of the Medieval Academy of America: “Psalm 52 and Medieval Passion Iconography: The Foot as Killer of Christ.” 75. On Jews as unbelievers, see Stephen Spector, “Anti-Semitism and the English Mystery Plays,” Comparative Drama 13 (1979): 10. On Jews assimilated with infidels in the writings and preaching of Bernardino de Bustis, see Antoniazzi Villa, “A proposito di ebrei,” 51. 76. See for example James K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 171. The Apocrypha were widely translated into the vernacular. For French versions, see Gaston Paris et Alphonse Bos, Trois versions rimées de I’ Evangile selon Nicodéme par Chrétien, André de Coutances et un anonyme publiées d’apreés les manuscrits de Florence et de Londres (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1885), 6-8, 145-47; and Alvin E. Ford, L’évangile de Nicodéme: Les versions courtes en ancien francais et en prose (Geneva: Droz, 1973), 42, 84. For translations to Provencal see Emile Roy, Le Mystére de la Passion en France du XIV" au XVF sidcle (1903-4; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine, 1974), 319 ff. Studies in Iconography 23— 200217771. For the blow see John 18:19 ff, The idemtication of the officer who hits Christ with Malchus appears in written accounts of the Passion, See Speculum Humanae Salvationis, Texte critique et traduction inédite de Jean Miélot (1448), ed. Jules Lutz and Paul Perdrizet, 2 vols. (Leipzig: C. Beck, 1907-9), ch, 19 and 208; and Ludolph the Carthusian’s Vita Christi, ed. A. C. Bolard, L. M. Rigollot, J. Carnandet, Vita Jesu Christi Paris, 1865) vol. 2, ch. 59. As Georges Duriez writes, “Ce Malchus a joué dans presque toutes les Passions un role assez important et, par les sentiments d’ingratitude monstrucuse et de cruauté barbare que les dramaturges lui ont prétés, on dirait qu’ ils ont voulu assouvir sur ce pauvre here la haine qu’ils avaient pour les juifs déicides” (Théologie dans le drame religieux en Allemagne, 376). 78, Matt, 15:14; see Spector, “Anti-Semitism,” 13. “Jewish blindness” is a frequent theme in the adversus Judaeos literature of the Middle Ages; see Jeremy Cohen, “The Jews as the Killers of Christ, in the Latin Tradition, from Augustine to the Friars,” Traditio 39 (1983): 2, with references. A traditional iconographic representation of Jewish spiritual blindness is the blindfolded Synagogue. On Jews and blindness, see also Michael Camille, The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 187-89; and Maccoby, Judas Iscariot, 80. In his study of the iconography of antisemitism, Zafran reproduces a print with the martyrdom of ‘Simonino of Trent in which a Jew wears glasses, stressing that the motif alludes to “false sight and the blindness of old ways” (“Iconography of Anti-Semitism,” 78). 79. Bulard, Scorpion, 259-61. 80. My emphasis. Stifisbibliothek Salzburg, Codex a.xii, 7. Quoted in Wolfgang S. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages: Two Symbols in Art and Literature (New York: Ungar, 1970), 76; and in Walter $. Gibson, “Imitatio Christi: The Passion Scenes of Hieronymus Bosch,” Simiolus 6 (1972-1973): 83, 81. On the importance of penance and repenting figures at Notre-Dame des Fontaines, see Plesch, “Pictorial Ars Praedicandi.” 82, Giovanni Gonnet and Amedeo Molnar, Les Vaudois au Moyen Age (Turin: Claudiana, 1974), remains the standard study on the subject, An excellent introduction in English for non-specialist Gabriel Audisio. The Waldensian Dissent: Persecution and Survival, c. 1170-1570. trans. Claire Davison (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). More limited in scope but important are the studies by Grado Merlo, Ereticie inquisitori nella societa piemontese del Trecento (Turin: Claudiana, 1977); and Gabriel Audisio, Les vaudois du Lubéron: une minorité en Provence, 1460-1560 (Mérindol: Association d'Etudes Vaudoises et Historiques du Lubéron, 1984). Euan Cameron’s The Reformation of the Heretics: The Waldenses of the Alps, 1480-1 580 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984) has been very much criticized by specialists; see Jean-Francois Gilmont, “Les Vaudois des Alpes: mythes et réalités,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 83 (1988): 69-89, who summarizes the most important reviews of this book (73). 83. For a discussion of Vaudes’s name, see also Giovanni Gonnet and Amedeo Molnar, “A proposito di valdismo ¢ di stregoneria,” Protestantismo 34 (1979): 172. 84, Gonnet and Molnar, Vaudois, 64; and for further afield to southern Italy and central Europe, see Audisio, Waldensian Dissent, 61-68. 85. Gonnet and Molnar, Vaudois, 139, For the Waldensian settlements throughout Europe, see the map in Prescot Stephens, The Waldensian Story: A Study in Faith, Intolerance and Survival (Lewes, Sussex: The Book Guild Ltd, 1998), 154, 86. Audisio, “Grande migration alpine,” 547 and 556. It is interesting to note that these immigrants, ‘once settled in Provence, lived in peace “ignored or, at least, tolerated” as Audisio puts i, but, around, 178 Antisemitic Iconography1520-30, a deterioration in the economic context led to social tensions, to negative feelings toward the newcomers, and eventually, to persecutions. Many migrated again, this time, north, to Geneva (Audisio, “Grande migration alpine,” 559). 87. Gonnet and Molndr, Vaudois, 267-69. 88. Pietro Degiovanni, Gli eretici di Tenda, Briga, Sospello nei secoli XV € XVI, frammenti storici (Florence: Arte della Stampa, 1881), 5-6 and doc. Il 89. Ibid., 11. 90. Ibid., 19; see also Audisio, “Grande migration alpine,” 532. 91. Gonnet and Motnér, Vaudois, 267. 92. See Giovanna Galante Garrone, “Nuovi accertamenti per la pittura in Val Maira,” Studi Piemontesi 6 (1977): 121-22; and Luc Thevenon, “Iconographie du diable dans la peintare gothique des Alpes méridionales: Enfer et chatiment des vices,” Démons et merveilles au Moyen Age. Actes du IV Colloque International (Nice: Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis, 1990), 252. 93, From Demonic in the Val Stura, Baleison most likely trained in the Saluzzo area. His collaboration with Canavesio in the chapel of St. Sebastian in Saint-Etienne-de-Tinée is recorded in an inscription. On Baleison, see Alessandra Gagliano Candela, “Baleison,” in La pittura in Italia. I! Quattrocento, ed. Federico Zeri et al. (Venice: Electa, 1987), 2:569-70; and Giovanna Rotondi Terminiello, “Baleison, Giovanni,” The Dictionary of Art, ed. Jane Turner (New York: Grove’s Dictionaries, 1996), 3:107. inuent 2 94. “Dans le langage ...officialisé dans les tribunaux ecclésiastiques, les équivalences cor jouer empiriquement sur des réalités fort disparates: schisme, apostasie, simionie, secte, judaisme, sorcellerie, ete.” M. D. Chenu, “Orthodoxie et hérésie: Le point de vue du théologien,” Hérésies et sociérés dans l'Europe pré-industrielle, 11°18" sidcles, ed. Jacques Le Goff (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), 10. 95. Ernst Kantorowicz, “The Quinity of Winchester,” Art Bullerin 29 (1947): 73-85: and Judith A. Kidd, “The Quinity of Winchester Reconsidered,” Studies in Iconography 7-8 (1981-82): 30. New Minster Offices, 1023-35, BL, Cotton Titus D. XXVIT, fol. 75¥. On the issue of untiseinitic imagery used against heretics, see also Sara Lipton, “Jews, Heretics, and the Sign of the Cat in the Bible moralisée,” Word & Image 8 (1992): 362-77; and Elizabeth Carson Pastan, “Tam haereticos quam Judacos: Shifting Symbols in the Glazing of Troyes Cathedral,” Word & Image 10 (1994): 66-83, ‘Another example, this time from medieval English theater, is provided by the antisemitism of the Croxton Play of the Sacrament aimed at the Lollards. See Cecilia Cutts, “The Croxton Play: An Anti- Lollard Piece,” Modern Language Quarterly 5 (1944): 45-60. See also David Bevington on the Play ofthe Sacrament in Tudor Drama and Politics: A Critical Approach to Topical Meaning (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), 38, quoted in Richard L. Homan, “Devotional Themes in the Violence and Humor of the Play of the Sacrament,” Comparative Drama 20 (1986-87); 339. 96. Segre, "Bemardino da Feltre,” xix-xx. Cohen ("Jews as the Killers of Christ") explains that “Only in the thirteenth century did Dominican and Franciscan friars proceed to formulate a new Christian ideological posture toward the Jews, one which reversed the Augustinian policy of toleration... . (T]he friars deemed Judaism after Jesus not a true commitment to the letter of Mosaic law but as a rabbinic, post-biblical novelty. Since, they believed, true Judaism had ceased to develop after the erucifi when the Old Testament gave way to the New, rabbinic Judaism—the religicn of medieval Jewry— amounted to nothing less than a heretical perversion of the biblical faith” (24). Cohen adds, “Heretical vis-a-vis his own religious heritage, the medieval Jew merited no benign tolerstion” (26), Inhis recent book, Living Letters of the Law, Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), Jeremy Cohen considers twelfth-century writers for whom the Jews “became Studies in Iconography 23 —2002 179a subset of a larger class of unbelievers” (156), including heretics and infidels, and devotes a whole chapter to “Judaism as Heresy. Thirteenth-Century Churchmen and the Talmud.” 97. Audisio, “Grande migration alpine,” $40, 98, See Merlo, Eretici. Charges against Waldensians are listed in charts 1-8 (27-40) and summarized on 52. 9, Pictte-Yves Playoust, “La haute Durance & la fin du Moyen Age,” in Peintures murales des Hautes-Alpes, XV--XVF sidcles, ed, Chantal Desvignes-Mallet, et al., Cahiers de Inventaire 7 (Aix- en-Provence: Edisud, 1987), 19-20, argues that the chapels that were built at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the’sixteenth in the Hautes-Alpes département were part of the fight waged by the Church against Waldensianism and were meant to ensure its presence in remote areas. Playoust also stresses how theatrical performances could have similarly contributed to the assertion of orthodox faith, See also Jacques Chocheyras, “Le théatre religieux provengal et la propagande anti- vaudoise: Personnages en quéte d’auteurs,” Réforme, humanisme, renaissance 44 (1997): 49-54; and, Véronique Plesch, “Notes for the Staging of a Late Medieval Passion Play,” in Material Culture and Medieval Drama, ed, Clifford Davidson (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1999),75~102. 100, As Gonnet and Molnar (Vaudois, 438) observe, it was only in 1438 that the Council of Florence established the dogma of the purification of souls in Purgatory. But as Jacques Le Goff, La naissance du Purgatoire (Paris: Gallimard, 1981) has shown, the belief in a tripartite division of the other world ismuch older. See also the exhibition catalog, Himmel, Halle, Fegefeuer: Das Jenseits im Mittelalter, ed, Peter Jezler et al. (Zirich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1994), in particular Kathrin Utz Tremp's contribution, “Waldenser und Wiederganger: Das Fegefeuer im Inquisitionsregister des Bischofs Jacques Fourniers von Pamiers (1317-1326),” 125-34. 101. In a conversation a few years ago Grado Merlo objected that, because of the importance of the Waldensian rejection of Purgatory, the paintings at Notre-Dame, if indeed conveying an anti-heretic, message, should include a depiction of Purgatory. It should be stressed that representations of Purgatory in the visual arts occur at an extremely late date. Enguerrand Quarton’s altarpiece of the Coronation of the Virgin, commissioned in 1453 and completed the following year for the Carthusian monastery of Villeneuve-lés-Avignon, contains one of the earliest depictions of Purgatory. See Veronique Plesch, “Enguerrand Quarton’s Coronation of the Virgin: ‘Vins World and the Next, the Dogma and the Devotion, the Individual and the Community,” Historical Reflections 26 (2000): 189-221. ‘The frescoes dating from the 1470s in San Fiorenzo’s chapel in the Pied montese town of Bastia (some 50 km northwest of La Brigue) offer the only Purgatory I know of in the former Duchy of Savoy; see Plesch, “Enguerrand Quarton,” figs. 4, 5. 102. On penitential devotion and Purgatory see, for example, Bernhard Ridderbos, “The Rotterdam- Edinburgh Diptych: Maria in Sole and the Devotion of the Rosary,” in The Art of Devorion in the Late Middle Ages in Europe, 1300-1500, ed. Henk van Os (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 155. 103. Gonnet and Molnar, Vaudois, 196. 104, Ibid, 123. 105, “Peregrinacionesetelemosine et indulgentie non prosunt animabus defunctorum.” Merlo, Eretici, tay. 4, A and B. 106, Merlo, Eretici, tav. 3, A 107. For the Virgin Mary as altar, see Barbara Lane, The Altar and the Altarpiece: Sacramental Themes in Early Netherlandish Painting (New York: Harper and Row, 1984), passim. 108. Merlo, Eretici, tav. 2 (B) and tay. 4 (A and B). 180 Antisemitic Iconography109. Enea Balmas, “Il Traité de vauderie di Johannes Tinctor,” Protestantismo 34 (1979): 24. See also Gonnet and Molnar, “A proposito di valdismo,” 169-73; and Audisio, Waldensian Dissent, 73-78. Stephens reminds us that “one cannot assume that all those accused of vauderie were necessarily Waldensian” (Waldensian Story, 75). Joan of Are’s trial offers a famous example of such a blanket accusation. Accusing heretics of sexual misconduct is not new, as is proven by Irenacus's Against Heresies, written around 180, in which heretics are said to “yield themselves up to the lusts of the flesh with utmost greed.” Quoted in Elaine Pagels, The Origin of Satan (New York: Random House, 1995), 155. 110, See Bulard, Scorpion, 257. 111. Reproduced in Michela Di Mieco and Giovanni Romano, eds., Arte del Quastrocento a Chieri: Per i restauri nel battistero (Turin: Allemandi, 1988), fig. xvi. 112. Merlo, Eretici, 111-14, 113, Merlo, Eretici, 113; and Mario Esposito, “Un ‘auto da fe” A Chieri en 1412,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 42 (1947): 422-32. 114, Interestingly the flag with the bat is on the side of the good thief, whereas the Roman flag is on the side of the unrepentant thief, perhaps expressing that for heretics there is still hope if they renounce their faith. A third flag appears to the extreme right of the composition but is not legible. 115, The etymology of the late Latin word sartaruca means “beast from the Tartarus” and therefore suggests an infernal origin. According to Oscar Bloch and Walther von Wartburg (Dictionnaire éty- ‘mologique de la langue francaise, 6th ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1975] s.v. “tortue,” 639-40), the turtle was “taken to symbolize heretics.” 116. See, for instance, the statement of the barbe (Waldensian preacher) Georges Morel in 1530, who explained that Waldensians “because of weakness or fear of being persecuted, had priests baptize their children and attend Mass.” Gabriel Audisio, “Il sentimento religioso dei valdesi della Provenza attraverso gli atti notarili, 1460-1520,” Quaderni storici 41 (1979): 463, 117. La Nobla Leyczon, ll, 19-21; ed, Antonino De Stefano, La Noble Legon des Vaudois du Piémont (Paris: H. Champion, 1909), 6, quoted by Gonnet and Molnar, Vaudois, 438. La Nobla Leyczon dates from the end of the fourteenth century or the beginning of the fifteenth, See Gonnet-Molnar, Vaudois, 328-31, 118. In Canavesio’s time there was only one central door, which was later blocked up when two lateral ‘ones were pierced. The figure of Job on the lunette above the central door is a later addition. The placement of the Last Judgment on the interior side of the entrance wall brings to mind much earlier instances, a well-known one being Giotto’s at the Arena Chapel in Padua, Interestingly, the formula is extremely uncommon in the southern Alps; La Brigue constitutes the only example. See Thevenon, “conographie du diable,” 246, 247, who incorrectly affirms that this is also the case at San Bernardo of Pigna; Marguerite Roques, Les peintures murales du sud-est de la France, XHIP au XVF siécle (Paris: Picard, 1961), 44; and Baschet, Les Justices de l'au-dela, 279. 119. Envocacions deli sant, Geneva, Bibliotheque Publique et Universitaire, MS 208, fol. 127r, quoted by Gonnet and Molnar, Vaudois, 441. 120. Gonnet and Molnar, Vaudois, 167, 194, 390. Colby College 1 Iconography 23— 2002 181