Rubel (Hg.

)
Die Barbaren Roms
 Alexander Rubel (Hg.)

Die Barbaren Roms

Inklusion, Exklusion und Identitt im
Rmischen Reich und im Barbaricum
(1.-3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.)

Hartung-Gorre Verlag
2016
SAGA Studien zu Archologie und Geschichte des Altertums, Band II

Herausgegeben von Alexander Rubel

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Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen

Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet ber
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Erste Auflage 2016

HARTUNG-GORRE VERLAG KONSTANZ

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ISSN: 2196-7393
ISBN: 978-3-86628-577-4
 Inhalt

Vorwort ...................................................................................................................................... 7

Alexander RUBEL
berlegungen zum Barbarenbegriff der Rmer:
Geten, Daker und Thraker in den Augen der Rmer ............................................................. 11

Kai BRODERSEN
Barbaren bei Plinius d. . und seinem Affen Solinus:
Vom kulturbezogenen zum geographischen Barbarenbegriff.................................................. 43

Alexandru POPA
berlegungen zur Erkennung kultureller und ethnischer Identitten
in Dakien und angrenzenden Gebieten................................................................................ 55

Lucreiu MIHAILESCU-BRLIBA
Observations on Local Recruiting in Lower Moesia:
The Case of Troesmis................................................................................................ 71

Ligia RUSCU
Die Brgerrechtspolitik der flavischen Kaiser in den Griechenstdten
der Provinzen Niedermoesien und Thrakien......................................................................... 79

Eduard NEMETH
Dies- und jenseits der Sdwestgrenze des rmischen Dakien.
Neuere Forschungsergebnisse ............................................................................................ 97

Dilyana BOTEVA
Thracian Tradition and Greco-Roman Aesthetics on the Votive Plaques
of the Thracian Rider.......................................................................................................... 117

Dan RUSCU
Der Bischof Ulfila zwischen nicnischer Orthodoxie und Homertum ............................... 131

Sergiu MATVEEV, Artemis BALAN

Der Obere Trajanswall und Archologische Kulturdenkmler aus
den ersten Jahrhunderten n. Chr. im Pruth-Dnjestr Raum.
Archologisch-rumliche Beziehungen ............................................................................141

Erik HRNIARIK, Klra KUZMOV

Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum
(territory of Slovakia) ....................................................................................................... 149
Maurizio BUORA
Von der Adria (Aquileia) bis zur mittleren Donau: Das Fibelspektrum rmischer Zeit
vom 1. Jh. v. Chr. bis zum 6. Jh. n. Chr. .............................................................................. 163

Sergiu MUSTEA
Antler Manufacturing in the Central and Eastern Europe During Late Antiquity ................... 199

Gyrgy NMETH, Andrs SZAB

A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth. A Silver Magical Lamella from
the Northern Necropolis of Sopianae (Pcs, Hungary). Preliminary Report............................ 239
 Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in
Barbaricum (territory of Slovakia)
ERIK HRNIARIK, KLRA KUZMOV*

Historical background

In the Roman period, the territory of modern Slovakia with the exception of ancient Gerula-
ta lay beyond the borders of the Roman Empire. Shortly after the beginning of our era,
the first groups of the Suebic Quadi started to settle the areas of southwestern Slovakia,
originally inhabited by Celtic tribes, while in the adjacent areas in the north the settlement
from the previous period, represented by the Pchov culture, continued uninterrupted.
The remainder of a Celtic-Dacian population survived in the south of eastern Slovakia,
and northern Slovakia was gradually settled by carriers of the Przeworsk culture. From
the end of the Early Roman period, and particularly in its later phase, the Quadi population
spread also northwards and eastwards. In the areas of northern and northeastern Slovakia,
the Pchov culture was gradually replaced by the so-called North Carpathian group, while
the southeast was settled by the first tribes of Vandals1.

Exchange and trading activities in the context of the Central-European Barbaricum

The beginnings of trade in this area go far back to prehistoric times. One of the earliest forms
of trade was the exchange of raw materials and products, which later developed into monetary
exchange. A decisive impulse for its development were likely the cases when one party
could not provide an equally valuable article of exchange to another, and looked for an
alternative object of general value (means of payment), which varied in form in different
environments. Shells, grain, domestic animals, textiles and pieces of precious metals were
used for this purpose, and at one point cattle, canvas and precious metals became conventional
means of payment. The Latin word pecunia (money), which derives from the word pecus
(cattle), has its origins in this period, as does the Slavic verb to pay (plati), which derives
from the word canvas2.
The exchange and trading activities in the Roman period north of Pannonia can be
understood in three major contexts: cross-border, long-distance and internal (barbarian).
Both the Roman and domestic commodities could have been the objects of exchange and
trade in all three contexts. The cross-border trade in the Central European Barbaricum
refers to the exchange of articles between the population of the Roman Empire, particularly

*
This article has been written within the project VEGA No. 1/0045/14.
1
Pieta 1982; Pieta 1991, 376-387; Lamiov-Schmiedlov 1992, 75-79; Prohszka 2006; Kolnk
2012, 231-236.
2
For more details see Kolnkov Minaroviov Hunka ustek 2009; Kolnkov 2012, 276-281.
150 Die Barbaren Roms

the province of Pannonia on the one hand, and barbarians, especially the Germanic tribes,
on the other. At the same time, this trade could have been part of the long-distance trade,
in which products and raw materials travelled between more distant areas, such as the
Mediterranean and the Baltic region. The third form the internal trade took place within
the barbarian society itself.

Cross-border trade

The study of cross-border trade is closely related to the study of the occurrence of Roman
products in Slovakia. The products could have crossed the borders of the empire in different
ways, but their large numbers suggest that they did so through exchange and trade contacts
between the Romans and the non-Roman populations. On the other hand, some of the Roman
products can be considered official gifts and bribes of the Romans to the leading classes
of the native populations, with the aim of gaining their loyalty and ensuring peace on the
borders and in the adjacent Barbaricum. Such practice is also mentioned by Tacitus in his
Germania3. Many of the products, however, could have been plunder or proofs of the
presence of Roman military troops on the territory settled by the barbarians. The questions
related to trade, particularly to the occurrence of Roman products in this environment, are
constantly being studied and discussed by scholars. Their opinions vary, for instance M.
Erdrichs claim that no trade existed between the Romans and the barbarians, all Roman
products in Barbaricum being either gifts, bribes or plunder, is rare4. The large number
of finds and their wide range, particularly in southwestern Slovakia, more or less refutes
his claim. We believe that the trade with the barbarians probably did not play an impor-
tant role in the Roman economy, and the income from this trade formed only a small
percentage of the profit of the Roman merchants in the Danubian provinces. Epigraphical
monuments from northern Pannonia, for instance, rarely bear references to merchants
trading with the barbarians5.
Trading in Roman products in Barbaricum could have taken place in different ways:

1. Through Roman merchants, the so-called negotiatores, who may have offered
Roman products to the native population directly on the barbarian territory. They likely
bought the products in bulk at markets in border areas (e.g. Carnuntum, Brigetio), and sold
them at local markets. References to such merchants can be found in the work of several
ancient authors. One of the earliest reports is by Tacitus6, who writes about Roman merchants
residing at the court of the Marcomannic king Marobuduus (35/30 BC - AD 37/38), which
has been localized in the area of todays central Bohemia. An analogical situation cannot

3
Tac. Ger. 5.
4
Erdrich 1996.
5
Kolnk 1978, 69.
6
Tac. Ann. 2, 62.
Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum 151

be excluded in the centre of Vannius kingdom (Regnum Vannianum), which is assumed

in southwestern Slovakia7.
The report of the Pliny the Elder8 mentions a rider wandering on the Amber Road
in the company of Roman merchants. Another, indirect proof of Roman merchants in Bar-
baricum is a Roman grave stele, which was brought on the territory of todays Slovakia
in a later period and bricked up into a church wall in Boldog. Although the stele found its
way to the area north of the Danube only secondarily, the inscription on it relates to this
area. It is a stele of Q. Atilius Primus (Fig. 1), who was, according to T. Kolnk, an interpreter
(inter(p)rex) of the XV Legion based in Carnuntum, a centurion (centurio) and a merchant
(negotiator) outside of the Roman Empire9.
2. Through native merchants, who were, according to some authors10, in charge
of distributing the Roman products into Barbaricum. Just as the Roman merchants, they
could buy their goods at provincial markets, export them across the borders of the Empire
and sell them to the local population. Their access to these markets has been mentioned
by several authors, for instance Pliny the Elder11, Tacitus12, and Cassius Dio13.
3. By direct purchase at Roman markets. The fact that the Roman border was not
an obstacle to the barbarians and that they did have access to the provincial markets is recorded
in ancient sources. Cassius Dio and Tacitus report that the Marcomanni or Hermunduri
had an unlimited access to the Roman markets14. This was to some extent also true in tur-
bulent times. For instance, one of the articles of a peace treaty from the Marcomannic
wars stated that the Sarmatians settled east of Pannonia could visit specific markets in
given days. A. Vaday assumes that in the canabae of Carnuntum there was space where
the Romans and the barbarians could trade in animals and slaves15. It is likely that those
who shopped at Roman markets were mostly people living close to the Roman borders,
at distances which they could make in one day, i.e. about 35-40 km.
In connection with the cross-border trade and with the arrival of Roman products
to the territory of southwestern Slovakia we must also mention the phenomenon of the third
zone, assumed in the immediate vicinity of the northern frontier of Pannonia16. As numerous
finds attest, this territory was a place of intensive contacts between the native Germanic
and the Roman provincial populations, including the garrisons of Roman military forts

7
Kolnk 1977, 165.
8
Plin. Nat. his. 37.
9
Kolnk 1978, 69.
10
e.g. Eggers 1951.
11
Plin. Nat. 37, 3.
12
Tac. Ger. 41, 45.
13
Cas. Dio 56.18.
14
Cass. Dio, Epitome LVII, 11; Tac. Germ. 41.
15
Vaday 2005, 19.
16
Bouzek Ondejov 1990, 22-35.
152 Die Barbaren Roms

(including temporary, marching and field camps). Roman merchants delivered the products
of Italian and provincial workshops primarily to the military units based in the frontier
fortifications, reaching both the civilian population and the neighbouring barbarians. Some
finds, e.g. the Roman lead seals from the Germanic settlement at Hurbanovo17 indicate
that also the native settlements, which had taken over the function of the settlements of
the vicus type known from the Roman Empire, played an important role in the cross-border
trade. The products designated for the Roman army were thus not only stored, but also
produced in these settlements18.
The native populations and the Roman soldiers engaged in trade also during the
turbulent Marcomannic wars and in Late Antiquity. The native settlements seem to have
been able to produce such amounts of agricultural products as to take part in supplying the
Roman army with food. This is attested for instance by archaeobotanical finds from Vek-
Meder and Beckov. According to M. Hajnalov and V. Varsik, the Quadi villages could
even rival the Pannonian farms during the times of crisis19. Deliveries of grain from
Barbaricum were for instance incorporated in peace treaties concluded after the end of
each phase of the Marcomannic wars20. We may therefore assume that the troops of the
Roman army, which wintered in Barbaricum in AD 179, as the famous inscription on the
Trenn rock informs us21, were supplied with food not only from the Roman Empire, but
likely also from the surrounding Quadi settlements.

Long-distance trade

Several significant trans-European roads crossed the territory of todays Slovakia in the Roman
period, the most important being the Amber Road, which ran from northern Italy (from
the port of Aquileia) to the Baltic Sea. Amber was highly prized and popular material for
Romans, used mainly in jewellery making. They probably obtained it from the Germanic
population in exchange for Roman coins and products of Roman workshops. The occurrence
of Roman products between the Empires northern border and the Baltic Sea indicates that
the course of the Amber Road had many branches on the vast barbarian territory. The main
course of the Amber Road led from Pannonia and crossed the provinces Danubian border
at Carnuntum, continuing northwards along the Morava valley22. The Devn Hill, an impor-
tant strategic spot over the confluence of the rivers Morava and Danube, with attested
traces of Roman settlement, played an important role here. The famous building complex
at Stupava is also thought to have had a controlling function, particularly in the second
century. It was built in the style of a Roman villa rustica, presumably by the Romans for

17
Kolnkov 2002, 296-303.
18
Hrniarik 2013, 233.
19
Hajnalov Varsik 2010, 216.
20
Stahl 1989, 310.
21
Summarized in Neporov Rajtr 2000, 30-33.
22
Wielowiejski 1996, 57-64.
Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum 153

a loyal member of the Germanic elite. Newer research has also associated the control of
the Amber Road with a central settlement assumed on the nearby site of Zohor. Its signifi-
cance is attested by the graves of the native elite from the Late Flavian to Early Trajanic
period, richly equipped with Roman products. Judging from archaeological finds, the
settlement attained its extraordinary position until the Severan period. The contacts be-
tween the Romans and the Germanic peoples in this area existed also at the rural residence
at Bratislava-Dbravka with Roman or Roman-like structures and numerous products23.
It is also known that one of the Pannonian branches of the Amber Road led from
Savaria through Arrabona to Brigetio and to its bridgehead on the left bank of the Danube
(Roman fort at Ia), and after crossing the Danubian border continued north through the
barbarian territory. The products of Italian and provincial workshops are attested mainly
in the valleys of the rivers Nitra, itava and Vh, settled by the native population. The
significance of this communication particularly in the Late Roman period (3rd-4th century)
is attested by the rich graves of the Germanic elite from Krakovany-Stre, a residence
with Roman buildings from Cfer-Pc, as well as the concentration of Germanic settlements
in this region24.
The second important long-distance artery running through the territory of todays
Slovakia was in the east. It led from the province of Dacia through the Tisa valley, Koice
valley and the Carpathian passes further north. Its course is indicated not only by rare
finds of Roman products, but also by assumed transloading stations. One of them could
have been situated at Ostrovany, where graves of elites richly equipped with products of
Roman origin were found25.
It is certain that the long-distance trade took place in stages, with goods flowing in
both main directions and in several subsidiary directions. Since the merchants wanted to
gain maximum economic profit from their investments and activities, the goods were trans-
ported not only from the departure station to their destination, but also between the stations,
where they reached other merchants and the native populations. Both the Roman and native
merchants and businessmen were probably engaged in this process, and the commodities
became part of the internal trade within the barbarian society.
The occurrence and use of Roman coins is closely connected with the exchange and
trading activities between the Romans and the natives. The coins occur on the studied area
from the Late La Tne period until the decline of Antiquity26. But what was the function
and value of the coins in the barbarian environment? Unlike the Celts, the Germanic tribes
and other non-Roman ethnic groups in this area did not have their own currency, and the
function of coins was likely unknown to them. This may be the reason why Roman coins

23
Pieta Plach 1999, 6-9; Stank Turan 2000, 22-26; Elschek 2009, 239-250; Elschek 2012,
259-265; Harmadyov 2012, 271-275; Hrniarik 2013, 233.
24
Hrniarik 2013, 234; Varsik Kolnk 2013, 71-90.
25
Prohszka 2006.
26
Summarized in Hrniarik 2013, 195-197.
154 Die Barbaren Roms

are rare in this area at the beginning of the first century, and their number and territorial
spread increase only later. Finds and find circumstances of the coins nevertheless show
that they were never used primarily as money. Trading, whether between the barbarian
populations and the Romans, or between individual non-Roman groups, consisted mostly
in goods exchange, and coins were used as means of payment rather occasionally.
The character and intensity of the relations between the Romans and the barbarians
were also affected by the geographical factor. The finds suggest that coins may have been
used as means of payment in the immediate vicinity of the Roman border in trade between
the natives and the Romans as well as within the barbarian society itself. This is attested
by numerous finds of coins of smaller value, the so-called lost coins. The occurrence of
these coin types is much rarer in areas situated in larger distances from the Roman border.
The non-Roman inhabitants perceived coins as pieces of valuable metal, the quality of
the material being more important to them than the message of the depicted ruler27.
Unlike in the Roman Empire, where each transaction was confirmed by a written
document and had an official form, in the barbarian environment the transaction or a
mutual agreement was concluded by a handshake28 and was completed either immediately
or later. Trade agreements, just as any agreements, were always concluded between concrete
people. If an agreement was to be realized later, the parties provided certain guarantees
to one another. In the Roman Empire, these were the so-called tesserae numinae, but more
valuable items may have served as guarantees beyond the borders, such as gold rings,
jewellery or other objects (e.g. silver vessels)29.
In addition to the finds of Roman products in Barbaricum, which are direct proofs
of the Roman supply as well as of the demand on the part of the non-Roman population,
there were commodities which formed part of what is known as invisible trade. How-
ever, we do not have sufficient exact data about their existence in the territory of Slova-
kia. The following reflections, therefore, draw on analogical situations in the neighbour-
ing countries.
It is very likely that the native population did not import from the provinces only
ready-made bronze products, but also bronze as raw material, most often in the form of
waste metal. Although there is no evidence of this in Slovakia, metal recycling is a well-known
effective production technology of the Roman period. A hoard of fragments of bronze
vessels from the Germanic settlement at Zohor, which had likely been collected at the
cemetery (site Zohor-Piesky) and designed for such purposes, suggests that such sources may
have been used30. At the same time, entire imported objects could have been melted later
and used for production of tiny items, for example bronze brooches.

27
Summarized in Hrniarik 2013, 196.
28
Liv. 9, 41, 20; Liv. 30, 13, 8; 13, 11.
29
Hrniarik 2013, 30-31.
30
Elschek 2002.
Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum 155

Other Roman export articles belonging to the invisible trade were cattle and horses.
Although there is no direct evidence of such trade from Slovakia, archaeozoological analy-
ses suggest that Roman cows, bulls and horses, which were bigger than the local animals
and gave more yield, were imported to the Sarmatian Barbaricum (todays eastern Hungary).
A. Vaday also assumes the import of sheep, goats, swine and poultry31. These animals
probably became naturalised outside of the Empire over time. So did some types of cultivated
plants, particularly common wheat, which yielded more crops. On the other hand, in order
to grow common wheat one needed to till and fertilise the land more intensively, which
is why this species never became a dominant produce outside the Roman Empire in the
first two centuries. The analysis of material from Slovakia (sites Beckov and Vek Meder)
has shown that common wheat and spelt did not become major agricultural products before
the third and four centuries, when they gradually replaced domestic plants32.
In Barbaricum, the Roman merchants were probably interested in the products of
organic origin, which are hard to prove by archaeological material. An important export
article could be wood, which the Romans used to build forts on Ripa Danubii the northern
frontier of the Roman Empire. An indirect proof is the increased occurrence of Roman
coins on the Quadi territory, dating to the times when these forts were built or rebuilt33.
Other goods may have been grain, often in the form of tribute, oxen, cow skin, horses, geese,
feathers and undoubtedly also textiles, fat, wool, honey, wax, fur and female hair. U. Lund
Hansen assumes that even ceramics and brooches were exported from Barbaricum34, which,
however, is questionable based on the available sources. Finds of Germanic pottery are
attested for instance in the legionary fortress at Carnuntum35 and in the auxiliary fort at
Ia36. They are mostly low pots (up to 20 cm) of very bad quality, and since they had been
made by hand without the use of a potters wheel, it is unclear why the Romans would
import such wares from Barbaricum along the luxury ceramics they imported from the
western provinces. Much more likely is M. Grnewalds interpretation, which considers
the Germanic vessels in the Roman environment to be packaging, transport pottery, which
could have contained honey or pork fat37. According to J. Rajtr, also dairy products, fat, seeds
and similar may have been stored and sold in these vessels38. One ancient source states
that also slaves, captives and weapons were exported39. Germanic men even sold their
women to other tribes40, and they may have done so also in relation to the Roman Empire.

31
Vaday 2005, 23.
32
Varsik Hajnalov 2010, 216.
33
Hrniarik 2013, 182.
34
Lund Hansen 1987, 235.
35
Grnewald 1979, 66.
36
Rajtr 2015, 389-391.
37
Grnewald 1979, 66.
38
Rajtr 2015, 391.
39
Cass. Dio IV 4.
40
Sala 2008, 67.
156 Die Barbaren Roms

Internal trade

Compared with the cross-border and long-distance trade, research of the internal trade in
barbarian societies is much more complicated, and its reconstruction is extremely demanding
given the current state of research in Slovakia. One of the problems is that the production
centres producing characteristic types of domestic pottery, jewellery and other items cannot
be localised with certainty. Instead, we have to study how the Roman products spread in
the barbarian environment. It is assumed that the internal trade consisted in the exchange
of goods. Tacitus reports on this in the fifth book of Germania, stating that the Germanic
peoples do know the function of Roman coins to some degree, but the old way of exchang-
ing goods prevails inside their society41. As we have already noted, the use of Roman coins
within the Germanic society was common near the Pannonian border. But since the Roman
coins also occur in the northern and eastern areas of todays Slovakia, they may have had
a limited role in the internal trade, too. It is also possible, though unproven, that the coins
were melted down and recast by native craftsmen, as was the case in the Celtic oppida in
Bohemia42. Unlike the Celts, however, they did not use the coins to make new coins, but
rather to make jewellery and other items of daily use.
The occurrence of Roman products in smaller settlement agglomerations suggests
that they were distributed among the native population also by their own merchants and
businessmen. For instance terra sigillata, Roman provincial coarse pottery and some bronze
vessels and brooches were likely distributed within the internal trade only as supplementary
products to the domestic ones. This assumption is based on their quantity and territorial
spread. Another indirect evidence of internal trade is the occurrence of metals, particularly
bronze and native bronze products in Barbaricum. As V. Sala noted with reference to
examples from the territory of todays Bohemia, bronze products occur on almost all
Germanic settlements, but materials needed for their production (especially tin and copper)
occur rarely in these areas43. We can therefore assume that in the barbarian environment,
bronze and damaged bronze items were distributed as raw materials by native merchants,
who walked from one settlement to another and sold such wares. We can also assume the
existence of central settlements where the inhabitants from the surrounding settlements
gathered and sold their products or bought others. As with the cross-border and long-distance
trade, the products of the internal trade may have included skin, textiles, honey, wax and
other agricultural products and materials. For instance, the specific character and the large
number of weaving workshops in the Germanic residence at Cfer-Pc, dating from the
same period, indicate a certain overproduction of textiles and their success on the market.
T. tolcov and T. Kolnk assume that they were sold into a wider area44.

41
Tac. Ger. 5.
42
Motykov Drda Rybrov 1984, 153.
43
Sala 2008, 68.
44
tolcov Kolnk 2010, 482.
Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum 157

An important source for the study of the internal trade is the production of domestic
pottery, although it is hard to follow its distribution among the settlements. Pottery kilns
of the native populations in southwestern Slovakia are attested for instance at Nitra45 and
Cfer-Pc46. What is missing, however, is a detailed typology of products and a map of
their spread, which could help clarify its distribution in the given Germanic environment.
The situation is different in the Barbaricum of southeastern Slovakia. Several pottery kilns
that had produced characteristic pottery with stamped decoration, the so-called Blaice
type, were excavated at settlements at Blaice and Ostrovany. Finds of this pottery are
attested in various parts of eastern Slovakia, occurring at both settlements and cemeteries.
They testify to the distribution of local pottery products within the region and to the existence
of internal trade47.

Conclusion

On the basis of historical and particularly archaeological sources, three major forms of
trading and exchange relations can be attested or assumed in the territory of Slovakia in the
Roman period: cross-border, long-distance and internal trade. Thanks to the occurrence
of Roman products in Barbaricum, the cross-border trade is the best identifiable of them.
Not only Roman, but also native merchants participated in the cross-border trade, as J.
Eggers48 and J. Kunow49 have assumed. It is an important fact that the defence system on the
Danubian border allowed the barbarians settled beyond the frontier to visit selected markets
on the Pannonian territory. The record of Roman imports in areas distant from the Roman
borders is a proof of both cross-border and long-distance trade. Trading took place mostly
in the western part of the studied area along the Amber Road, and in the eastern part along
the road that led from the province of Dacia through the Tisa valley and the Carpathian
passes further north. We can assume that trading took place in stages and flowed in both
main directions and in several subsidiary directions. Trading articles were transported
not only from the departure station to their destination, but also between the stations, reaching
other merchants and the native population. Given the current state of research, the internal
trade within the barbarian society is the form of trade that is hardest to identify. This is
due to the lack of direct evidence of native production centres of pottery, jewellery and
other objects. In studying the internal trade, the Roman products play only a limited role.
Judging from their occurrence in smaller settlement agglomerations, their distribution
was likely provided also by native merchants. We can assume the existence of larger
trading centres, where trading in domestic products took place. Trading relations in the
studied Barbaricum seem to have been based on the exchange of goods. However, the

45
Chropovsk Fusek 1988, 143-163; Bezinov 2003.
46
Kolnk Varsik 2006, 409-432; Varsik Kolnk 2014, 277-293.
47
Lutkov 2013, 91-110.
48
Eggers 1951.
49
Kunow 1985.
158 Die Barbaren Roms

occurrence of Roman coins suggests that especially the Quadi population settled in the
western part of this area may have used the coins as means of payment, in both cross-border
and internal trade.
Translated by: ubomra Kuzmov.

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Ancient Greek and Latin Authors:

Cassius Dio, Rhomaik historia.
Titus Livius, Ab urbe condita libri CXLII.
Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, Naturalis historia.
Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Annales.
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162 Die Barbaren Roms

Fig. 1 Stele of Q. Atilius Primus from Boldog (Photo E. Hrniarik).