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Passive Decision
Let me start by thanking Alberto Moreiras for the organization of this workshop,
I want to begin by stating the relevance of Scatter 1. The Politics of Politics in Foucault,
Heidegger, and Derrida (Fordham 2016), a book not only remarkable in its
philosophy, but also a book that has as one of its many merits the configuration of
thought, the incompleteness of sovereignty, the folding of dignity and majesty, the
teleological, and so on. Issues that in the book are carefully articulated and
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masterfully presented to the reader. I have not doubt when I say that this is a
fundamental book not only in the general context of contemporary scholarship but
also in the most appealing context of the humanities and the future of
the gift of this book, a reaction that could never be misunderstood as a critique or as
Certainly, the rigorous crafting of its arguments, the meticulous archival work
feeding them, the detailed reading and persecution of some key ideas through
scholarship relevant to its problems, should not conceal the fact that this is also a
risky articulation of Heidegger and Derrida relationship. This is a risky book and I
should say that there is not thinking without a risk; that the risk taken in its
what is already known, what has already been said, even if not heard yet. Somehow,
reading.
I wanted to dwell here because what matters to me is not just the narrative of the
book, rather the way in which the author positions himself in the series of
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problems that configure the relationship between Heidegger and Derrida. And
right here it is evident to me that the understanding of the books arguments will
will complete the project, but rather will emphasizes, I want to believe, the
new philosophical foundation of politics and history. There is not, I dare to say, a
Grand Politics enabled by the architectonic founding the Critique of the Pure
Reason. The politics of politics presented in the book is, on the contrary, an
indication of the distance, or better, a way of distancing itself from the onto-
political philosophy and its categories, it is a more integral, radical if you want,
control, to give reason, to organize, to en-frame, the scattered condition of the real.
In this sense, the politics of politics is not anti-political, neither a-political, but a
sort of suspension of the political demand that seems more related to our own
infrapolitical insistence.
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In other words, the difference between the scatter and the architectonic models
of thinking should not be overlooked, because it expresses one of the books main
claims, the difference between Kants regulative idea and Derridas understanding
of the time venir, which is also reflected in the relationship between thinking and
his work with the authors, and with some minimal and overlooked problems
by bringing to the fore the principial economy that is always articulating and
Derridian way, is less concerned with the epochal organization of thought, or with
the principial economy articulating and feeding the texts of a particular moment of
the onto-theo-logical tradition, and more concerned with the inner and unresolved
battle of forces at the core of these texts. And this is an important point to which I
should come back in another moment, but it seems to me relevant to point here
that what is at stake in it isnt just a matter related to philosophy and its history,
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I would even say that this is coherent with the problem the book gives to itself as its
existence, and here the book could already be read not only as an elaboration of the
ambiguities of the kairology and the Pauline understanding of the event, the
Momentum, and the resolution as radical decision implied there, but also as a
continuation of one of the main issues Derrida identifies in Heidegger and his
Let me put this in another way. One of the merits of Scatter I is the suggestion of
thinking today should dwell. But it does not mean that thinking should just
contrary, if Being and time is read in the context of Heideggers early writings, the
problem Bennington is working here takes him beyond Heidegger to Derrida. And
should first of all overcome the many resistance one finds in Heideggerian scholars
at the same time, should overcome the resistance to engage Heideggers philosophy
and its Nazism. Not Heidegger without Derrida, not Derrida without Heidegger.
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And this is the worth of this book, its problem and its reason. Whether we agree
beings (scatter), or, alternatively, we oppose to this the later Heidegger and the
reworking of the ontological difference as something else than the Poem of Being
As I already said, there are many important elements to consider here, and I cannot
do justice to any one properly in these preliminary comments, but I will just
mention two o three of the most appealing questions I have after reading the book.
These, of course, are not questions addressed to Geoff, but the mere indication of
what would be the topics of a more sustained engagement with the book in the
future.
1) The status of philosophy and the problem of power. Let me refer to Derrida
when Derrida makes clear that the destruction of the onto-theological tradition is
not just the destruction of the classical ontology in order to articulate a new or
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contrary, the destruction of the tradition, of the history of the knowledge about
Being, is both, the destruction of all sorts of ontology and, at the same time, the
Being. The destruction of philosophy (and one should keep in mind the positive
limits every time again, the crucial problem of being as historicity. In this sense, the
systematicy of his mistakes). This is, again, why confronting this reading with the
Anarchy (1987), might be telling for our infrapolitical reflections. What is the
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pensiero debole, an institution that is both necessary but always problematic. (I add
here what Alberto and Maddalena also commented on this point: not just, what is
the status of philosophy in relation to thought? But also, how to avoid in dealing
and economies?)
way of dealing with this issue of people like Bourdieu, Faras, Faye; people who
cannot deal with the problematic of his thought and reduce, in a sociological way
(or just with a great dishonesty) its complexity. If we are to consider Nancys early
Heidegger is through his thinking, which is the one that better serves us to
formulate in a radical way -not just in a liberal way the very problem of National
Socialism), then we should be able to understand that the very question about the
moment) the question about the relationship between Heidegger thought and
National Socialism is also the question about the relationship between history and
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role and functionalization of philosophy in general, it remains unable to deal
properly with such a problem, beyond the moralist and liberal way.
structuration of time in modern philosophy (Kant but also Hegel). Here, I would
like to mention what I have been calling for a while the Schmittianism (and the
concerned with the theory of the event (Badiou but also in a more sophisticated
way, Agamben and his elaboration of a modal ontology and his Schmittian reading
feeding what, with Heidegger and Derrida, we might call limited historicity. The
historicity that still depends upon a particular notion of agency and, therefore,
thinkers as his formulation of the political as the quarrel between the friend and
the enemy is still snared within Hegels powerful understanding of the Subject, and
so, most of the contemporary anti-Hegelian thinkers unable to think beyond this
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particular agency and the political demand that is proper to Hegel, and besides
restitution of the question of time in a form that differs radically from the
philosophy of history of capital. But (and here I need to refer to Matas late-Friday
question which I wasnt able to respond properly, not because I can respond it
now, but because the question, as a gift, implies a interesting problem), what seems
resource to the vulgar conception of time in Being and Time, but to think the
event (something that seems already stated in Derridas Ousia and Gramme), which
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Radical contingency, immanence, event, decision, interruption, etc., are all names
complexity, as his theory of system (to which one needs to pay attention) is still fed
secret place, the very logic of contingency that characterizes this elaboration. The
evolution, one that doesnt rest any longer on human agency, but in the systems
originary experience of Dasein, the book suggests the pseudos not as a derivative but
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as a constitutive element in Dasein confrontation with facticity. Even more, there is
not way to separate, convincingly, both elements, which implies that the rhetorico-
constitutive of it (the authentic and the inauthentic are always co-dependent and
co-belong). The political, that cannot be just a politics of truth (which is always a
economy of signification), is, at the same time, to put this in a more challenging
way, always already (Immer Schon) originary. Here then the main point, the politics
of politics is not only the renunciation to the political demand that is always a
moral demand, but its also the affirmation of the political as an originary
political philosophy) is not to assert the secondary character of the political at all.
Infrapolitical is a desistance to the political demand, but not to the political as such,
however, infrapolitical does not have as its main concern the reformulation of any
decision without falling into solipsism and decisionism (ipseity)? The answer, I
would like to suggest, will start by considering the relationship between historicity
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and the onto-political demand as an ontological over-codification of historicity as
On the other hand, the existential decision formulated by Nancy, as we have been
whether it is a decision that presents itself and pretend to be something other than
related to a politics otherwise. And here, what is at stake is precisely the reception of
book brought to the fore. This is where Ronalds paper matters and where I believe
all agree -it seems to me, particularly after Derridas own reading of Heidegger
during the 64-5 seminar- in considering any reposition of ontology (whether lax,
al.), and the inescapable problem of ipseity and alterity, otherness, incompleteness,
face, the sexual difference understood as an identitarian issue, etc.,) is the main
issue at stake here. Is the politics of politics an attempt to deal with this
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metaphysical but also, onto-political problem? If so, how are we to think the fold of
infrapolitics in the opening of the politics of politics? This is not a problem we may
that is radically problematized by the publication of the 64-5 seminar. Since we are
here not to vote and decide, but rather to practice a sort of passive decision, to
potentiality other than the one realized in the act, we still might take some time to
ponder theses issues carefully; after all, to think, as well as to love, is a matter of
Scatter 1, a book worth of a more elaborated engagement, a book that brings with it
the possibility of a new academic exchange, beyond narcissism and the principial
when listening to all of you, then lets take this occasion to celebrate what
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