Herodotus Egyptian Dionysos. A Com PDF

Redening Dionysos
Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Angemeldet | 212.87.45.97
Heruntergeladen am | 04.10.13 08:49
MythosEikonPoiesis
Herausgegeben von
Anton Bierl
Wissenschaftlicher Beirat:
Gregory Nagy, Richard Martin
Band 5

Redening
Dionysos
Edited by
Alberto Bernab, Miguel Herrero de Juregui,
Ana Isabel Jimnez San Cristbal,
Raquel Martn Hernndez

isbn 978-3-11-030091-8
e-isbn 978-3-11-030132-8
issn 1868-5080
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress.
Bibliograsche Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
Nationalbibliograe; detaillierte bibliograsche Daten sind im Internet ber
http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
2013 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Satz: jrgen ullrich typosatz, Nrdlingen
Druck und Bindung: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Gttingen
Gedruckt auf surefreiem Papier
Printed in Germany
www.degruyter.com

Raquel Martn Hernndez
Herodotus Egyptian Dionysos.
A Comparative Perspective
1 Introduction
The religiosity of Herodotus and how he spoke in his Histories about religion and
the dierent rituals performed by people from other countries have been subject
of a great number of scientic works.1 The historian oers quite a complete
description of religious traditions, rituals and myths in his report of each culture
that he speaks about, even when he arms that the divine and religion have
nothing to do in his account of the human aaires.2
For Herodotus, like for the rest of his compatriots, Egypt was the cradle of
religious wisdom and for this reason he established several polemic assertions
pointing out the debt of the Greeks to the Egyptians on religion matters.3 He also
includes in his logos Aigyptiakos a very complex narration about Egyptian
chronology to distinguish the world of the gods and the human world in order
to focus his study. For that reason this book is full of references to the beliefs
and religious practices of Egyptians. This feature has carried out a great number
of articles, written by classicists and by historians of religion, focused in various
specic elds of expertise. The articles debating the treatment of the religious
beliefs by Herodotus, the dierent rituals performed by Egyptians in honour of
Osiris, and the identication of this god with Dionysos rank in a special posi-
tion.
There is a particular feature concerning the way Herodotus speaks about
ritual in Egypt which has provoked some interest among the scholars: the pru-
dence of Herodotus when he speaks about Egyptian rituals performed in honour
of Osiris and his deliberate omissions in the second book. However, a great part of
these studies do not take the Egyptian sources into consideration. The Greek
sources received much more attention than the Egyptian ones, and Plutarchs Isis
and Osiris has played a key position in them. But we have to keep in mind that
1 On the religiosity of Herodotus and his ethnographic labour vid. e.g. Burkert 1985 and 1990;
Redeld 1985; Lateiner 1989, 145162; Gould 1994; Harrison 2000.
2 Vid. Hdt. 2.3 and 2.65.
3 About the problem of chronology of the Olympian gods and their names vid. Griths 1955. On
the Herodotean discussion of heroes and gods vid. Harrison 2000, 158181. For the study of the
chronology in the second book of Herodotus Histories vid. Vanicelli 2003.

Herodotus Egyptian Dionysos. A Comparative Perspective 251
this book was written 500 years after the visit of Herodotus to Egypt and, in the
words of Casadio,4 Plutarch
raccoglie i li de questa tradizione, confermandone le linee di tendenza, ma dando a essa

un tono e una coerenza particolari, in ragione della sua pi ranata sensibilit di teologo e
di storico delle religioni.
We must also notice that the work Isis and Osiris was written around 120 AD, more
than 300 years after the Ptolemaic reform of the Dionysian cult. The Egyptian
rulers, especially since Ptolemy IV Philopator, developed the common features
between both gods (Dionysos and Osiris) and their rituals.5
In my opinion, in order to obtain a better comprehension of the Egyptian
rituals celebrated in honour of Osiris in Herodotus time, it is important to take
into account both Egyptian and Greek sources, and all the information of the
Egyptian religion that we can retrieve from archaeology and other disciplines.
2 The Silence of Herodotus and the Religious

Taboos
As I have pointed out there are several works studying the religiosity of Herodotus
and his reservations on revealing religious details: the so called Herodotean
omissions or silences.6 On my study I will focus my attention only on the passages
in which Herodotus does not even pronounce the name of Dionysos or Osiris.
These fragments will be related with others passages in which the name of the
divinity is pronounced, but Herodotus avoids speaking about the ritual claiming
that there is a hieros logos in which the ritual is explained.
The passages to analyze are the following:7
1) Hdt. 2.86: These persons, when a body is brought to them, show the bearers various
models of corpses, made in wood, and painted so as to resemble nature. The most perfect is
said to be after the manner of him whom I do not think it religious to name in connection
with such a matter; the second sort is inferior to the rst, and less costly; the third is the
cheapest of all.
4 Casadio 1996, 209.

5 On the Ptolemies and the cult of Dionysos vid. e.g. Tondriau 1946 and 1950, Pmias 2004,
Renaut 2006, 227238.
6 Vid. e.g. Sourdille 1910, 217; Linforth 1924; Mora 1981 and 1987; Harrison 2000, 182207.
7 Traslations by Rawlison 1944, changing the Latin names of the gods.

252 Raquel Martn Hernndez
2) Hdt. 2.132: Every year it is taken from the apartment where it is kept, and exposed to the
light of day this is done at the season when the Egyptians beat themselves in honour of
one of their gods, whose name I am unwilling to mention in connection with such a
matter.
3) Hdt. 2.170: Here too, in this same precinct of Athena at Sais, is the burial-place of one
whom I think it not right to mention in such a connection.
4) Hdt. 2.171: On this lake it is that the Egyptians represent by night his (sc. Osiris) suf-
ferings, the so called mysteries.
Thomas Harrison says:8
But, in three of the four instances of the omission of the name of Osiris Herodotus is clear
that he only cannot mention the name of the god in connection with such a matter,
suggesting a distinct reason for omission (albeit we cannot tell what it may have been).
The aim of my work is to oer a possible explanation.

We must notice that in all the occasions in which the historian refuses to
pronounce the name of Osiris, identied in other passages with Dionysos,9 the
context is funerary.10 In the rst text Herodotus is speaking about the mummica-
tion of the dead, of which the most perfect and expensive method is the same that
was used by Anubis to mummify Osiris.11 In the second and fourth texts the
historian speaks about the representation of the suerings of Osiris12 that was
performed and remembered in the festival of Osiris-Sokar.13 Finally, in the third
text, Herodotus speaks about the gods grave.
The name of the god Dionysos or Osiris is not always full of religious taboos
in the second book by Herodotus. The historian calls the god by his name in
8 Harrison 2000, 187 n. 15.

9 See below.
10 Harrison lists three occasions (our texts 1, 2 and 3) in which Herodotus refuses to pronounce
the name of Osiris but I think it is necessary to include also Hdt. 2.171, although it is less clear than
the other three. He only refers to Osiris with the possessive. In 2.61 Herotodus omits the name of
Osiris but he refuses to speak only about the ritual, a celebration to commemorate Osiris death.
11 Vid. the commentary to the passage by A. Lloyd in Murray/Moreno 2007.
12 Vid. also Hdt. 2.61. These suerings are the dismemberment and death of Osiris carried out by
Seth. About this myth and its Egyptian sources vid. Assmann 2001, 123147. The myth was
rememorized in the festival of Khoiak, the most famous celebration in honour of Osiris-Sokar all
around Egypt. About this festivity see Chassinat 19661968 and Mikhail 1983.
13 In the case of the narration of Herodotus the festival must be the one performed in Sais, where
one of the graves of Osiris is located, as he says in 2.170. Vid. Lloyd 1988, 206210.

several passages,14 but sometimes Herodotus refuses to give details about the
ritual associated with the divinity, claiming that there is a hieros logos explaining
it. In these passages the author refers only to the ritual:
1) Hdt. 2.47: They do not oer swine in sacrice to any of their gods, excepting Dionysos and
the Moon, whom they honour in this way at the same time, sacricing pigs to both of them
at the same full moon, and afterwards eating of the esh. There is a reason alleged by them
for their detestation of swine at all other seasons, and their use of them at this festival, with
which I am well acquainted, but which I do not think it proper to mention.
2) Hdt. 2.48: About the reason why these statues have this big phallus and why is the only
part that moves, is said a hieros logos about that.
3) Hdt. 2.171: I know well the whole course of the proceedings in these ceremonies, but they
shall not pass my lips.
I think, with many scholars, that Herodotus cannot speak openly on religious
matters because of dierent religious taboos. This is not the place to discuss
neither the dierent explanations for these silences nor the agnosticism of Hero-
dotus or, alternatively, his respect to mysteries.15 I will focus my attention only on
the reasons which force Herodotus not to mention the name of Osiris or Dionysos
in funerary contexts, and the relation of these reservations with Egyptian and
Greek religion, both civic religion and mysteries.
Attending to the Egyptian sources, and as far as I know, the Egyptians did not
have any religious taboo in pronouncing the name of Osiris in funerary contest.
On the contrary, the name is constantly used in funerary hymns and in many
dierent mythical tales about his death inserted in ritual and magical texts.16 And
not only is his name pronounced, but also all his epithets.
Therefore the reason of his silences must be a caution of the Greek historian
derived from his religious beliefs or, probably, from the ones of his audience.17
14 Osiris in Hdt. 2.42, 2.144, 2.156. Dionysos in Hdt. 2.29, 2.42, 2.47, 2.48, 2.49, 2.52, 2.123, 2.144,
2.145, 2.146, 2.156.
15 For more details vid. Mora 1981 and 1989, Harrison 2000, and also Henrichs 2003 with specic
bibliography.
16 For a very good collection of mythical and ritual texts concerning Osiris and his cult see
Assmann 2001, 123147. For Ptolemaic and Roman times vid. Smith 2009.
17 For the audience or readers of Herodotus work vid. Flory 1980, Evans 1991, 89146, who
better states speaking about the rite of sacrice pigs to Dionysos (101102): These are probably
vestiges of the prepublication life of the Egyptian logos, during which Herodotus could respond
to the tastes or the prudery of his audience, or provoke curiosity with the hint that he was
constrained by some taboo.

Given the fact that it seems there was no taboo about pronouncing the name of
Osiris in funerary contexts, it must be the name of Dionysos the one who had it.
In Greek religion the world of death is full of ritual taboos.18 People have to
purify themselves after any contact with the dead, and several literary passages
and inscriptions reveal us that the pollution of death could aect also the gods19
and, of course, their sacred places.20 In order to understand the Herodotean
qualms we are studying, I think we should understand these texts keeping in
mind two dierent religious reservations: rstly, the fear to pronounce the name
of the god in funerary contexts21 and secondly, the reservation to tell sacred
stories which can be associated with Greek mysteries.
According to the rst religious reservation we can adduce two interesting
Greek classical texts which show the same sort of qualm. The rst text belongs to
the platonic dialogue Menexenus. In this work the philosopher asserts that is not
possible to pronounce the name of gods in a moment like this, that is to say, a
funerary speech:22
And when she had herself nurtured and reared them up to mans estate, she introduced gods
to be their governors and tutors, the names of whom it behoves us to pass over in this
discourse.
The other text I want to point out belongs to the funerary speech written by
Demosthenes.23 The text notices that is not convenient to pronounce the name of
Dionysos next to a grave:
It did not escape to the Oeneidae that Semel was the daughter of Cadmus, and of her was
born one whom it would be sacrilegious to name at this tomb.24
Paying attention to both texts, we can easily identify a Greek taboo about speak-
ing aloud the name of gods, and probably specially Dionysos, in funerary context
and Herodotus, probably, was not indierent to this taboo.
According with the second religious reservation, we are quite familiar with
the reluctance of the Greek authors to reveal something that could be alike the
things revealed in the mysteries. Also, we know that a lapse could provoke legal
18 Vid. Parker 1983, 3273; Garland 2001, 3847.

19 E.g. in Hippolytus the goddess Artemis cannot be present when Hippolytus die and in Alcestis
Apollo leave the house of Admetus when Alcestis is dying.
20 For several examples vid. Garland 2001, 4443.
21 Vid Parker 1983, 3273; Harrison 2000, 189 n. 24.
22 Pl. Mx. 238b. Translation by Bury 1961.
23 D. 60.30. Vid. Sandin 2008.
24 Translation by Dewitt/Dewitt 1962.

actions, like the one against Alcibiades for parodying the Eleusinian mysteries
during a symposium25 or Aeschylus.26
Osiris is the god of the Underworld for all the Egyptian people, but for the
Greeks Dionysos is not so commonly related to the Underworld. There is only a
minority, the people who follow mysteries, and especially the Orphic doctrines,
who believe on the important place of Dionysos in the Underworld. Herodotus
must not be indierent to mysteries and, probably, he was not ignorant to Orphic
doctrines as we can see in several passages of his book. But there is an important
biographical detail that can connect Herodotus with Orphic mysteries: his stay in
the city of Thurii, whose connection with the Orphic mysteries is well known.27
There is also an interesting taboo in Greek religion which is related with both
reservations: the use of euphemistic names of chthonic divinities in mysteries.
The most famous qualm at this assertion is the well-known formula
or just to name Persephone in the texts related to the Eleusinian mysteries
and other texts.28 And not only is the name of Persephone avoided in mysteries.
The Orphic Gold Tablets, for example, have euphemistic names for addressing the
divinities of the Underworld directly:29 Queen of the Underworld, Eubuleus,
Eukles.
Summing up, the texts by Herodotus mentioned above speak about a deep
religious sentiment. This feeling forbids him to speak without restraint not only
because of the religious taboos common to the Greek civic religion, but also
because of the religious taboos concerning mystery religions. Because the god
alluded is Dionysos, is connected with funerary rituals, and the rites are not
explained because, since is a hieros logos which explains that, we must accept
that Herodotus is not speaking about mysteries in general, but very probably
about the Orphic mysteries in particular.
25 Vid. And. Myst. 148149 Macdowell; Th. 6.2728, 6.60, X. HG. 1.4.1213, Plu. Alc. 1921.
26 Vid. Arist. EN 1111a 9.
27 He is called Herodotus from Thurii in the rst line of his work:
. For the connection of Thurii with Dionysos vid. Casadio 1995. For the connection of
this city with Orphism and the Gold Tablets vid. Bernab/Jimnez San Cristbal 2008, 95150.
28 E.g. of E. Hel. 1307 and D.S. 5.5.1. appears also in the Orphic Hyms to
describe Protogonus (6.5), Dionysos (30.3) and (42.3), Mises, Bacchus (52.5) and Athena (32.3).
29 OF 488, 489, 490 and 491.

3 The Importance of the Identication of the Dead

with the God
From my point of view it is especially interesting to consider the rst text cited
above, the one about mummication. In this passage the silence of Herodotus
would be in consonance with the reservations of pronouncing the name of the
god near a grave or a dead person, as in the texts by Demosthenes and Plato
which were commented above. But I would like to add a detail that could put this
text in relation with the second taboo, the one concerning the mysteries: the
identication of the dead with the god.
In Ancient Egypt it was only the Pharaoh the one who could become an Osiris
after the complex rituals of embalming and mummication. His son ascending to
the throne becomes Horus. This belief becomes a model not only for the Pharaoh
but to all the people (who performed well the funerary rites) with the passing of
time.30
Reading the Con Texts and the dierent Egyptian Books of the Underworld
we can notice the existence of two dierent images of the Underworld. In the rst
one the dead would spend in the Duat an eternal life like the one spent in life but
full of happiness, farming his land and having always something to eat and drink.
In the second vision, the one in which we can observe an assimilation of the Osiris
myth with the solar voyage through the Underworld, the dead becomes an Osiris.
The travel of the dead through the Duat is explained in the Book of the Dead
and in the Book of the Duat after the XVIII dynasty (15501295 BCE). In the Duat,
the deceased has to get around dierent dangers, is judged by Osiris, and he
spends eternity with the god. For such a privilege the dead must have a persona-
lized Book of the Dead, which is buried with him. This book explains how to avoid
all the dangers and how to respond to Osiris for obtaining the privileged afterlife.
The parallels with the Orphic vision of the Underworld (in the gold tablets and
some other texts) have been already pointed out by some scholars.31
There are Egyptian texts, very ancient and with a long life, in which the dead
is called Osiris. Osiris-NN appears in the Con Texts, in the Book of the Dead32
and, with the course of time, in mummy bandages and mummy masks, which
carried a lot of ritual formulas taken from the Book of the Dead.33 So the name of
30 On this belief and the democratization or demotization of divinization see Assmann 2001,
391406; Dunand/Zivie-Coche 2002, 185191.
31 See e.g. Zunt 1971, 371372; Burkert 1975; Bernab/Jimnez San Cristbal 2008, 27; Dousa 2011.
32 In the chapter 130 from the Book of the Dead, a ritual text to be buried with the dead, we can
read the formula Osiris-NN written always to name the dead.

the dead written like Osiris-personal name of the dead is a very normal feature in
Egyptian funerary custom, and it should be very well known by the priests who
informed Herodotus about the whole process of mummication.
In the Greek world and, especially in the Orphic sphere, something similar
takes place. Several Orphic texts reveal that the dead belongs to the divine lineage
and becomes a hero. The divinization of the dead in the gold tablets from Thurii is
quite clear:34 you have become a god instead of a mortal or you will be a god
instead of a mortal or I also claim to be of your happy race.35 Such localization
leads us to the information about Herodotus as citizen of the town and, probably,
one of the founders of the colony, as I have pointed out above. It would not be
impossible to think that the Orphic ideas revealed in the Thurii tablets were
known by him.
There are more texts close to the texts inscribed in the Thurii tablets. The
Hipponion tablet speaks also about the divinization of the dead. In this gold
tablet the name bacchoi is applied to the dead:36
And you, too, having drunk, will go along the sacred road on which other glorious initiates
and bacchoi travel.
Close to this text is the famous sentence by Plato many are the thyrsus-bearers,
but few are the bacchoi.37
All these texts show that the mystai considered that their souls will be later
integrated into a community of the chosen, eventually becoming heroes, and
naming themselves bacchoi, as the god is named. I consider that naming the dead
with the name of the god of the Underworld or a derivative of it in both funerary
beliefs is an interesting coincidence not taken into account in the studies which
compare both religions in Herodotus second book. On the other hand, I think this
is an attractive feature to be added to others to understand Herodotus thoughts
about the Egyptian funerary tradition and his Greek translation of it.
33 Vid. Riggs 2005, 4955 for Graeco-Roman testimonies.

34 On the divination of the dead in Thuriis tablets see Scarpi 1987.
35 OF 487, 488, 489, 490.
36 OF 474.1516. For studying the epithet Bacchos and Bacchios see Jimnez San Cristbal 2009
and Santamara lvarez (in this book).
37 On the Orphic meaning of this sentence see OF 434 III. Translation by Bernab/Jimnez San
Cristbal 2008.

4 To Conclude
The revised passages of the Histories by Herodotus make me think that the re-
lation, and later assimilation, between Osiris and Dionysos relies more on the
funerary ritual and the special relation between the god and death than on the
mythical stories concerning both divinities. I believe that the hessitation that
Herodotus felt when speaking about the death of Osiris was based on two main
points. The rst one is the Greek taboo of pronouncing the name of a god in a
funeral context. The second one has to do with the fear of the historian to reveal
any small connection between the rites he describes and the world of the Greek
mysteries in general and the Orphic ones in particular. The identication of a man
with the god of the Underworld after death, and the adoption of the name of the
god or an epithet used by the god instead of the personal name of the deceased,
might add to other coincidences already noticed by scholars to explain the Hero-
dotean identication of Osiris and Dionysos and the Egyptian and Orphic beliefs.
Bibliography
Assmann 2001, J.: The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, Ithaca/New York 2001 (gypten: Theolo-
gie und Frmmigkeit einer frhen Hochkultur, Stuttgart 1984).
Bernab/Jimnez San Cristbal 2008, A./A. I.: Instructions for the Netherworld: the Orphic Gold
Tablets, Leiden/Boston 2008.
Burkert 1975, W.: Le laminette auree: Da Orfeo a Lampone, Orsmo in Magna Grecia. Atti del
quattordicesimo convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto, 610 ottobre 1974, Napoli
1975, 81104.
Burkert 1985, W.: Herodot ber die Namen der Gtter: Polytheismus als historisches Problem,
MH 42, 1985, 121132.
Burkert 1990, W.: Herodot als Historiker fremder Religionem, in: W. Burkert et al., Hrodote et
les peoples non-grecs, Genve 1990, 139.
Bury 1961, R. G: Plato in twelve volumes. Vol. 9, Timaeus. Critias. Cleitophon. Menexenus.
Epistles, London/Cambridge (Mass.) 1961.
Casadio 1995, G: Dioniso italiota: Un dio Greco in Italia meridionale, in: A. C. Cassio and
P. Poccetti (eds.), Forme di religiosit e tradizioni sapienziali in Magna Grecia, Atti del
VI Convegno (Napoli 1415 dicembre 1993), Pisa/Roma 1995, 79107.
Casadio 1996, G.: Osiride in Grecia e Dioniso in Egitto, in: I. Gallo (ed.), Plutarco e la religione.
Atti del VI Convegno plutarcheo (Ravello, 2931 maggio 1995), Napoli 1996, 201227.
Chassinat 19661968, E.: Le mystre dOsiris au mois de Khoiak, Cairo 19661968.
Dewitt/Dewitt 1962, N. W./N. J.: Demosthenes. Vol. 7, Funeral Speech Erotic Essay LX, LXI. Exordia
and Letters, Cambridge (Mass.)/London 1962.
Dousa 2011, Th. M.: Commons Motifs in the Orphic B Tablets and Egyptian Funerary Texts:
Continuity or Convergence?, in: R. G. Edmonds III (ed.), The Orphic Gold Tablets and Greek
Religion: Further Along the Path, Cambridge 2011, 120164.

Dunand/Zivie-Coche 2004, F./Ch.: Gods and Men in Egypt: 3000 BCE to 395 CE, Ithaca
2004.
Evans 1991, J. A. S.: Herodotus, Explorer of the Past: Three Essays, Princeton 1991.
Flory 1980, S.: Who Read Herodotus Histories?, AJPh 101, 1 (Spring), 1980, 1228.
Garland 2001, R.: The Greek Way of Death, Ithaca/New York 2001 (19851).
Gould 1994, J.: Herodotus and Religion, in: S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography, Oxford
1994, 91106.
Griths 1955, J. G.: The Order of Gods in Greece and Egypt (According with Herodotus), JHS 75,
1955, 2123.
Harrison 2000, T.: Divinity and History. The Religion of Herodotus, Oxford 2000.
Henrichs 2003, A.: Hieroi Logoi and Hierai Bibloi: The (Un)written Margins of the Sacred in
Ancient Greece, HSPh 101, 2003, 207266.
Jimnez San Cristbal 2009, A. I.: The Meaning of and in Orphism, in:
G. Casadio and P. A. Johnston (eds.), Mystic Cults in Magna Graecia, Austin 2009,
4660.
Lateiner 1989, D.: The Historical Method of Herodotus, Toronto/Bualo/London 1989.
Linforth 1924, I. M.: Herodotus Avowal of Silence in his Account of Egypt, UCPPh 7/9, 1924,
269292.
Lloyd 1988, A. B.: Herodotus. Book II. Commentary (2 volumes), Leiden/New York/Kbenhavn/
Kln 1988.
Mikhail 1983, L. B.: Dramatic Aspects of the Osirian Khoiak Festival, Uppsala 1983.
Mora 1981, F.: I Silenzi Erodotei, SSR 5/2, 1981, 209222.
Mora 1989, F.: Religious Silence in Herodotus and the Athenian Theatre, in: M. G. Ciani (ed.),
The Regions of Silence: Studies in the Diculty of Communicating, Amsterdam 1989,
4165.
Murray /Moreno 2007, O. /A. (eds.): A Commentary on Herodotus. Books IIV, Oxford 2007.
Pmias, 2004, J.: Dionysos and Donkeys on the Streets of Alexandria: Eratosthenes Criticism of
Ptolemaic Ideology, HSPh 102, 2004, 191198.
Parker 1983, R.: Miasma: Pollution and Purication in Early Greek Religion, Oxford/New York
1983.
Rawlison 1944, G.: The History of Herodotus, New York 1944.
Redeld 1985, J.: Herodotus the Tourist, CPh 80, 2, 1985, 97118.
Renaut 2006, L.: Ptolme Philopator et le stigmate de Dionysos, Mtis 4, 2006, 211238.
Riggs 2005, Ch.: The Beautiful Burial in Roman Egypt. Art, Identity, and Funerary Religion,
Oxford/New York 2005.
Sandin 2008, P: Herodotus, Dionysos, and the Greek Death Taboo. The Homeric Hymn to
Demeter and the Construction of the Chthonic in Greek Literary Tradition, SO 83, 1, 2008,
217.
Scarpi 1987, P.: Diventare dio. La deicazione del defunto nelle lamine auree dellantica Thurii,
MusPat 5, 1987, 197217.
Smith 2009, M.: Traversing Eternity. Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt,
Oxford 2009.
Sourdille 1910, C.: Hrodote et la religion de lgypte, Paris 1910.
Tondriau 1946, J.: Les Thiases Dionysiaques Royaux de la Cour Ptolmaque, CE 21, nr. 41,
1946, 149171.
Tondriau 1950, J.: La Dynastie Ptolmaque et la Religion Dionysiaque, CE 25, nr. 50, 1950,
283316.

Vanicelli 2003, P.: Herodotus Egypt and Universal History, in: N. Luraghi (ed.), The Historians
Craft in the Age of Herodotus, Oxford 2003, 211240.
Zuntz 1971, G.: Persephone, Three Essays on Religion and Thought in Magna Graecia, Oxford
1971.


Herodotus Egyptian Dionysos. A Com PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Herodotus Egyptian Dionysos. A Com PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Redening Dionysos

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Bibliograsche Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek

2013 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

raccoglie i li de questa tradizione, confermandone le linee di tendenza, ma dando a essa

2 The Silence of Herodotus and the Religious

4 Casadio 1996, 209.

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Thomas Harrison says:8

The aim of my work is to oer a possible explanation.

8 Harrison 2000, 187 n. 15.

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

18 Vid. Parker 1983, 3273; Garland 2001, 3847.

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

3 The Importance of the Identication of the Dead

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

33 Vid. Riggs 2005, 4955 for Graeco-Roman testimonies.

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

Bereitgestellt von | De Gruyter / TCS

You might also like