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Why is it important to strive for a more scientific archaeology?

This is the second of three posts on my view of a scientific archaeology. It


follows the post, Science, social science, and archaeology: Where do
westand? The intervening post, on Pascal Boyer, is a kind of appendix to that
earlier post. The third will be, Why is a scientific archaeology so hard to
achieve?

So, why is it important to strive for a more scientific archaeology?

Reason 1: To produce a more rigorous understanding of past human


societies and their changes through time.

The goals of archaeology, in my view, arefirstto discover and


document the nature of past human societies, andsecondto explain social
variation and change through time with causal explanations. If this seems
retrograde, impossible, or misguided, then you probably do not work from a
scientific epistemology. That is fine on an individual level. I have no desire to
tell individuals what they should believe or do, or what kind of archaeology
they should pursue. But on a disciplinary level, the fact that large parts of the
discipline do not follow a scientific epistemology has certain consequences. It
means that archaeologists will find it difficult or impossible to integrate their
work with the other social sciences (Reason 2 below), and that it will be very
difficult or impossible to contribute useful knowledge about human societies
that is relevant and useful today (Reason 3 below).

Many archaeologists tuned out of discussions of the philosophy of


science back in the 1960s and 1970s, and many younger archaeologists have
never explored this terrain. If you think that explanation consists of subsuming
a particular case under a covering law, then your philosophy of science is more
than a half-century out of date. Ill go into this a bit more in my third post. For
now, I want to emphasize that the current model of explanation in the social
and historical sciences is based on causal mechanisms. In the words of Mario
Bunge (Bunge 2004:182), to explain a fact is to exhibit the mechanism(s)
that makes the system tick. Or, here is how Charles Tilly (Tilly 2001:365)
puts it:

Explanation consists of identifying in particular social phenomena reliable


causal mechanisms and processes of general scope. Causal mechanisms are
events that alter relations among some set of elements. Processes are
frequent (but not universal) combinations and sequences of causal
mechanisms.

In a recent analysis of Charles Tillys ideas about mechanisms, processes, and


actors, Krinsky and Mische (2013:16) say:
Mechanisms allow for the direct identification of transactions, interactions,
social ties, and conversations at a number of different scales without constant
recourse to either large structures or inferences of actors states of mind. It
involves a fairly simple epistemology: This approach accepts social categories
as socially constructed, but argues that this should not impede our observation
of the processes of social construction itself (implicitly including the academic
constructions of social science)."

These epistemological ideas are important if archaeologists are to achieve a


more rigorous understanding of past human societies. Perhaps it is useful to
have a richer, more nuanced interpretation of particular events or episodes or
settings in the past, as provided by postprocessualist archaeologists. But such
interpretations do not produce the kind of solid, cumulative knowledge that
allows us to build an increasingly more satisfying picture of the past. If we
want that picture to be explanatory, then we need to follow a scientific
epistemology. If you dont care about explanation, that is fine. But as a
discipline, we need more attention to ways to achieve a scientific
epistemology.

Perhaps the easiest way to think about this is to ask yourself the question
How would you know if you are wrong? (Smith 2015). When you give some
kind of explanation or interpretation to some data, do you have some way to
tell whether your ideas are right or wrong? Or, at a more basic level, when you
classify a sherd using a typology, when you label a soil layer as a floor, or
when you claim that a feature was a hearth or a temple or a latrinedo you
have a way to judge (and for others to judge) whether your idea is correct or
not? If not, then you may very well be guilty of confirmation bias.

Confirmation bias is the inappropriate bolstering of hypotheses or beliefs


whose truth is in question (p.179). There is an obvious difference between
impartially evaluating evidence in order to come to an unbiased conclusion and
building a case to justify a conclusion already drawn (Nickerson 1998:179-
180). I did a quick check today. Nickersons paper is the classic account of
confirmation bias. Of the several hundred papers citing this work (in Google
Scholar), none were by archaeologists. Hmmmmmmmmm. Id say many of us
in archaeology are guilty of confirmation bias. I dont excuse myself here; in
some of my earlier works I was trying hard to use evidence to support a point,
rather than using evidence to try to prove a point wrong.

Reason 2: To facilitate integration with other social and historical


sciences.

One of the more pleasant surprises of my increasing interaction with non-


anthropological social scientists in the past few years has been the discovery
that most of them would agree fully with my Reason #1 above (adapted to
their field, of course). That is, they are strongly devoted to creating rigorous
scientific knowledge about society, and they use a scientific epistemology to
pursue that goal. It has been interesting to see the reactions of some of these
colleagues when they read archaeological accounts that are not very rigorous.
They see this easily, and tend to discount or dismiss such works. I will avoid
giving specific examples here, to protect the guilty.

If you havent read much in the other social sciences, you may be surprised at
how much attention is devoted to epistemology and methods, topics like
evidence and argument, explanation and causality, models and data. Check
out some of these textbooks; you might be surprised at how relevant they are
for archaeology: (6 and Bellamy 2012; Gerring 2007, 2012; Luker 2008; Ragin
and Amoroso 2011). Postmodernism hit disciplines like sociology and political
science, like it hit anthropology and archaeology. But these other disciplines
weathered the storm, and soon got back to (scientific) work, whereas
anthropology and archaeology are still wallowing in the mire of post-
postmodernism. Yes there are few poststructuralist sociologists out there, but
they are much rarer than mainstream scientific sociologists.

If we want to integrate archaeological knowledge with comparative findings


from history, social history, historical sociology, comparative political science,
economic history, and the like, they we need to follow a scientific
epistemology. This is needed both to produce rigorous findings that can be
compared and analyzed with other social-science findings, and to enable us to
talk with, and exchange ideas with, other social scientists.

Those of us who study topics like ancient urbanism, inequality, economies, or


resilience should all be concerned with relating our findings to those from the
social sciences. We should be reading in these fields, and we should be
publishing our archaeological research in journals in these fields. I have been
pursuing that strategy since 2007, and it has paid off in many ways. Here are a
few examples: (Harris and Smith 2011; Smith 2007, 2009a, 2009b). Of course
this cross-disciplinary strategy has its drawbacks: these papers are less likely
to be read by archaeologists than if they had been published in archaeological
journals. My point here is that archaeologists should relate to other social
scientists, in person and in print, and this is greatly facilitated if we adopt a
scientific approach.

Reason 3: To contribute knowledge about human societies that is


relevant and useful today.

Here is a thought experiment. Imagine two contrasting scenarios. For both, we


start with the situation where an archaeological team has learned something
interesting about ancient social inequality at a series of urban sites in a region.
Perhaps they have found parallel patterns of trimodal distributions in house-
size wealth and in burial goods. They interpret their results as indicating a
pattern of three social classes ranked by wealth and status (yes, this is an
imaginary example; trimodal wealth distributions are pretty rare. But we
continue to search....).

Scenario 1. The archaeologists avoid scholars in other disciplines. The think


that sociologists only care about contemporary mass society in capitalist
nations, and thus sociologists probably dont have anything useful to say about
burials and artifacts at ancient cities. These archaeologists publish their
findings in the journals Ancient Mesoamerica and the Journal of Anthropological
Archaeology. They claimin the archaeology journalsthat their results
provide important new insights on social inequality and that they have
relevance for contemporary society. Ok, maybe so, but if no one but
archaeologists sees them, how relevant can they really be?

Secnario 2. The archaeologists actively seek out colleagues in other social


science disciplines, they read some of the literature outside of archaeology on
inequality and social classes, and they get feedback from, say, some
sociologists on their model of three social classes. These archaeologists also
publish in Ancient Mesoamerica and the Jr. Anthropological Archaeology, but
they also co-author a paper on class organization in ancient and modern
societies with a sociologist, and publish it in a comparative social science
journal, or perhaps a sociology journal.

Which of these scenarios is more likely to result in archaeological results


becoming known outside of archaeology? Which is more likely to lead to
archaeology making an impact on thinking about modern society? Now think
about our imaginary archaeological team here. What if their epistemology is
non-scientific and they avoid the testing of their results, and report their
findings as their personal and contingent interpretations, not as scientifically-
supported inferences? Would the other social scientists be likely to pay
attention? I doubt it.

What are the social sciences all about? This is a big issue with a big literature,
but consider just one account. Daniel Little is a philosopher of science who
focuses on social science. His work is interesting, insightful, and very relevant
to archaeology. His blog, Understanding Society, is incredibly good. When I
taught a class on theory in archaeology, I had students read a bunch of his
posts. So here is a quote from one post, called Social scienceand social
problems Feb 16, 2008):

The social sciences ought to be directed towards addressing important social


problems, and that the research agenda for social science ought to be
influenced or shaped by the constituencies in society who are most affected by
these social problems. At bottom the social sciences ought to be engaged in
a serious way in improving the quality of life for the people of the globe. They
can best do this, it would seem, by discovering some of the causes of
persistent social problems and providing a sound basis for designing policies
that have a chance of ameliorating them. And they can focus their research
agendas by working closely with practitioners and the ordinary people who
experience these social problems.

Does archaeology have a role to play here? Id argue that discovering the
causes of persistent social problems can benefit from our knowledge of
ancient societies. I agree with the literature on transdisciplinary research that
holds that many, if not all, of the traditional approaches, as well as many
heterodox tactics, fail to answer the most pressing issues plaguing the world
(Polimeni 2006:2); see also Baerwald (2010) or Wallerstein (2003). That is,
most of the major social problems today need the insights, methods, and
results of a number of scholarly disciplines, with scholars working together, to
understand and solve. The deep time perspective of archaeology should put us
into the mix, but only if we follow a scientific epistemology. I explore these
issues, with respect to the topic of cities and urbanism, in Smith (2012).

So, if it is important to strive for a more scientific archaeology, then why is it


so hard to achieve in practice? That will be my third post in this series.

References

6, Perri and Christine Bellamy


2012 Principles of Methodology: Research Design in Social Science. Sage, New York.

Baerwald, Thomas J.
2010 Presidential Address: Prospects for Geography as an Interdisciplinary
Discipline. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 100: 493-01.

Bunge, Mario
2004 How Does It Work?: The Search for Explanatory Mechanisms. Philosophy of the
Social Sciences 34 (2): 182-210.

Gerring, John
2007 Case Study Research: Principles and Practices. Cambridge University Press,
New York.

2012 Social Science Methodology: A Unified Framework. 2nd ed. Cambridge


University Press, New York.

Harris, Richard and Michael E. Smith


2011 The History in Urban Studies: A Comment. Journal of Urban Affairs 33 (1): 99-
105.

Krinsky, John and Ann Mische


2013 Formations and Formalisms: Charles Tilly and the Paradox of the Actor. Annual
Review of Sociology 39: 1-26.
Luker, Kristin
2008 Salsa Dancing Into the Social Sciences: Research in an Age of Info-glut.
Harvard University Press, Cambridge.

Nickerson, Raymond S.
1998 Confirmation Bias: A Ubiquitous Phenomenon in Many Guises. Review of
General Psychology 2 (2): 175-220.

Polimeni, John M.
2006 Transdisciplinary Research: Moving Forward. International Journal of
Transdisciplinary Research 1 (1): 1-3.

Ragin, Charles C. and Lisa M. Amoroso


2011 Constructing Social Research: The Unity and Diversity of Method. 2nd ed.
Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA.

Smith, Michael E.
2007 Form and Meaning in the Earliest Cities: A New Approach to Ancient Urban
Planning. Journal of Planning History 6 (1): 3-47.

2009a Editorial: Just How Comparative is Comparative Urban Geography?: A


Perspective from Archaeology. Urban Geography 30: 113-117.

2009b V. Gordon Childe and the Urban Revolution: An Historical Perspective on a


Revolution in Urban Studies. Town Planning Review 80: 3-29.

2012 The Role of Ancient Cities in Research on Contemporary Urbanization. UGEC


Viewpoints (Urbanization and Global Environmental Change) 8: 15-19.

2015 How can Archaeologists Make Better Arguments? The SAA Archaeological
Record 15 (4): 18-23.

Tilly, Charles
2001 Relational Origins of Inequality. Anthropological Theory 1 (3): 355-372.

Wallerstein, Immanuel
2003 Anthropology, Sociology, and Other Dubious Disciplines. Current Anthropology
44: 453-465.

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