Almandoz Urbanismo

Almandoz: The Emergence of Modern Town Plan... http://www.helsinki./aluejakulttuurintutkimus/tu...
Artikkelit
Joulukuu 1/2003
Arturo Almandoz
The Emergence of Modern Town

Planning in Latin America after a
Historiographic Review
Paper presented in Finnish research seminar on Latin

America, Helsinki 22.5. 2003.
See: http://www.helsinki./hum/ibero/simposio/2003index.html
Dr. Arturo Almandoz, Departamento de Planicacin Urbana,
Universidad Simn Bolvar, Caracas.
1. This lecture is focused on the emergence of modern town

planning namely on the modernity that was initiated in Latin
America with the transformation of the former colonial city, in the
midst of projects of progress and civilization undertaken by the
emerging republics since the mid-nineteenth century. In this
respect, it is obvious, on the one hand, that the patterns of
Pre-Columbian and Colonial urbanism are not to be considered
here, though some of the historiographic references to be
mentioned may include those previous periods. On the other
hand, I intend to cover until the moment of appearance of the
institutional platforms of technical planning; this moment
coincided with the arrival of functional urbanism, which in several
cases took place through the growing presence of American
inuence throughout the region, especially after World War II. So
- according to the request by the symposium's organizers the
span of this lecture is basically the same the book that I edited
last year, Planning Latin America's Capital Cities,
1850-1950,1whose introductory chapters provide the material for
the review oered in the second part of this lecture.
However, considering that this meeting of specialists about Latin

America not only gathers planners, I have thought it might be
interesting to frame the above-referred approach to planning
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within a brief historiographic review at the beginning, which

results from my current post-doctoral research about the
emergence of Latin America's urban historiography from the
1960s.2 The catalogue of sources to be mentioned in the rst part
is, to a great extent, the basis of the approach to be given in the
second, what help us to understand the apparent reversal in the
title of this lecture. In this respect, it must be said that, since I am
stressing the planning historiography, namely town planning as a
discipline, Latin America's urban historiography as such
understanding the latter as the one dealing with the city and
urbanization will not be considered here. Though the references
of both planning and urban historiography sometimes coincide,
the latter would demand a dierent treatment. So I apologize in
advance for the possible omissions of authors and works that,
according to that distinction, end up being more associated with
the urban historiography, and therefore, are not to be mentioned
here.
Historiographic remarks: from travellers to

microhistory
2. Perhaps with the outstanding exception of Lewis Mumford,
American and British authors have been less inuential on Latin
America's urban historiography than their French or Italian
colleagues. This is for me another conrmation of a traditional
gap, still evident nowadays, between the academic production in
English and Spanish. From the perspective of general works, this
breach was overcome only by the Argentine Jorge Hardoy. It can
be said that Latin America's planning historiography has been
closer to the interpretation, models and categories provided by
French, Italian or Spanish historians, what signals a gravitation
around continental Europe that, according to the experts, has also
happened in other elds of economic and social historiography.3
Besides the fact that works by Leonardo Benevolo, Franoise
Choay and Paolo Sica were early translated into Spanish, the
attachment to Latin historiography may have to do with
Benevolo's specic recognition of the new Latin American cities
as a feature of the architectural and urban culture of the
Cinquecento.4Also with the inclusion of chapters or special
treatments about the Latin American cities in general histories
written by Sica or Chueca, what has been done in English only in
the last edition of A.E.J. Morris's classic about the urban form
before the Industrial Revolution.5
If we look to another dimension of the historiography, the one
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related to the teaching of urban history in Latin America, it can be

singled out Karl Brunner's Manual de Urbanismo, published in
Bogota by the late-1930s. This well-known textbook oered a
historical review of practical solutions that the emerging planning
was giving to the functional problems of world metropolises, with
lots of examples drawn from Latin America's changing cities.6
From a more prospective than historical perspective, it can also
be pointed out the seminal book by Francis Violich, who in Cities
of Latin America. Housing and Planning to the South (1944)
published after a long journey throughout the continent - oered
one of the rst comparative panoramas of the emerging discipline
in the professional milieux the Berkeley planner was in contact
with.7 Invited by his disciple, the Argentine urbanist Carlos Mara
della Paolera, Marcel Pote's visit for launching the Curso
Superior de Urbanismo (Advanced Course of Planning) at the
University of Buenos Aires, was to inuence the evolutionist
orientation of the teaching of history, inspired on the Institut de
Urbanisme the French historian came from. Also Gaston Bardet
visited the Argentine capital in 1949, though he was devoted to
teaching more instrumental than historical courses.8 By that time,
the architect and historian also lectured in Belo Horizonte, where
the father Joseph Lebret had been in 1946, promoting his
Economy and Humanism Movement.9 Meanwhile, Hannes
Meyer's hard and leftist rationalism was introduced in Mexico
during the Swiss architect's visit after an invitation by President
Lzaro Crdenas.10
3. By the mid-1950s, the reform in the teaching of planning,

among other disciplines, became an important reference at
Argentina's National University of Rosario, where professionals
from Buenos Aires were called upon. Among them were
consolidated gures of architectural and urban historiography,
such as Francisco Bullrich and Jorge Enrique Hardoy, who on this
occasion were approached by a younger generation of scholars,
including Roberto Segre.11 It is noteworthy that the urbanism
chair at Rosario's Universidad del Litoral had been promoted
since 1929 by Carlos della Paolera, who from 1933 took over the
same chair at the University of Buenos Aires.12
Reviews of the origins of urbanism were included in treatises of

the discipline published in the 1960s by the Peruvian Emilio
Harth-terr and the Argentine Patricio Randle.13 While the former
focused on drawing the epistemology of urbanism from preceding
disciplines, what led him to a more philosophical than historical
report, the latter went beyond the review, in order to establish his
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own historiographic search, both in urban and planning terms.

Inspired on Oswald Spengler's vitalism and on Henri Bergson's
evolutionism, Randle's evolucin urbanstica (planning
evolution) was illustrated through mentors such as Patrick
Geddes, Marcel Pote, Lewis Mumford and Gaston Bardet.14
Even though the Argentine Jorge Hardoy can be regarded as the

leading gure of Latin America's urban historiography since the
1960s, when he published the classic Las ciudades precolombinas
(1964),15 his production during this period, I believe, was rather
focused on the typology of cities and the process of urbanization.
If we look for general histories of the discipline, it was Roberto
Segre who undertook the diicult task the sole attempt in Latin
America, as far as I know of reconstructing the emergence of
planning during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in the
context of developed countries. On the basis of the main
interpretative stock of the Modern Movement, where he grouped
planning historians such as Benevolo, Sica and Ragon, and
especially in the latter's way, the Argentine/Cuban architect
combined today's blurred blocs of socialist and capitalist
countries, putting them in relation with a well-balanced matrix of
architecture and urbanism, though recognizing the primacy given
to the former's aesthetic and symbolic values. Another
peculiarity of Segre's approach within Latin American
historiography, at least during that period, was the Marxist
position that, by contrast to treatises supposedly 'neutral' yet
laden with capitalist ideology, led him to adopting a scientic
approach for studying the urban structures of nineteenth and
twentieth century modernism, from the architectural to the
planning scales.16 In this respect, Segre was one of the few
scholars that took the so-called Theory of Dependence to the
domain of planning history; this theoretical approach, so
inuential in Latin America's social sciences until the 1980s, had
traditionally been more linked to historical studies of the
urbanization process, as in the case of Castells and Rofman, or to
the historic role of cities, as in Quijano and Kaplan.17
4. As to the general histories of Latin American planning, besides

Hardoy's chapters in some of the collective works he edited, I
believe that Gutirrez's and Segre's books stand out as the great
treatises produced within the region.18 In both of them, the
incipient historiography of urbanism is alternated with the
more-established periodization of architectural history. This does
not overshadow the importance, though, of signicant
compilations published in Spain by Gabriel Alomar and Antonio
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Bonet Correa.19 Even though the reference of the several studies

about pre-republican urbanism, including the countless case
studies, is far beyond the limits and aim of this lecture, it is worth
mentioning some examples based on the planning approach. Thus
for instance the recent publications of Eugenio Garca Zarza,
Francisco de Solano and Allan Brewer-Caras about the Laws of
Indies and its derivative typologies;20 Rodrguez Alpuche's book
about the indigenous and colonial urbanism in Mexico; the article
by Gasparini and Margolies about Incan urbanism; Gutirrez's
compilation about the indigenous settlements in the Andes;
Rojas-Mix's book about the Plaza Mayor; and the articles by de
Solano and Zawisza about the typologies of colonial urbanism on a
continental level.21
Concerning the republican period, after the historiograc review

that I tried to do in the recent book about Latin America's capitals
during the century that can be said of European-inspired
academicism,22 I believe that this is a period of great interest that
has been approached in a piecemeal and casuistic way. In addition
to the respective chapters in the above-referred works of
Gutirrez and Segre, the territorial and economic bases of
nineteenth-century planning were identied by Morse.23 In
another brief yet panoramic text, Hardoy combined the analysis of
urban growth with the foreign inuences that inspired the
development of Latin America's great cities in the nineteenth
century.24 This aspect would be elaborated by the Argentine
architect in another article about the transference of planning
ideas from Europe from 1870s through the 1930s, and the
peculiar way how they were applied to some Latin American
capitals. Later translated into English, this text can be said to
have been seminal, since not only introduced one of the big issues
of today's urban historiography into the region, but also inspired a
series of studies that seemed to have developed its guidelines in
relation to dierent gures and case studies.25 Thus for instance,
along this direction, the architectural, landscape and planning
proposals elaborated for dierent Latin American cities by gures
such as Jean-Claude Nicholas Forestier, Le Corbusier, Karl
Brunner and other pioneers, have been revisited in comparative
studies compiled in books and journals during the 1990s.26 There
are also studies about the emergence of professional urbanism in
national contexts after the late-nineteenth-century changes,
having in this sense references of Argentina, Brazil and
Venezuela.27
It is noteworthy the question of the transfer of urban and planning
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culture, which has been studied in detail for cities such as Buenos
Aires; Rio, So Paulo and Salvador de Baha, in Brasil;28 Havana,
Caracas, Lima and San Jos de Costa Rica, among others.29
However, from a continental and comparative perspective, there
only exist the above-mentioned text by Hardoy, followed by a brief
one by Gutirrez; and the one that I have elaborated for the
period of the emergence of technical urbanism, in the midst of a
European ethos.30 It is present, in the latter, the question of
modernity, through both its academic and functional, European
and North American paradigms. The urban modernity has also
been traced through dierent artistic and representational
discourses for the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as
for the process of social change and administrative reforms.31
However, it is my impression that the subject of transfer and
diusion of planning models from metropolitan poles to colonies
or culturally-dependent countries, as it has been developed in the
British historiography by Peter Hall, Stephen Ward or Anthony D.
King, has not been so evident in the approach to planning import
in Latin America's case studies.32
5. The trends towards the new history and the microhistory

explain to some extent the seeming fragmentation of works on
urban and planning history in the last decade, what mirrors the
abandonment of the interpretations based on principles inspired
on Weber, Marx or the School of Annals, applied to broad
historical periods and/or geographical blocs. To this apparent
dispersion has contributed the diversity of theoretical sources of
end-of-the-century trends, including Peter Burke's new cultural
history, Henri Lefebvre's view of production and representation of
the urban space, jointly with epistemological aspects borrowed
from Michel de Certeau, Jrgen Habermas, Pierre Bordieu and
David Harvey. Notwithstanding the epistemological
fragmentation, after more than a decade of historiographic
development of the eld, Nancy Stieber in a recent article about
the Microhistory of the Modern City - is optimistic about
superceding and synthetising the scattered casuistry of
microhistory: We have reached the stage where we can expect an
increasing harvest from the cross-fertilization that has already
taken place and can perhaps even anticipate a future in which
comparative studies bring into focus generalizing conceptual tools
so that we can talk of the history of urbanism on the large scale
again.
In the case of Latin America, the development of what can be

called the urban cultural history, closely linked to the micro-
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history, was announced from the 1970s by a group of authors and

works that would become emblematic, not only for their renewal
of the scope of the studies, but also for the selection of sources
and their intertwining for the registration of urban processes.
Among others, I can singled out Morse's essay about the
intellectuals and the Latin American city; Hardoy's texts about the
urban transfer from the late nineteenth century until the
beginning of the twentieth; Jos Luis Romero's book about Latin
America: las ciudades y las ideas (1976), followed by Angel
Rama's La ciudad letrada (1984); both classics call upon the
humanities discourse in order to trace the changes of Latin
America's modern civility, from the standpoint of urban history in
Romero's case, and from literary criticism in Rama's.
Combined with the international trends in micro-history and

cultural studies, the above-mentioned works have produced a
harvest of new approaches to the history of modern urbanism in
dierent case studies and specic periods of Latin America.
Without trying to give an exhaustive list, I want to mention Jerey
Needell's study about Belle-poque Ro de Janeiro, focused on the
urban institutions of the carioca elite and its new forms of
sociability. There is also Adrin Gorelik's superb book on the
Buenos Aires that became metropolis, in which the grilla (grid),
the park and the suburb, among others, are conceived as gures
of culture and material artefacts that allow the author to
review a series of proposals of urban renewal and expansion; for
that purpose, technical literature of the emerging urbanism is
combined with diverse discourses of representation, including the
tango and Jorge Luis Borges's poems.
I have attempted a similar review for the case of Caracas between

1870 and 1940, interweaving specialized sources from the legal
and technical domain, with discourses unexplored by Venezuela's
urban historiography, such as travel chronicle and novels staged
in the city. The anticipation of the discipline through the changes
in the public spaces coming from the colonial city Plaza Mayor
and walls as well as the incipient concern for hygiene that tried
to counteract the overcrowding, were the cornerstones for
Gabriel Ramn's reconstruction of the urban surgery and
administrative reforms of nineteenth-century Lima. For the case
of San Jos de Costa Rica, Florencia Quesada has also revisited
the bourgeois culture through the Europeanized area of Amn at
the turn of the twentieth century; municipal archives and real
state registries are combined there with the orality of former
dwellers and photographs of San Jos families, in order to
produce an elaborate example the new urban cultural history in
Latin America.
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With this comment on micro-history and urban cultural history, I

just want to point out that planning historiography must be open
to new scopes, methods, sources and styles of writing, in which
urbanism as an emerging discipline is interwoven with diverse
historic conditions and discourses, in order to build up a eld of
seeming epistemological dispersion, as Foucault would say.
From that eld we can get, though, an urbanism of wider,
stronger and richer bases.
Three moments of the emergence of Latin

American urbanism
6. On the basis of the economic, cultural and urban factors that
shaped the dependence of Latin America from 1850 to 1950, it is
possible to distinguish three phases that can help us to
understand the changes in urbanism during that period: (a) the
second half of the nineteenth century, which put an end to the
colonial city, in the midst of urban reforms fuelled by the increase
of European capital; (b) the prolonged Belle poque that served
as a stage for displaying the cultural predominance of Europe, in
spite of its diminished position in political and economic terms,
specially after World War I; (c) the Americanization and
urbanization of Latin America from the 1930s, during which phase
Europe maintained a predominance in the domain of its urban
models until the end of World War II.
Each one of these phases represented a change in the economic,

political and intellectual climate of most of Latin America. Let us
try below to characterize some planning traditions, ideas and
models that dominated en each phase, so that we can provide a
general context that help us to understand beyond this lecture -
the natural complexity and peculiarity of each national and urban
case.
Creole Haussmanns
7. Following the urban revival fuelled by the penetration of

European investment, by the second half of the nineteenth
century Haussmann's grandstravaux in Paris became the main
symbol of modernization imported by some Latin American
capitals during their republican consolidation. Eager to
participate in the capitalist-industrialist order epitomized by
Haussmannic urbanism, independent Latin America became a
devotee of what was seen culturally as a French product par
excellence.
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According to Sica one of the few European historians to refer to

this transfer at least two consecutive yet dierent waves of
'Haussmannization' in post-colonial Latin America can be
distinguished. The rst led to the 'systematization' of the urban
structure of the capitals, which basically took place within their
colonial-era boundaries during the second half of the nineteenth
century. Although the results were not comparable with the
unique achievement of Paris, Haussmannesque boulevards and
avenues were superimposed on the colonial layout. The second
wave included the urban renewal and enlargement of Latin
capitals up to World War II, always with a degree of reference to
the Haussmannic model. Epitomizing at the same time the
metropolitan myth imported from industrializing Europe, the
Haussmannic example was used by local elites to demonstrate the
cultural transformation of their post-colonial towns into bourgeois
cities. This transformation was obviously more conspicuous in the
capitals of expanding economies Argentina, Chile, Brazil - where
a mature bourgeoisie was emerging on the basis of the activities
linked to the export sector.
Turning our attention now to the rst of Sica's waves.

Haussmann's main contributions to the biggest Latin capitals
have been traced to the baroque lines of new neighbourhoods, as
well as to the huge public parks and tree-lined avenues. Although
the French genealogy of some of these designs is reviewed in the
city case study chapters, the following are traditional examples of
Hausmannesque works: the Paseo de la Reforma in Mexico City,
said to be the rst copy of a Parisian boulevard in the New World;
the Parque de Palermo and the Avenida de Mayo in Buenos Aires;
the Paseo del Prado and the Avenida Agraciada in Montevideo; the
Parque Forestal and the Santa Luca hill in Santiago; and the
Guzmn Blanco boulevard and Paseo El Calvario in Caracas.
The rulers of some cities were compared to the Prefect of the

Seine, what allow us to see them as Creole Haussmanns. Torcuato
de Alvear, mayor of Buenos Aires (18831886), became known in
his own time as the Argentine version of the Baron. Benjamn
Vicua Mackenna, mayor of Santiago, had also proposed, in the
early 1870s, a transformation plan for the capital, which was
inuenced by Haussmann's Paris; though the plan was approved
in 1892, it was not nally implemented. Guzmn Blanco's urban
reforms in 1870s and 1880s Caracas were also associated with
Napoleon III's grands travaux, though the ambitious principles of
the Baron's urbanism were diicult to apply to the tiny capital.
Having studied in Second-Empire Paris and taken part in the
design of a planning scheme for Rio de Janeiro in the mid-1870s,
Francisco Pereira Passos was also supposedly inspired by the
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Baron's ideas for the inauguration of the Avenida Central (1905)

and other transformations of the 'Cidade Maravilhosa', when he
became Prefect of Rio during the Presidency of Rodrigues Alves.
But Haussmann's ideological presence in Latin America during

the nineteenth century must not be exaggerated. In fact, the
Prefect of the Seine, was rarely identied as an urban inspiration
in the contemporary debate of some capitals; instead, his name
appeared later, and rather as an exemplar of the centralism and
power required for the transformation of big capitals. At the same
time, it must be remembered that not all the Baron's principles
had arrived in nineteenth-century Latin America. From the
baroque lines of new avenues and the Bois-de-Boulogne-like
pattern of some parks to the 'French style' of architecture,
associations have been established on the grounds of the physical
and symbolic apparatus of Haussmannization a range which
certainly mirrored the Prefect's morphological principles.
Nevertheless, his hygienic reforms were apparently not included
in the rst Haussmannic portfolio of ideas that arrived in Latin
America; they were to be adopted only at the end of the century,
and in a dierent way. Nor, apparently, did Latin Americans
perceive the Baron's own conception of an articulated urban
surgery which assembled circulation, services and monuments a
surgery which would arrive even later, in the rst decades of the
twentieth century, when urban planning was maturing
everywhere. Even then, Haussmannesque neo-baroque
transformations were adopted for the sake of their progressive
and civilized symbolism, whereby Latin American capitals not only
strove to demonstrate their resemblance to the metropolises of
the emerging Belle poque, but also tried to demonstrate their
rejection of the damero (checkerboard) and architectural
vocabulary inherited from colonial times.
The Belle-poque Reforms: Hygiene, urban design and

residential expansion
8. In the midst of the intellectuals' plea for a cultural alliance with

the Old World, there were three main trends of European
inuence on the urban modernization of Latin American capitals:
namely, sanitary reforms, proposals for urban renewal, and
residential expansion. In relation to the former, it must be
considered that, as industrialization was less traumatic than in
Europe, sanitary concerns in nineteenth-century Latin America
were less closely linked to housing problems. Building and
environmental ordinances in major capitals were partly an
attempt to respond to European ideas on public health. The
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British example was prominent: the 1848 and 1875 Acts were
studied in dierent countries, especially in Argentina, where they
apparently inspired the works and reforms of Guillermo Rawson
and Samuel Gache. By the 1880s, Buenos Aires pioneered, with
Montevideo, the creation of institutions specializing in hygienic
research, which were followed by similar ones in Mexico City,
Santiago and Lima, while proposals for working-class housing
were developed by private entrepreneurs in Rio. The exchange of
experiences across the Americas also played an important role in
diusing the new ideas. The 1897 and 1902 Conferencias
Interamericanas (Interamerican Conferences), held in Mexico
City, discussed the hygiene agenda and encouraged participants
to pursue international agreements, some of which were reached
in the 1905 Convencin Sanitaria (Sanitary Convention). In
addition, the 1898 Congress of Hygiene and Demography, which
took place in Madrid, included sections on Urban Hygiene and
Urban Engineering and Architecture, and represented a unique
opportunity for Spanish-speaking countries to update their
sanitary policies. On the basis of such events, by the turn of the
century, the advanced programmes implemented in Buenos Aires,
Montevideo, Rio and Havana inspired hygiene reforms in
backward capitals such as Caracas and Lima.
During the rst decades of the twentieth century, the debate on

hygiene inuenced diverse proposals for urban renewal and
extension for Latin American capitals, such as the razing of the
Morro do Castelo by Carlos Sampaio, Prefect of Rio. There were
also the 'linear proposals' for the expansion of Santiago,
developed from 1909 by the Chilean engineer and architect Carlos
Carvajal, on the basis of the example of Arturo Soria's 1890s
Ciudad Lineal (Linear City) in Madrid. But most of the urban
projects were closer to the lineage of the 'academic urbanism'
represented by the cole des Beaux Arts and, later on, by the
Institut d'Urbanisme of the Universit de Paris, whose journal La
vie urbaine published from 1919 would become highly
inuential among Latin America's new generations of
professionals. The centennial Independence celebrations were
ideal occasions for organizing architectural competitions and
inviting foreign designers to propose new public works, as was
the case of Emilio Jecquier, Emilio Doyere and Ignazio Cremonesi
in Santiago in the 1900s. Preparing the celebration of the
centenary of Argentina's Independence in 1910, the Mayor of
Buenos Aires invited Joseph Antoine Bouvard to the city in 1907.
The Architect of the City of Paris where he had organized the
1900 Exhibition designed a web of diagonals for the
transformation of central Buenos Aires, including the project for a
new Plaza de Mayo that was never built. Invited while Raimundo
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Duprat was Prefect of So Paulo (19111914), Bouvard's

proposals for parks for the city used the same baroque conception
of monumental space, while making evident his admiration for
Camillo Sitte's artistic principles. Visiting Argentina in 1924,
Jean-Claude Nicholas Forestier designed the parks and open
spaces for a 1925 plan for Buenos Aires, with echoes of Second-
Empire Paris. Lon Jaussely made a similar attempt in 1926, while
Forestier laid out parks in Havana.
The urban sprawl of residential areas made up another chapter of

the urban agenda in the major capitals of Latin America. As we
have already seen, the image and urban structure of the most
populous cities drastically changed from the 1900s onwards:
crammed since the late nineteenth century with administrative
and commercial activities, the traditional centres sheltered rural
and foreign immigrants attracted by incipient industrialization.
The upper and middle classes now started to look for new
residential locations, thus setting the direction of expansion for
their capitals. The arrival of the motor car broadened the
possibilities of urban expansion, up to then limited to the capitals
which already had suburban railways or trams from the late
nineteenth century. This is the moment when the 'garden cities'
supposedly arrived. A loose use of the term has sometimes
labelled as such some late nineteenth-century examples, from the
rst colonias of Porrio Daz's Mexico City, including the 1890s
area of Higienpolis in So Paulo, developed by Martin Burchard
and Victor Nothmann, through the urbanizacin El Paraso in
1900s Caracas. Havana's Vedado has also been seen as an
expression of the suburban qualities of the garden city, mixed with
Frederick Law Olmsted's natural ingredients of design and
Ildefonso Cerd's combination of activities within blocks. But
others claim that Howard's garden city concept 'was never
transported to Latin America', which was 'attracted' instead to the
ideas of the 'garden suburb' and the dormitory garden suburb for
the middle and working classes respectively. Besides well-known
areas such as Cerro in Havana; Palermo and Belgrano in Buenos
Aires, Pocitos and Carrasco in Montevideo; Flamengo and
Botafogo in Rio; late examples of this type include Mexico City's
Colonia Balbuena (1933), Rio's Realengo (1942) and Buenos
Aires's El Palomar in the 1940s. The only projects directly related
to the English garden city principles were some of So Paulo's
new areas, such as Jardin America, developed with Barry Parker's
collaboration after 1915.
All in all, despite its relative backwardness by comparison with

the urban reforms in Britain and Germany at the turn of the
century, France kept the leadership which it had gained in the
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nineteenth century by prolonging its inuence on the academic

repertoire of Latin American capitals. Although its predominance
was to be toned down from the 1930s on, when new urban models
were to be incorporated into the planning of the capitals, Paris
was the permanent example of the Beaux-Arts rhetoric which to a
great extent informed the ethos of Belle-poque Latin America.
Urban Plans and Crystallization of Urbanism
9. Population growth and urban sprawl evinced the urgency of

adopting new plans for the capitals, which were sponsored by
local governments and new generations of professionals. Although
many of the latter were still sent to study or train in Europe, some
had graduated from the architectural faculties recently founded in
local universities which, by that time, had started to oer their
rst courses on urban planning and design. Conrming the
specialization of the discourse and the discipline that
accompanied the emergence of urbanism in industrialized
countries, technical journals on urban problems started to be
published or were converted throughout Latin America during the
rst decades of the twentieth century. Among them were La
Ciudad (1929) in Buenos Aires; Planicacin (1927) and Casas
(1935) in Mexico; Ciudad y Campo in Lima; Zig-zag and
Urbanismo y Arquitectura (1939) in Chile; and Revista Tcnica del
Ministerio de Obras Pblicas and Revista Tcnica del Concejo
Municipal del Distrito Federal (1939) in Caracas. The inuence of
European urban planners and was still evident in the widespread
use of books by Marcel Pote, Pierre Lavedan and Raymond
Unwin, and others that were translated or circulated in their
original versions among Latin American professionals.
In addition to the Inter-American Conferences and Pan-American

Congresses of Architects that took place since the 1920s,
technical innovations in urbanism were exchanged at
international events that, from the following decade, specialized
in diverse components of the emerging eld. Chile held a national
congress on architecture and urbanism in 1934, and the rst
international Congreso de Urbanismo (Congress of Urbanism) was
held in Buenos Aires in 1935; later on, the rst Congreso
Interamericano de Municipalidades (Inter-American Congress of
Municipalities) took place in Havana in 1938, and the second in
Santiago in 1941. In relation to housing, the rst Congreso
Panamericano de Vivienda Popular (Pan-American Congress of
Low-cost Housing) also took place in Buenos Aires in 1939, and
the Sixteenth International Congress on Planning and Housing
was held in Mexico City in 1938. The Fifteenth International
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Congress of Architects held in Washington in 1939 also

represented a good opportunity for Latin American professionals
to update their experiences.
Conrming the importance that administrative changes had for

the consolidation of planning as Sutclie demonstrated had
happened in industrial countries before 1914 Latin America's
technical planning apparatus did not take shape until the second
half of the 1920s when urban problems became a public issue.
Most of the national or municipal oices of urban planning in
Santiago, Montevideo, Buenos Aires, Mexico City, Rio, Lima,
Bogot and Caracas were a joint eort between local and national
governments, new professional associations, and urban research
centres. Some acting at the same time as administrative heads,
urban designers and promoters, a new generation of indigenous
urban planners and designers would emerge from these oices in
charge of elaborating the rst plans for the emerging
metropolises, including Carlos Contreras in Mexico City, Mauricio
Cravotto in Montevideo, Carlos della Paolera in Buenos Aires,
Francisco Prestes Maia in So Paulo, Pedro Martnez Incln in
Havana, and Leopoldo Martnez Olavarra in Caracas. Beneting
from both the specialization and diversity of the professional
milieux, other trends of European urbanism, dierent from those
of the Beaux-Arts tradition, were incorporated into the planning
agendas of the new institutions, which often involved the visit of
famous urbanists as advisers for the rst plans of Latin American
capitals.
10. Still capitalizing on the prestige of the eclectic side of French

urbanism in Belle-poque Latin America, conspicuous
representatives of what Choay labelled the 'cole Franaise
d'Urbanisme' (EFU) were invited to participate in proposals and
plans for some capitals. As already mentioned, Forestier visited
Buenos Aires in 1924, when some of his ideas, inspired by the City
Beautiful, were incorporated into the rst 'Organic Project'
elaborated by the Comisin de Esttica Edilicia (Commission of
Building Aesthetic), created for the Argentine capital in 1925. By
then, the 'Plan para el Embellecimiento y Ensanche de La Habana'
(Plan for the Beautication and Enlargement of Havana) was
published and included in the Ley de Obras Pblicas (Act of Public
Works) issued by Gerardo Machado's new government. A team
made up of French and Cuban experts framed the three main
chapters of the plan, namely circulation, open spaces and the
general proposal which included amongst its aims converting
Havana into a sort of Nice of the Americas and a Paris of the
Caribbean . . .
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The Beaux-Arts tradition seemed to renew and enlarge its

repertoire during Lon Jaussely's visit to Montevideo in 1926,
when the founder of the Socite Franaise des Urbanistes (SFU)
manifested his opposition to the colonial grid and his preference
for the introduction of some garden city principles in relation to
urban expansion. Showing a more modernist image while in
Buenos Aires, Jaussely not only spoke of the necessity of
considering the future of the southern metropolis as 'a New York
of South America', but also introduced zoning as a means of
escaping from the centre and searching for open spaces where
new buildings could be combined with parks. Jaussely's argument
in the Argentine capital thus distanced itself from Beaux-Arts
precepts, anticipating more functional issues that might be seen
as preparing the local audience for Le Corbusier's visit in 1929.
Invited by the Prefect Antonio Prado Junior to coordinate a

technical team between 1926 and 1930, Donat-Alfred Agache
masterminded a plan for Rio, which was a methodological model
with many geographical surveys and an informative synthesis of
the sprawling capital. As Margareth da Silva has pointed out,
Agache saw the Brazilian metropolis as a laboratory, where he
could experiment with circulation axes drawn from Eugne
Hnard's proposals, as Le Corbusier would also do on his visits.
From a theoretical perspective, the French edition of the plan - La
rmodelation d'une capitale (1932) claimed to combine
biological concepts derived from Pote's evolutionism with
scientic methods taught at the cole Suprieure d'Urbanisme.
But the introduction to the plan made by the SFU's vice-president
dwelt for too long upon his belief that the new discipline was also
an art of embellishment, intuition and imagination which
probably prevented him from conveying a more denite message
of modernity.
A late example of the EFU's eclectic tradition can be seen in the

rst plan for Caracas (1939), drawn up by the Directorate of
Urbanism of the capital's Federal District. Since the creation of
the oice in 1937, the team of local experts had been boosted by
the advice of the Paris-based oice of Henri Prost, whose junior
associates, Jacques Lambert and Maurice Rotival, were sent to
Caracas to coordinate the plan. The French advisers combined
most of the ingredients of the EFU, which made possible the nal
arrival of Haussmannic surgery to the Venezuelan capital, after
several decades of Frenchied aspirations in its urban culture.
The example of the Prefect of the Seine was invoked many times
in the so-called 'Plan Monumental de Caracas' (Monumental Plan
of Caracas, 1939), whereas the example of Paris was often used to
draw dierent conclusions about the plan's major dilemma
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between urban renewal or urban extension of the centre.
11. An alternative message of modernity is what South Americans

tried to get from inviting Le Corbusier to visit Buenos Aires,
Montevideo, So Paulo and Rio a tour undertaken in 1929, while
the Second Congrs International d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM)
took place in Frankfurt. Invited and sponsored by the Sociedad de
Amigos del Arte (Society of Friends of Art) and the School of
Architecture, his visit was disregarded by the Central Society of
Architects and its Revista de Arquitectura. Le Corbusier criticized
the colonial grid because it was not suitable for the destiny of
Buenos Aires as a great city of the world. This has been
interpreted as a 'syllogism' intended to justify his role as an
'architect-messiah' for the capital's transformation. The visitor
presented a preconceived version of the 1925 'Plan Voisin de
Paris' which had attempted the introduction of 'a business city at
the heart of town', a progressive initiative which, Le Corbusier
claimed, had been rejected by Parisian academicians. But the
visionary thought that the Plan Voisin could succeed in the New
World; that with its massive city of towers dominating the
Atlantic, the Buenos Aires of more than 3 million people could
easily become 'one of the most deserving cities of the world',
expected to replace the metropolitan role of New York, which had
merely been 'the rst gesture of contemporary civilization.'
By focusing on his own visions for the Argentine capital, Le

Corbusier probably tried to avoid any polemic with the proposals
of Forestier and Jaussely; he was to do the same with Agache's
plan for Rio, where he did not deliver a single lecture. Whereas
Agache had seen the Brazilian capital as a sort of laboratory,
during his visits in 1929 and 1936 Le Corbusier conceived it as a
'manifesto', where he unfolded modernist principles drawn from
Hnard's proposals as Agache had also done while introducing
elements from the 'villes radieuses' that in some way anticipated
the evolution of metropolitan Rio.
CIAM's legacy in Latin American capitals remained important

during the 1940s, mainly through the visits of its representatives
as advisers to new national or local planning bodies. In the second
plan for Buenos Aires prepared in 1939 by Argentine architects
Kurchan and Ferrari and published in 1947 the analysis of the
'cardiac system' of the inner city, including the integration of
traditional avenues and new 'motorways', was complemented in
the suburbs with the proposals of 'villes radieuses', satellite towns
and a green belt. The application of the principles of zoning
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dierentiated the urban areas according to their functional

coherence, putting aside the predominance traditionally given to
the monumental articulation of spaces and axes like the Plaza and
Avenida de Mayo. Also Le Corbusier's several journeys to Bogot
crystallized in a plan in 1950.
Meanwhile, the theoretical presence of CIAM would be

consolidated with the Spanish edition of the Charte d'Athnes
(1941), published in Argentina in 1954, and its Cuban adaptation
in Martnez Incln's Cdigo de Urbanismo. Following his role as
CIAM crusader among new generations of Cuban architects, Jos
Luis Sert became adviser to the new Junta Nacional de
Planicacin (National Board of Planning) created by law in 1955
by Fulgencio Batista's dictatorship. In the 1957 master plan
proposed by the Catalan urbanist, the former image of Havana as
a Nice of the Caribbean was replaced by the myth of Las Vegas or
Miami, aimed at creating a regional centre of tourism that
included a complex of hotels, a business city in the style of Le
Corbusier, and CIAM-inspired grids for the working-class
residential suburbs. Sert would also be adviser to the Comisin
Nacional de Urbanismo (National Commission of Urbanism)
created in Venezuela by the new junta in 1946 which became a
platform for the implementation of modern principles in housing
projects and public works led by Venezuelan architect Carlos Ral
Villanueva. A belated example of this modern trend would be
Lucio Costa's plan for Brasilia (1957), in which can be traced the
inuence of Le Corbusier and CIAM.
12. Veterans of the German-speaking world also oered to foster

the emerging urbanism of Latin America. Werner Hegemann, who
was Editor of Der Stdtebau, was invited to Buenos Aires in 1931,
where he was hosted by 'Los Amigos de la Ciudad' (The Friends of
the City), a pragmatic society which was not satised with either
the EFU's proposals or Le Corbusier's prefabricated plans. The
man responsible for Hegemann's invitation was apparently Carlos
Mara della Paolera, an Argentinian engineer who had graduated
at the Institut d'Urbanisme, was acquainted with the ideas of the
Muse Social and the SFU, and also knew of Hegemann's
combined scientic and humanist approach to planning. During
his four months in Buenos Aires, Rosario and Mar del Plata,
Hegemann tried to be tactful in relation to proposals by former
visitors, while focusing on the unique aspects of the Argentine
context. In his rst lecture on 18 September 1931, he criticized
the densities allowed by the urban regulations of Buenos Aires,
one of the causes of its shortage of public spaces. His reappraisal
of the colonial damero (grid plan) was understood as a subtle
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criticism of Bouvard's Haussmannesque diagonals, while his new

'Plano Regulador' (Master Plan) was a more comprehensive
instrument than Le Corbusier's architectural sketches. The use of
the system of parks as a structural element not as a feature of
urban design has been interpreted as a hidden allusion and a
shift in relation to the greenery of Bouvard and Forestier.
Karl Brunner was another representative of what has been

labelled 'Austrian-German rationalism' in Latin America, where he
came to represent the last descendant of that national lineage
that dated back to Sitte and Wagner. In view of the Chilean
capital's lack of urban spaces and landmarks, Brunner's 1933 plan
for Santiago proposed 'to architecturalize' the space and to
congure new centres and axes, while open spaces were given
great importance in shaping the city. In addition to his
achievement in securing the approval of his plan in 1939,
throughout the 1930s Brunner contributed to the consolidation of
urban planning in Chile, by advising institutions and organizing
events that underpinned what probably was Latin America's best
professional platform, whose administrative roots dated back to
the nineteenth century. During the same decade, Brunner
masterminded both the municipal oice and plan for Bogot,
where he had translated his Manual de Urbanismo (1939) a
well-known textbook among Latin American planners by those
years. Having jumped from 100,000 inhabitants in 1900 to
300,000 in 1930, Bogot sprawled with morphological voids and
functional problems among dierent areas, which is why Brunner
decided to introduce connections between the traditional centre,
the nineteenth-century expansion and the suburban growth of the
twentieth. In a 1940s proposal, he completed this task of patching
and connecting the fragments of the urban structure, by
introducing an alternative axis that connected the core of the city
with the satellite town of El Salitre. In 1941 Brunner also drew up
a plan for Panama City.
13. When celebrating, in a special issue of

L'Architectured'Aujourdhui, the twenty years of the 'Loi
Cornudet', which since 1919 had turned planning into a statutory
activity in France, Marcel Pote regretted the political
circumstances which had caused his country's urbanism to lag
'behind other European countries'; still, the urban historian and
urbanist looked with great hope at the potential task of fellow
countrymen who intended 'to carry out abroad what they cannot
do at home.' Invoking the 'universal quality' of the French spirit
hinted at by Pascal in the seventeenth century, Pote tried to
convey to the French urbanist how his work around the world
18 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
should be performed 'in accordance with the genius of his

country'. Some years later, Gaston Bardet expressed his rm
belief that the urbanist's work was a cornerstone of the 'real
mission' of la France as an ambassador of Western civilization, not
only in the colonial dependencies but also in other parts of the
world. In this respect, one of France's traditional devotees still
was Latin America, where Bardet had heard the clamour for the
French mission 'in the streets in Buenos Aires as well as in the
salons of embassies in Mxico City, in the condential remarks in
Santiago or in Caracas . ..' Despite their enthusiastic plea, these
urban historians knew that French urbanism was just awaking
from its prolonged Beaux-Arts lethargy, which Bardet aptly
christened 'Haussmannisme amlior' (improved
Haussmannization), whose diagonals, rond-points and academic
forms still ruled in the domains of French urbanism around the
world.
Apart from the historians, for nearly two decades Le Corbusier

had denounced this use of never-ending axes as 'a calamity of
architecture'. However as we have seen this Haussmannisme
amlior apparently inspired some of the proposals of the EFU
members in Latin American capitals from the turn of the century.
Notwithstanding the delay in its arrival and the dierences
between its representatives, the Haussmannic urbanism of the
EFU helped to consolidate the cultural mission of la France in
Latin America, as Le Corbusier well recognized after his rst tour.
When adding the contributions of the more technical tradition
represented by Hegemann and Brunner, the signicance and
prestige of this mission can be extended to European urbanism in
general, at least during the cycle that lasted until World War II.
Even though CIAM architecture continued to be a seductive
inuence on new generations of Latin American professionals
throughout the middle of the twentieth century, in the post-war
era CIAM urbanism would become only one among other options
of vernacular and international modernity, most of which would
arrive via the United States.
The end of the phase of predominance of European urbanism was

clearly perceived by Francis Violich in his tour across Latin
American capitals. When he met some of the local colleagues on
his 19411942 journey, the Californian planner noticed that Latin
professionals were 'European-trained, or prepared for the
technical eld in their own country by European-trained
professors.' In addition to their thorough technicality, Latin
professionals frequently had 'a broader understanding of their
own and related elds than would be provided in similar training
in the United States.' More than their North American colleagues,
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Latin urbanists also tended 'to philosophize about the signicance

of the city's pattern, about the broad human objective of
planning.' Knowing European capitals 'by heart', most of the
planners Violich talked to were still inuenced by the
philosophical and artistic tradition of French urbanism,
epitomized in books such as Pote's Paris. Son volution cratrice
(1938), which the visitor found in some of the planners' libraries.
Thus, even in the early 1940s, the urbanist mission of France in
Latin America was not only proclaimed by Le Corbusier, by
representatives of the EFU or by the French historians, but also
conrmed by a North American planner. However, the missions of
European urbanism were not to last for long, at least among the
'younger practising architects and planners', who started to 'look
towards the United States rather than to Europe.'
This turning point was to be conrmed by Violich when called by

the Venezuelan government to advise, in the late 1940s, the rst
National Commission of Urbanism. As he was to summarize three
decades later, the dilemma before the Venezuelan urban planners
in those years was 'the question of a conceptual approach on
which to base the institutional process. A latter-day Beaux Arts
movement inspired the late 1930s, and a social orientation, the
mid-1940s, only to give way in the early 1950s to a functional
approach drawing on North American techniques.' Although it can
be argued that Venezuelan society underwent a conspicuous
Americanization due to the oil boom, this shift towards the United
States as the main exporter of urbanism can be generalized to
most countries of Latin America in those decades. After nearly a
century of European predominance in the urban culture and
urbanism of the young republics, Paris was no longer the ideal for
young planners of Latin America.
Footnotes
1. Arturo Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities,

1850-1950. London and New York: Routledge, 2002.
2. Arturo Almandoz, Sobre historiografa urbana en Amrica

Latina. Enfoque epistemolgico e internacional, 1960-2000,
Caracas: Centro de Investigaciones Post-doctorales (CIPOST),
Facultad de Ciencias Econmicas y Sociales, Universidad Central
de Venezuela, 2003.
20 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
3. As it was suggested by Francois-Xavier Guerra, El olvidado

siglo XIX, in V. Vsquez de Prada e I. Olabarri (eds.), Balance de
la historiografa sobre Iberoamrica (1945-1988). Pamplona:
Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 1989, pp. 593-631, p. 617.
4..Leonardo Benevolo, Las nuevas ciudades fundadas en el siglo

XVI en Amrica Latina. Una experiencia decisiva para la cultura
arquitectnica del Cinquecento, Boletn del Centro de
Investigaciones Histricas y Estticas, No. 9, Caracas: CIHE,
Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1968, pp. 117-136
5. Paolo Sica, Storia dell'urbanistica: il Novecento. Bari: Laterza,

1978, vol. II, pp. 771-819; Fernando Chueca Goitia, Breve historia
del urbanismo (1968). Madrid: Alianza, 1974, pp. 127-134.
Chuecas treatment of Latin America is mainly in relation to the
Renaissance city, but is well integrated with the rest of the
structure. In the case of A.E.J. Morris, History of Urban Form.
Before the Industrial Revolution (1972). Harlow: Longman, 1994,
the chapter Spain and her Empire (pp. 292-320) was added to
the work's last edition in English (1994), after having been written
for the Spanish edition: Historia de la forma urbana antes de la
revolucin industrial. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1984.
6. Karl Brunner, Manual de Urbanismo. Bogot: Imprenta

Municipal, 1939, 2 vols.
7. Francis Violich, Cities of Latin America. Housing and Planning

to the South. New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1944
8. Patricio H. Randle, Evolucin urbanstica. Buenos Aires:

Eudeba, 1972, pp. 32-34
9. Mara Cristina da Silva Leme, A formaao do pensamento

urbanstico no Brasil, 1865-1965. En M.C. da Silva Leme (ed.),
Urbanismo no Brasil, 1895-1965. So Paulo: FUPAM, Studio
Nobel, 1999, pp. 20-38, pp. 26, 32
10. As Roberto Segre mentioned to me in Arturo Almandoz, El

urbanismo: teoras, prcticas e historiografa en Amrica Latina.
Entrevista a Roberto Segre, Ciudad y Territorio. Estudios
Territoriales (in press).
11. Ibid.
12. Patricio H. Randle, Introduccin to Carlos Mara della

Paolera, Buenos Aires y sus problemas urbanos, sel. P.H. Randle.
Buenos Aires: OIKOS, 1977, pp. 11-20, p. 12
21 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
13. Emilio Harth-terr, Filosofa en el urbanismo. Lima: Editorial

Tierra y Emilio Arte, 1961; Patricio H. Randle, Qu es el
urbanismo. Buenos Aires: Columba, 1968, pp. 26-43.
14. Randle, Evolucin urbanstica
15. Jorge E. Hardoy, Las ciudades precolombinas. Buenos Aires:

Innito, 1964 (Pre-Columbian Cities. New York: Walker and
Company, 1973)
16. Roberto Segre, Prlogo a la edicin espaola (junio 1984), in

Historia de la arquitectura y del urbanismo. Pases desarrollados.
Siglos XIX y XX. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de Administracin
Local (IEAL), 1985, pp. 13-17. See also Las estructuras
ambientales de Amrica Latina. Mxico: Siglo Veintiuno, 1977
17. Manuel Castells, Imperialismo y urbanizacin en Amrica

Latina. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1973; Alejandro B. Rofman,
Dependencia, estructura de poder y formacin regional en
Amrica Latina (1974). Mxico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1977;
Marcos Kaplan, La ciudad latinoamericana como factor de
transmisin de control socioeconmico y poltico externo durante
el perodo contemporneo, Boletn del Centro de Investigaciones
Histricas y Estticas, 14, Caracas: Centro de Investigaciones
Histricas y Estticas (CIHE), Universidad Central de Venezuela,
September 1972, pp. 90-124; Anbal Quijano, Dependencia,
urbanizacin y cambio social en Latinoamrica. Lima: Mosca Azul,
1977
18. Ramn Gutirrez, Arquitectura y urbanismo en Iberoamrica.

Madrid: Ctedra, 1984; Roberto Segre et al., Historia de la
Arquitectura y del Urbanismo: Amrica Latina y Cuba. Habana:
Pueblo y Educacin, 1986. In relation to Hardoy, see for instance
Two Thousand Years of Latin American Urbanization, en J.E.
Hardoy (ed.), Urbanization in Latin America: Approaches and
Issues. New York: Anchor Books, 1975, pp. 3-55.
19. Gabriel Alomar (coord.), Estudios de urbanismo

iberoamericano y lipino. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de
Administracin Local (IEAL), 1988; Antonio Bonet Correa (ed.),
Urbanismo e historia urbana en el mundo hispanoamericano.
Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1985.
20. Eugenio Garca Zarza, La ciudad en cuadrcula o

hispanoamericana. Origen, evolucin y situacin actual.
Salamanca: Instituto de Estudios de Iberoamrica y Portugal,
1996; Francisco de Solano, Normas y leyes de la ciudad
hispanoamericana. Madrid: Biblioteca de Amrica, CSIC, 1996;
22 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
Allan R. Brewer-Caras, La ciudad ordenada. Madrid: Instituto

Pascual Madoz, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Boletn Ocial
del Estado, 1997.
21. Adrin Rodrguez Alpuche, El urbanismo prehispnico e

hispanoamericano en Mxico. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios de
Administracin Local (IEAL), 1986; Luise Margolies, Graziano
Gasparini, Los establecimientos urbanos incaicos, in J.E.
Hardoy, R.M. Morse, R.M. Schaedel (comp.), Ensayos histrico-
sociales sobre la urbanizacin en Amrica Latina. Buenos Aires:
CLACSO, Ediciones Siap, 1978, pp. 159-196; Ramn Gutirrez
(coord.), Pueblos de Indios. Otro urbanismo en la regin andina.
Quito: Ediciones Abyala-Yala, 1993; Miguel Rojas-Mix, La Plaza
Mayor. El urbanismo, instrumento de dominio colonial. Barcelona:
Muchnik Editores, 1978; Francisco de Solano, La ciudad
iberoamericana: fundacin, tipologa y funciones durante el
perodo colonial, en F. de Solano (coord.), Historia y futuro de la
ciudad iberoamericana. Madrid: Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Cientcas, Universidad Internacional Menndez
Pelayo, 1986, pp. 9-25; Leszek Zawisza, Fundacin de las
ciudades hispanoamericanas, Boletn del Centro de
Investigaciones Histricas y Estticas, No. 13, Caracas: CIHE,
Universidad Central de Venezuela, enero 1972, pp. 88-128.
22. Arturo Almandoz, Introduction and Urbanization and

Urbanism in Latin America: From Haussmann to CIAM, in A.
Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities,
1850-1950, pp. 1-12, 13-44
23. Richard M. Morse, "El desarrollo de los sistemas urbanos en

las Amricas durante el siglo XIX", in J.E. Hardoy, R. P. Schaedel
(eds.), Las ciudades de Amrica Latina y sus reas de inuencia a
travs de la historia. Buenos Aires: Sociedad Interamericana de
Planicacin (SIAP), 1975, pp. 263-290
24. Jorge E. Hardoy, "Las ciudades de Amrica Latina a partir de

1900", in La ciudad hispanoamericana. El sueo de un orden.
Madrid: Centro de Estudios Histricos de Obras Pblicas y
Urbanismo (CEHOPU), Ministerio de Obras Pblicas y Urbanismo
(MOPU), 1989, pp. 267-274
25. Jorge E. Hardoy, "Teoras y prcticas urbansticas en Europa

entre 1850 y 1930. Su traslado a Amrica Latina", in J.E. Hardoy
and R.M. Morse (eds.), Repensando la ciudad de Amrica Latina.
Buenos Aires: GEL, 1988, pp. 97-126. The English version was
published as Theory and practice of urban planning in Europe,
18501930: Its transfer to Latin America, en J.E. Hardoy y R.M.
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Morse (eds.) Rethinking the Latin American City. Washington: The

Woodrow Wilson Center, The John Hopkins University Press,
1990, pp. 2049
26. Benedicte Leclerc (ed.), Jean Claude Nicolas Forestier,

1861-1930. Du Jardin au Paysage Urbain. Paris: Picard, 1994;
Fernando Prez Oyarzun (ed.), Le Corbusier y Sudamrica, viajes
y proyectos. Santiago de Chile: Escuela de Arquitectura, Ponticia
Universidad Catlica de Chile, 1991. Gutirrez's compilation
about European models in Latin American urbanism was
published in DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y
Americana. Buenos Aires, no. 37-38, 1995. A compilation of
Brunner's contributions was published in Revista de Arquitectura,
No. 8, Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1996
27. Leme, op. cit.; Juan Jos Martn Frechilla, Planes, planos y
proyectos para Venezuela: 1908-1958. (Apuntes para una historia
de la construccin del pas). Caracas: Universidad Central de
Venezuela, Fondo Editorial Acta Cientca Venezolana, 1994; Joel
Outtes, Regolare la societ attraverso la citt: la genesi
dell'urbanistica in Brasile e Argentina (1905-1945), Storia
Urbana, No. 78, Milan: 1997, pp. 5-28
28. Jerey Needell, A Tropical Belle poque. Elite, Culture and

Society in Turn-of-the-century Rio de Janeiro. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987; Mauricio de A. Abreu,
Evoluo urbana do Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: IPLANRIO,
1997; Yannis Tsiomis (ed.), Le Corbusier. Rio de Janeiro: 1929,
1936. Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo, Centro
de Arquitetura e Urbanismo do Rio de Janeiro, 1998. Candido
Malta Campos, Os rumos da cidade. Urbanismo e modernizao
em So Paulo. So Paulo: SENAC, 2002. Antonio Heliodrio Lima
Sampaio, Formas urbanas: cidade real & cidade ideal; contribuo
ao estudo urbanstico de Salvador. Salvador: Quarteto, Faculdade
da Arquitetura, UFBa, 1999; Elosa Petti Pinheiro, Europa, Frana
e Bahia. Difuso e adaptao de modelos urbanos. (Paris, Rio e
Salvador). Salvador: EDUFBA, 2002.
29. Joseph Scarpaci, Roberto Segre, y Mario Coyula, Havana. Two

Faces of the Antillean Metrpolis. Chapel Hill y Londres: The
University of North Carolina Press, 2002. Arturo Almandoz,
Urbanismo europeo en Caracas (1870-1940). Caracas, Fundarte,
Equinoccio, Ediciones de la Universidad Simn Bolvar, 1997.
Peter Elmore, "Lima: puertas a la modernidad. Modernizacin y
experiencia urbana a principios de siglo", Cuadernos Americanos,
No. 30, November-December 1991, pp. 14-123; Gabriel Ramn,
La muralla y los callejones. Intervencin urbana y proyecto
24 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
poltico en Lima durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Lima:

Sidea, Promper, 1999. Florencia Quesada Avendao, En el barrio
Amn. Arquitectura, familia y sociabilidad del primer residencial
de la lite urbana de San Jos, 1900-1935. San Jos: Editorial de
la Universidad de Costa Rica, Comisin Nacional de
Conmemoraciones Histricas, 2001.
30. J. E. Hardoy, "Teoras y prcticas urbansticas en Europa entre

1850 y 1930...; Ramn Gutirrez, Modelos e imaginarios
europeos en urbanismo americano 1900-1950, Revista de
Arquitectura, No. 8, Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1996, pp.
2-3; A. Almandoz, Urbanization and Urbanism in Latin America:
From Haussmann to CIAM
31. In relation to artistic and literary representation, see for

instance the project coordinated by the Venezuela historian Elas
Pino Iturrieta, Sueos e imgenes de la modernidad. Amrica
Latina 1870-1930. Caracas: Fundacin CELARG, 1997. About
social movements and urban reforms, see R. Pineo y J.A. Baer
(eds.), Cities of Hope. People, Protests and Progress in Urbanizing
Latin America,18701930. Boulder: Westview Press, 1998
32. See for instance Peter Hall, Cities of Tomorrow. An Intellectual

History of Urban Planning and Design in the Twentieth Century
(1988). Oxford: Blackwell, 1994; Stephen Ward, The
International Diusion of Planning: A Review and a Canadian
Case Study, International Planning Studies,Vol. 4, No. 1, 1999,
pp. 53-77; Anthony D. King, Global Cities. London: Routledge,
1991; Urbanism, Colonialism and the World-Economy. Cultural
and Spatial Foundations of the World Urban System. London:
Routledge, 1990.
33. Among the early works that seem to have been more
inuential, see Henri Lefebvre La rvolution urbaine (1970).
Paris: Gallimard, 1979; space et politique (1971). Paris:
Anthopos, 1974; Michel de Certeau, L'criture de lhistoire. Paris:
Gallimard, 1975; David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity.
An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (1990).
Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 2001
34. Nancy Stieber, Microhistory of the Modern City: Urban

Space, Its Use and Representation, Journal of the Society of
Architectural Historians, Vol 58, No. 3, Special Issue, Chicago:
Society of Architectural Historians, septiembre 1999, pp. 382-391,
p. 384
35. Richard M. Morse, Los intelectuales latinoamericanos y la
25 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
ciudad (1860-1940), en J.E. Hadoy, R.M. Morse, R.P. Schaedel

(comps.), Ensayos histrico-sociales sobre la urbanizacin en
Amrica Latina, pp. 91-112
36. J.E. Hardoy, "Las ciudades de Amrica Latina a partir de

1900"; "Teoras y prcticas urbansticas en Europa entre 1850 y
1930...
37. Jos Luis Romero, Latinoamrica: las ciudades y las ideas

(1976). Mxico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1984; Angel Rama, La
ciudad letrada. Hanover: Ediciones del Norte, 1984
38. Jerey Needell, A Tropical Belle poque. Elite, Culture and

Society in Turn-of-the-century Rio de Janeiro. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987; Adrin Gorelik, La grilla y el
parque. Espacio pblico y cultura urbana en Buenos Aires,
1887-1936. Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 1999.
I have published reviews of Gorelik's book in Urbana, 26, Caracas:
Universidad Central de Venezuela, Universidad del Zulia,
enero-junio 2000, pp. 109-110; Planning Perspectives, Vol. 16, No.
3, julio 2001, pp. 327-328
39. Arturo Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo en Caracas

(1870-1940); Gabriel Ramn, La muralla y los callejones.
Intervencin urbana y proyecto poltico en Lima durante la
segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Lima: Sidea, Promper, 1999;
Florencia Quesada Avendao, En el barrio Amn. Arquitectura,
familia y sociabilidad del primer residencial de la lite urbana de
San Jos, 1900-1935. San Jos: Editorial de la Universidad de
Costa Rica, Comisin Nacional de Conmemoraciones Histricas,
2001.
40. Michel Foucault, L'archologie du savoir (1969). Paris:

Gallimard, 1992, p. 53
41. As it was said above, this section is based on the chapter by A.

Almandoz, Urbanization and Urbanism in Latin America: From
Haussmann to CIAM.
42. P. Sica, op. cit., pp. 773774
43. J.L. Romero, op. cit., pp. 282284
44. R. Gutirrez, Arquitectura y Urbanismo en Iberoamrica, pp.

515518
45. A. Gorelik, op. cit., pp. 115124
26 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
46. J. Needell, op. cit., pp. 3351. See also the recent work by E. P.
Pinheiro, op. cit., pp. 120-122
47. A. Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo en Caracas (18701940), pp.

120125
48. See Georges-Eugne Hausssmann, Mmoires (1890-93). Pars:

Guy Durier, 1979, 2 vols. Regarding the intrepretation of the
components of Haussmannization as a diusion model, see E.P.
Pinheiro, op. cit, pp. 77-88
49. J.E. Hardoy, Teoras y practicas urbansticas en Europa entre

1850 y 1930, pp. 102-103
50. Charles Morrow Wilson, Ambassadors in White. The Story of

American Tropical Medicine (1942). Nueva York: Kenikat Press,
1972, pp. 3335. About Rio's case, see the illustrative study by
Lilian Fessler Vaz, Modernidade e Moradia. Habitao Coletiva no
Rio de Janeiro. Sculos XIX e XX. Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras,
FAPERJ, 2002, pp. 25-48
51. Conferencias Internacionales Americanas. Washington:

Dotacin Carnegie para la Paz Internacional, 1938, Vol . I:
18891936, p. 98
52. Jos Ronzn, La ebre amarilla en los puertos de Veracruz y

La Habana 19001910, Tierra Firme, Vol. XV, No. 57, Caracas,
January-March 1997, pp. 3356; Arturo Almandoz, The shaping
of Venezuelan urbanism in the hygiene debate of Caracas,
18801910, Urban Studies, Vol. 37, No. 11, October 2000, pp.
20732089; David Parker, Civilizing the city of kings: hygiene
and housing in Lima, Peru, in R. Pineo y J. Baer (eds.), op. cit.,
pp. 153177; Peter Elmore, Lima: puertas a la modernidad.
Modernizacin y experiencia urbana a principios de siglo,
Cuadernos Americanos, 30, November-December 1991, pp.
104123
53. Carlos Kessel, A Vitrine e o Elpelho. O Rio de Janeiro de

Carlos Sampaio. Rio de Janeiro: Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de
Janeiro, 2001, pp. 57-62. In English, see C. Kessel, Carlos
Sampaio and urbanism in Rio de Janeiro (18751930), Planning
History, Vol. 22, No. 1, 2000, pp. 1726
54. Jons Figueroa, La Ciudad Lineal en Chile (19101930),

DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38,
1995, pp. 6470
55. R. Gutirrez, Modelos e imaginarios europeos en el
27 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
urbanismo americano 19001950
56. Fernando Prez Oyarzun and Jos Rosas Vera, Cities within
the City: Urban and Architectural Transfers in Santiago de Chile,
1840-1940', en A. Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's
Capital Cities, 1850-1950, pp. 109-138, 124-125
57. Sonia Berjman, (1998) Plazas y parques de Buenos Aires: la

obra de los paisajistas franceses. Andr, Courtois, Thays,Bouvard,
Forestier, 18601930. Buenos Aires: Gobierno de la Ciudad de
Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 1998, pp. 175213; S.
Berjman, Proyectos de Bouvard para la Buenos Aires del
Centenario: Barrio, plazas, hospital y exposicin, DANA.
Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana, 37/38, 1995,
pp. 4153. About Bouvard, see Michel Ragon, Histoire de
l'architecture et de l'urbanisme modernes. Naissance de la cit
moderne (1971-1978). Paris: Casterman, 1991, t.II, p. 163
58. Antnio Rodrigues Porto, Histria urbanstica da cidade de

So Paulo (1554 a 1988). So Paulo: Carthago & Forte, 1992, pp.
107108; Hugo Segawa, 1911: Bouvard em So Paulo, DANA.
pp. 3135
59. S. Berjman, Plazas y parques de Buenos Aires: la obra de los

paisajistas franceses, pp. 215271; S. Berjman, (1994) En la
ciudad de Buenos Aires, in B. Leclerc (ed.), op. cit., pp. 207219
60. Heriberto Duverger, El maestro francs del urbanismo criollo

para La Habana, en B. Leclerc (ed.), op. cit., pp. 221240. See
also the recent analysis by J. Scarpaci, R. Segre and M. Coyula
(op. cit., 63-67), illustrating the integration of architecture and
landscape in Forestier's proposal.
61. Peter Amato, Elitism and settlement patterns in the Latin

American city, Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol.
XXXVI, No. 2, 1970, pp. 96105; Walter D. Harris, Jr., The Growth
of Latin American Cities. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press,
1971
62. M. Johns, The City of Mexico in the Age of Daz. Austin:

University of Texas Press, 1997; A. Rodrigues Porto, op. cit.,
pp.8182; A. Almandoz, Urbanismo europeo enCaracas
(18701940), pp. 237240
63. Roberto Segre y Sergio Baroni, Cuba y La Habana. Historia,

poblacin y territorio, Ciudad y Territorio. Estudios Territoriales,
Vol. XXX, No. 116, 1998, pp. 351-379, p. 370
28 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
64. J. E. Hardoy, Teoras y practicas urbansticas en Europa entre

1850 y 1930, p. 104
65. Roberto Segre, Amrica Latina: urbanidad del siglo XXI.

Suburbios, periferias, franjas y archipilagos, en Ral Rispa (ed.),
Iberoamrica. Arquitectura 2001-2002. III Bienal Iberoamericana
de Arquitectura. Madrid y Sevilla: Ministerio de Fomento, Tanais,
2002, pp. 36-43, pp. 36-37; P. Sica, op. cit., pp. 789790
66. M.C. S. Leme (ed.), op. cit., pp. 300-01. H. Segawa, op. cit.,
pp. 3435. There is also a work by Carlos Roberto Monteiro de
Andrade, Barry Parker, um arquiteto ingles na cidade de So
Paulo, unpublished doctoral thesis, So Paulo: University of So
Paulo, 1998
67. In this respect, see for instance Anthony Sutclie, Towards the
Planned City: Germany, Britain, the United States and France,
17801914. Oxford: Blackwell, 1981, pp. 190194; Franoise
Choay, Penses sur la ville, arts de la ville , in Maurice Agulhon
(ed.), Histoire de la France urbaine. La ville de l'age industriel. Le
cycle haussmannien. Paris: Seuil, 1983, vol. IV, pp. 158-271
68. Among the various articles that deal with dierent national
contexts, see Ciro Caraballo, Del academicismo retrico al
profesionalismo pragmtico. Crisis recurrente de la educacin
venezolana de la ingeniera y la arquitectura, Boletn del Centro
de Investigaciones Histricas y Estticas, 27, Caracas: CIHE,
Universidad Central de Venezuela, diciembre 1986, pp. 52-77;
Mara Isabel Pavez, Precursores de la enseanza del urbanismo
en Chile. Perodo 19281953, Revista de Arquitectura, 3,
Santiago de Chile: Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, 1992,
pp.211
69. According to the distinction of levels of specialization between

pre-urbanism and urbanism established by Franoise Choay,
(1965, 1979) L'urbanisme, utopies et ralits. Une anthologie
(1965). Paris: ditions du Seuil, 1979, pp. 3031
70. R. Gutirrez, Modelos e imaginarios europeos en urbanismo

americano 19001950
71. J.E. Hardoy, teoras y prcticas urbansticas entre 1850 y

1930..., pp. 99-100, 123-126
72. Anthony Sutclie, Introduction: the debate on nineteenth-

century planning, in A. Sutclie (ed.), The Rise of Modern Urban
Planning: 18001914. London: Mansell, 1980, pp. 110; A.
Sutclie, Towards the Planned City, pp. 203204
29 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
73. Francis Violich, Cities of Latin America. Housing and Planning

to the South. New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1944,
pp. 157170
74. The works of some of these pioneers have been edited; see for
instance Carlos M. della Paolera, Buenos Aires y sus problemas
urbanos. Buenos Aires: OIKOS, 1977; Alberto Lovera (comp.),
Leopoldo Martnez Olavarra. Desarrollo urbano, vivienda y
estado. Caracas: Fondo Editorial ALEMO, 1996
75. F. Choay, Penses sur la ville, arts de la ville
76. A. Gorelik, op. cit., pp. 318330
77. Heriberto Duverger, (1995) La insoportable solidez de lo que

el viento se llev. J.C.N. Forestier y la ciudad de La Habana,
1995, pp. 7182. An interesting analysis of the advantages and
weaknesses of Forestier's proposal, which paved the way for the
maturing of academia urbanism, while putting aside the growing
problems of poverty, can be seen in J. Scarpaci, R. Segre y M.
Coyula, op. cit., pp. 69-71. See also Roberto Segre, Havana, from
Tacn to Forestier, en A. Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin
America's Capital Cities, 1850-1950, pp. 193-213, 206-208

americano 19001950, p. 2
79. Ramn Gutirrez, Buenos Aires. Modelo para armar

(19101927), DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y
Americana, 37/38, 1995, pp. 3640
80. Margareth da Silva Pereira, Pensando a metrpole moderna:

os planos de Agache e Le Corbusier para o Rio de Janeiro, DANA.
pp. 97105. See also M. d.S. Pereira, The Time of the Capitals:
Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo: Words, Arctors and Plans, en A.
Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities,
1850-1950, pp. 75-108, 101-103
81. Donat-Alfred Agache, La rmodelation d'une capitale. Paris:

Socit Cooprative d'Architectes, 1932, Vol. I, pp. xviiixx, 93
82. Arturo Almandoz, Longing for Paris: the Europeanized dream

of Caracas urbanism, 18701940, Planning Perspectives, Vol. 14,
No. 3, julio 1999, pp. 225248
83. Plan Monumental de Caracas. Revista Municipal del Distrito
30 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
Federal, No. 1, 1939, pp. 17 and following
84. Fernando Prez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamrica en el

viaje del 29, en F. Prez Oyarzun (ed.) Le Corbusier y
Sudamrica, viajes y proyectos, pp. 1541
85. Alberto Nicolini, Le Corbusier: Utopa y Buenos Aires,

1995, pp. 106113
86. Le Corbusier (C.E. Jeanneret), Prcisions sur un tat prsent

de l'architecture et de l'urbanisme. Paris: G. Crs & Cie, 1930, pp.
167, 172174, 202 (my translation)
87. F. Prez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamrica en el viaje del

29, pp. 2527
88. Cecilia Rodrguez, Margareth da Silva Pereira, Romeo Veriano

and Vasco Caldeira, El viaje de 1936, in F. Prez Oyarzun, Le
Corbusier y Sudamrica. Viajes y proyectos, pp. 4249; M. d S.
Pereira, Pensando a metrpole moderna, pp. 102104; Yannis
Tsiomis (ed.), (1998) Le Corbusier. Rio de Janeiro: 1929, 1936. Rio
de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal de Urbanismo, Centro de
Arquitetura e Urbanismo do Rio de Janeiro, 1998. In relation to
Agache, see also M. d S. Pereira, The Time of the Capitals, pp.
101-104
89. Francisco Liernur and Pablo Pschepiurca, Le Corbusier y el

plan de Buenos Aires, in F. Prez Oyarzun (ed.), Le Corbusier y
Sudamrica. Viajes y proyectos, pp. 5671; A. Nicolini, op. cit., pp.
110111
90. Pedro Bannen, BogotColombia: Cinco viajes y un plan, in

F. Prez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamrica. Viajes y proyectos,
pp. 7285; Rodrigo Corts, Bogot 1950: Plan Director de Le
Corbusier, in Prez Oyarzun, Le Corbusier y Sudamrica. Viajes y
proyectos, pp. 8694

americano 19001950, p. 3; J. Scarpaci, R. Segre, M. Coyula, op.
cit., p. 80
92. Roberto Segre, La Habana de Sert: CIAM, ron y cha cha

ch, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana,
37/38, 1995, pp. 120124. An interesting report of the modern
inuence on Sert's plan, in the midst of Havana's changing way of
life, can be seen in J. Scarpaci, R. Segre, M. Coyula, op. cit., pp.
81-88
31 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
93. This context can be re-created in Manuel Lpez Villa, Gestin

urbanstica, revolucin democrtica y dictadura militar en
Venezuela (19451958), Urbana, 14/15, Caracas: Universidad
Central de Venezuela, Universidad del Zulia, 1994, pp. 106119;
Lorenzo Gonzlez Casas, Modernity and the City. Caracas
19351958, unpublished doctoral thesis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University, 1996; Juan Jos Martn Frechilla, La Comisin
Nacional de Urbanismo, 1946-1957 (origen y quiebra de una
utopa), in A. Lovera (comp.), Leopoldo Martnez Olavarra.
Desarrollo urbano, vivienda y estado, pp. 157-210; Arturo
Almandoz,"Urbanizacin, modernidad urbanstica y crtica
intelectual en la Venezuela de mediados del siglo XX", Argos, No.
34, Caracas: Universidad Simn Bolvar, June 2001, pp. 45-80
94. Roberto Segre, Huellas difusas: La herencia de Le Corbisier

en Brasilia, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 10, 1998, pp. 411;
Jons Figueroa, Brasilia transfer. Las races clsicas del
Movimiento Moderno, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 10, 1998, pp.
1215
95. Christiane Crasemann Collins, Urban interchange in the

Southern Cone: Le Corbusier (1929) and Werner Hegemann
(1931) in Argentina, Journal of the Society of Architectural
Historians,Vol. 54, No. 2, June 1995, pp. 208227; Jorge D.
Tartarini, La visita de Werner Hegemann a la Argentina en
1931, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura Nacional y Americana,
No. 37/38, 1995, pp. 5463
96. J. Tartarini, op. cit., pp. 5859
97. Jons Figueroa, La recomposicin de la forma urbana. K.H.

Brunner 19321942, DANA. Documentos de Arquitectura
Nacional y Americana, No. 37/38, 1995, pp. 8391
98. Alberto Gurovich, La venida de Karl Brunner en gloria y

majestad. La inuencia de sus lecciones en la profesionalizacin
del urbanismo en Chile, Revista de Arquitectura, No. 8, 1996, pp.
813
99. Karl H. Brunner, Manual de Urbanismo. Bogot: Imprenta

Municipal, 1939, 2 vols.
100. J. Figueroa, La recomposicin de la forma urbana. K.H.

Brunner 19321942, pp. 8889; Fernando Corts, La
construccin de la ciudad como espacio pblico, Revista de
Arquitectura, No. 8, 1996, pp. 1419
101. Alvaro Uribe, El Plan Brunner para la ciudad de Panam,
32 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM
Revista de Arquitectura, No. 8, 1996, pp. 2021
102. Marcel Pote, L'esprit de l'urbanisme franais ,

L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui, No. 3, 1939, pp. III45 (my
translation)
103. Gaston Bardet, Naissance et mconnaissance de l'urbanisme.

Paris: SABRI, 1951, p. 396 (my translation)
104. Gaston Bardet, Vingt ans d'urbanisme appliqu ,

L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui, No. 3, 1939, pp. III23 (my
translation)
105. Le Corbusier, Vers une architecture. Paris: Les ditions G.

Cres et Cie., 1923, p. 51 (my translation)
105. J.E. Hardoy, "Teoras y prcticas urbansticas en Europa

entre 1850 y 1930, pp. 117-119
106. F. Violich, Cities of Latin America, pp. 158, 169, 173
107. Francis Violich, Caracas: Focus of the New Venezuela, in

H. Wentworth Elredge (ed.) World Capitals. TowardGuided
Urbanization. New York: Anchor Press, Doubleday, 1975, pp.
246292, 285

americano 19001950; Arturo Almandoz, From urbanism to
planning: the Caracas shift (1930s1940s), in Robert Freestone
(ed.), 20th Century Urban Planning Experience. 8th International
Planning History Conference. Sidney: International Planning
History Society, University of New South Wales, 1998, pp. 712.
33 of 33 07/23/2017 02:42 PM

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Almandoz: The Emergence of Modern Town Plan... http://www.helsinki./aluejakulttuurintutkimus/tu...

The Emergence of Modern Town

Paper presented in Finnish research seminar on Latin

1. This lecture is focused on the emergence of modern town

However, considering that this meeting of specialists about Latin

within a brief historiographic review at the beginning, which

Historiographic remarks: from travellers to

If we look to another dimension of the historiography, the one

related to the teaching of urban history in Latin America, it can be

3. By the mid-1950s, the reform in the teaching of planning,

Reviews of the origins of urbanism were included in treatises of

own historiographic search, both in urban and planning terms.

Even though the Argentine Jorge Hardoy can be regarded as the

4. As to the general histories of Latin American planning, besides

Bonet Correa.19 Even though the reference of the several studies

Concerning the republican period, after the historiograc review

It is noteworthy the question of the transfer of urban and planning

5. The trends towards the new history and the microhistory

In the case of Latin America, the development of what can be

history, was announced from the 1970s by a group of authors and

Combined with the international trends in micro-history and

I have attempted a similar review for the case of Caracas between

With this comment on micro-history and urban cultural history, I

Three moments of the emergence of Latin

Each one of these phases represented a change in the economic,

7. Following the urban revival fuelled by the penetration of

According to Sica one of the few European historians to refer to

Turning our attention now to the rst of Sica's waves.

The rulers of some cities were compared to the Prefect of the

Baron's ideas for the inauguration of the Avenida Central (1905)

But Haussmann's ideological presence in Latin America during

The Belle-poque Reforms: Hygiene, urban design and

8. In the midst of the intellectuals' plea for a cultural alliance with

During the rst decades of the twentieth century, the debate on

Duprat was Prefect of So Paulo (19111914), Bouvard's

The urban sprawl of residential areas made up another chapter of

All in all, despite its relative backwardness by comparison with

nineteenth century by prolonging its inuence on the academic

Urban Plans and Crystallization of Urbanism

9. Population growth and urban sprawl evinced the urgency of

In addition to the Inter-American Conferences and Pan-American

Congress of Architects held in Washington in 1939 also

Conrming the importance that administrative changes had for

10. Still capitalizing on the prestige of the eclectic side of French

The Beaux-Arts tradition seemed to renew and enlarge its

Invited by the Prefect Antonio Prado Junior to coordinate a

A late example of the EFU's eclectic tradition can be seen in the

between urban renewal or urban extension of the centre.

11. An alternative message of modernity is what South Americans

By focusing on his own visions for the Argentine capital, Le

CIAM's legacy in Latin American capitals remained important

dierentiated the urban areas according to their functional

Meanwhile, the theoretical presence of CIAM would be

12. Veterans of the German-speaking world also oered to foster

criticism of Bouvard's Haussmannesque diagonals, while his new

Karl Brunner was another representative of what has been

13. When celebrating, in a special issue of

should be performed 'in accordance with the genius of his

Apart from the historians, for nearly two decades Le Corbusier

The end of the phase of predominance of European urbanism was

Latin urbanists also tended 'to philosophize about the signicance

This turning point was to be conrmed by Violich when called by

1. Arturo Almandoz (ed.), Planning Latin America's Capital Cities,