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Drug Trafficking and Political Power: Oligopolies of Coercion in Colombia and Mexico
Gustavo Duncan
Latin American Perspectives published online 23 October 2013
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X13509071
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What is This?
Case studies of drug trafficking in Colombia and Mexico illuminate the effects of mafias
on the relationship between political power and the social order. First, in addition to
extracting income, mafias seek to impose social orders in peripheral spaces of society,
mainly as an unintended consequence of the most obvious reason for their intervention in
politics: to provide immunity to criminals facing potential threats of state repression. This
objective makes them rivals of the state, and this competition is not only a matter of their
ability to corrupt it. Their capacity for regulating society is essentially a result of their
coercive power, and as a consequence their existence is a challenge to the Weberian prem-
ise of the modern state as a monopoly on coercion. What we see in Colombia and Mexico
today is oligopolies of coercion, a situation in which several organizations have simultane-
ous and overlapping control of the means of coercion necessary to regulate societal trans-
actions.
Estudios de caso del narcotrfico en Colombia y Mxico iluminan los efectos de las
mafias en la relacin entre el poder poltico y el orden social. Primero, ms all de la extrac-
cin de ingresos, las mafias buscan imponer un orden social en los espacios perifricos de
la sociedad, principalmente como consecuencia no intencionada de su razn obvia por
intervenir en la poltica: proveer inmunidad a los criminales enfrentados con la represin
de parte del estado. Este objetivo los hace rivales del estado, y esta competencia no acaba
en solo su habilidad para corromperlo. Su capacidad para regular a la sociedad es esencial-
mente consecuencia de su poder y, como consecuencia de su existencia, un reto a la premisa
weberiana del estado moderno como monopolio coercitivo. Lo que se ve en Colombia y
Mxico hoy da son oligopolios de coercin en donde varias organizaciones tienen coinci-
dencia simultnea en los medios de coercin necesarios para regular a las transacciones
sociales.
The state and the mafia are similar in one fundamental respect: they extract
income for regulating transactions in society. The difference between them lies
in the types of transactions they regulate. Because states are supposed to main-
tain a monopoly of the legitimate use of force, they intervene in all kinds of
transactionseven criminal ones, on which they may impose sanctions. Mafias
specialize in transactions, such as drug trafficking, smuggling, prostitution,
and gambling, that states are not supposed to regulate because they are illegal.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the mafia is defined as an organization that
Gustavo Duncan is a professor at the Universidad de los Andes and visiting professor at the
Universidad EAFIT in Medelln, Colombia.
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue XXX, Vol. XX No. X, Month XXXX xx-xx
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X13509071
2013 Latin American Perspectives
1
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2LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
coercion the state does not disappear but instead participates in the exercise of
local coercion through the mediation of the political class. Oligopolies of coer-
cion are also a variation of the subnational authoritarianisms of Gibson (2004)
and the brown zones of ODonnell (1993). Subnational authoritarianisms
occur in the peripheral zones when those in charge of elected appointments
distort democratic institutions to impose their personal authority and monopo-
lize relationships with the central state. Oligopolies of coercion are subnational
authoritarian systems that involve an additional distinction: the permanent
and abundant role of organized violence in the relations of the local power with
both the local population and the state.
Another key theoretical issue in the study of oligopolies of coercion is the
political effect of differences in capital accumulation between developed and
underdeveloped areas. Duffield (1998: 73) argues that current proliferation of
political projects based on mafias, warlords, and other forms of private coer-
cion is a function of the limited possibilities of inclusion in international mar-
kets of underdeveloped zones:
Compared to northern rulers, southern political actors lack the ability to use
their position within regional productive systems to retain and expand con-
ventional economic activity. . . . They have forged new alliances with interna-
tional actors, including commercial ties to develop informalised economy
(both semi-legal grey and illegal parallel activities). While largely unrecorded,
this expanding political economy has also been used to create new internal
clientage networks.
concentration. The social order is transformed beyond the individuals who get
rich through criminal activity. Drug trafficking becomes a relevant attribute for
determining status in a group (what I call the narcotrafficking subculture), and
drug capital is transformed into an important source for mass consumption in
society, with clientelism as the basis for the distribution of these resources. This
section focuses on explaining these transformations and illustrating them with
empirical evidence from case studies in Colombia and Mexico.
In a non-delinquent group, all roles within the group can be performed suc-
cessfully without resorting to delinquent behavior. Members of the group may
tolerate such behavior, but they do not require it as a demonstration of eligibil-
ity for membership or leadership status. A delinquent subculture is one in which
certain forms of delinquent activity are essential requirements for the performance of
the dominant roles supported by the subculture. It is the central position accorded
to specifically delinquent activity that distinguishes the delinquent subculture
from other deviant subcultures.
feared and powerful in the criminal world has significantly higher status in the
social order. Also, the codes and norms that regulate the interaction between
the members of these communities are affected. The possibility of threatening
and committing violence, among many other attributes introduced by the crim-
inal subculture, eventually dictates the relations between the different groups
of society. For instance, individuals who are either part of or close to the crimi-
nal organizations take advantage of their power to intimidate during their
transactions with other members of the community.
The concept of the criminal subculture can be applied to many social spaces
in Colombia and Mexico because their inclusion in the modern world is recent
and unfinished and because the drug traffickers can claim superiority in the
process of social transformation (Duncan, 2010; Edberg, 2004). In his research
on Mexican narcocorridos, Edberg (2004: 45) asserts,
become a leader of a people who had barely ever received anything from their
government, people whose first priority is survival rather than worrying about
whether theyre on the right side of the law, people who look up to a man who
rose from abject poverty to be a successful, free man, living as he desires in the
mountains of Mexico (157).
As narcotrafficking subcultures expand in a community, a specific type of
crime dominates drug trafficking activities: the organization of coercion. When
coercion reaches a certain level, the rest of the criminal activities that take place
in the community are kept under control and a criminal career in the mafia is
the main mechanism of status achievement. Colombian and Mexican drug
bosses control and extract income from other criminals involved in drug traf-
ficking. Gambettas (2007) definition of a mafia as the business of private pro-
tection can be applied here as the private protection of property rights related
to the production and trafficking of drugs.
In Colombia, mafia rule has its origin in the organization by the same drug
traffickers of armed apparatus specialized in subjugating other drug traffick-
ers. The history of Pablo Escobar and the creation of the Medelln cartel is
essentially the history of the making of a mafia with the goal of imposing
authority over the rest of the criminals and monopolizing the income of the
business (Duncan, 2006). The Mexican case is different, since in the beginning
the regulation of crime was organized by the state. The government party
imposed its authority on the criminal class using the repressive institutions of
the state. In exchange for part of the income of the drug business, the political
class assigned plazas (smuggling corridors) to the drug traffickers and enforced
the property rights of criminals (Resa, 2001). In 2000, after the presidency
shifted from the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional
Revolutionary PartyPRI) to the Partido Accin Nacional (National Action
PartyPAN), this institutional control dissipated (Astorga, 2005). The new rul-
ing party did not have the mechanisms of institutional coercion to subjugate
the drug traffickers, and as the state lost control the mafias achieved power.
According to Hernndez (2010), the current wave of violence in Mexico is
explained by an alliance between the PAN and the drug lord Chapo Guzmn
against the rest of the mafias in the country.
A superior kind of mafia project occurs when the narcotrafficking subculture
spreads across the whole society. In certain zones armed control by mafias is so
extensive that it is inaccurate to talk about a criminal subculture because the
whole social order has attributes associated with crime. Here we are talking not
about marginalized communities but about the dominant culture in a middle-
sized city or a region. Drug trafficking becomes the main source of prestige and
social status. Under these circumstances the coercive capability of the mafias
extends to the regulation of all sorts of economic transactions and the adminis-
tration of justice at the local level. The construction of local projects by drug
traffickers has been evident in Colombia since the boom of paramilitary groups
in the mid-1990s (Duncan, 2006; Romero, 2003). In Mexico the power achieved
by mafias in the rural areas and municipalities of isolated regions like Sinaloa,
Durango, and Michoacn covers practically the whole society. A clear example
of this control is their capacity for solving criminal cases in these communities
(Beith, 2010: 86):
Several years back a group of teenagers stole a number of gas tanks from a
depot on the outskirts of town, a resident recalls. The local police were at a
lossthey couldnt conduct a house-to-house search of the nearby mountains,
it would prove fruitless and timewasting, and possibly even put their lives in
danger. So Chapoor el Seor, as many locals call him out of respecthad his
people ask around. They quickly rounded up the perpetrators, and dropped
them off at the police station. . . . Stories on the discipline laid down by Chapo
abound.
The pursuit of social recognition and the development of mafias have effects
on the resilience of drug trafficking. The visibility of the first drug lords created
the conditions for their own demise. High visibility increased the risk of being
prosecuted and the costs of officials corruption. After bloody vendettas and
assassinations, the mid-level mafiosi and rising criminals ousted the former
drug bosses. This happened in Colombia with Escobar, Rodrguez Gacha, the
Cali cartel capos, and the other legendary figures of the drug business and in
Mexico with Felix Gallardo, Caro Quintero, and Garca Abrego, among others.
However, the spread of the business as a productive activity with the opera-
tional knowledge required for its execution is ensured. In the collective social
memory, knowledge about essential elements of the drug industry such as coca
farmers, transporters, input suppliers, cocaine manufacturers, and assassins
spreads despite state persecution.3
Mafias are important in narcotrafficking subcultures because they shape the
supply of young people with a criminal vocation in terms of the operational
demands of drug trafficking. Without mafias these young peoples feelings of
frustration would be channeled into less profitable and less complex crimes.
Cloward and Ohlin (1960) argue that in the case of a criminal subculture the
absence of organizations of adult criminals leads to teenage gang vandalism,
street robbery, and other low-profit offenses. When powerful criminal organi-
zations regulate status aspirations in the criminal subculture, the effects on
peripheral societies are dramatic. In the cases of the drug mafias in Colombia
and Mexico, these effects involve training young criminals in activities that
create higher added value, injecting significant flows of capital in such a way
that the rest of society has to consider their new economic importance, and set-
ting limits to state intervention.
Drug traffickers may become really powerful in areas where a criminal sub-
culture exists, concentrating economic means and symbolic power, but their
influence on larger and more complex societies is constrained by other forms
of social power. Here the attributes that classify the population are so abundant
that crime as an alternative for achieving status becomes a marginal factor.
However, drug traffickers have found a powerful mechanism of social influ-
ence in the transformation of drug capital into mass consumption and clien-
telism as a means to regulate access to this consumption.
The reason that capital owned by drug traffickers is relevant to the social
order is not its transformation into production; criminals do not become the
owners of firms that sustain the national economy, despite generating income
estimated at 27 percent of the gross domestic product annually (ICE and DHS,
2010; Steiner, 1997). The big firms, corporations, and factories in these countries
are owned by well-known capitalists. The capital of drug traffickers is impor-
tant to the social order because it injects currency into the market and creates
new possibilities of consumption for much of the population. For many munic-
ipalities and regions this is the principal source of goods and services produced
outside of the local economy such as electronic devices, televisions, cars,
Internet, and cell phones. In addition, these municipalities and regions do not
produce anything for other markets, and as a consequence they depend on the
injection of currency by the state and criminals to consume those goods. Drug
capital is important because it allows access to goods of mass consumption in
social spaces where otherwise such consumption would be severely con-
strained.
Mass consumption is a consequence of the accumulation of capital in the
developed world. The redistributive processes of these economies generate
enough employment and wages for almost all of the population to participate
freely in the market (Hobsbawm, 2001). This participation is free because it is
not subject to any type of mediation except that of an open market of labor and
of consumption goods (North, Wallis, and Weingast, 2009; Simmel, 1978). In
municipalities, communities, and regions in which the influence of drug traf-
ficking is overwhelming, in contrast, capital accumulation is very limited.
Opportunities for employment depend on commerce and services, and these
markets depend to a great extent on drug capital both to import consumption
goods and to redistribute their revenues among the local population that will
consume those goods.
The redistributive processes are not free. Much of the population depends
on clientelistic relations for access to mass consumption markets. The most
basic form of clientelistic exchange is direct contact between drug traffickers
and the communities, but it is the other two types of clientelism that have the
more profound effects on the redistribution of drug revenues and their trans-
formation into mass consumption. There are entrepreneurs specialized in
money launderingconverting dirty dollars into clean money through offers
of goods and services in the market. In the Colombian Sanandresitos, for
instance, drug traffickers funded the import of merchandise for wholesalers,
and when the wholesalers sold the merchandise to retailers they recovered the
amount invested minus the fee charged by the laundering operation. Around
the stalls of smuggled goods, many informal jobs were provided. Furthermore,
the prices of the merchandise were affordable for local people because they
were virtually subsidized by being tax-free and by serving as a means for laun-
dering money.
A recent report in the newspaper El Tiempo (May 20, 2010) reveals the mag-
nitude of the underground business related to smuggling and drug trafficking
in the Sanandresitos: In four years, confiscated goods account for 1.7 billion
pesos, 550,000 pesos per year, but this is less than 5 percent of what the smug-
glers trade. Each year, according to the DIAN [Direccin de Impuestos y
Aduanas Nacionales], the import of illegal merchandise amounts to 10 billion
pesos [approximately US$5 billion]. Research on the size of the informal econ-
omy in Colombia has found that on average informal labor oscillates between
31.7 percent and 64.1 percent of total employment (Arango, Misas, and Lopez,
2006). In Mexico the situation is also critical. The drug economy is approxi-
mately 5 percent of GDP4 and piracy and smuggling 20 percent.5
At the same time, there is a political classa mixture of traditional caciques,
former grassroots politicians, and individuals directly involved with criminal
activitiesthat specializes in converting the electoral support of its clients into
immunity for drug traffickers. These politicians have played an important role
in the spread of drug trafficking throughout the social order: they are respon-
sible for ensuring the survival of a social order based on patronage relations as
a mechanism for the production and distribution of income. This income comes
from the public budget and drug traffickers bribes, but only with the support
of the clientelistic votes has it been feasible to control the government transfers
and to offer protection to criminals. Research by Botero, Hoskin, and Pachon
(2009), based on the Latin American Public Opinion Survey,6 found that in cer-
tain regions more than 20 percent of the population usually sell their votes. And
according to a poll by Gallup Invamer (Agence France-Presse, March 6, 2010),
7 percent of Colombians have sold their votes at least once in exchange for
cash, a market, a job, or building materials, . . . [and] for 22 percent of respon-
dents who had not sold their votes directly someone has promised them work,
housing, or scholarships in exchange for their support.7
In Mexico this situation seems to be more dramatic, since historically the
political class has played an active role in the direct exercise of mafia activities.
Currently, with the states loss of control of the business with the demise of the
PRI, drug lords are more concerned with political participation in national and
local elections (Hernndez, 2010). Money is their principal means of affecting
electoral results by funding the traditional clientelistic exchanges of Mexican
politics. Not surprisingly, press reports frequently denounce the corruption of
the democratic elections under the new political circumstances related to drug
violence:8
Until recent years, Mexican drug traffickers focused the bulk of their bribery
efforts on law enforcement rather than politicians. Their increasing involve-
ment in local politicsin town halls and state capitalsis a response, experts
say, to the national-level crackdown, to changes in the nature of the drug trade
itself, and to the evolution of Mexicos young democracy. Starting in 2000, a
system of fiercely contested multiparty elections began to replace 71 years of
one-party rule, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI. In this newly
competitive, moderately democratic system, it takes serious money to run a
political campaign, says James McDonald, a Mexico expert at Southern Utah
University in Cedar City, Utah. This has given the narcos a real entry into
politics, by either running for office themselves or bankrolling candidates. . . .
According to a September 2007 intelligence assessment by the U.S. Federal
Bureau of Investigation, the governors of the states of Veracruz and Michoacan
had agreements with the Gulf Cartel allowing free rein to that large drug-
trafficking gang. In return, said the report, which was reviewed by The Wall
Street Journal, the cartel promised to reduce violence in Veracruz state and, in
Michoacan, financed a gubernatorial race and many municipal campaigns
across the state.
provided by drug capital with the provision of state public services. Whereas
the entrepreneurs specializing in money laundering transform dirty capital
into clean capital, the politicians transform illegal capital into legal power
through the purchase of clientelistic loyalties in the vote market. Therefore, the
class structure in the Colombian and Mexican cases cannot be defined only in
terms of the classic distinctions of ownership of the means of production. There
are individuals who depend on the clientelistic system to obtain political power
and economic resources and those who do not, and among those who depend
on clientelistic exchanges there are patrons and clients. In cases of heavy depen-
dence on drug capital, the population outside of the clientelistic relations can
be divided between groups with free access to local markets from the owner-
ship of stores, agrarian production, and appointment to the few good jobs
available and groups that access the market without any special economic attri-
butes under the pressure of exclusion from clientelism and market shortages.
In this class structure, drug traffickers are crucial because they meet the
demands of middle-income groups and foster an informal sector that, though
insufficient to include all of the marginal population in the market, is vital as
partial relief for their situation.
The importance of drug trafficking in the social order is not only a conse-
quence of its acquisitive and redistributive capacity. It also depends on the
direct effects of mass consumption on the society. Without the goods that are
valuable for the organization of society, the capital of drug trafficking would
not have the impact it has. Although this was not planned or envisioned by a
criminal class, drug traffickers found an advantage in the transformation of
society from Fordism to post-Fordist capitalism (Alonso, 2005; Lee, 1993). The
media, the Internet, cell phones, electronic devices, restaurants, discos, and
videos, among many other fashionable objects of consumption adapted to the
demands of local values, have become a priority for the inhabitants of many
communities in Colombia and Mexico. Although the new forms of consump-
tion come to peripheral communities in their most precarious versions, without
the diversity and intensity of the rich post-Fordist markets, the fact is that they
have replaced the consumption of basic needs as the main purpose of local
markets.
A remarkable example of this change in consumption patterns is the way in
which drug trafficking has become fashionable in some societies (Osorno,
2010: 281) :
about marking ones status in the social order. Secondly, when these goods
become so valuable in the social order, the person who controls their provision
controls one of the main sources of power, and because of that drug traffickers
are now in a position to ask for the support of the rest of the population.
One way in which drug traffickers acquire social power through the control
of consumption is the seduction of women. Chronicles in Colombia of their
sentimental and sexual life show that one of the most common ways of attract-
ing women is to offer to pay for their breast implants. Furthermore, some big
bosses have opened their own hospitals to keep their potential sexual partners
interested. Mafia Chicks (Lpez and Ferrand, 2009), a book on drug traffickers
women, shows that in some regions of Colombia these women now expect
opulent gifts as a part of the seduction game. Another popular gift is the cell
phone; the book tells the story of a capo who spent several hours in a phone
store trying to choose the right one to conquer a teenage girl.
Finally, it is important to mention that the boom of mass consumption is a
consequence of a worldwide social phenomenon, not invented by drug traf-
ficking. What is different here is the control that drug traffickers can exert over
the social order when they bring capital to regions that lack the revenue to
acquire goods and services in the international markets. Indeed, the influence
of drug trafficking on a given social order can be classified in terms of the role
of illegal capital in the organization of mass consumption. Basically, three types
of society can be distinguished: (1) those in which drug capital is clearly insuf-
ficient to control the funding of local markets and access to the market is open,
(2) those in which drug capital is relevant to the consumption capacity of the
market but the channels of clientelistic distribution are also controlled by other
actors such as entrepreneurs and politicians, and (3) those in which both capital
and distribution are under the direct control of a criminal class.
The scope of the political power of drug traffickers depends on their ability
to convert their means of coercion into social regulation. In certain contexts,
coercion by mafias is sufficient only to regulate criminal activities; with the
exception of the violence of criminal transactions, the state maintains the
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12LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
Type 2
Type 1
Dominant culture
Mafiosi threshold threshold
Narcotrafficking
Subculture
monopoly of coercion across the territory. In other contexts, the social order
encourages mafia aspirations regarding the regulation of social spaces, and
there is an overlap in the exercise of coercion by the state and the mafias. Hence,
instead of a monopoly of coercion the situation is one of an oligopoly of coer-
cion or, in extreme cases, a monopoly of coercion by warlords.
Figure 1 depicts the influence of drug trafficking on the social order and its
implications for political power. The horizontal axis indicates the extent of
narcotrafficking subcultures, with the proportion of communities in which
status is determined through crime being greater to the right. Two thresholds
are meaningful for classifying the effects of the narcotrafficking subculture on
political power. The first is the one at which mafias develop, and the second
is the one at which the narcotrafficking subculture becomes dominant
throughout the social space. When this second threshold is crossed, the exer-
cise of coercion extends to most of the activities and transactions of the soci-
ety and status depends not only on controlling crime but also on governing
the community.
The vertical axis in Figure 1 indicates the proportion of the resources of a
social space that is distributed through clientelistic networks funded by drug
capital. This is a relative measure of mass consumption in a society under non-
free-market relations. The three types of control exerted on the distribution of
resources in the marketType 1, free access; Type 2, clienteles of entrepreneurs
and politicians; and Type 3, direct control by drug traffickerssignal the three
thresholds of the influence of drug trafficking on the social order. The higher
the value on the vertical axis, the more control drug traffickers have over the
clientelistic distribution of goods in local markets.
In large cities and developed areas in which access to the market is free
(Type 1), the influence of crime on the social order is marginal. The resources
distributed by drug trafficking do not reach a significant percentage of the cur-
rency available in the market. The resources brought by drug traffickers are
accumulated in the long run by legal capitalists who supply the local demand.
Criminals may produce revenues, occasionally in significant amounts, but the
complexity of these markets, the abundance of legitimate firms, and the diver-
sity of jobs free of clientelistic relations undermine their status. The liquid
resources available are insufficient to support a superior position in the social
order. Fortunes of illegal origin depreciate in a context in which state institu-
tions work, there is a vigilant free press, and people enjoy sophisticated life-
styles. The diversity of fashions and the cultural capital of the population
overshadow any attempt of drug traffickers to attract attention as new
tycoons. Individuals with power in institutions such as the state, the press,
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and other sources of social power
have more influence on the social order despite not owning much economic
capital.
The political class commits to drug traffickers only in terms of the logic of
the bribe. Professional politicians receive money to fund their campaigns and
amass personal fortunes. In exchange, the drug traffickers ask only that certain
of the authorities reduce their efforts to repress them; they do not pretend that
state institutions legitimate crime as a source of prestige. Furthermore, their
money is not sufficient to decide elections in favor of corrupt politicians, not to
mention the risks involved in bribery. The press is vigilant with regard to the
actions of candidates for public office. Civil society organizations such as
NGOs, human rights groups, and electoral observers are ready to use any
opportunity to report candidates with illegal links. A politician under suspicion
of drug links encounters enormous difficulties in getting elected and must con-
cede a lot of power to stay in charge. Frequently, when the pressure overwhelms
the political class agreements are broken and criminals are severely repressed.
Politicians can betray criminals because the mafias capacity for coercion in
these social spaces is limited. They rely on state institutions such as the police
and the army, which under these circumstances are a serious threat to the pri-
vate armies of a criminal class. For these reasons, large cities and developed
areas are located on the left side of Figure 1, in which the narcotrafficking sub-
culture is unable to exercise coercion beyond a certain threshold.
The only spaces in large cities that are vulnerable to the influence of drug
traffickers on the social order are marginal neighborhoods such as comunas and
colonias (the local version of American ghettos) and public markets specialized
in money laundering (smuggling, gambling, and prostitution). The capital
from the drug trade is so important in these spaces that they are treated as part
of Type 3 in Figure 1. Also here the narcotrafficking subculture is so extensive
that the criminal markets are ruled by fully established mafias. At the same
time, marginal neighborhoods are strictly controlled by mafias composed, in
their most extreme versions, of teenage gangs that impose a bloody law based
on low-profit but violent crimes. When more sophisticated mafias organize the
coercion in these neighborhoods and discipline the young criminals, petty
criminal activity is severely punished and new sources of income such as the
monopolization of drug corridors and racketeering in commerce and transport
emerge.
The spaces of Type 2 in Figure 1 include societies in which drug capital is
relevant to ensuring mass consumption capacity but state institutions, the
political class, and other sources of social power are also important in the social
too precarious and weak to offer any resistance to the economic and coercive
capacity of private armies.
The social order that emerges in these social spaces can be summarized in
terms of three basic features: the extreme dependence of the local market on
capital related to drug trafficking, a monopoly of coercion by actors other than
the state,9 and the stratification of society on the basis of the principal sources
of power of criminalscapital and coercion. The role of patron is confined to
those who have drug-related income to support local consumption and the
armies to protect loyal clienteles.
The monopolization of local power has definitive effects on the political
power derived from democratic competition. The role of the political class is
diluted. Warlords, mafias, and even, in the case of Colombia, guerrillas decide
who can participate and win local elections, who can be appointed to public
office, and which candidates the population has to vote for in presidential and
congressional elections. The best scenario for a professional politician is to
become the mediator between the population and the private armiesin a
sense, simply an electoral broker. When politicians with aspirations to national
positions need local votes, they negotiate for them directly with the organiza-
tion that has the monopoly of coercion.
The influence of drug traffickers on the social order depends not on the total
amount of capital they control or the total number of inhabitants living under
a narcotrafficking subculture but on their relative weight in society. Because a
mafia can concentrate resources in any place in a territory, its relative influence
on the social order is given by the size and the development of the local society.
In a given social space, the process of capital and demographic accumulation,
as well as the process of modernization and integration into international mar-
kets, reduces the impact of drug trafficking on a social order. As a consequence,
it reduces the influence of the mafias that control drug trafficking on political
power. At some point of accumulation of capital and population in a society,
mafias have neither the capital nor the coercive capacity to compete for political
power with other sources of social power.
The transformation of the social power of drug trafficking mafias into polit-
ical power has two dimensions. One dimension is their degree of influence on
the democratic systemthe extent to which they are capable of appointing
public officials, influencing the decisions of the political class and the state
authorities, and trivializing the charges pressed against them by the press and
the NGOs. The other is the direct exercise of political power through their own
criminal organizations, based on the means of coercion to impose certain forms
of social regulation and the capital to capture the loyalty of large clienteles. In
terms of these two dimensions, three categories of political power acquired by
mafias can be proposed: clear monopolistic control by the state, with the polit-
ical power of mafias restricted to their ability to bribe authorities and public
officials; an oligopoly of coercion, in which social regulation is an area of con-
stant competition; and a monopoly of coercion by armed organizations other
than the state.
delegation is often destabilizing for the state. In Colombia, the guerrillas have
used the resources and the coercive capacity accumulated in the most marginal
peripheries to attack the state in developed areas. In Mexico the paramilitary
army of the Gulf cartel engages in bloody battles in cities as Ciudad Jurez and
Monterrey.
Agreements between politicians and mafias are neither stable nor fixed, and
the relations between center and periphery do not remain static over time.
Changes in state officials, the aspirations of the political class, competition for
the control of drug trafficking, and breakdowns in the balance of power cause
crises in the established pacts. Moments of instability are also moments of
redefinition of legal and illegal powers. International pressure, corruption
scandals, violence, and attempts by the mafias to expand the scope of their
power may cause the state to intervene in the periphery. However, these inter-
ventions are temporary. After a time the rationality of the actors who concen-
trate capital and coercion, not to mention the rationality of the local population,
prevails.
This rationality is a matter of the predominance of forms of regulation
whether by the state, the mafia, or boththat are coherent with the different
levels of capital accumulation. This coherence can be understood as an adapta-
tion of Duffields (1998) argument that warlords and mafias are rational
responses of the South channeling demands for integration into the interna-
tional market. Given the limited possibilities of competing in the world eco-
nomic system because of capital constraints, the South finds a rational
alternative in illegal forms of commerce in drugs, mineral resources, and weap-
ons. The regulation of this kind of commerce by warlords and mafias is more
effective than its regulation by a legitimate nation-state.
The accumulation of capital is important in the rational decisions of the pop-
ulation because it is related to the availability of resources for consumption. If
capital accumulation is high, then so are the intensity and diversity of economic
agents in the local market. Many entrepreneurs are attracted by the consump-
tion of people who enjoy the revenues of a society that has accumulated capital.
In the same vein, the accumulation of capital makes these entrepreneurs an
influential group in society. They become a collective actor with its own inter-
ests and sources of power, autonomous from other powerful actors. They do
not depend, for instance, on the injection of currency into local markets by drug
trafficking or on the public budget controlled by the political class. It also allows
the press, the universities, the think tanks, the NGOs, and other organizations
that influence public opinion to acquire more autonomy, since there are more
economic resources for funding them.
The rationality of these entrepreneurs aims to preserve regulation by the
state. They may be lax with regard to the resources that drug traffickers inject
into the local market, which is good for them since they increase internal
demand, but they do not like the fact that the control of these resources
Consumption
Capacity State
Mafia
regulation
regulation
A B
Shared
regulation
Capital
Accumulation
threatens state hegemony. Neither mafias nor warlords offer reliable protec-
tion of their property rights as the state does. Additionally, a reduction of the
states regulatory capacity implies new costs that may eventually be too
high. Because these local markets are not dependent on drug capital, the
resources brought by mafias do not make up for the losses of the new taxes
imposed by a criminal class when it regulates the market.
Figure 2 summarizes the effects of capital accumulation on the consumption
capacity of internal markets under state monopoly, oligopoly of coercion, and
mafia monopoly. The social spaces in which processes of capital accumulation
have occurred are located to the right. From point B to the right, state regulation
predominates and the influence of drug trafficking is mainly through bribes.
Here the effects of capital accumulation on the consumption capacity of the
society are greater. As capital accumulation increases, its profitability in terms
of consumption capacity decreases under hypothetical regulation by a mafia
monopoly and by an oligopoly of coercion.
When local markets depend on drug capital and budget transfers from the
state to maintain their consumption capacity, the situation regarding the ratio-
nality of social regulation is diametrically different. Oligopolies of coercion are
more profitable in terms of consumption for local entrepreneurs because they
protect these sources of capital. The losses caused by mafia extortion and the
corruption of professional politicians are compensated for by the increase in
internal demand. The sales of the firms attending local markets would be much
reduced without the distribution of resources coming from crime. Logic dic-
tates that at these levels of capital accumulation the entrepreneurs who supply
the internal market prefer to sacrifice their social and political power in
exchange for the preservation of their economic achievements.
Nevertheless, at the middle levels of capital accumulation it is also rational
for the state not to concede all control to the mafias. Under a certain develop-
ment of the internal market and despite the dependence on the income from
drug trafficking, some social sectors need to resist the potential excess of mafia
control. Professional politicians, big landowners, skilled workers, legal busi-
nessmen, some service firms, and the rest of the elites need capital from criminal
Tilly (1985) compares the process of European state making with the protec-
tion and income extraction of criminal organizations. These states were the
result of the elimination and co-optation of internal competitionof other
armed organizations that wanted to impose their coercive and extractive capac-
ity across a given territory. The particular form of the modern nation-states of
Notes
1. Hobsbawm (1969) and Dickie (2004) mention this factor in the emergence of social bandits
and mafias, respectively. Many criminologists have pointed to a response to the abrupt transfor-
mations of the modern world as an explanation for crime in certain types of social groups and
classes (see Lilly, Cullen, and Ball, 2006).
2. This is a recurrent topic in the biographies of Escobar and many other drug traffickers (see,
for example, the biographies of Rodrguez Gacha [Cortes, 1993] and Jaime Builes [Castro Caycedo,
1996]).
3. Drug traffickers, when interviewed, usually say that if they were murdered or imprisoned
everything would remain the same (see, e.g., Zambada, 2010).
4. http://www.sobrenarcotrafico.com/historia (accessed December 2010).
5. http://www.elporvenir.com.mx/notas.asp?nota_id=47780 (accessed October 2009).
6. http://www.lapopsurveys.org (accessed April 2010).
7. In the same report we read: A week before the legislative elections in Colombia, candi-
dates and electoral observers denounce huge expenditures in the campaigns and the possibility
of vote-buying in a political process still marked by drug traffic and clientelism. The Electoral
Observation Mission (MOE) in Colombia knew the case of a Senate candidate with expenditures
that could reach 7,000 million pesos (around US$3.5 million) despite the cap of 675 million stipu-
lated by the law. http://www.colombiaparatodos.net/noticia-colombia-%C2%BF_rios_de_
dinero_en_la_actual_campana_-id-10337.htm (accessed July 2010).
8. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124657442789989017.html (accessed July 2009).
9. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB124657442789989017.html. In a well-documented study,
Garca Villegas (2009) shows how judges in Colombia are relegated to resolving the less conse-
quential cases.
10. The logic of this argument is similar to that of Derluguian and Earle (2010: 52): Why would
central rulers abdicate from direct control and instead rely on the self-serving local notables?
Because, compared with the costs and risks of a serious state-building effort, this personalistic
strategy offers a quick fix, which is relatively inexpensive and can be manipulated easily in the
short run according to chieftancys ever shifting calculations. It seduces the rulers concerned
mainly with buying off internal rivals rather than containing class-organized political competition
for directing the state. Moreover, the majority of peripheral states to this day contain large pools
of rural or semi-rural populations whose (arguably miserable) life conditions are obtained through
various forms of subsistence and subsidiary sources like labor migration, micro-entrepreneurship
or informal micro-trade.
11. See http://www.forbes.com/lists/2010/10/billionaires-2010_The-Worlds-Billionaires_
Rank.html (accessed October 2010).
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