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Anomie: History of the Concept

Mathieu Deflem, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC, USA


2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Abstract

Anomie is a term that, in various forms, originally appeared in writing in Greek antiquity and biblical history. Introduced in
modern sociology by means of an appropriation from social and moral philosophy at the end of the nineteenth century, the
concept of anomie was rst applied in the seminal works of Emile Durkheim. It was subsequently elaborated and examined
in the context of the sociology of deviant behavior on the basis of the writings of Robert K. Merton. With varying levels of
success, anomie has remained a mainstay in sociological theory and research until today. The meaning of anomie has thereby
undergone several transformations of more and less conceptual signicance.

The term anomie dates back, in slightly differing linguistic character (inhumaneness), a disregard for religious norms
forms, to Greek antiquity, the biblical writings of the Old and (impiety), and deance toward the unwritten rules of tradi-
New Testaments, and late-nineteenth-century philosophy. As tional custom (injustice). The Greek term anomia was mostly
a scientic concept, anomie was introduced in sociology by referenced in its adjective form (anomos) to relate to an order of
Emile Durkheim and subsequently popularized through the rules and norms broader and more fundamental than only
writings of Robert K. Merton and other scholars working from formal laws. The social and ethical problems discussed were
within the tradition of structural-functionalism. Yet, Durkheim therefore of both a moral character and political in nature,
and Merton were not the only scholars to have developed affecting peoples dispositions and conduct as well as the social
sociological and other theories related to the term. Over the order in which human relations were organized. Anomia, in
course of the development from classical to modern sociology, other words, was held to be a quality existing in people as well
moreover, the concept has been used in a number of ways, both as in the order around them.
more and less distinctly related to the seminal works of Dur- A next important presociological step in the development of
kheim and Merton. A resurgence of the concept of anomie can the concept of anomie is its treatment in the biblical writings of
be noted since the end of the twentieth century. As a result, in Judaism and Christianity (Orr, 1987). The biblical usage
the contemporary sociology of the beginning of the current of anomia was partly inuenced by relevant Greek philosoph-
millennium, multiple understandings of the concept of anomie ical writings because it entered the biblical tradition when the
and related theories coexist. Old Testament was translated into Greek. Initially, the word
anomia was used for about 20 Hebrew words, referring to
various aspects of wickedness, ungodliness, injustice, wrong-
Anomie Before Sociology doing, evil, depravity, transgressions, and sin. In the latter
meaning of sin, anomia was used interchangeably with the
The concept of anomie is not the invention of sociology, but is Greek term hamartia which refers to a fatal aw. The biblical
a term that has historically existed in various incarnations understanding of anomia gradually became more delineated in
dating back to ancient Greece (Orr, 1987). Etymologically, the meaning to refer, not to individual shortcomings, but to a state
concept is derived from the Greek anomia, which, containing of society whereby the forces of evil took control over and
the root term nomos, literally means a lack of law or, more against the divine order during the last days of the world. This
broadly, deregulation and/or normlessness. As rst introduced apocalyptic understanding of anomia bears some resemblance
in Greek antiquity, the term not only refers to a factual state of to the sociological notion of anomie Durkheim would intro-
affairs, denoting a lack of order, but also carries with it an duce in the late-nineteenth century as a counterpart to Karl
ethical judgment of the undesirability of that condition. Thus, Marxs historical-materialist theory of alienation.
typical of a societys culture that is as yet undifferentiated into A third understanding of anomie before the coming of
scientic, ethical, and aesthetical realms, anomie was in the sociology was represented in certain religiously inspired strands
Greek tradition at once a descriptive and normative term, of Western philosophy, specically in sixteenth- and
presenting both a rudimentary sociology and a philosophy of seventeenth-century England, which developed a conception of
society. natural law based on selected aspects of ancient Greek thought.
Specically, Greek philosophy contained references to This renaissance recaptured the Greek notion of anomia, which
anomia during debates in the fth-century BC, which, fore- had mostly vanished during the Middle Ages, in legal as well as
shadowing modern sociological debates on anomie, was biblical writings by means of the Anglicized word anomy. A
a period in history marked by profound social changes and perspective of natural law was thereby proposed in which the
turmoil. Greek philosophers in the sophist tradition that was lawlessness of anomy was situated in opposition to an order
oriented at educating political leaders and members of the that defended a sense of nature with implications for both the
nobility differentiated at least three aspects of these changes in religious order and the social world. This understanding of
qualifying a person as anomic, referring to a lack of personal anomy, however, was not successful in inspiring further

718 International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 1 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.03067-1
Anomie: History of the Concept 719

developments of philosophical and social thought. Stripped of to accomplish unity and order through an appropriate recog-
its religious connotations, a new theory of anomie would not nition of diversity. According to Durkheim, the central organ
be developed until the late-nineteenth century. necessary to achieve this integration and avoid anomie is the
government as it can formally administer all necessary laws for
a national collectivity.
Anomie in Classical Sociology In his seminal study on the social conditions of suicide,
Durkheim (1897) also relies on a notion of anomie as part of
The French sociologist Emile Durkheim was the rst to intro- a general theory of society, which he develops to account for
duce the concept of anomie and a related theory of society into various forms of suicide as a social fact. Distinguishing different
the discipline sociology, but he did not independently reinvent types of suicide at the aggregate level, Durkheim rst differen-
the term. Instead, Durkheim had discovered the concept of tiates altruistic from egoistic suicide to refer to suicides inu-
anomie rst in the writings of his philosophical compatriot enced by the two extreme conditions of social integration.
Jean-Marie Guyau (Besnard, 1987; Orr, 1987). A prolic Egoistic suicide results from an insufciency or lack of
writer on moral theory, Guyau had written six books and an integration, while altruistic suicide is brought about by an
additional three manuscripts by the time of his untimely death extreme excess of integration. The consistently higher suicide
at 33 years in 1888. Guyaus French-language concept of rate among Protestants as compared to Catholics is an example
anomie appeared in two of his books, dealing with religion for the former type, while the higher suicide rate in the military
and morality, and was directly derived from the Greek anomia, as compared to civilian life is an example of the latter.
a term Guyau mentions explicitly in his writings. Interestingly, A third form, anomic suicide, Durkheim explains on the
Guyau does not conceive of anomie as a sign of evil, but as the basis of an absence or a weakening of social regulation. Under
distinguishing quality of an epoch whereby the decline of these circumstances of inadequate or ineffective regulation, the
religious traditions has brought about a continued individu- suicide rate is abnormally high because of the suddenness of
alization of morality and rules. Under conditions of freedom, the changes taking place, irrespective of whether those changes
a morally good social order can only mean the absence of are perceived as benecial or harmful. Examples include
collective order and obligation. moments of economic crisis, divorce, and rapidly acquired
When Durkheim reviewed Guyaus work in the 1880s, he political strength through military expansion. Underlying
favorably commented on its ability to develop elements of Durkheims concept of anomie is the theory that social rules are
a sociology of religion, manifested in Guyaus observations on needed in order to limit human desires that otherwise would
the decline of religious traditions over the course of history. But be insatiable. Therefore, according to Durkheim, society, which
Durkheim refuted Guyaus individualistic moral anarchism in exists exterior to the individual, holds a favorable coercive force
favor of developing an understanding of anomie as being in over the individuals desires. Under exceptional circumstances,
contraction with a societys morality, the foundations of which including both fortunate and unfortunate but always sudden
to Durkheim could only be social, not individual. Thus, in moments of transition, societal constraints are not effective in
Durkheims sociology, morality is equated with social order, regulating human conduct. Acute forms of anomie then ensue,
and any profound disturbance of the social order is captured raising the level of suicide to pathological levels. Additionally,
under the heading of anomie. Durkheim argues, that in some spheres of social life, speci-
Durkheim discussed the concept of anomie in two main cally in the realm of the economy, an absence of regulation can
instances in his sociological work (Besnard, 1987; Deem, be of a more chronic nature. In such cases of a materialistically
1989). In his 1893 book on the social division of labor, driven lack of any restraint, the anomic suicide rate is consis-
Durkheim (1893) defends the perspective, squarely oriented tently high. The type of fatalistic suicide that results from an
against Marxs theory on the inherent contradictions of capi- excess of regulation, as a logical counterpart to anomic suicide,
talism, that the division of labor under normal societal Durkheim considered only a theoretical possibility. Also,
circumstances does not produce any negative outcomes. anomic conditions could according to Durkheim only be
However, under exceptional circumstances, Durkheim argues, effectively dealt with by means of well-functioning corpora-
the division of labor that marks society as a whole produces tions or professional groups that, positioned in between
pathological or anomic outcomes because and when, rst, singular individuals and the whole of society, can take on
there are no regulatory bodies to oversee the process and important regulatory functions.
direction of the division of labor and, second, the actions of
such bodies are not prespecied by a particular set of rules.
Durkheim mentions three such instances of an anomic division Anomie and Deviant Behavior
of labor taking place: during sudden periods of economic crisis;
when conicts occur between labor and capital; and with the Durkheims concept of anomie did not readily lead to develop
increasing specialization of the moral and social sciences. In a relevant strand of empirical research and theorizing, although
these cases, there is either no sufcient regulation over social the classics underlying theory of society was, of course, enor-
relations or existing regulations are not congruent with the mously inuential in the further evolution of sociology in the
degree of societal development. The underlying theoretical modern era. Neither did a corresponding Durkheimian socio-
premise of this concept of anomie as deregulation is that in so- logy of law and norms develop until more recent times of
called organic societies, with which Durkheim refers to modern advanced sociological specialization. However, Durkheims
societies that are marked by a high degree of individualism and concept of anomie would be reintroduced in modern sociology
functional specialization, integrative mechanisms are needed by way of the intellectually closely aligned emergence of
720 Anomie: History of the Concept

American structural-functionalism and its attention toward likelihood of various adaptations is inuenced by the extent to
social integration and regulation. The modern concept of which individuals do or do not have access to legitimate means
anomie would thereby change in meaning and become asso- in pursuit of widely shared goals. Merton in this respect referred
ciated more closely with the sociology of deviant behavior. to economic as well as cultural and other relevant conditions of
Robert K. Merton performed the most valuable work to opportunity.
renew and popularize an interest in anomie when he devel- It can readily be observed that Durkheims and Mertons
oped a novel sociological perspective of deviant behavior. concepts of anomie are not identical, as the former primarily
Mertons initial version of this theory was published in 1938 at relates to a societys goals, whereas the latter emphasizes
a time when the scholar was heavily inuenced by Durkhei- varying opportunities of means. However, unlike Durkheims
mian thought while a student at Harvard (Merton, 1938). That original notion, Mertons reintroduction of the anomie concept
initial paper was a rather exploratory sketch of a theory on the in modern sociology brought about a veritable avalanche of
social conditions of deviant behavior, which he subsequently research and theory, especially in the realm of the sociology of
presented in a more systematic fashion (Merton, 1949), and deviant behavior and crime in the postWorld War II era, with
elaborated with an additional chapter that was published, several hundreds of articles and books devoted to the subject
along with the theorys mature version, in the 1957 edition and until the 1970s. Of special interest are efforts to measure
all subsequent versions of his inuential collection of papers, anomie empirically and related attempts to extend the notion
Social Theory and Social Structure (Merton, 1957a,b). of anomie from describing a state of society to analyzing the
Mertons theory of anomie is presented as part of a socio- conditions of individuals in anomic societies (Deem, 1989).
logical approach to the study of deviant behavior. Merton Most famous among the attempts to operationalize anomie
developed this perspective with the manifest objective of is a scale developed by Leo Srole to measure the subjective
producing a sociological theory that conceived of deviant experiences of people exposed to the social condition of
behavior as the normal outcome of certain social conditions, anomie. Because Srole was aware that this measure did not
rather than an aberration on the basis of a psychology or capture anomie as a social condition, but instead examined
biology of criminal dispositions. Mertons theory unfolds on the attitudes and dispositions of individuals, he reintroduced
the basis of a perspective of society that distinguishes between the corresponding term anomia in a sociopsychological
the cultural goals preferred in a given social context, on the one meaning. Relatedly, other modern sociologists who were
hand, and the institutionalized norms or legitimate means to inuenced by Mertons writings, but who were also conscious
pursue those objectives, on the other. This viewpoint is applied of a growing theoretical awareness to distinguish between
to the conditions that exist in the context of the United States, macro and micro aspects of social life, likewise argued for the
whereby, Merton argues, the predominant goal is individual relevance of the psychology of anomie to conceptually
success, especially in the form of monetary wealth, while the differentiate the subjective experience of anomie from its
institutionalized norms in the American context value hard objective conditions. With variable levels of success, and
work, especially by means of education and employment. causing some unneeded terminological confusion, the term
Merton additionally observes, on the force of corroborating anomie was then substituted by, and/or interchangeably used
empirical evidence, that the cultural objectives of American with, anomia and anomy. In the present era, however, only
society are typically emphasized much more than the legiti- the concept of anomie has survived.
mate means to reach them, thus unsettling the equilibrium Besides the microtheoretical readings of anomie, concep-
between goals and means. As a result of this disjunction, tually most interesting during the period of the dominance of
Merton argues that anomie or normlessness takes place in the American structural-functionalism was the effort by master-
form of a deinstitutionalization of the legitimate means of theorist Talcott Parsons to explore anomie within a broadly
society. Durkheimian framework. In his rst major work, The
Mertons related, but otherwise distinct theory of deviant Structure of Social Action, Parsons (1937) explains the notion
behavior explains the various modes of conduct that can take of anomie as central to Durkheims thought in revealing that
place under conditions of anomie (Featherstone and Deem, the coercive force of society over the individual, unlike the
2003). Merton maintains that anomic conditions place physical force of nature, is moral in kind. This insight leads
specic pressures on individuals in terms of their ability to Parsons to develop, and argue for the gradual unfolding in
adopt cultural goals and means, which varies according to their Durkheims work of, a voluntaristic theory of action, whereby
respective positions in the social structure. Several modes of the human will is seen as central to the functioning of
adaptation are possible, the most common one being confor- society. Anomie, conversely, denotes a breakdown of the
mity, whereby both the goals and means of society are hold of norms over individual conduct. In The Social System,
accepted. Other forms of conduct, however, are considered Parsonss (1951) second magnum opus, the concept of anomie
deviant (although not necessarily dysfunctional) and involve is again introduced in a Durkheimian fashion, albeit with
an inability to adopt culturally approved goals and/or institu- explicit reference to a sociological theory of deviant behavior
tionalized means. In the case of innovation, for instance, and social control. Critically responding to the writings of his
alternative and often illegal means are appropriated to attain former student Robert Merton, Parsons uses the concept of
the cultural goal of individual success and monetary gain, anomie to refer to a state of disjunction between expectations
whereas the adaptation of ritualism implies a holding on to and reality, involving a breakdown of the social order in the
legitimate means even though the success goals are out of form of an ineffective regulation of human conduct. Anomic
reach. Developing a related theory of opportunity structures forms of suicide and deviant behavior are the result of this
(Marwah and Deem, 2006), Merton maintains that the state of anomie. Mechanisms of social control are then called
Anomie: History of the Concept 721

upon to restore the social system. If social control is not is oriented at describing and analyzing issues of deregulation,
successful, anomie may endure to the point where structural normlessness, and/or norm-ineffectiveness that have come
changes lead the way to a different collective order. about since some of the most major societal changes that
took place during and since the end of the twentieth century,
such as the fall of communism, the global spread of
Contemporary Travels and Adventures of Anomie capitalism, and the diffusion of, and difculties involved in
implementing with, the ideals of democratic government.
With the decline of the dominance of structural-functionalist Particularly noteworthy are the instances of social research on
sociology during the 1970s, the concept of anomie had all but anomie in the context of post-Communist Eastern Europe
vanished from sociology, especially from the practice of social and along with the rapid modernization of China. In the
research where once it had gained a central place. However, by European context, important societal changes relevant to the
the late 1980s, as the vulgar criticisms against structural- study of anomie are additionally brought about by
functionalism had been scrutinized and at least partly the encroachment of the European Union and the high levels
overcome, the concept of anomie witnessed something of of immigration into the European continent. In the Chinese
a resurgence that has lasted, and has even been strengthened, context, the coexistence of a still Communist political regime
until this day. At least two currents can presently be discerned with a rapidly modernizing economy has been observed to
in contemporary sociological perspectives of anomie. have produced strains and discrepancies in the social system
First, the Mertonian concept of anomie has remained of that bring about a form of disorder the concept of anomie
considerable interest in contemporary criminology and soci- can highlight. Finally, there are some, albeit as yet few signs
ology (Alder and Laufer 1995; Marwah and Deem, 2006; that the concept of anomie has gradually also begun to gain
Passas and Agnew, 1997). The attention has shifted, however, some new attention in other sociological studies, especially at
toward treating Mertons contributions as a classic reference the level of organizations. A veritable revival of anomie
point, rather than a direct source of research, and toward the cannot yet be predicted at the present time.
further exploration of Mertons theory of deviant behavior
rather than the theory of society, as comprising cultural goals See also: Alienation, History of; Anomie; Durkheim, Emile
and institutionalized norms, that Merton developed along with (18581917); Functionalism, History of; Habermas, Jrgen
it. Thus, the attention has moved away from anomie theory (1929); Merton, Robert K (19102003); Norms; Strain
toward strain theory, whereby the latter dimension is often Theories and Crime; Suicide, Sociology of.
explored in individualistic terms. An exception, adequately
focusing on the structural dimensions of society that are central
to Durkheim, Merton, and like-minded sociologists, is the
perspective of institutional-anomie theory that focuses on the Bibliography
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