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On the Heavens 3.1-7
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SIMPLICIUS
On Aristotle
On the Heavens 3.1-7
Translated by
Ian Mueller
www.bloomsbury.com
Ian Mueller has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act,
1988, to be identied as Author of this work.
Translation 23
3.1 The view of Parmenides and Melissus that nothing comes to be; 25
criticism of Plato for generating bodies from planes
3.2 Natural motion and its priority over unnatural motion; 55
heaviness and lightness; the relation of power to motion
3.3 The definition of element; the existence of elements 76
3.4 There are not infinitely many elements 80
3.5 There is more than one element 92
3.6 The elements come to be from one another, not from what is 105
incorporeal or from another body
3.7-305b28 The elements do not come to be from one another by 111
separation out (ekkrisis)
v
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Acknowledgements
The first draft of my translation of Simplicius commentary on Books 3 and
4 of Aristotles On the Heavens (De Caelo, Cael.) was completed in 2005-6
when I was a Visiting Scholar at Christs College, Cambridge. I would like
to record my gratitude to the fellows of the College and particularly to the
then Master, the late Malcolm Bowie, who provided me with an ideal
working place and a most convivial intellectual and social atmosphere in
which to live.
I would also like to thank the Classics Faculty at Cambridge for both
the use of its library and the continuing stimulation of its seminars and
lectures, in which the interventions of Nicholas Denyer, Geoffrey Lloyd,
Malcolm Schofield, David Sedley, Robert Wardy, and others reminded me
again and again that no interpretive question can safely be considered
settled.
In making this translation I have constantly had to rely on others for
help with linguistic and substantive issues. I am sure I cannot remember
the names of all of those others, but I would like to mention Elizabeth
Asmis, Benno Artmann, Myles Burnyeat, Alan Code, Stephen Menn, Jan
Opsomer, David Sedley, and James Wilberding, Dirk Baltzly, and Daniel
Graham. Baltzly and Graham are the only official vetters whose names
are known to me, but the suggestions and corrections of the other three
were also extremely helpful. I am especially grateful to the general editor
of the ancient commentators series, Richard Sorabji, whose advice and
encouragement were a sine qua non for my completion of this translation.
The most important mainstay for all my endeavours continues to be my
wife and intellectual partner of almost fifty years, Janel Mueller. How
lucky I have been to be able to have dinner conversations with her on the
translations of both Simplicius commentary and the texts of Queen Eliza-
beth I written in foreign languages.
Ian Mueller
Chicago
vii
Abbreviations
Cael. = Aristotles On the Heavens.
CAG = Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca, Berlin: G. Reimer, 1882-1909.
DK = Hermann Diels and Walther Kranz (eds and trans.) (1954), Die
Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 6th edn, Berlin: Weidmann.
DPA = Goulet, Richard (ed.) (1989- ), Dictionnaire des philosophes an-
tiques, Paris: ditions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique.
GC = Aristotles On Coming to Be and Perishing.
Guthrie = W.K.C. Guthrie (ed. and trans.) (1939), Aristotle, On the Heav-
ens, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, and London: William
Heinemann.
in Phys. = Simplicius commentary on Aristotles Physics (CAG, vols 9 and
10).
Karsten = Simon Karsten (ed.) (1865), Simplicii Commentarius in IV
Libros Aristotelis De Caelo, Utrecht: Kemink and Son.
Metaph. = Aristotles Metaphysics.
Moraux = Paul Moraux (ed. and trans.) (1965), Aristote: du Ciel, texte
tabli et traduit par Paul Moraux, Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
OED = The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd edn, Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1989.
Phys. = Aristotles Physics.
Rivaud = Albert Rivaud (ed. and trans.) (1925), Time-Critias (Platon,
Oeuvres Compltes, vol. 10), Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Sider = David Sider (ed. and trans.) (2005), The Fragments of Anaxagoras,
2nd edn, Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag.
Stocks = J.L. Stocks (trans.) (1922), De Caelo, Oxford: Clarendon Press,
also in vol. 2 of W.D. Ross (ed.) (1928-52), The Works of Aristotle, 12 vols,
Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Theophrastus: Sources = William W. Fortenbaugh, Pamela M. Huby,
Robert W. Sharples and Dimitri Gutas (eds and trans.) (1992), Theo-
phrastus of Eresus: Sources for his Life, Writings, Thought, and
Influence (Philosophia Antiqua 54), 2 vols, Leiden and New York: E.J.
Brill.
Tim. = Platos Timaeus.
TL = Timaeus of Locri, On the Nature of the World and the Soul; cited after
Marg (1972).
viii
Introduction
This volume is a translation of Simplicius commentary on book 3 of On the
Heavens from its beginning until 305b28 in chapter 7. The remainder of
the commentary on book 3 and all of book 4 will be published in a separate
volume (Mueller (2009)). Most of Simplicius commentary on book 1 has
been translated in Hankinson (2002), (2004), and (2006). Missing from the
translation of the commentary on chapters 1 to 4 are Simplicius ex-
changes with John Philoponus on Aristotles cosmology. Simplicius repre-
sentations of Philoponus criticisms of Aristotle are translated in Wildberg
(1987); Simplicius responses are for the most part still untranslated. The
commentary on book 2 is translated in Mueller (2004) and (2005).
Simplicius was born in Cilicia (in southeastern Turkey) in the late fifth
century of the Common Era. He studied philosophy with Ammonius of
Alexandria (DPA, vol. 1, pp. 168-9) and with Damascius (DPA, vol. 2, pp.
541-93) in Athens or Alexandria. At the time of the closing of the so-called
Platonic school in Athens (529), Simplicius went with Damascius and five
other philosophers to the court of Chosroes, King of Persia. They did not
stay long but returned in or around 532 to the confines of the Byzantine
Empire under a treaty provision protecting them from persecution. It is
not known where Simplicius went; Athens, Alexandria, and, more re-
cently, Harran in southeastern Turkey east of Cilicia have been
suggested.1 But it is now generally agreed that the three great Aristotelian
commentaries safely attributable to Simplicius, those on the Categories,
Physics, and On the Heavens2 were written after Simplicius departure
from Persia when, one assumes, he had the leisure to write these extensive
works and to do the research and thinking they presuppose.
It remains to say what things come to be and why they do. Since in
all cases knowledge is based on primary things and the elements are
the primary things which inhere <in things>, we should investigate
which sort of bodies of this kind are elements and why, and thereafter
investigate how many there are and what they are like. (302a10-14)
For Simplicius (600,19-22) Aristotle does not really answer this question
until his work On Coming to Be and Perishing, where we are told that the
four elements or simple bodies are characterised using two pairs of oppo-
sites, earth being dry and cold, water wet and cold, air wet and hot, fire
dry and hot, changes among them being explained in terms of changes of
these qualities.
At the beginning of chapter 3 Aristotle defines an element as something
into which other bodies are divided and which inheres in the bodies } and
which itself cannot be divided into things different in kind from it, and
argues that there are and must be such things. He then says a little bit
about the Presocratics, mentioning the doctrine that there is only one
element and the views of Anaxagoras and Empedocles. His next goal is to
determine the number of elements. He proceeds by eliminating the views
of predecessors. In chapter 4 he dismisses the ones who believed that there
are infinitely many elements, Anaxagoras (302b13-303a3) and the
atomists (303a3-b3). In chapter 55 he rejects the doctrine that there is only
one element, distinguishing between those who say it is fire (304a7-
304b11) and those who make it something intermediate between fire and
earth (303b13-304a7). He concludes the chapter with two general argu-
ments against monism based on his doctrine of natural motion.
With the elimination of the alternatives that there are infinitely many
elements and that there is only one, one would expect Aristotle to turn to
showing that there are, in fact, four. But Aristotle starts chapter 6 by
saying that if it is first shown whether the elements are eternal or come
to be it will be evident how many there are and what they are like, and he
does not get to the question of how many elements there are until chapter
4 of book 4.
In 4.4, after the discussion of heaviness and lightness in 4.1-3, Aristotle
argues that fire is absolutely (hapls) light and moves to the periphery of
the cosmos and then that earth is absolutely heavy and moves to its centre
and at 312a8-12 says,
4 Introduction
There is also something between periphery and centre and it is
named differently relative to each of them, since what is intermedi-
ate is a kind of extremity and centre for both. As a result there is also
something else which is both heavy and light; such are water and air.
In chapter 5 Aristotle introduces the idea that each of the four elements
has (in some sense) its own kind of matter. The next and final chapter of
Cael. is a kind of addendum on the role of shape in certain kinds of motion.
(Why does a ball of lead, which sinks in water, float if it is flattened out
sufficiently?) I discuss all of this material and the transition to it at the
end of 3.8 in the introduction to Mueller (2009).
In 3.6 Aristotle gives abstract arguments that the elements are not
eternal and come to be from one another, and in chapter 7 he turns to
criticism of accounts of the way in which they come to be, first criticising
the view, which he associates with Empedocles and Democritus, that a
changing into b is a matter of bits of b contained in a being separated out
(ekkrinesthai) from a. This brings to an end the material discussed by
Simplicius in this volume.6 In the next material Aristotle offers a lengthy
series of criticisms directed mainly at Platos account of elemental change
in the Timaeus. After it Aristotle ends book 3 with a remark which serves
as the transition to the discussion of weight in book 4:
But since the most important differentiae of bodies are those which
relate to affections and acts and powers }, it would be right to speak
first about these so that by studying them we can grasp the differ-
ences of each element with respect to each. (307b19-24)
Other people say that all other things come to be and are in flux and
none of them is fixed, but only one thing endures and all the other
Introduction 5
things are natural transformations of it. This seems to be what
Heraclitus of Ephesus and many others mean to say. (298b29-33)
Simplicius explicates:
There are several such people, and different people hypothesised this
one element to be something different. Thales of Miletus and Hippo
said it is water because they saw that the seeds of animals and the
nourishment of both animals and plants are made of water. Anaxi-
mander, a fellow citizen and pupil of Thales, said it is something
indefinite which is finer than water and denser than air because the
substratum should be naturally adapted for the change to either; he
was the first to hypothesise that this one is infinite, so that he could
use it for comings to be without stinting; and, it is thought that he
hypothesised infinite worlds and that each of the worlds came to be
from an infinite element of this sort. Anaximenes, a pupil and fellow
citizen of Anaximander, also hypothesised that the principle is infi-
nite, but not also indeterminate; he said it is air, thinking that the
volatility of air is sufficient to account for change. Diogenes of Apol-
lonia hypothesised the same thing <air>, and Hippasus of
Metapontum and Heraclitus of Ephesus, taking into consideration
the active power of fire, said that it is the principle. (615,10-23)
It should be asked who holds this view which says that fire is a
pyramid because it is the first body. For Heraclitus, who does say
that fire is the element of other things, does not say that fire is a
pyramid, and the Pythagoreans, who say that fire is composed from
pyramids, do not say that fire is the element of other things since
they also say that fire comes to be from water and air just as air and
water come to be from fire. (621,6-11)
3. Hesiod
At 3.1, 298b26-9 Aristotle says,
There are some people who say that there is nothing which does not
come to be, but that everything comes to be, and some things that
have come to be endure without perishing, and, again, others perish.
This is especially true of Hesiod and his followers, and later, of
others, the first people who studied nature.
5. Empedocles
Aristotle first mentions Empedocles at 3.2, 300b2 where he says that
Empedocles thought the earth is at rest because of the vortex. Simplicius
paraphrases this statement without comment (582,29-583,1). In the
course of arguing that natural or ordered motion is prior to disordered
motion Aristotle says,
Empedocles also passes over coming to be under Love, since he was not
able to put the heavens together by constructing them out of separated
things, making Love the cause of their blending. (3.2, 301a15-16)
If the dissolution were to stop at some point, either the body with
which it stopped would be indivisible or it would be divisible but
would never in fact be divided Empedocles seems to mean to say
something like this. (305a1-4)
He says that the elements are divisible, and, unlike Democritus and
his followers, he does not hypothesise that the principles are indivis-
Introduction 9
ible; but he does suppose that the four elements do not change into
one another and do not perish because he does not allow for a common
matter, but says that their coming to be from one another, which we
see, occurs because of separation out, since everything, being an
actuality, inheres in everything. (628,8-13)
6. Anaxagoras
In 3.4 Aristotle argues against those who make there be infinitely many
elements, starting with Anaxagoras, whom he treats at 302b13-303a3. At
the end of his discussion of Aristotles arguments Simplicius queries the
claim that Anaxagoras thought there was an infinite number of elements
in the literal sense. Perhaps, he says, infinite means unknowable by us.10
He continues:
At 602,3, after pointing out that Aristotle is here not using separated out
in the technical sense in which only things which inhere actually can be
separated out, Simplicius gives alleged examples of the kind of process
Aristotle has in mind and concludes, If fire and earth and the others are
contained in flesh and wood, and there is no flesh or wood in fire or earth
either potentially or actually (since if they inhered they would be sepa-
rated out at some time), it is clear that fire and earth and the others
<water and air> are elements of flesh and wood, since they inhere in them,
but the latter are not elements of the former.
Aristotle now invokes Empedocles and Anaxagoras:
Anaxagoras himself says that these four <earth, water, air, and fire>
are not elements, even though they are homoiomerous. (605,10-11;
cf. 603,17-28)
Introduction 11
On the other hand at one point he does say:
Anaxagoras calls not just the four elements but also all other things
(the homoiomereities) elements, and says that everything is in every-
thing but all things are characterised by the dominant thing in them;
and so, when several bits of fire which have been separated out
combine, it is thought that fire comes to be. (632,13-16)
In 3.7 Aristotle begins to discuss the way in which the elements come
to be from each other, beginning with Empedocles and Democritus, who,
according to Aristotle, say that they do so by separation out. Aristotle
never mentions Anaxagoras in the course of the discussion, but Simplicius
is confident he is to be included (632,5.9.13), perhaps because, as Sim-
plicius notes (635,6-7) at 3.7, 305b20-8 Aristotle uses an argument very
like one he makes against Anaxagoras in the Physics.
And in order to justify his claim that the planes of the Timaeus involve
matter Simplicius cites TL. Simplicius is now led into a more general
discussion of the interpretation of Platos geometrical chemistry.14 Some,
including Iamblichus, thought Plato was speaking symbolically, that is, I
assume, they did not think the chemistry was intended as a literal truth.
Others left out the chemistry altogether (I assume that they too believed
it was symbolic) and proposed to ascribe to Plato the apparently Aristo-
telian view that earth, water, air, and fire are composites of qualities and
matter:
I have set out these considerations in order to indicate that it was not
unreasonable for the Pythagoreans and Democritus in seeking the
principles of qualities to rise up to the figures. (565,26-8)
Simplicius concludes his discussion by suggesting that Plato did not think
of his geometrical chemistry as an absolute truth but as a hypothesis,
which is like astronomical theories in being a way of accounting for what
happens in the world. Later, in response to a suggestion that Platos and
Democritus theories are the same, Simplicius offers the following account
of the slight differences between Plato and Democritus in this regard:
The reader is referred to the text and translation for further informa-
tion about Aristotles objections to Plato in 3.1 and Simplicius
interpretation of them. In 3.2, 300b8ff. Aristotle argues against the
atomists for only talking about the constrained (unnatural) motion of the
atoms resulting from collision and not their natural motion and against
Plato for saying that prior to the cosmos there was a disorderly motion, a
motion which he says must be unnatural because if it were natural it
would produce a cosmos. Simplicius invokes the standard Neoplatonist
view that the pre-cosmic motion of the Timaeus should not be understood
literally:
If Timaeus said that before the cosmos came to be there really was a
disordered motion of the elements, Aristotle has made correct and
real objections based on natural considerations against Timaeus
doctrine. But if Timaeus wanted to make the point that all cosmic
order comes to matter from the demiurgic goodness by treating in
discourse matter in and of itself without its clothing <of form> with
14 Introduction
only its suitability to receive form and indicated that it moves in a
discordant and disorderly way, and what Timaeus says is productive
of an intellectual doctrine, then Aristotle is doing adequate battle
with the apparent meaning of what is said but not with its true
meaning. (587,26-588,3)
Perhaps saying this does not follow for Democritus and his followers
since they said that there is always motion by constraint even when
there is a cosmos and not just before the making of the cosmos, as
Timaeus <of Locri> writes. (585,32-586,2; for an analogous under-
standing of Empedocles and Anaxagoras see 305,20-306,8 in
Simplicius commentary on Cael. 1.10)
Except for one passing mention of the disordered motion of the Timaeus
at 591,15 Plato plays no role in the remainder of the commentary trans-
lated in this volume. Democritus does continue to play a role, but Sim-
plicius provides us with very little information about Democritean
atomism which we would not know from other sources, especially Aristotle
himself.
In 3.4 Aristotle argues against those who hold that there are infinitely
many elements. He turns to the atomists at 303a3:
Aristotle says that the atoms are in a way numbers because the
atoms resemble monads and because they are not divisible, just as
monads are not, and because nothing continuous comes to be from
the atoms, which are divided by the void, just as nothing continuous
comes to be from monads; for the Pythagoreans say that monads are
distinguished by the void. He adds in a way because there is also
some difference between the absurd consequences for those who
generate things from atoms and the absurd consequences for those
who generate them from numbers. For those who say there is gen-
eration from numbers the absurdity that they generate bodies from
incorporeal parts follows, but those who generate things from atoms
escape this. (610,1-11)
8. Alexander of Aphrodisias16
Alexander of Aphrodisias lived around 200 CE.17 He is standardly regarded
as the most Aristotelian of the commentators on Aristotles works. His
commentary on Cael. does not survive, but Simplicius numerous refer-
ences to his opinions on passages and related matters show clearly that
Simplicius had it before him in writing his own commentary. However,
although Simplicius sometimes relies on Alexanders reading of a difficult
passage, he more often cites Alexander to disagree with him on both major
and minor points, and it is clear that he regards him as falling for the
superficial reading of Plato and treating Aristotles criticisms as decisive.18
A textual question about 3.2, 300b21-2 provides a good illustration of
Simplicius conception of Alexanders unreasonable disdain for Plato. Ac-
cording to Simplicius (584,27-585,1) Alexander was unhappy with the
standard text, which makes the first mover a self-mover and altered it
because the notion of self-movement is Platonic, whereas for Alexanders
Aristotle the first mover is without motion. Several of the passages from
in Cael. relating to Alexander have been discussed in Moraux ((1973-
2001), vol. 3, pp. 181-241), and I shall content myself with a few remarks
here.19
At 575,27 Simplicius reports Alexanders rejection of an interpretation
of the Timaeus according to which the geometrical chemistry is not to be
taken literally, the only significant point being the similarity of earth,
water, air, and fire to the four solids assigned to them. Alexander thinks
that the chemistry must be literal and not merely symbolic since Plato is
Introduction 17
willing to deny that earth interchanges with the other elements. Sim-
plicius, who believes (and believes that Plato believes) that earth does
interchange, is willing to invoke the symbolic interpretation as a basis for
rejecting Alexanders objection, but he still insists that explanation of
elemental change in terms of shapes reveals something more fundamental
than Aristotles reliance on qualities in On Coming to Be and Perishing.
Later at 578,20 Simplicius reports Alexanders response to another
attempt to escape difficulties associated with the Timaeus by saying that
Plato constructs the forms of the simple bodies from planes rather than
the bodies themselves. Alexander responds that it is still the case that
Plato generates solids from planes. Simplicius counters by insisting again
that Platos planes are not mathematical. Alexander continues his re-
sponse by saying (578,31-579,2), In addition to this it is unreasonable for
them to say that there is a generation of form; for just as there is no
generation of matter, so there is no generation of form by itself, but
generation is of the two together, and this is what comes to be by the
presence of form and perishes by the absence of form. Here Alexander
sketches a standard view of change, a view which he also expresses at
598,26-599,2. Simplicius queries Alexanders suggestion that form does
not come to be, casting doubt on the idea that form couldnt arrive through
a temporal process rather than instantaneously. He adds that if there
were any people who took the line being attacked by Alexander, they
would have been talking about the emergence of form into existence, not
the change of one thing into another (579,8-12).
At the end of 3.2 Aristotle says,
It is impossible for all body to come to be, unless it is also possible for
there to be a separate void, since if it were to come to be, it would be
necessary that in the place in which what is coming to be now will be
there was previously void, with no body existing. It is possible for one
body to come to be from another, for example, fire from air, but in
general it is impossible for a body to come to be from no previously
existing magnitude. Certainly a body could come to be actual from
something which is potentially a body. But if the body which is
potentially is not already another actual body, there will be a sepa-
rate void. (301b33-302a9)
For Simplicius there is a sense in which all body (or, as he puts it, body
simpliciter) comes to be since the existence of body depends on higher
metaphysical causes, but he does not want to concede that this fact implies
the existence of void. He begins (at 598,26) by citing Alexander, according
to whom Aristotle in this passage is setting out his doctrine of matter:
Aristotle does not think that matter is actually incorporeal, but that
both matter and form are separable in thought, although actually
neither of them exists separately; rather, when something is said to
18 Introduction
come to be from matter, it is said to come to be from something which
is actually but with respect to what is potentially the thing which comes
to be it is said to come to be from that thing as from matter. For Aristotle
says that in general it is impossible that something come to be from no
previously (actually) existing magnitude, that is, from no body. For if
this happened there would be a void. (598,27-599,4)
What then? Are there this many sublunary forms which do not come
to be? And why do we say that all sublunary things come to be and
perish? Or is it the case that just as there are common forms in this
world, so too they come to be and perish? But these forms do not exist
per se; rather they exist in individuals, since in this world no colour
or shape which is not a particular thing exists per se, and similarly
in the case of body. So, just as common things exist in particulars, so
too they come to be and perish in those things, but they are always
interchanging in particulars }. Common things appear in the con-
tinuous flux of particulars, and they seem to stand still as one thing
because they are an appearance of the intellectual form which always
is. It is as if one were looking at a face in an eternally flowing river:
the appearance of the face in the water seems to be one and the same,
although it is not the same but gives the impression of being one
because of the enduring face. (599,14-26)
9. The text
This translation is based on Heibergs edition of Simplicius commentary
on Cael. printed as volume 7 of CAG, which I wish to discuss briefly here.
My remarks are based on Heibergs preface to his edition (cited here by
Roman numeral page) and his earlier, more detailed but slightly discrep-
ant report to the Berlin Academy (Heiberg (1892)). What I say here applies
to books 2-4, the situation for book 1 being significantly different.
For Heiberg the most important manuscript is:
Heiberg ((1892), p. 71) singles out A for its correctness and purity. But he
admits that it is badly deficient and hastily written, with frequent incor-
rect divisions of words, misunderstandings of abbreviations, arbitrary use
of accents and breathing marks, extremely many omissions, and frequent
insertions in a wrong place of words occurring in the vicinity. A glance at
the apparatus on almost any page of Heibergs edition makes clear how
often he feels forced to depart from A. On the whole these departures seem
justified, but there are some cases where he follows A and produces a text
which seems to me impossible or at least very difficult.
Heiberg thought that A and another text, which he calls B, derived
independently from a lost archetype. B stops in book 1, the remaining pages
being torn out. Among the other manuscripts which Heiberg cites are:20
Citations of (a) are rare because Heiberg ((1892), 75) realised that it was
a translation back into Greek of Moerbekes Latin translation.21 However,
he did not realise that (b) was corrected in the light of (a). The new edition
of Moerbekes translation, begun in Bossier (2004), is an essential precon-
dition of a satisfactory edition of Simplicius commentary, since Moerbeke
relied on a Greek text which was more complete and less corrupted than
any known today.22 In my reports on what is in Heibergs apparatus
criticus I omit what he says about (b).
Karstens edition was published one year after his death. It includes no
critical apparatus, and has no preface by Karsten. Throughout it is based
on single manuscripts, in the case of book 3 on a manuscript which Heiberg
((1892), 65) takes to descend from A:
Notes
1. There is now a fairly extensive literature on the subject of Simplicius later
life. For a useful brief summary with references see Brittain and Brennan (2002),
pp. 2-4 (= Brennan and Brittain (2002), pp. 2-4).
2. On Simplicius works see Hadot (1990), pp. 289-303. The authorship of the
commentary on Aristotles On the Soul, which comes down to us under Simplicius
name, is disputed. For arguments see Huby and Steel (1997), pp. 105-40 (contra
Simplicius authorship) and Hadot (2002) (pro), and Perkams (2005) (contra).
Simplicius other extant work is a commentary on Epictetus Manual.
3. In this introduction I take for granted a number of points which are discussed
in the notes on relevant passages in the footnotes to the translation.
4. For Simplicius explanation of Aristotles procedure here see 561,26-562,18.
5. I have outlined the argument of this chapter in an appendix on the argument
of Cael. 3.5.
6. There is also a brief discussion of an obscure theory according to which
elemental change is a matter of change of shape (305b28-306a1).
7. Simplicius only other reference to any of these monists in the commentary
on books 3 and 4 comes in his discussion of 4.1, 308a17-29 at 679,2-6 where he
associates Anaximander and Democritus as people who believe there is no up or
down in the cosmos because the universe is infinite.
8. For the Simplicius other citations of Empedocles in the discussion of 300b25-
31 see the notes on 587,8-26.
9. cf. OBrien (1969), p. 176.
10. At this point Simplicius provides us with our only citation of Anaxagoras
fragment 7.
11. Homomereity translates homoiomereia, a word not used by Aristotle.
12. Democritus forerunner Leucippus is mentioned only in phrases such as
22 Introduction
Leucippus and Democritus. For the six times he is mentioned see the entry on
him in the Index of Names.
13. Marg (1972); text and English translation in Tobin (1985); extensive com-
mentary in Baltes (1972). For Simplicius conception of Platos relation to Timaeus
of Locri and TL see 561,10-11 and 646,5-6 in the commentary on 3.7.
14. For further discussion of this material see Mueller (forthcoming).
15. cf. 576,14-16 and 641,5-7 in the commentary on 3.7, where the same
statement is repeated.
16. I regret very much that I have not been able to take into account the
thorough and acute edition and translation with extensive discussion of the
fragments of Alexanders commentary on Cael. 2-4 now available in Andrea
Rescigno (ed. and trans.), Alessandro di Afrodisia, Commentario al de Caelo di
Aristotele, Frammenti del Secondo, Terzo, e Quarto Libro, Amsterdam: Hakkert,
2008. In the Addenda at the end of this volume I have provided an index of the
passages in this translation presented and discussed by Rescigno.
17. On Alexander see Sharples (1987).
18. See Guldentops (2005). In the entry on Alexander in the Index of Names I
have divided the relevant passages into those where Simplicius accepts what
Alexander says and those where he does not and divided the latter into cases of
significant and not so significant disagreement.
19. I have already mentioned Simplicius disagreement with Alexander on the
interpretation of Empedocles (section 5) and Democritus (section 7).
20. I mention only the MSS cited in my notes.
21. A fact first noticed by Peyron (1810).
22. cf. Bossier (2004), p. CXXXII. The introduction to this work provides a
comprehensive account of the complex situation relating to the manuscripts of the
Moerbeke translation(s), (a), (b), and subsequent Renaissance publications of the
Moerbeke translation.
23. cf. Bergk (1883), p. 143, n. 1 and p. 148.
SIMPLICIUS
On Aristotle
On the Heavens 3.1-7
Translation
This page intentionally left blank
<Simplicius> on the third <book> of Aristotles 551,1
On the Heavens
<Prologue>
There is presumably nothing to prevent us from now recalling the
purpose of this whole treatise. Its subject is the simple bodies in the
cosmos, the first ones which are composed from the principles. There
are five of them, as he proved1 on the basis of the simple motions, that 5
of the thing which moves in a circle and those of the four sublunary
elements. And in the first two books he set out all sorts of theorems
concerning the body which moves in a circle. And in those two books
he also mentioned the things which he thought should be said about
the cosmos since they belong to it because of the heavens: that it is
one and finite, and does not come to be and is imperishable. And what
he said about the earth2 was not said simply about the earth, but 10
about it as having a relation to the heavens; and so he spoke about
the position of the earth in the universe and its rest and shape and
the comparison of its magnitude with that of the heavens.
But now he begins to teach things about the sublunary simple
bodies: that they are neither infinite nor one in number, but they are
four in number; and that they come to be, but not from incorporeal 15
things nor from another body but from one another, and not by
separation out nor by composition and dissolution of planes or atoms.
He will teach about these things in the present book, just as in the
fourth book he will teach about the powers of the sublunary simple
bodies. That he discusses these topics as concerning simple, primary
bodies, just as he did in discussing the heavens is made clear by the
fact that here he again uses the same proemium and shows that the 20
subject of the study of nature is bodies. This will also be made clear
by what will be said in <this> proemium.3
<Chapter 1>
298a24-7 We have previously gone through the discussion of
the first heaven [and its parts and further the stars which move
in it what they are composed of and what their nature is like,
and also said that they do not come to be and are imperishable.]
Here the proemium recalls briefly what was already explained in the
first and the second book. He is calling the whole ethereal body the 552,1
first heaven, since even if the whole cosmos is also called heaven
26 Translation
because of the first heaven, this first heaven, the heaven in the strict
sense, would be the unitary thing which is composed from eight
spheres which he went through in the first book. He refers directly
5 to the eight spheres as parts of the first heaven since the stars are
also parts of it, but they are parts of parts. He discussed the parts of
the first heaven and the stars in the second book. One should
understand what comes next as being spoken about everything
together, that is, the first heaven and its parts and the stars; for
what they are composed of the fifth substance and what their
10 nature is like that they are not soulless bodies, but bodies with
soul, which share in mind and practical activity (praxis),4 and that
they are spherical in shape, and, in addition, that they do not come
to be and are imperishable and that they do not undergo alteration
or passion and are free from all the difficulties to which mortals are
subject,5 were said and proved about everything together. But if, as
Alexander thinks, Aristotle is pointing out with the words what they
15 are composed of and what their nature is like that <the stars> are
similar to the spheres in which they are located and are spherical and
unmoving, then also the words do not come to be and are imperish-
able cannot apply to everything, as Alexander says, but only to the
stars, and one should understand <the reference to be to> them
because in the first book it was proved that the whole heaven does
not come to be and is imperishable.6
The words inserted in the middle make clear what natural substance 30
is, namely that it is bodies, and what acts and affections are.
In hypotheticals in which the antecedent is not only true but also 553,1
clearly true and undisputed they use the causal (parasunaptikos)
connective since instead of the hypothetical (sunaptikos) connective
if, and so more recent thinkers call this sort of proposition causal.
And in the first book of his Prior Analytics Theophrastus makes clear
the reason for this way of speaking.11 And it is for this reason that 5
now Aristotle, too, does not say if some of the things which are called
natural but since some of the things which are called natural, it
being evident that some of the things which are called natural are
substances and some are acts and affections of substances. But since
there are also hypernatural substances, he reasonably distinguishes
by induction which substances are natural, namely the corporeal
ones; for hypernatural substances are incorporeal. Consequently 10
when he said some of the things which are called natural are
substances he was speaking about the corporeal substances; there-
fore, the consequent, that the greatest part of enquiry about nature
concerns bodies, follows from this antecedent.
Having said fire and earth he adds and things co-ordinate with
them, meaning the other three simple bodies, the fifth and air and 15
water. The words and what is composed of them indicate all the
composites which he goes on to name, the whole heaven (meaning
everything ethereal) and its parts,12 and, again (in the sublunary
realm) animals and plants and their parts; for all sublunary things
are either animals or plants or their parts.
Having said what the natural substances are, he indicates what 20
the natural affections and acts of bodies are, mentioning the changes
of place, which are rather acts of the substances he has mentioned
and the other things of which these substances are causes by dint of
natural power. For fire does not only change place; it also heats and
dries things naturally. And each of the other natural bodies is active
by dint of its own power. And what comes about is the act of what 25
acts and the affection of what is acted on. Alterations are also of this
kind, being acts of what alters something and affections of what is
altered. And so are their changes into one another, that is, their
coming to be and their perishing; these are acts of what makes or
destroys and affections of what comes to be or is destroyed. So if both
natural acts and natural affections belong to natural (that is, corpo- 30
real) substances, it is reasonable that the conclusion of the argument
said that the greatest part of natural science concerns bodies.
28 Translation
557,1 Either he says the greatest part of instead of all with the
measuredness of a philosopher, or he means it in the strict sense
since the discussion of soul and the first mover also falls to some
extent to the student of nature. For the student of nature also uses
arguments about the unmoving cause for <showing that> circular
5 motion is continuous and eternal. Or perhaps he says the greatest
part concerns bodies because it also concerns the acts and affections
of bodies and these are different from bodies, even if they also involve
reference to bodies. Or perhaps he says it because natural substances
are not bodies without qualification; rather they are either bodies or
they are, as he adds, together with bodies; as a result the greatest
part would concern bodies, if, indeed, some natural substances are
souls, not bodies.
10 He says that it is clear from the determination of what sorts of
things are natural that natural substances are either bodies or (in
the case of the communion of soul with body) come to be together with
bodies, since previously he mentioned fire and earth and spoke of
things co-ordinate with them, and what is composed of them and
generally the things which have in themselves per se a starting point
15 of motion; but all of these are either just bodies or they are together
with bodies. He says that this is also clear from particular investiga-
tion. For each investigation of these <substances> which we call
natural concerns bodies or things which are together with bodies.
These statements are practically the same as what was said at the
beginning of the treatise, namely Most of the science of nature, in
20 fact, concerns bodies and magnitudes and their affections and
changes.13
298b8-14 At the same time it will follow for those who speak
about these things [that they also investigate coming to be and
perishing. For either there is no coming to be whatsoever or it
only occurs among these elements and things composed of them.
Perhaps we should first investigate this very thing: is there
coming to be or isnt there? The earlier philosophers who were
concerned with truth were in disagreement with what we are
now saying] and with one another.
Having spoken about the eternal body and being about to speak 15
about ones which come to be, he first asks if there is or there isnt any
coming to be at all since some people said there is not. And, if there
is, he asks in what way it does not occur and in what way it does,
since some of those who say there is coming to be do not explain it in
an appropriate way. He shows first that the discussion of coming to
be is necessary for the person who is going to speak about sublunary
things, since either there is no coming to be whatsoever or it is only 20
in these sublunary elements and the things composed of them. He
then asks whether there is coming to be or not. For when, as is the
case with coming to be, it is not completely evident and undisputed
whether the thing under consideration is, this is the first problem:
whether the thing is or is not. For the first people who philosophised 25
about the truth theoretically and did not concern themselves practi-
cally or politically with matters of choice and avoidance were in
disagreement both with our statements and with one another; they
were in disagreement with us because we say that there is coming to
be and not in all things but only in sublunary ones, whereas some of
them say that nothing comes to be and others that all things come to
be (and so they also disagree with one another). Consequently, since 30
discord on this subject is great, it is also necessary for the person who
is investigating sublunary things to enquire about coming to be in
general and to ask whether there is coming to be and what things
come to be.
30 Translation
Other people, such as Heraclitus, say that, other things come to be,
10 but there is only one thing, the common substratum from which the
others come to be, which does not come to be. And others say that
there is no body which does not come to be, but they all come to be by
being compounded from planes.
He first discusses Melissus and Parmenides and their followers.
Of these Melissus says that there is no coming to be at all, whereas
Parmenides says that there is none as far as truth is concerned, but
that there is as far as opinion is concerned, and it is for this reason
that Aristotle adds the words but is only thought by us to do so.18 He
15 says that, even if these people say other correct things (they really
understood correctly and in a divine way the one being and intelligi-
ble nature, and they disclosed to their followers that there cannot be
knowledge of things that come to be and change because they are
always in flux), they should not be considered to speak in a way
appropriate to the study of nature since they philosophise about
hypernatural things. For it is a matter for another <enquiry>, first
20 philosophy, to demonstrate what they demonstrate, namely the
existence of some things which do not come to be and are entirely
without change, and it is not a matter for enquiry into nature, which
concerns changing things, since nature is a starting point of change
Translation 31
and those who do away with change also do away with nature and
natural things.
Someone might say the following. What prevents one from saying
that these people are students of nature and are to be criticised as 25
students of nature? In fact both Melissus and Parmenides entitled
their treatises On Nature.19 But this might not mean so much, since
the word nature might be general insofar as <people> also dare to
speak frequently of the nature of god and we speak of the nature of
things. Moreover, they did not only discuss hypernatural things; they
also discussed natural ones in these same treatises and perhaps for
this reason they did not refrain from entitling these treatises On 30
Nature.20
But what Aristotles censures them for in dismissing the reason 557,1
for their mistake would be really harsh if it were correct. For he says
that they assumed that there is nothing else in reality apart from the
substance of perceptible things, although they were the first to
understand that it is necessary for there to be entities which do not
come to be or change if there is to be scientific knowledge; for there 5
is no knowledge of what is always in flux, and Platos Parmenides
says21 that a person will have no place to turn his mind if the eternal
forms are not hypothesised to exist. And so <according to Aristotle>,
understanding these things, these people transferred accounts which
fit intelligible, unchanging things to perceptible things which come
to be, at least if, proposing to speak about nature, they said things
which are appropriate to intelligible things. And if Melissus entitled 10
his work On Nature or On Being,22 it is clear that he considered
nature to be being and natural things to be beings. But these things
are perceptible. And it is perhaps for this reason that Aristotle says
that they assumed that there is nothing else apart from the sub-
stance of perceptible things: because they say being is one; for, if
perceptibles are thought to clearly exist, if being is one there cannot 15
be anything apart from what is perceptible. And Melissus says:23
But, as is his custom, Aristotle here too raises objections against the
apparent meaning of what is said, taking care that more superficial 20
people do not reason incorrectly.25 However, those men hypothesised
a double reality (hupostasis), one consisting of what really is, the
intelligible, the other of what comes to be, the perceptible, something
32 Translation
which they did not think it right to call being without qualification,
but only apparent being. And so Parmenides says that truth concerns
being, and opinion what comes to be. For he says:26
25 You should learn all things, both the unshaken heart of well-
rounded truth and the opinions of mortals in which there is no
558,1 true belief. But nevertheless you must also learn these things:
how the things which are believed should be acceptably, since
they permeate all things everywhere.
But also, having completed his account of what really is and being
about to explain perceptibles, he says:27
Indeed, in this way, as belief has it, these things were born and
10 now are and hereafter they will grow and reach an end; for them
humans have laid down a name, a distinctive one for each.
This argument is the greatest sign that it is one alone, but these
are also signs: if it were several things, these things would have
to be like what I say the one is; for if there is earth and water
and air and iron and gold and fire and if one thing is living,
another dead, and one thing is white, another black, and if all
25 the other things which humans assert are true if these things
are so and we see and hear correctly, each thing must be the
way we first believed it to be, and it does not change or become
different but each thing is always exactly as it is. We now claim
to see and hear and understand correctly, but we believe that
Translation 33
what is hot becomes cold, what is cold hot, what is hard soft, 30
what is soft hard, and that what is alive dies and comes to be
from what is not alive, and that all these things become differ- 559,1
ent and what they were and what they are now are not at all
similar, but that iron (and also gold and stone and everything
else thought to be strong), which is hard, is rubbed away by the
finger when they are in contact,31 and that earth and stone come
to be from water. (The result is that we do not see the things 5
that are nor know them.)32 But these things do not agree with
one another, since we say that there are many eternal things
which have forms and strength, but we think that they all
become different and change from what is seen at any time. So
it is clear that we did not see correctly and we are not correct to
think that those things are many, since they would not change
if they were real but each thing would be like what it was
thought to be; for nothing is stronger than what is real; for if it 10
changed, what is has been destroyed and what is not has come
to be. And so, in this way, if there were many things, they would
have to be like the one.
So Melissus, too, clearly states the reason why these people say that
perceptible things are not but are thought to be. How then could
someone assume that they think that only what is perceptible is?
But they also deny that what really is comes to be. On this topic 15
Parmenides says:33
} how earth and sun and moon and the common ether and
heavenly Milky Way and outermost Olympus and the hot
strength of the stars strove to come to be. 25
But Achilles most of all desired to enter the crowd and meet
with Hector }.48
299a2-11 As for those who speak in this way [and construct all
bodies from planes, it is very easy to see in how many ways they
turn out to speak in a way which is contrary to mathematics;
but it is right either not to change mathematics or to change it
using more believable theories than its hypotheses.
(299a6) And then it is clear that by the same reasoning solids
are composed from planes, planes from lines, and lines from
points; and if this is the way things are, it is not necessary that
a part of a line be a line. We have investigated these things
previously in our discussion of change, and said] that there are
20 no indivisible lengths.
Translation 37
He adduces his first criticism against these people: that they do away
with geometrical principles. And he says that recognising this is
easy, and as a result he omits <to explain the content of> this
recognition. He means that they do away with the geometers very
definitions of point, line, and surface. For if the geometers say that a
point is that of which a part is nothing, a line is breadthless length,
and a surface that which has length and breadth only,53 a line would 25
never come to be from points, so that neither would a surface come to
be from lines nor would a body, which has depth, come to be from a
surface, which has no depth; but if a body came to be from a plane,
the plane would have depth; and if a plane came to be from lines, the
line would not be breadthless; and if a line came to be from points, a
point would not be partless. He says that one should either not 30
change the principles of mathematics, which has so much worth in
scientific precision that what is demonstrated in a way which admits
no dispute is said to be demonstrated by geometrical necessities; or,
if one is going to cast aside things of this kind, one should use theories
which are themselves more believable than those which are done 563,1
away with, but not ones which are novel as these are and absurd.
He calls mathematical principles hypotheses because <mathema-
ticians> assume them hypothetically. They hypothesise that the point
has no parts and such things, since it is not possible to demonstrate
a principle in the discipline for which it is assumed as a principle 5
because demonstration is always from prior things,54 but there is
nothing prior to a principle. As a result the higher sciences demon-
strate the principles of the lower ones: mechanics demonstrates the
principles of architecture, geometry those of mechanics, and first
philosophy those of geometry.
(299a6) And next he adduces a second argument also capable of
reducing the theory to the same absurdity,55 but he reduces it to a 10
different absurdity which is itself also clear, namely that a part of a
line is not a line and what is continuous is not divisible to infinity
(which itself is also contrary to mathematics). What he says is the
following. Whatever relation a plane has to a body, a line has the
same relation to a plane and a point has the same relation to a line,
since all of them are limits. So it belongs to the same theory to
generate a body from planes, and a plane from lines, and a line from 15
points. However, if a line is generated from points, those points will
be part of the line, since a thing which is composed from other things
has those things as parts. Consequently not every part of a line will
be a line if points also are parts of a line. Consequently also the
division of a line will come to an end, and a line will no longer be
divisible to infinity, if a line is composed from points. However, it has 20
been proved in the Physics56 in the discussion of change in which
Aristotle argued against Xenocrates, who said there are indivisible
38 Translation
lines, that there are no indivisible lengths, that is, that there is no
indivisible part of a line but it is divisible to infinity. Consequently a
line is not composed of points so that neither is a plane composed of
25 lines, nor a solid of planes.
These are Aristotles words, but, as I always say, he is objecting to
the apparent meaning of the theory. However, it should be said that
if those who say that solids are composed of planes and resolve solids
into planes said that the planes are mathematical and have only
length and breadth, then Aristotle is correct to adduce against them
30 these absurdities and the ones which he adduces next. But if they say
that the planes are natural on the grounds that the first natural
thing capable of being constructed should have not only length and
breadth but also depth, the absurdities adduced against the planes
as being without depth do not follow from their position. And that
564,1 they hypothesise that the planes are natural and not mathematical
is clear from their saying that they involve matter, and so they set
out matter first and say that it has been given shape by forms and
numbers.57 And Timaeus himself in his own treatise has written
this:58
And then next, having set out the difference among the triangles, he
constructs from them the four figures, which he assigns to the four
elements.
10 Some interpreters of Plato think that this doctrine of nature based
on the figures is spoken symbolically60 these include the divine
Iamblichus, who also interprets Platos Timaeus in this way , but
more recent Platonic philosophers61 try to show that, according to
what is written, the theory of nature holds in the following way: since
15 the four elements are composites of matter and form and therefore do
not satisfy the definition of a principle, they, like Aristotle, say that the
qualities which are called affective,62 heat and dryness and their oppo-
sites, coming to be first in matter (or qualityless body) also compose the
four elements. (Aristotle also takes into account lightness and heaviness
20 and maintains that these are causes of simple natural motion, nature
being characterised most of all by motion.) And if someone were to ask
why fire heats and water cools, they would say Because fire is hot, water
cold. For they posit these things as principles and do not seek further
for a cause beyond the principles.
Theophrastus in his Physics reports that Democritus ascended to
Translation 39
atoms on the grounds that those who offer explanations in terms of 25
hot and cold and such things do so in an amateurish way.63 And in
the same way the Pythagoreans ascend to planes, considering figures
and magnitudes to be causes of heat and cold, since things that
separate and divide produce an awareness of heat, those that blend
and compress an awareness of cold. For every body is immediately
determined quantitatively in substance, but shape, even if it is a 30
quality,64 has nevertheless been taken from the genus of quantities, 565,1
so that every body is a quantity which has been given a shape. For in
itself matter is incorporeal, and the second substratum is a body
which is in itself qualityless but which has been given form by a
variety of figures; and the second substratum differs from mathe-
matical body by involving matter and being tangible, touch
apprehending it because of its bulk and not because of heat or 5
coldness. And so they say that this second substratum, being painted
with different figures, produce (huphistanein) the elements which
are more fundamental than the four elements: the elements which
are more fundamental than earth are painted with the cubical figure,
not because the entirety of earth has a cubical shape but because each
part of earth is composed from many cubical figures which are
invisible because of their smallness. And the other elements are 10
composed from the other figures in this way.
They say that all the other powers <of earth, water, fire, and air>
and their changes into one another follow from the difference among
figures of this kind. For these people easily explain how so great an
amount of air comes to be from a small amount of water on the
grounds that the elements of water are many, since the figures for
water are icosahedra, and when they are divided they make many
octahedra and much air, which is composed of octahedra. But how 15
can those who make rarefaction and condensation responsible say
that bodies expand and contract when an incorporeal power65 enters
in? And in general how is an incorporeal power of fire so constituted
as to divide?66 For the incorporeal passes through a body with no
contact, but division occurs because of the shape of the divider. And
they say the same things in the case of coldness. And how, they say,
does the addition of a quality make a bulk heavier? For heaviness is 20
a quantity and not a quality since it is divided <logically> in terms of
equality and inequality. In general, if Aristotle, too, thinks that
qualityless body, the substratum of qualities, comes to be first from
matter and form, and he says that it is finite, how is it not necessary
that it have shape and that shapes exist prior to qualities?67 25
I have set out these considerations in order to indicate that it was
not unreasonable for the Pythagoreans and Democritus in seeking
the principles of qualities to rise up to the figures. But perhaps the
Pythagoreans and Plato did not hypothesise that the construction
from such triangles was certainly like this in every respect, but
40 Translation
30 rather they did so in the way that astronomers make certain hy-
potheses, different ones making different hypotheses and not
insisting that the variegation in the heavens is certainly like this but
that when principles of this kind are hypothesised the phenomena
can be preserved with all the heavenly bodies moving in a circle in a
uniform way.68 In this way too these people, who in discussion of a
566,1 principle honour quantity and figure more highly than quality, hy-
pothesise these more fundamental figures, which are under the rule
of similarity and symmetry, as principles of bodies, principles which
they considered to suffice for giving accounts of the causes of what
comes to be. And <to see> that they did not assume these principles
5 of bodies as absolute in every respect, listen to what Plato says:69
Of the two triangles the isosceles is of one kind only, but the
scalene is of infinitely many kinds. Therefore, we should choose
the most beautiful of these if we are going to begin in a proper
way. And so if someone can pick out a more beautiful one for the
construction of these things and say what it is, he will prevail
since he is not an antagonist but a friend.
For Democritus and his followers and, later, Epicurus say that since 5
all atoms have the same nature they have weight, but because some
are heavier, the lighter are pushed out by the heavier ones, which
sink down, and they move upward; and they say that it is for this
reason that some things seem to be light, others heavy.82 And if not
all natural bodies are heavy, nevertheless it is agreed by everyone
that at least some, such as earth and water, are. And Aristotle tacitly 10
assumes what he has already said:83
These are the conditional, the additional assumption, and the conclu-
sion.85 First in what follows he demonstrates in many ways what is
20 hypothesised in the antecedent of the conditional, namely that a
point does not have weight; he does so <here> on the basis of the
<propositions> that everything heavy is divisible, but the point is
indivisible and it is not possible for <what is heavy> to be divided into
what is indivisible. He proves that what is heavy is divisible first
from the <proposition> that everything which is heavy is also heav-
ier, just as what is light is also lighter and what is large is also larger.
But if everything heavy is also heavier, it is necessary that it exceed
25 by some weight, so that everything heavy is divisible; for it is divided
into the excess <and the remainder>. But a point is indivisible. And
the conclusion in the second figure86 is that a point is not heavy, that
is, does not have weight. And this is what it was proposed to show.
There is a difficulty which grows out of what he has said. Why does
he say that everything heavy is heavier? For if what is heavier is
570,1 heavier than something heavy, but the heavy thing than which the
heavier is heavier is itself heavier than something else which is
heavy, and this other thing is again heavier, it is necessary to proceed
to infinity.87 This is the difficulty which Aristotle opens up when he
says that everything which is absolutely heavy is also heavier, just
as the light is lighter and the large larger, but that it is not necessary
5 that what is heavier or lighter also be absolutely heavy or absolutely
light. And, indeed, we do not say that everything which is larger than
something is thereby large. For a millet seed is larger than a mustard
seed, and nevertheless a millet seed is not absolutely large. Nor is
what is more worthy of choice absolutely worthy of choice, since
illness is more worthy of choice than wickedness, and being harmed
is more worthy of choice than doing harm, but neither of these is
10 absolutely worthy of choice. For Socrates says in the Gorgias88 that
I would not wish to do either, but if one or the other were necessary,
I would choose to be harmed rather than to do harm. Consequently
even if everything heavy is heavier, it is not the case that everything
heavier is heavy, so that these things do not convert. Nor is heavy
<always> said of what is heavier although heavier is <sometimes>
said of what is lighter and lighter of what is heavier.89
Translation 45
What does the addition of the word perhaps mean when he says,
But it is perhaps not necessary that what is heavier or lighter be 15
heavy or light? Is it added because, if someone is speaking precisely
he would say that what is not worthy of choice is not to be called more
worthy of choice in the strict sense nor is what is not large to be called
larger, so that what does not share in weight is not to be called
heavier; rather things of this kind which do not share in the name90
are not more worthy of choice or larger or heavier, but one should say
instead that such things are less of the contrary, that what is not
absolutely worthy of choice is less to be avoided, that what is larger 20
but not large is less small, and that what is heavier but not heavy is
less light. But since weight indicates a quantity, it is always divisible,
and therefore it is always heavier.
Alexander points out that it is possible to show, using the same
argument, that no other affection attaches to a point, if, indeed, 25
everything which has an affection absolutely also exceeds something
else with respect to the affection. For even if it does not exceed
something else <which has the affection>, it would at least exceed
what absolutely does not have the affection.91 Consequently nothing
is accidentally divisible into something indivisible.
And he proves the conditional [i] by defining dense and rare. For if dense
is what contains more bodies than what is rare in an equal bulk 5
(obviously the bodies <in the dense> have been pressed together), rare
what contains fewer in an equal bulk (naturally the bodies have been
dispersed), then the dense is heavy, the heavy dense, and the rare is
light, the light rare. For water which is evaporated and rarefied becomes
46 Translation
lighter, and air which is liquefied becomes denser. (However, the
Platonists do not say that the heavy is heavy because of denseness;
10 for they say that fire is denser than earth; however, they do say that
having larger parts produces heaviness.)92 He proves the additional
assumption [ii] categorically in the second figure93 as follows:
The rare and the dense are divisible (since, if94 the bulks are
equal, the dense consists of more, the rare of fewer bodies);
a point is indivisible;
<therefore,>95 a point is neither dense nor rare.
15 So, if points are neither heavy nor light, bodies will not be light or
heavy either, if lines are composed of points, planes of lines, and
bodies of planes.
(299b11) Having proved by means of dense and rare that a point
is neither heavy nor light, he proves the same thing categorically96
using soft and hard.
These things which Aristotle says, insofar as they are said against
men who actually do generate bodies from mathematical planes, are
well said and said from the point of view of the study of nature. But
what he says might not be suitable insofar as it is said against the
5 Pythagoreans, who say that the planes are natural and involve
matter and have some depth. For Timaeus himself says that bodies
become heavier because of the number of planes, when he says,
Third the icosahedron, with twenty bases and twelve angles, the
element of water, having the most parts and being heaviest.100 And
10 Platos Timaeus says that what is composed of the fewest identical
parts101 is lightest (elaphrotaton).
Some people also disapprove of his saying that it is impossible that
each of two things have no weight and both together have weight.102
They say that even according to him, although neither matter nor
form has weight, the composite of them does. But Aristotle has
15 anticipated this difficulty and dissolved it. For matter and form
really are elements of the composite; they are potentially heavy and
when they come together they make the composite of them actually
heavy. But Aristotle has shown that, if one hypothesises that bodies
are composed from planes, a point is not potentially but actually
heavy. For also those who say that bodies are composed of planes or
20 planes of lines or lines of points do not say that they are composed as
if from matter and form, but as if from those things as parts. For
matter and form and in general elements in the strict sense, being
potentially proceed into actuality when they come together. And in
this way flesh and bone and each of the other composites come to be
from the four elements when they are altered together and in the
25 composite no longer have their own nature purely. But a wall comes
to be when stone and clay are put together, as opposed to being
altered together, and so the nature of the parts, existing in actuality,
is also in the whole. And it is in this way that a body would be
composed from planes.
It does not follow for those who say that bodies are composed
of form and matter that it is possible that there be no magni-
tude. For according to them it is not body which comes to be
but only particular body, and a body which comes to be also
5 perishes. Furthermore, according to them, matter is not ac-
tual, but, according to these people, the planes are actual.
But perhaps matter, too, would not be without magnitude in
and of itself.116
One should say the following against this. If Aristotle says,117 There
is a matter for a body and the same matter for a great body and a
small one, how, according to its own definition, can matter have
magnitude if matter is matter of a body and is obviously different
10 from the body, and if there is the same matter for a great body and a
Translation 53
small one? For if it has magnitude, it is certainly limited to a certain
size.
And against Aristotles argument <expressed in the lemma> the
following should be said. If things which come to be were only
resolved and they were not also compounded because of the ever-
active demiurgic logoi and the heavenly motion and because of acting
on one another and being acted upon by one another,118 then also
according to those who say that things come to be from matter and 15
form, even if it is not possible that magnitude not exist because in the
case of simple bodies the perishing of one is the coming to be of
another, but it is possible for there not to be a human being or a horse
if everything is dissolved into the elements and other things do not
combine, this is no less absurd than the non-existence of magnitude.
Again Alexander says: 20
There are those who say that in the Timaeus Plato does not
construct natural bodies from planes but rather constructs the
form of each body which makes the body the very thing it is; but
the form is incorporeal, and when this form which is generated
from planes comes to be in matter, one form makes fire, another
water, another earth, and another air; so what Aristotle says is 25
not the case and Plato does not generate material body from
planes.119 Against these people it should be said that even if one
were to accept that Plato intended to say this, nevertheless it
would be true that he generates depth from planes. For the
pyramid which is generated from triangles is not without depth,
since a pyramid is not a plane, nor are any of the other <solids>
co-ordinate with the pyramid planes. But it follows for the
person who generates depth from things with no depth that 30
they also make breadth from things without breadth and length
from things without extension. In addition to this it is unrea-
sonable for them to say that there is a generation of form; for
just as there is no generation of matter, so there is no generation
of form by itself, but generation is of the two together, and this 579,1
is what comes to be by the presence of form and perishes by the
absence of form.
This is what Alexander says. But it has been said many times that
these people do not generate depth from things with no depth and
their planes are not mathematical. However it should have been
recognised that we also120 make a body with qualities from matter 5
and form, which are not bodies and are qualityless, unless someone
were to say what I have also said before,121 that planes are taken as
parts, but form and matter as elements. But how can Alexander say
that there is no generation of form? If it is on the grounds that form
does not arrive via a process of coming to be but arrives atemporally,
54 Translation
10 this also can be doubted. However, those who say that form comes to
be from planes if there were people who said this say it because
it is brought from non-being into being, whether this happens in time
or atemporally.
300a12-14 Moreover, if time [is similar, it would or could be
done away with at some time; for the indivisible instant] is like
a point in a line.122
15 On the basis of the same argument he reduces the theory to some-
thing else even more absurd. He says that since the instant (not the
extended instant, but the indivisible one) is like a point in a line (for
these stand in proportion to one another: as point is to line so is
instant to time), if someone were to say that time is similar to bodies
so that it is composed of instants as bodies are composed of points
20 (through the intermediary of lines and planes) or that time is similar
to lines, which are composed of points, time would be done away with
at some time when it was dissolved into instants, or it could be done
away with. But it is most absurd that there be some time when there
isnt time, since, if some time is a time, to say there is some time when
there isnt time is the same as saying there is a time when there will
not be time. But since each thing is thought to be dissolved into the
25 things from which it is composed, the person who introduces the
resolution of time into instants leaves room for those who say that
time is composed of instants. But it is clear that those who say that
bodies are composed of planes which involve matter and are natural
will not be forced to say that the line is composed of points or that
time is composed of instants.
580,1 300a14-19 The same thing results for those who construct the
heavens out of numbers. [For some people construct nature
from numbers, for example, certain Pythagoreans. For natural
bodies obviously have weight and lightness, but monads cannot
make bodies when they are compounded,] nor can they have
weight.
He says that the same thing results for those who make the cosmos
and natural things out of numbers as results for those who construct
bodies from planes or, in general, things having weight from weight-
5 less things. For when monads are compounded they do not make
bodies. This is not because monads are absolutely indivisible, since
when two or three is compounded it does not make a body either;
rather it is because the monad is from a different species of quantity,
the discrete, but body is from the continuous, and nothing continuous
is composed of what is discrete. But there is no weight in numbers
either. It is prima facie clear that it follows for those who say that
10 things are composed of numbers that they say that things are com-
Translation 55
posed of monads, since numbers are composed of monads. However,
it is clear that these people said that things are composed from
numbers on the grounds that numbers pre-contain in themselves all
the forms in a fundamental way and that all the forms in the cosmos
have been ordered by numbers, because they sang the praises of
number as father of the blessed ones and of men123 and said that all 15
things resemble number.124
<Chapter 2>
300a20-7 That it is necessary that some motion belong by
nature to all the simple bodies [is clear from the following
considerations. Since they obviously move, it is necessary that
they be moved by constraint unless they have their own proper
motion. But by constraint and unnatural are the same thing.
However, if some motion is unnatural, it is necessary that there
also be a natural motion which it diverges from. And if there are
several unnatural motions it is necessary that there be a single
natural motion, since each thing has a simple natural motion,]
but many unnatural motions.
He has proved the first axiom,125 which says that it is impossible for 20
what has weight to be composed of things which do not have weight,
and also proved that a point does not have weight because a weight
is divisible but a point is indivisible; and he has added other argu-
ments against the original theory.126 Now he demonstrates the sec-
ond of the things which he assumed to start or hypothesised, namely
that all or some perceptible bodies have weight. He proves this by 25
showing that it is necessary for a motion to belong to the simple
bodies naturally and that this motion comes about because of (kata) 581,1
natural impulsions, that is, because of heaviness and lightness. But
if this is so, bodies cannot come to be from planes since bodies are
heavy or light but planes possess neither weight nor lightness, since
neither lines nor points possess these things. He proves that a
natural motion belongs to each of the simple bodies by assuming as 5
clearly true that the simple bodies move; for they obviously do move.
But if he assumed that they move naturally he would have assumed
in an offhand way what he is seeking to prove. For if the things which
move up or down were hypothesised to move naturally, they would
be assumed to move because of lightness and heaviness, and this is
what he proposed to prove. And so, assuming as clearly true that in 10
general these things move, he hypothesises that they move unnatu-
rally and by constraint. For if they do not move naturally (to hypoth-
esise that they did would assume in advance what is sought), but it
is necessary that what moves move either naturally or unnaturally,
it is clear that they would move unnaturally. But it has been proved
56 Translation
in the Physics127 that it is not possible for something which does not
move naturally and by nature to move unnaturally. For what is not
15 at all naturally constituted so as to move at all would never move at
all, but it is clear that if something simple is naturally constituted so
as to move with a simple motion it is also naturally constituted so as
to move somewhere. Consequently what moves by constraint also
has a natural motion, since unnatural motion is posterior to natural
motion. So if the simple bodies move unnaturally it is necessary that
20 they also have a natural motion. However, even if what moves
unnaturally always also moves naturally, it is not thereby the case
that it is necessary that there be as many natural motions as there
are unnatural ones, since in all things there is just one way to go
right, but many ways to deviate from what is right and err, and
unnatural motion is a kind of error and deviation from the natural.
25 In this case, too, Alexander does well to raise a difficulty:128 since
Aristotle says in the first book of this treatise that the unnatural is
contrary to the natural and one thing is contrary to one thing,129 how
can he say here that each thing has many unnatural motions? And
in this case Alexander resolves the difficulty in many ways, but more
appropriately on the grounds that in the case of the simple bodies
several motions can be said to be unnatural if one takes into account
not only the motion which a simple body has but also the motion
30 which it is not possible for it to have. For motion down from above,
which a thing which moves up from below has by constraint, is
582,1 unnatural for it; and motion in a circle, which it does not even have
at all, might also be called unnatural for it.130 But if Aristotle has
assumed motion as clearly true and hypothesised that motions are
unnatural, I do not think he should take <all> those motions which
something is not naturally constituted so as to have as unnatural;
rather he should take <only> those which it is naturally constituted
so as to have.131 A clod of earth does not only move up unnaturally, it
5 also moves obliquely when it is thrown, and these oblique motions
are not simple and not motions in a circle unless they are around the
centre of the universe. Consequently there is one simple unnatural
motion <for a thing> and it is contrary to <its> natural motion, but
it is possible for simple bodies, when subject to constraint, to also
move with non-simple motions, as was said. Alexander also knows
this way of resolving the difficulty.
585,1 For, according to Plato, before the cosmos came to be, there was
nothing self-moving, that is, no soul. Or perhaps a thing is
self-moving if it is not moved by something else, although it is
not always true that if something is self-moving it is soul, since
even the things which move naturally are in a way self-moving
since they have the starting point of motion in themselves.
5 But one should notice that there are two kinds of starting point of
motion, one related to causing motion, the other to being moved. Or
rather there are three, since there is also one related to causing
motion and at the same time being moved. The starting point related
to causing motion only is in the unmoving cause which first causes
motion; the one related to causing motion and at the same time being
moved is in what is self-moving in the strict sense, that in which the
cause of motion and what is moved are the same in substratum; and
10 in natural things the starting point of motion related to being moved
is nature; for this is the first thing moved by soul and it moves the
body along with itself.142
Now, if the first cause of motion causes motion naturally, it is clear
that things which are moved by it are also moved naturally, and,
being moved naturally, they would move to their proper places and
15 rest. And in this way they would make a cosmos with the present
ordering of bodies, since things with weight would move to the centre
and rest there, and light things would move upward away from the
centre; for the cosmos also has this separation of bodies from one
another now. Consequently there would be a cosmos before the
cosmos came to be. So it is clear that there cannot be a motion prior
20 to the cosmos, if such a motion cannot be either by constraint or
natural.
Alexander also adds the following. If the elements were moving in
a disorderly way on their own for an infinite time and then, starting
at some time, are moved ad infinitum in an orderly way by some-
thing, the motion which these bodies were moving on their own,
Translation 61
would be natural for them, since things which move because of a
starting point of motion in themselves move naturally. But natural 25
motion fits better with order and cosmos.
And Alexander also adds this. This absurdity, that there was a
cosmos before a cosmos came to be, does not just follow from what is
said in the Timaeus; it also follows for Leucippus and Democritus and
their followers, who say that the atoms move in an infinite void by
constraint. For if it is necessary that the natural be prior to the 30
unnatural, and if, when the natural is, it is necessary that there be a
cosmos, there would be a cosmos before the cosmos came to be. But
perhaps saying this does not follow for Democritus and his followers
since they said that there is always motion by constraint even when 586,1
there is a cosmos and not just before the making of the cosmos, as
Timaeus143 writes.
and many other things which are not examples of the mixing from
which natural things are put together. Perhaps then Aristotle, hav-
ing said whether it would not be possible that, when things were
5 moving in a disorderly way, some things would undergo mixtures of
the kind from which bodies which are put together naturally are put
together adds in the way Empedocles says happens, that is, that
things moving in a disorderly way mix (for the words wander and
roam indicate disordered motion).
And how, one might ask, can Aristotle say that these things
10 happen under Love, when Empedocles says that all things become
one because of Love:
So perhaps Empedocles did not say that these things happen when Love
rules, as Alexander thinks, but at the time when Strife did not yet:
20 But now (when Love finally ruled over Strife) as god mingled
more and more with god,
These things fell in together, as each of them chanced to meet.
Translation 63
And in addition to them many other things continued to
emerge.152
So Empedocles said that these things happen under Love not in the
sense of the time when Love already rules, but in the sense of the
time when it is going to rule and is still making visible unmixed 25
single limbs.
But if Timaeus said that before the cosmos came to be there really
was a disordered motion of the elements, Aristotle has made correct
and real objections based on natural considerations against Timaeus
doctrine. But if Timaeus wanted to make the point that all cosmic
order comes to matter from the demiurgic goodness by treating in 30
discourse matter in and of itself, removing its clothing <of form> with
only its suitability to receive form and indicated that it moves in a
discordant and disorderly way, and what Timaeus says is productive 588,1
of an intellectual doctrine, then Aristotle is doing adequate battle
with the apparent meaning of what is said but not with its true
meaning. And just as in the Timaeus Plato indicated that matter in
and of itself moves in a discordant and disorderly way before the
making of the cosmos, so too in the Politicus he separates demiurgic 5
providence from the cosmos in discourse and represents it as being
turned back by fate.153
A B F
|| |||
|||
C D E 167
But I do not know how he can say this since a mathematical body as
mathematical is both determinate and actual. But I think that it is a
reasonable <suggestion> that determinate means moving in a
25 straight line, as being distinguished by lightness and heaviness from
what moves in a circle, which is above this determination. And I
think that it is even more plausible to say that determinate indi-
cates what is circumscribed in itself and in a place. For such a thing
can also change place. For what is continuous with something else in
the way that parts are contained in a whole is not in a place per se
30 nor does it change place per se according to the decree of Aristotle.172
595,1 So, since the detached parts of the elements, that is, of earth and fire
and what is intermediate between these (and not their entireties or
the parts connected with their entirety173) are what moves in a
Translation 71
straight line, with the words every determinate body he is indicating
the parts of the sublunary elements which move in a straight line; for
there is nothing determinate among heavenly things apart from the 5
entirety of heaven,174 and among sublunary things the entireties are
not determinate but have their parts continuous with one another.
And so he says every determinate body instead of saying every body
which moves in a straight line.
Having assumed that every sublunary body moves either natu-
rally or by constraint and proved that what has neither lightness nor 10
weight does not move either naturally or by constraint, he has as the
conclusion from these assumptions that what has neither heaviness
nor lightness is not a sublunary body.
<Chapter 3>
302a10-19 It remains to say what things come to be [and why
they do. Since in all cases knowledge is based on primary things
and the elements are the primary things which inhere <in
things>, we should investigate which sort of bodies of this kind
are elements and why, and thereafter investigate how many
there are and what they are like.
(302a14) This will be evident if one hypothesises what the
nature of an element is. Let an element of bodies <be some-
thing> into which other bodies are divided and which inheres
<in bodies> (potentially or actually it194 is still to be debated
which) and which itself cannot be divided into things different
in kind <from it>. In all cases everyone means to say that] an
element is something of this sort.
5 Having shown that neither those who say that all things come to be
nor those who say that nothing does are correct, he next asks what
things come to be. For initially195 he proposed that after the discus-
sion of the body which moves in a circle he would speak about the
other simple bodies, in which there is already coming to be and
perishing. Therefore he said196 it is necessary to investigate coming
to be and perishing and first whether there is coming to be at all
and whether all things come to be or only some. So, having refuted
10 those who do away completely with coming to be and those who
say that everything comes to be, he turns to the question of what
things come to be and why they do. By what things he means
which of the things which have affective qualities and move in a
straight line and by why they do he means when what things
occur does something come to be.
In all things for which there are principles, understanding and
knowledge result from knowing the principles; and the elements are
15 principles of things which come to be (for everything which comes to
be comes to be from something); and the elements are the primary
things which inhere in things which come to be, and knowledge is
Translation 77
based on primary things; therefore, it is reasonable that the discus-
sion of coming to be should start from the elements.
He says, We should investigate which sort of bodies of this kind
are elements. But since different people hypothesised different
things, after he has first recounted their views, he will state his own 20
doctrine in the books on coming to be,197 where he will also make clear
the cause of the four <simple> bodies coming to be. He says that the
elements are the primary things which inhere in things which come
to be because accidents also inhere in them but they are not primary.
So he says that we should investigate which sort of bodies which
come to be are elements, since some bodies which come to be are 25
elements, some are composed of elements. When it has been deter-
mined which sort are elements, namely the ones which are
composed from contrary affective qualities, one should ask why
these are the elements of bodies which come to be and in addition
how many bodies and what sort are such as to be elements (in fact
there are four, fire, air, water, earth).
(302a14) He says that these things will be evident if we hypothe- 30
sise what the nature of an element is. For by comparing bodies with
the definition of an element we will find how many such things there 601,1
are and what they are. And he next defines element, saying that an
element of bodies <is something> into which other bodies, the ones
composed of elements, are divided. For we are enquiring about the
element of body not as body198 but as composite body. So he does well
to say into which other bodies are divided and which inheres in 5
bodies (potentially or actually it is still to be debated which). For
that the elements inhere actually follows for those, such as Empedo-
cles and Anaxagoras, who say that coming to be is the result of
blending and separation out, but that they inhere potentially follows
for those who199 say it is a result of qualitative change. Aristotle says
that an element itself, even if it can be divided as a body, cannot be 10
divided as an element into things different in kind. And it differs in
this respect from what is composed of elements because the latter can
be divided into the elements, which are different in kind <from it>,
even if <sometimes> it can also be divided into homoiomeries;200 for
flesh can be divided into flesh, but it can also be divided into the four
elements, which differ in kind from one another, but fire cannot be
divided into things different in kind. And the word inhere distin- 15
guishes element from species. For simple body is divided into the
fifth <simple body> and the four, but they do not inhere, since it is
divided as a genus into species, not as something composed of ele-
ments into elements. He says, In all cases (of things composed of
elements) everyone means to say that an element is something of this
sort. For an element of speech201 is that into which speech is divided
and which inheres in it and which itself is not divisible into things 20
different in kind.
78 Translation
The conditional [i] is clear from the fact that there is coming to be,
since if there is coming to be it is necessary that there be bodies of a
certain sort from which what comes to be comes to be and into which
it is dissolved. And he confirms the additional assumption [ii] on the
basis of the common preconception that an element is of this sort. He
next gives evidence for the conclusion [iii] that there are some bodies
30 of this sort on the basis of induction, saying, Fire and earth are
contained potentially in flesh and wood and everything of this sort.
602,1 That they are contained is clear from the fact that they are separated
out from them. But they are contained potentially. For saying that
the elements are potentially follows for those who posit that the four
bodies are elements which change into one another qualitatively.
He uses the term separation out203 in its ordinary sense since it
does seem to be used in the case of things which inhere actually. As
5 for fire separating out from flesh, Theophrastus reports that a flame
separated out from the eyes of a human being.204 But the Alexandrian
physician Megethios205 described to me how he saw fire come out of the
hip of a man suffering from sciatica and set blankets on fire, after which
the pain stopped. And that fire separates out from flesh is also made
clear by the scabs of carbuncles which come to be from fire206 and by very
10 high fevers. And they expel fire from pieces of wood by rotating one piece
of wood as a fire drill207 in another. That there is earth contained in these
things is made clear by the ashes which are left after burning. And
moisture which is separated out and vaporised air also make clear <that
Translation 79
water is contained in things>. So if fire and earth and the others are
contained in flesh and wood, and there is no flesh or wood in fire or
earth either potentially or actually (since <if they inhered> they
would be separated out at some time), it is clear that fire and earth 15
and the others are elements of flesh and wood, since they inhere in
them, but the latter are not elements of the former.
(302a25) Since it has not yet been proved that there are four
elements and there were some who said that there is only one, Thales
and Hippo saying it is water, Anaximenes and Diogenes air, Hip-
pasus and Heraclitus fire, Anaximander what is intermediate, it is 20
reasonable for Aristotle to add that, even if the primary bodies were
not four but one, the things which come to be from that primary body
would not inhere in it either in actuality or in potentiality, but one
should also investigate the way they come to be. For if someone says
that they come to be by separation out, it is necessary that they
inhere, but if it is by change, this is no longer the case. But since it is
thought that elements come to be from composites when they are 25
dissolved and composites come to be from the elements (since those
who make the hypothesis that there is one element generate other
things from it), one does not have to say for this reason that the
element inheres in the composite and the composite in the element
in the same way, nor are inhering in something and coming to be from
it the same thing; for the simple things which come to be from 30
composites did inhere in them; however, although composites come
to be from simples, they do not thereby inhere in them, since having
come to be from something is not a sufficient condition for inhering
in it. Consequently even if flesh and bone and every composite come
to be from simple things, one should not therefore say, as those who 603,1
explain coming to be in terms of separation out do, that these
composites inhere in the simples, but one should also investigate the
way they come to be. For if coming to be is due to alteration, it is not
necessary that these composites inhere.
<Chapter 4>
(302b10) The next thing to investigate would be whether the
elements are finite or infinite and, if finite, what their number
Translation 81
is. And first] we should observe that they are not infinite, as
some people think } .
For the demonstration that there are simple bodies and that these
are the four, he uses what he has already proved: that natural bodies
are those which have the starting point of motion in themselves per
se this has been proved in the Physics;213 that some motions are 5
simple and some mixed, and that a simple motion belongs to a simple
body and a mixed motion to a mixed body, and that the motion of a
simple body is simple (the simple motions of composite bodies result
from the dominance of the simple bodies in them) these things have
been proved in the first book of this treatise.214 These things being
assumed, since there are simple motions which occur along the 10
simple lines, that is, the straight and the circular, it is evident that
there will also be certain simple bodies, if, indeed, simple motions
naturally belong to simple bodies. But simple bodies are elements
because composite bodies are divisible into them, but they them-
selves are not divisible into things which are different in kind <from 15
them>.
The words why there are may be said because of the simple
bodies. For there are elements because there are bodies which natu-
rally have a simple motion. But the words may also refer to coming
to be because it has been proved that there are elements because
there is coming to be, since if there were no elements it would be
impossible for there to be coming to be.215 20
(302b10) Having proved that there are certain simple bodies,
which are also elements, he next asks whether these are finite or
infinite and, if finite, how many there are. It would be possible to
grasp on the basis of the motions both that they are finite and how
many they are, but he establishes that they are finite by first raising
objections against those who say they are infinite.216 He then deals 25
with those who posit that there is only one element.217 For in this way
what he is going to prove will be more trustworthy because no view
will be troublesome by being persuasive.
But perhaps <Aristotle says that the principles are> finite in kind
because <mathematicians> hypothesise nothing infinite but <only>
triangles, squares, circles, points, lines, and planes; and <he says
that they are> finite in quantity because the principles they assume
were numbered, that is, so and so many229 definitions and axioms and
20 postulates, which suffice for the demonstrations of the things which
come after.
303a17-29 First of all these people also make the same mistake,
[not taking the principles to be finite, although <if they did> it
would be possible for them to say all the same things.
(303a19) Furthermore, if the differentiae of bodies254 are not
infinite, it is clear that the elements will not be infinite.
(303a20 In addition, by asserting that there are indivisible
bodies, they must be in conflict with the mathematical sciences
Translation 89
and do away with many common opinions and perceptible phe-
nomena we spoke about these things earlier in On Time and
Motion.
(303a24) At the same time it is necessary for them to contra-
dict themselves since if the elements are indivisible it is
impossible that air and water and earth differ by largeness and
smallness; for <if they did> they could not come to be from one
another; because the largest bodies will always be insufficient
when they are separated out and they do say that water] and
air and earth come to be from one another in this way.
And, having set out the view of those who say that the atoms are
elements, he uses two refutations against them which he also used 20
against those who say the homoiomereities are elements.255 The first
says that they err if they hypothesise infinitely many principles when
they can explain such things from finitely many.
(303a19) The second runs as follows:
<Chapter 5264>
(303b9) But since it is necessary that the elements be finite it
remains to investigate whether there is more than one. For
some people hypothesise one only, some hypothesising water,
some air, some fire, and some hypothesise that it is <some-
thing> finer than water but denser than air,] which they say
25 contains all the heavens, being infinite.
He has overturned with several arguments the doctrines which
hypothesise that the principles of bodies are infinite in number,
whether they are homoiomereities, as with Anaxagoras or atoms, as
with Democritus and his followers. Next, making a different kind of
argument, he demonstrates that the simple bodies cannot be infinite
and that if they cannot be infinite, neither can the elements be; for
30 the elements are simple since they are indivisible into things which
are different in kind. He proves that the simple bodies are finite in
number on the basis of motions, as he did at the beginning of the first
615,1 book.265 For if the things which move with the simple motions are
naturally simple bodies, it is necessary that there be as many simple
bodies as there are kinds of simple motions. So if the sublunary
simple motions are not infinite or even more than two (since the
simple motions of <those> bodies are seen to be two, one up and one
5 down, and the places to which the simple motions are directed are
not infinite but two, up and down), the elements will not be infinite
in kind but only two, one heavy and one light.
(303b9) Having proved that the principles of bodies cannot be
infinite and that it is necessary for them to be finite since the simple
motions are finite, he now turns to those who say that there is one
10 element. There are several such people, and different people hypoth-
esised this one element to be something different. Thales of Miletus
and Hippo said it is water because they saw that the seeds of animals
and the nourishment of both animals and plants are made of water.
Anaximander, a fellow citizen and pupil of Thales, said it is some-
thing indeterminate which is finer than water and denser than air
Translation 93
because the substratum should be naturally adapted for the change 15
to either; he was the first to hypothesise that this one is infinite, so
that he could use it for comings to be without stinting; and, it is
thought that he hypothesised infinite worlds and that each of the
worlds <came to be> from an infinite element of this sort. Anaxime-
nes, a pupil and fellow citizen of Anaximander, also hypothesised
that the principle is infinite, but not also indeterminate; he said it is
air, thinking that the volatility of air is sufficient <to account> for 20
change. Diogenes of Apollonia hypothesised the same thing <air>,
and Hippasus of Metapontum and Heraclitus of Ephesus, taking into
consideration the active power of fire, said that it is the principle.
303b13-22 All those who make this one thing [water or air or
<something> finer than water and denser than air and then
generate other things from this by rareness and denseness do
not notice that they make something else be prior to their
element. For they say that coming to be from their elements is
composition and that dissolution is into the elements, so that it
is necessary for what has finer parts to be prior by nature. So
since they say that fire is the finest of all bodies, fire would be
primary by nature. But it makes no difference,] since it is
necessary that one of the others be primary and not the inter- 25
mediate one.
He first deals with those who posit that the intermediates are ele-
ments, water or air or what is between them, so that they are able to
generate other things from their element by rareness and denseness,
finer ones by rareness, ones with thicker parts by denseness. He says
against these people that they themselves do not notice that they say 616,1
that there is a body which is prior to their element. But this is absurd,
since it is not possible for anything to be prior to an element. It is
clear that they are subject to this contradiction if, indeed, condensa-
tion is composition and rarefaction is dissolution, and they say that
what comes to be from the elements comes to be by composition and
that the elements come to be from composites by dissolution. For
what comes to be by rarefaction comes to be by the dissolution of the 5
thing they say is an element and dissolution into the elements is
resolution, so that what comes to be from rarefaction has finer parts
and is more fundamental than what is rarefied. For what has finer
parts does not come to be by composition, but by resolution, and
resolution is <into>266 an element. The argument is the following:
So if they agree that fire is finer than the intermediates and they say
that it comes to be from the intermediates by rarefaction,267 then fire
will be more elemental according to them.
15 Aristotle says that it makes no difference even if fire is not primary
and finer according to them. For even so it follows that they say that
something else is finer and more elemental, something into which the
resolution of the thing they hypothesise to be an element takes place,
that thing being intermediate and, according to them, resolved into
something finer by rarefaction. So whatever it is that comes to be by
20 rarefaction is more elemental.
Alexander says:
Fire is sharpest;
the pyramid is sharpest;
therefore, fire is a pyramid.
(As Alexander says, people who say that fire stands in a multiple
ratio because both fire and a multiple ratio increase quickly are like
20 these simpler people.283) But perhaps it is possible to develop the
syllogism in the first figure:
It should be asked who holds this view which says that fire is a
pyramid because it is the first body. For Heraclitus, who does say
that fire is the element of other things, does not say that fire is a
pyramid, and the Pythagoreans,284 who say that fire is composed from
pyramids, do not say that fire is the element of other things since they 10
also say that fire comes to be from water and air just as air and water
come to be from fire.
304a18-21 Others do not make any claim about figure, [but only
make <fire> have the finest parts and then say that other things
come to be from it when it is compounded,] as if from shavings285
which are fused together.
He has recounted the view of those who say that fire is a pyramid and
argue for it either in a more simple or a more complicated way. He 15
next describes those who do not assign it any figure but only say
that fire has the finest parts and that other things then come to be
from it when it is compounded, as from shavings which are fused
together or melted down. For thicker things come to be from fire
when it comes together and is condensed, but not when something
is mixed with it.
Alexander says, 20
One might raise the following difficulty. How, when he said pre-
viously290 that what has small parts is fine and what has large parts 25
thick (and in interpreting these statements Alexander says that
what is composed of what is double what air is composed of is water,
what consists of what is triple is earth), can he now say that the
element of water will be less than that of air? Perhaps he said
previously that water has larger parts than air because in the same
bulk what is thicker and denser has more substance than what is 30
finer and rarer, but here he says that the <element> of water is less
than that of air because when the substance is the same what is 623,1
thicker and denser is more contracted than what is finer and rarer,
as the coming to be of a great amount of air out of a small amount of
water makes clear.291
Alexander does well to raise the following question:
<Chapter 6>
304b23-305a1 We should investigate first whether <the ele-
ments> are eternal [or whether they come to be and perish; for
if this is proved, both how many they are and what they are like
will be evident.
(304b25) It is impossible that they are eternal; for we see fire
and water and each of the simple bodies being dissolved. But it
is necessary that dissolution either be infinite or come to a stop.
If it is infinite the time of dissolution (and, again, the time of
composition) will also be infinite, since each of the parts is
dissolved or composed in a different time. The result will be that
there is one infinite time outside of another when the time of
composition is infinite and still prior to it the time of dissolution
is also infinite. The result is that there is an infinite outside of
an infinite,] which is impossible. 15
After proving that it is not possible for the elements to be infinitely
many or one and inferring from this that it is necessary that for them
to be more than one and finitely many, the next thing would be to ask
how many and what are they like. However, he says that first one
should enquire whether they are eternal or whether they come to be
and perish; for if this is proved both how many they are and what 20
they are like will be evident.
(304b25) He next proves that they are not eternal in the following
way. He takes it to be clear that all the sublunary bodies which we
acknowledge, the composite and the simple ones (he found the simple
ones on the basis of the simple motions300), are seen being dissolved
and perishing, the composite bodies more than the simple ones; and
he sets out the ways in which it would be possible for the simple
bodies to be dissolved and also be eternal, so that by refuting these 25
ways he will obtain the result that the simple bodies are not eternal.
It is reasonable that he singles out the simpler of the acknowledged
bodies and argues with respect to them since the elements ought to
be found among them, unless by doing this he would seem to be
begging the question since he has not yet proved how many elements
(that is to say, simple bodies) there are and what they are.301 He says
that if the simple bodies are seen being dissolved and there is going 30
to be something among them which is eternal (as it is appropriate for
an element to be), it is necessary either that the dissolution proceed 627,1
to infinity so that dissolution is never complete or that dissolution
come to a stop and cease when the whole is not yet dissolved; for in
106 Translation
either of these ways it is possible that some part endure eternally
even if the whole does not. So, if it is not possible either for these
things to be dissolved to infinity or for the dissolution to come to an
5 end with something indissolvable, it is clear that these things will
not be eternal.
And he proves that the dissolution of them does not go on to
infinity by first assuming that they are dissolved in a time, that they
are dissolved and composed in different times (for they are also seen
being composed, and it is not possible for the same thing to undergo
both in the same respect <at the same time>), and that the time of
10 composition is as great or even greater than the time of dissolution,
since composition is always more difficult than dissolution. When
these things are assumed, the result will be that there is one infinite
time outside of another, which is impossible, since it is not possible
for there to be something finite outside an infinite, and certainly not
something infinite. (He says each of the parts because these four
15 elements are parts of the universe.302)
Alexander raises the difficulty why the time of composition will be
different, since it is possible that there be a dissolution of one thing
and a composition of another at the same time, e.g. a dissolution of
air and a coming to be of fire. For although it is impossible for the
same thing to be dissolved and composed simultaneously in the same
respect, nothing prevents it being dissolved in one respect and com-
20 posed in another. And he resolves the difficulty as follows:
<Chapter 7>
305a33-b10 Again we should investigate the way in which they
come to be from each other, [whether in the way in which
Empedocles and Democritus say they do or in the way those who
dissolve <the elements> into planes say they do, or whether
there is some other way beside these.
(305b1) Empedocles and Democritus and their followers are
not aware that they do not make <the elements> come to be
from one another really, but only in appearance. For they say
that each thing is inherent and separated out, as if coming to be
were from a reservoir, but not from some matter; nor do they
say that coming to be occurs when there is change.
(305b5) And then, even if this were how things are, the
consequences would be no less unreasonable since the same
magnitude is not thought to become heavier when it is pressed
together, but it is necessary for those who assert that water is
separated out from air in which it inheres to say this,] since 30
when water comes to be from air it is heavier.
He has proved that the remaining <possibility> is that the elements
come to be from each other, since he has proved that they come to be 632,1
and come to be neither from what is incorporeal nor from another
body. He next enquires about the way in which they come to be from
each other. And there are different views on this subject: Empedocles
says that the elements are eternal and explains coming to be by their
mixture and separation; Anaxagoras318 says that everything is in 5
everything and posits that coming to be is separation out; and
Democritus (and also those who speak about planes) make the com-
112 Translation
ing to be of the elements from each other occur by the blending and
separation of atoms (or of planes). He first deals with Empedocles
and Democritus and Anaxagoras and their followers <together>
because he recognises that it is common to their views that each
10 posits elements which are eternal and thinks that they come to be
when they are separated from the other things. For Empedocles of
Acragas seems to say that when water comes to be from air or air
from water they previously inhere actually in a blend and then are
separated out. And Anaxagoras calls not just the four <simple bod-
ies> but also all other things (the homoiomereities) elements, and
says that everything is in everything but all things are characterised
15 by the dominant thing in them; and so, when several <bits of> fire
which have been separated out combine, it is thought that fire
comes to be. And Democritus says that his elements, that is, the
atoms, come to be from one another in the sense of being separated
from a mixture, since when water is dissolved the atoms are
separated and combine into air, one kind of atom being woven
together with another.319
(305b1) Aristotle says that these people do not make the elements
20 come to be from one another really, but only in appearance because
they say that each of their elements inheres in actuality and is
separated out as if coming to be were from a reservoir, but not from
some matter, and did not occur because of change. The difference
here is that what comes to be from a reservoir exists actually <in the
reservoir> and is separated out, but what comes to be from matter
changes from being potentially into being actually.
25 (305b5) He says that even if it were granted to these people that
separation out is coming to be (even though this is an intrinsic
absurdity) even if this were how things are , nothing less absurd
would follow for them. He assumes as clearly true that the same
magnitude does not become heavier when it is pressed together; for
a cloak, when folded, is not heavier than itself when unfolded, nor is
wool, when compressed, heavier than itself when carded. But saying
30 this follows for those who make things come to be by separation out;
for if water comes to be by separation out from air, nothing else
happens to it than a sort of compression and condensation, since
there was equally water in the air but it was diffused. However, the
water which is separated out would be heavier than it was when it
633,1 was in the air. Therefore, according to these people the same body
becomes heavier when it is compressed. However, taken by itself, no
body which has weight is lighter with air than apart from air, if its
weight is judged in air rather than in water; for the mixture of air
contributes to the lightness of heavy things which are in water
5 because air rises to the top of water, but it does not rise when it is in
air, because air does not have lightness when it is in air. And
Aristotle too says this when he says since the same magnitude is not
Translation 113
thought to become heavier when it is pressed together; for the term
pressed together indicates being deprived of the air which lies in
between.
Moraux Heiberg
298a27 epei de 553,6 epeid (citation)
298b5 ta poia 554,12 poia (citation)
298b5 phusei 554,13 ta phusei (citation)
300b25 diataxin 585,18 diastasin (paraphrase)
301a24 de 592,4 gar (citation)
302a17 gar 601,6 de (citation)
303a19 skhmatn 611,23 smatn (paraphrase)
Anaxagoras
Sider Heiberg
B1.2 smikrotta 608,22 mikrotta
B4b.8 ti sumpanti 608,24 sumpanti
B12.16 kai diakrinomena 608,30 omit
B4a.4 khroias kai hdonas 609,8 hdonas kai khroias
B4a.4 ge 609,8 omit
B4a.6 sunmmenas 609,9 sunikmenas
B4a.7 te autoisin 609,10 omit
Aristotle, De Caelo
Moraux Heiberg
268a1 phainetai 554,20 tunkhanei
Empedocles
DK31 Heiberg
B27.4 perigei 591,5 perigthei
Melissus
DK30 Heiberg
B6.3 apeiron ei 557,16 ei
Textual Questions 121
B8.20-1 homoiren 559,3 homou rhen
Parmenides
DK28 Heiberg
B8.4 esti gar oulomeles 557,18 oulon mounogenes
B8.4 ateleston 557,18 agenton
B8.21 ts 559,16 to (not as part of fragment)
B8.50 pau 558,5 paus
Plato, Timaeus
Rivaud Heiberg
54D4 tautn 566,10 tn
54D5 hupotithemetha 566,11 hupotithmetha
54E2-3 atta dialuomena 566,14 auta dialuomena atta
56B1 ex oligistn 573,10 ex olign
576,26 ex olign
56B2 autn 573,10 hautou
576,26 hautou
(d) Lemmas
Here I bring together places where the text in a lemma printed by Heiberg
differs from Morauxs text of Aristotle. In general Heibergs text reproduces
A. I have paid no attention to the numerous differences regarding elision (e.g.
de vs. d) or minor variations in spelling (e.g. hauton vs. heauton or teleiotaton
vs. teletaton). I should perhaps note that the lemmas in Heiberg generally
give only the first and last few words of a passage, and so represent less than
10 per cent of the text of De Caelo.
Moraux Heiberg
298b24 ekeithen 556,2 ekei
300b25 diataxin 583,16 diastasin
301a11 kaitoi ouden 589,5 ouden gar
302a27 prostherteon 601,21 therteon
302b5 pantos 604,1 omit
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Notes
1. In 1.2.
2. In 2.13 and 14.
3. Simplicius compares the beginning of this chapter, 298a24-b8 with the
beginning of the whole work, 268a1-6; see also his commentary on that passage at
6,30-8,8.
4. cf. 2.12, 292a20-1.
5. cf. 2.1, 284a14.
6. Alexanders claim can be represented in English by saying that the they and
their in what they are composed of and what their nature is like refer to the stars
and indicate that they are like the spheres, but that they in they do not come to
be and are imperishable applies to everything (that is, either the first heaven or
it and the spheres and the stars). His position is grammatically possible because
of the further and the and also said, but Simplicius claim that the two they and
the their should have the same referent seem more likely.
7. The lemma agrees with our text of Aristotle in having epei de, but at 553,6
Simplicius cites this text with epeid.
8. Moraux prints ta poia esti phusei; in a citation at 554,12 Heiberg prints poia
esti ta phusei with D and E. A has ta poia esti ta phusei, Karsten ta poi esti phusei.
9. At 551,18-22.
10. i.e. modus ponens, the first Stoic unprovable; see, e.g., Kneale and Kneale
(1962), pp. 162-3.
11. 552,31-552,4 are text 112C of Theophrastus: Sources and text 1015 of Hlser
(1987-8). On the distinction see also, e.g., Diogenes Laertius (Marcovich (1999)), 7.71.
12. Simplicius substitutes mer for Aristotles moria.
13. Simplicius quotes the first sentence of Cael. with tunkhanei in place of
phainetai.
14, In 1.2.
15. Heiberg prints ekei with A, although D, E, F, and Karsten have ekeithen,
the reading of our texts of Aristotle.
16. This first paragraph relates to both this and the next lemma.
17. Theogony (West (1966)), line 116.
18. It is not clear why Simplicius reads this distinction into what Aristotle says
here, but see Metaph. 1.5, 986b10-987a2, where Aristotle suggests that Par-
menides was more commendable than Melissus because he made some attempt to
deal with phenomena; see 560,1-4 with the note. The lengthy fragment 8 which he
quotes below shows clearly that Melissus claimed that things are only thought to
come to be.
19. Replacing Heibergs question mark with a full stop, as in DK28A14. If the
question mark is retained, the question (Is it because both Melissus }?) would be
sarcastic.
20. Most of this paragraph is DK28A14. For other indications that Parmenides
poem was called On Nature see Diogenes Laertius (Marcovich (1999)), 8.55) and
Sextus Empiricus (Mutschmann (1914)), Adversus Mathematicos 7.111, and the
two texts of Galen cited in DK30A4, which also mention Melissus, for whom see
124 Notes to pages 31-34
line 10 below with the note. The standard work on the title On Nature is
Schmalzriedt (1970). Schmalzriedt denies that Parmenides would have used such
a title or any title at all, and he is doubtful that Melissus used it.
21. Plato, Parmenides 135B8.
22. Most of this sentence is part of DK30A4, which also includes in Phys.
70,16-17, which says the same thing about the title of Melissus treatise; see also
556,25-30 with the note.
23. DK30B6. The word infinite, not printed by Heiberg, is inserted in DK on
the basis of Simplicius paraphrase at in Phys. 103,28-9; cf. [Aristotle], On Melis-
sus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias 1, 974a11-12.
24. This is a version of DK28B8.4, although the version in DK is substantially
different. For discussion see Tarn (1965), pp. 82, 88-95.
25. That is, Aristotle gives arguments against a text based on a superficial
reading of it, but his purpose is to prevent people from reasoning the way the
superficial reading suggests is proper.
26. DK28B1.28-32, on which see Tarn (1965), pp. 210-16. Simplicius is our only
source for the second sentence.
27. DK28B8.50-2.
28. Here Simplicius has a future will end (paus) rather than the present pau,
which is printed in DK. Simplicius has pau at 146,23 of in Phys.; the manuscripts
are divided at 41,8 of the commentary, where Diels, the editor, prints paus.
29. DK28B19, quoted only here.
30. DK30B8, quoted only here.
31. Translating the homouren, printed by DK, following Bergk (1843), p. 106.
Heiberg prints homou rhen with all the manuscripts and printed texts he cites,
and conjectures <kai> homou rheein.
32. The words in parentheses are probably inserted by Simplicius; cf. Barnes
(1982), p. 622, n. 3.
33. DK28B8.21. I have translated the ts printed by DK, following what Diels
prints at 145,22 of in Phys. Heiberg prints to, Karsten hs (neither as part of the
quotation).
34. In fragment 8, just quoted.
35. The insertion of kai is a suggestion of Heiberg; Karsten prints hes tou (and
so on up to).
36. Reading arxamenos, a suggestion of Stein (1864-7), p. 797, for the arxasthai
printed by Heiberg.
37. DK28B11, only quoted here.
38. Reading paradidsi with D, E, and Karsten rather than the paradedkasi
(they have set out) of A, printed by Heiberg. There is no evidence that Melissus
set out any kind of cosmogony.
39. Simplicius refers in a rather obscure way to Metaph. 1.5, 986b27-987a2,
where Aristotle says: But Parmenides seems somehow to speak with more percep-
tion; for thinking it correct that beside what is what is not is nothing, he
necessarily thought that being is one }, but, being constrained to follow appear-
ance and accepting that what is one according to reason is more than one according
to perception, he next posits that the causes are two and the principles are two,
calling them hot and cold, that is fire and earth; and he ranges the hot with what
is and the other with what is not.
40. That is, Parmenides and Melissus, who, Simplicius has just argued do not
do away with coming to be.
41. Theogony (West (1966)), line 116.
Notes to pages 35-38 125
42. For Simplicius, Hesiod, Orpheus, and Musaeus all expressed in mythologi-
cal terms Neoplatonist ideas of the unfolding of what is from an ineffable, timeless
first principle.
43. See section 7 of the introduction.
44. The geometrical constructions which are summarised here correspond to
Tim. 53C5-56E8. There are useful diagrams in Vlastos (1975), pp. 74-9. It should
be borne in mind that Aristotle and Simplicius use the words pyramid, octahe-
dron, icosahedron (and dodecahedron) to refer to the regular, so-called Platonic,
solids; they do not use the words generally to mean, e.g., a solid figure bounded by
plane surfaces, of which one (the base) is a polygon of any number of sides, and the
other surfaces triangles having as bases the sides of the polygon, and meeting at
a point (the vertex) outside the plane of the polygon or a three-dimensional figure
having eight plane faces, to quote the relevant definitions of pyramid and
octahedron in the OED.
45. hmitrignon, a term found in TL at 216,2.
46. Simplicius position might be expressed this way. For Aristotle body is
eternal but the simple bodies come to be from each other by qualitative change,
and he treats the Timaeus theory as an alternative physical theory of the change
of the simple bodies into one another. But the Timaeus theory is a metaphysical
account of the principles from which body is constructed. (It is to be borne in mind
that for Simplicius this construction is not the description of a temporal process
but a way of representing an eternal truth about the structure of things; see
especially 305,14-306,25 in his commentary on 1.10.)
47. This sentence, which marks the transition to a discussion of the Timaeus
view of the coming to be of body, is not included in the scope of any lemma. I have
inserted it here.
48. Homer, Iliad (West (2000)) 20.75-6.
49. Aristotle discusses the first and third views in Phys. 1.2-4, but he does not,
as far as I know, discuss the Hesiodic view.
50. cf. 556,15-24 and 560,22-7.
51. Actually, for Simplicius, Aristotle has not yet shown this (see, e.g., 602,18),
but will do so starting in 4.4.
52. Here Simplicius refers to the difference between Aristotles account of
natural motion up and down and Platos account of heaviness and lightness. See,
e.g., 679,18-682,3 in his commentary on 4.1.
53. Simplicius recalls the first, second, and fifth definitions of Euclids Elements
(Heiberg (1883) 4,1-6).
54. Reading the ek protern of D, E, and F rather than the eis proteron of A,
printed by Heiberg; Karsten has ek proterou.
55. Presumably the absurdity of contradicting mathematics.
56. 6.10.
57. Simplicius paraphrases Tim. 53B3-5. For Simplicius what we might call the
geometrical chemistry of the Timaeus is not a case of something like mathematical
physics. It is a purely physical theory which presupposes a doctrine of matter very
similar to (and perhaps identical with) the doctrine of prime matter traditionally
ascribed to Aristotle. The triangles of Platos Timaeus result when this matter is
given a geometrical shape.
58. TL, 215,13-17. Simplicius quotes all but the description of one of the
triangles at 641,11-14 of his commentary on chapter 7; see also in Phys. 7,23-7.
59. Marg (1972) prints ha gennasis, Heiberg apogennasis. The MSS of Sim-
plicius show considerable variation.
126 Notes to pages 38-42
60. See also below 575,27-576,10 with the note on 576,10.
61. Among these was presumably Pericles of Lydia, the dedicatee of Proclus
Platonic Theology (Saffrey and Westerink (1968), 5,6-7); see in Phys. 227,23ff.,
where the view that matter is qualityless body is ascribed to the Stoics among
earlier people and to Pericles among recent ones. It seems to me very unlikely that
the recent Platonic philosophers is a reference to Proclus himself (so Steel (2005),
p. 187, n. 72), since the view described here bypasses Platos geometrical chemistry
and associates the qualities of the simple bodies directly with matter, whereas, as
Steel himself indicates, Proclus is a defender of that chemistry; see Mueller
(forthcoming).
62. The term affective quality (pathtik poiots) is taken from Aristotles
Categories. See 8, 9a28-10a10, and see also Simplicius discussion of this passage
at 252,23-261,16 of his commentary on the Categories (CAG 8) and the note on 9a28
in Ackrill (1963).
63. 564,24-6 are text 238 of Theophrastus: Sources; 24-9 constitute DK68A120
and are part of Luria (Krivushina and Fusaro (2007)), 171. Simplicius more or less
repeats these words at 576,14-16 and 641,5-7; see also in Phys. 35,22-36,7.
64. As Aristotle says it is at Categories 8, 10a11-16.
65. That is, a quality. These defenders of Plato argue that the (Aristotelian)
view that the change from, say, water to air is a qualitative change cannot explain
why the resulting quantity of air is greater than the original quantity of water.
66. cf. Platos description of fire at Tim. 56A4-B2.
67. As Plato is held to have said.
68. Simplicius also makes this suggestion about the character of Platos geomet-
rical chemistry at 641,23-8 in his commentary on chapter 7.
69. Plato, Tim. 54A1-6.
70. Plato, Tim. 53D4-E5.
71. Heiberg prints hupotithmetha, a reading of some MSS of Plato, Rivaud
(and Karsten) hupotithemetha.
72. The Timaeus has tautn. Heiberg prints tn, noting that D, Bessarion, and
Karsten have tautn.
73. Heiberg prints auta dialuomena atta ginesthai, Rivaud and Karsten atta
dialuomena gignesthai.
74. Although this treatise comes down to us among the works of Aristotle, its
ascription to him has been much doubted, as has its ascription to Theophrastus.
It is listed as a work of Theophrastus by Diogenes Laertius (Marcovich (1999))
5.42. Themistius (in Cael. (CAG 5.4), 148,39-149,2) and Philoponus (in GC (CAG
14.2), 34,2-3) also mention the possibility that the treatise is by Theophrastus.
Simplicius treats it as Aristotelian at 423,3-4 of in Phys., and it is included in a list
of Aristotles works in Arabic (see Dring (1957), p. 222).
75. Defined in the OED as the rhetorical device of emphasising or drawing
attention to something by professing to say little or nothing about it, or affecting
to dismiss it }.
76. It would perhaps be better to say that Simplicius examples are not
absurdities for mathematical bodies, but rather truths about them.
77. Omitting the words For example if there is something indivisible (hoion ei
ti estin adiaireton), which are bracketed by Moraux and not mentioned by Sim-
plicius.
78. The lemma is difficult, and Simplicius struggles with it. He considers two
interpretations, the second of which he says he prefers. On the first (567,26-568,7)
the word indivisible here means mathematical, and Aristotle is simply pointing
Notes to pages 42-46 127
out that the affections of natural bodies, such as colour and weight or lightness do
not belong to mathematical entities. On the second (568,8-23) he is claiming that
natural bodies cannot be composed of indivisibles because indivisibles cannot have
affections (since affections are divisible (accidentally)) and what does not attach to
the components of something does not attach to the thing.
79. Here indivisible is used in the ordinary sense and not to mean mathemati-
cal, and Simplicius first reconstruction is infected by ambiguity.
80. Inserting ara, following a suggestion of Heiberg. Karstens hste is equally
plausible.
81. For Aristotle fire and air have lightness rather than weight (in the sense
that they move from the centre), but for Plato they too are heavy (in the sense that
they too are drawn to be with their like).
82. Aristotle discusses the atomist theory of weight in 4.2, 308b30-309,18. For
an account with references see Taylor (1999), pp. 179-84.
83. cf. 299a6-8 (562,20).
84. Technically the third hypothesis is also needed here.
85. [vii] is the additional assumption, [viii] the conclusion; [iv],[v], and [vi]
together give the conditional; if bodies are composed from planes and a point has
no weight, bodies will not have weight.
86. In the mood Camestres. The syllogism is:
What is heavy is divisible;
a point is not divisible;
therefore, a point is not heavy.
87. This is not a serious difficulty for someone who accepts, as Aristotle does,
the idea of infinity as only potential, not actual.
88. Simplicius paraphrases 469C1-2 of Platos Gorgias.
89. That is, one thing can be heavier than a second and lighter than a third.
90. i.e. the positive form of the adjective. Simplicius point here is that Aristotle
uses perhaps because What is heavier is heavy is true if we use heavier in the
strict sense, applying it only to things which do have weight rather than lightness.
91. This addition is apparently designed to avoid the (harmless) infinite regress
signalled by Simplicius at 569,28-570,2.
92. The basis for this parenthetical remark is unclear, but it is presumably
something said in Platos Timaeus. I suggest tentatively that when Simplicius says
that fire is denser than earth, he is thinking of 58B1-6 where it is said that the
particles of fire are more pressed together than those of the other elements; for the
idea that larger parts produce heaviness see, e.g., 58D8-E2, where it is said that
the kind of water which is composed of large and uniform things is heavy.
93. Camestres.
94. Reading Karstens kan rather than the kai printed by Heiberg; the sense is
not in doubt.
95. The ara inserted after h by Bessarion in K and Karsten or after stigm by
Bessarion in E is plausible.
96. Simplicius is careless about whether the major term is heavy or heavy or
light, but the syllogism he has in mind is again in Camestres and may be
represented as:
What is heavy or light is divisible;
a point is not divisible;
therefore, a point is not heavy or light.
97. I have tried to translate the vulgate text along the lines of Simplicius
interpretation rather than the altered text of Moraux, who explains his decisions
128 Notes to pages 47-52
in Moraux (1961), 25-7. As Moraux himself says, there is no question that Sim-
plicius read (and struggled with) the vulgate text.
98. cf. 569,2-4.
99. I have translated the auto of D and E rather than the auti of A. With the
latter the sense would be And the first argument for him is the following.
100. TL 216,18-19.
101. Simplicius cites 56B1-2, which in Rivauds text runs elaphrotaton ex
oligistn sunestos tn autn mern. Heiberg prints elaphrotaton to ex olign
sunests tn hautou mern, while noting that D and E have oligostn (?) and A, D,
E, and Karsten have autou. I have translated elaphrotaton to ex oligistn sunestos
tn autn mern. See also 576,25-6 with the note.
102. At 299a25-6 (568,26).
103. Simplicius description in this paragraph is based on 54D3-55E6 of Platos
Timaeus. For perspicuous pictures of the five regular solids see the article Platonic
solid on Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Platonic_solid).
104. It would be possible to object that when one mathematical plane is laid on
another the result is not a body or two juxtaposed planes, but a single plane.
Aristotle knows this, but he thinks that believers in atomic magnitudes such as
Plato cannot adopt this alternative. For Simplicius the alternative is not available
as a defence of Plato because Simplicius believes that Platos planes have depth;
see, e.g., 563,26-564,10. Simplicius gives his own response to Aristotle in the next
paragraph.
105. Heiberg cites Tim. 53C6-8, where, in introducing the construction of the
regular solids, Timaeus says, Every kind of body has depth, and it is entirely
necessary that the plane nature enclose depth.
106. Simplicius apparently assumes that in Aristotles theory the qualitative
change of one simple body into another might involve intermediate stages at which
neither an element nor a compound of elements would be present. One can imagine
arguments to this effect, but I do not know what exactly Simplicius has in mind.
107. Cube, pyramid, octahedron, icosahedron.
108. Aristotle does not use the term second substratum. Perhaps he is
Alexander; cf. 599,5 with the note.
109. Apparently the symbolical interpretation of the chemistry of the Timaeus
stressed similarities between the four elements and the solids associated with
them. Alexander thinks that the chemistry must be literal and not merely symbolic
since Plato is willing to deny that earth interchanges with the other elements.
Simplicius is willing to invoke the symbolic interpretation as a basis for rejecting
Alexanders objection, but he still insists that explanation of elemental change in
terms of shapes reveals something more fundamental than Aristotles reliance on
qualities in GC.
110. At 564,24-6.
111. cf. 299a6-8 (562,19).
112. Simplicius changes Aristotles word order to make what he means clearer.
113. Simplicius invokes 56B1-2. Cf. 573,10-11 with the note. Here Heiberg
prints eti te elaphrotaton to ex olign sunests tn hautou mern, noting that D, E,
and Karsten have oligistn and that A, D, E, and Karsten have autou. I have
translated eti te elaphrotaton to ex oligistn sunestos tn autn mern, as in the
previous passage.
114. An obscure remark, which has the appearance of a gloss and is omitted in
D and inserted by Bessarion in E. Simplicius ought to be describing the difference
between is not at some time and possibly is not. Perhaps, then, one should insert
Notes to pages 52-57 129
a pote, so that Simplicius is pointing out that is not at some time has a temporal
qualification which is lacking in possibly is not. Or one might keep the text as it
stands and say that Simplicius is marking a (not really relevant) distinction
between is not now and might not be at some time or other.
115. This parenthetical remark is difficult to construe. I take it that either he
is Plato, and that Simplicius is referring either to Platos so-called unwritten
doctrines in which the one or monad, and not points, is made primary or to
Aristotles lost report of those doctrines. It is, however, possible that, as Moraux
ad 300a9 suggests, Simplicius text said monad rather than point.
116. I take Alexander to be suggesting that the matter of a composite might be
of some size. Simplicius does not accept this doctrine and proceeds to argue that
Aristotle is in no position to espouse it.
117. Phys. 4.9, 217a26-7.
118. Simplicius shares Aristotles view that the universe is sustained eternally
because the perishing of one thing is the generation of another and that this
process is kept going by the eternal motion of the heavens. As a Neoplatonist he
also believes that the process of coming to be involves the action of incorporeal
principles (demiurgic logoi). These factors make it impossible for things to be
resolved into planes (or points), and without them Aristotle himself would have to
admit the absurd view that everything could be resolved into the four elements.
119. At 579,12 Simplicius casts doubt on the existence of such people. Alexander
discusses the same sort of interpretation of the Timaeus in Quaest. 2.13 (Bruns
(1892), p. 58).
120. Reading with F and Karsten only the first of the two kai hmeis printed by
Heiberg.
121. cf. 573,15-28.
122. I have not found a good way to render this lemma and Simplicius comment
on it into English. In the translation the words at some time and some time
render the Greek pote, the word time by itself renders khronos.
123. Simplicius quotes the line which he is here paraphrasing at in Phys. 453,12
and 1102,20. The line is also quoted by Asclepius in his commentary on books 1 to
7 of Aristotles Metaphysics (CAG 6.2) at 38,19 and paraphrased by Proclus in his
commentary on Platos Timaeus (Diehl (1903-6)) at 1,16,32. Lydus (On the Months
(2.11.24 (Wnsch (1898))) cites a very similar line as a saying of Orpheus about
the number six, and in the Orphic Hymn to Kronos (Quandt (1955), 13.1) Kronos
is addressed as father of the blessed gods and of men.
124. Simplicius also quotes these words at 1102,22 of in Phys.; for other
citations see the note on this passage in Hagen (1994), p. 125.
125. cf. 569,2-4
126. i.e. Platos theory.
127. Simplicius refers to Phys. 4.8, 215a1-6.
128. The difficulty does not affect the main argument of the lemma.
129. cf. 1.2.269a9-10.
130. Here Alexander proposes to interpret unnatural (para phusin) as not
natural rather than as contrary to the natural. Simplicius proposes that, in the
case of the simple motions up and down, only the simple motion contrary to a
things natural motion should be considered unnatural for it.
131. The formulation here is too compressed. Simplicius should say he should
take only the contraries of those which it is naturally constituted so as to have.
132. The words or lightness are irrelevant here; a reader has suggested
bracketing them.
130 Notes to pages 58-62
133. Here and at line 7 Simplicius writes tn apeiron adunaton dielthein where
Aristotle has to apeiron dielthein. I have supplied grammn on the basis of 1.5,
272a28-9, where Aristotle says adunaton tn apeiron dielthein } and tn apeiron
is clearly an infinite straight line. At 583,8 and 9 Simplicius writes kineitai <tn
apeiron> and peperasmenn kinthnai, and I have translated move through an
infinite (or finite) straight line. These supplements are not certain and the
translation of the present and aorist tenses in this passage is difficult, but
Simplicius point is clear: something cannot be in the process of doing something
(present tense) if it is not possible for it to ever have done it (aorist).
134. cf. Phys. 6.10, 241b6-7.
135. Although Alexanders reading is grammatically possible, it does not seem
that the question Where would it move is appropriate to the vortex, which is only
supposed to revolve around the earth. However, one cannot be sure that Simplicius
is not reporting just one possibility considered by Alexander. On Simplicius own,
more plausible reading Aristotle proves at most that the earth rests naturally
somewhere, not necessarily at the centre.
136. On the text of this sentence see the note on 585,1.
137. diastasin, which Heiberg prints with A and F. Moraux prints diataxin
(arrangement), which is in D and E and printed by Karsten. The manuscripts of
Aristotle are divided between the two. In his paraphrase at 585,18 (where Karsten
prints diataxin) Simplicius has diastasin.
138. para phusin, which Simplicius associates with is derivative from
(paruphestken).
139. Simplicius refers to chapter 8, 215a8-11.
140. In this paraphrase of 300b21-2 Simplicius substitutes auto for heauto, adopt-
ing a reading of Alexander which he goes on to reject in the next paragraph; see the
note on 585,1. Moraux (1973-2001), vol. 3, p. 234, n. 246 argues that all of 584,9-585,20
with the exception of 584,27-585,1 and 585,5-12 derives from Alexander.
141. And so say something that resembles what is said at 245C5-246A2 of
Platos Phaedrus. The issue addressed in this paragraph is the text of 300b21-2,
for which I have translated Morauxs text, to te gar prton kinoun anank kinein
heauto kinoumenon kata phusin. This is the reading of most manuscripts, and as
Simplicius says, many books. Alexander substituted auto for heauto, giving a text
which might be translated For the first cause of motion, moving naturally, must
cause motion. A number of modern scholars, including Allan (1936), adopt this
text. In this paragraph I have used my two translations to render what Simplicius
describes in terms of the choice between the two pronouns.
142. Here Simplicius expresses his disagreement with Alexanders suggestion
that nature is an unmoved mover. He finishes up his exegesis of the lemma in the
next paragraph.
143. Marg ((1972), pp. 107-8) quite reasonably takes Simplicius to be referring
to TL 206,11-17.
144. See 586,12 with the note.
145. Line 1 of DK31B57, from which Aristotle omits the initial here in the
lemma. For other citations see Wright (1981), p. 115.
146. Simplicius formulation is not perspicuous, but he proceeds to explain his
meaning.
147. The issue raised here is the meaning of Aristotles phrase under Love.
Alexander thinks it means when Love dominates everything, Simplicius (almost
certainly correctly; see OBrien (1969), pp. 172-5) when Love is gaining the
ascendancy. The discussion is not as clear as it might be.
Notes to pages 62-69 131
148. The rest of DK31B57. These two lines are only preserved here. On
Simplicius accuracy in citing Empedocles see OBrien (1969), pp. 276-86.
149. Line 5 of DK31B35. Simplicius quotes the first fifteen lines of this
fragment at 529,1-15 of the commentary on 2.13.
150. Lines 10-13 of DK31B35.
151. mounomel, a hapax incorporated in DK31B58.
152. DK31B59. This passage is our only source for the full fragment, although
Simplicius quotes the words as all (hapanta for hekasta) of them chanced to meet
at 327,20 and 331,2 of in Phys.
153. cf. Politicus 272E5-6 where the cosmos is spoken of as being turned back
by its fated, innate desire. In this paragraph Simplicius gives the standard
Neoplatonist interpretation of the Timaeus as a cosmogonical myth designed to
reveal eternal truths about the universe.
154. Perhaps the idea is that with infinitely many different causes any one
would be counteracted by another and the sum could produce no cumulative effect.
155. Simplicius thinks that Aristotles argument should be based on the
trichotomy: one cause of motion, infinitely many causes of motion, finitely many
causes of motion. And he wants the third case to be taken up with the words for
if they were finite. But since they is feminine it clearly refers to the motions
(phorai), not the causes of motion (kinounta).
156. Heiberg prints ouden gar with A and F, although D and E have kaitoi
outhen, and Karsten has the reading of our texts of Aristotle, kaitoi ouden, words
which Simplicius cites at 589,21.
157. Aristotles text requires that genesin be understood here. At 590,25 Sim-
plicius supplies diathesin (condition).
158. As, of course, it has not.
159. The condition of total blending under Love.
160. This is line 4 of DK31B27 and line 2 of DK31B28, except that DK print
perigei (encircling) instead of the perigthei (joyous) printed by Heiberg the
manuscripts are quite various here. For other citations and their problems see
Wright (1981), pp. 104-5. In construing the sphere of Empedocles as an intelligible
cosmos, Simplicius Platonises his ideas.
161. I take this to mean that Empedocles took Love as an independent cause
operating in opposition to Strife in cosmic processes, an interpretation much more
congenial to modern scholars than Simplicius Platonising one.
162. At 592,4 Simplicius cites these words with a gar. Aristotle and Karsten (at
592,4) have de.
163. cf. 569,2-10, although the assumption there only concerned weight.
164. At 301b1 at the beginning of the next lemma (593,19).
165. But, in fact, what doesnt have weight would not naturally move down at
all; cf. 593,8-9.
166. This third assumption is used in the argument of the next lemma (593,19).
167. This figure is based on the one printed by Heiberg, which, he says, is
slightly different from the one presented by A, D, and Bessarion. It is perhaps not
perspicuous to the modern reader because the whole line segment beneath B and
F represents what is called B in the text. The same figure can be used with the
proof in the next lemma.
168. Note that the move here is technically illegitimate because it supposes that
it makes sense to talk about the ratio between a weight and a distance. See also
593,14-16.
169. Taking the diorismenon of 301b17 with sma and not with baros, as, e.g.,
132 Notes to pages 70-74
Guthrie and Stocks do. Simplicius and Alexander clearly take diorismenon with
sma Simplicius even quotes the words as anank pan sma dirismenon baros
ekhein kouphotta at 594,14 although they have difficulty explaining what
Aristotle means; see 594,16-595,8.
170. cf. 583,4-5 with the note.
171. Heiberg prints dirismenon to diirmenon (determinate indicates di-
vided). It seems to me that something like Karstens euthuporoumenon, which I
have translated, must be right; cf. 595,24-6.
172. cf. Phys. 4.4, 211a17-b5.
173. The great masses of earth, water, air, and fire remain where they are.
174. Because parts of the heaven never change their position and are never
separated from it.
175. At 595,30 Simplicius explains that Aristotle means to say that all motion
is either natural or constrained.
176. cf. 2.1.192b21-2.
177. Simplicius is apparently referring to 1.3, 269b23-9, as Heiberg indicates,
but Aristotle is much more explicit on this subject later at 4.4, 311a15-29.
178. The discussion in this paragraph concerns the last sentence of the present
lemma and the first sentence of the next. In Morauxs text, which I have trans-
lated, these read:
Hoti men oun hapan kouphon baru, kai ps hai para phusin kinseis
ekhousi en toutois, phaneron. Hoti doute pantn esti genesis outh hapls
outhenos, dlon ek tn proeirmenn.
On the basis of what he found in some texts Alexander thought that the final
phaneron of the first sentence should attach to the second, which should read:
Phaneron de hoti oute pantn esti genesis outh hapls outhenos, hs dlon ek
tn eirmenn (But it is evident that not everything comes to be and that not
absolutely nothing comes to be, as is clear from what has been said).
This forced Alexander to say that something was left out of the first sentence,
namely the words kai proeirtai, so that the first sentence would be:
Hoti men oun hapan kouphon baru, kai ps hai para phusin kinseis
ekhousi en toutois kai proeirtai.
Alexander says (and Simplicius apparently concurs) that this text would have to
be read as saying And it was said before in these discussions that everything is
either heavy or light and it was said how unnatural motions exist. Simplicius
concludes by espousing the kind of text we find in Moraux, while admitting that
the dispute has no substantial interest.
179. outh hapls outhenos <esti genesis>. Guthries translation nothing is
generated in a absolute sense represents the usual way these words are rendered.
But it appears from 597,31-598,7 (cf. 600,5) that Simplicius understood the words
in the way I have translated them. This difference goes hand-in-hand with a
difference in understanding of Aristotles words what has been said previously.
On the standard modern view (see, e.g., Stocks or Moraux ad loc.) Aristotle is
referring to his rejection of a void in Phys. 4.6-9; contrast 598,3-7.
180. cf. 568,30-569,18.
Notes to pages 74-78 133
181. cf. chapter 1, 298b12-299a1 (555,13; 556,1; 560,11).
182. cf. 1.3, 270a12-22.
183. Simplicius refers to 298b14-24 in the previous chapter (556,1). Aristotles
main discussion of Parmenides and Melissus in Phys. 1.2-3 does not address the
issue of coming to be.
184. I take it that in the remainder of this paragraph Simplicius sets out
Alexanders account of Aristotelian doctrine; he goes on to express his misgivings.
It is, however, possible that where I have inserted the name Aristotle one should
insert Alexander.
185. Agreeing with C in eliminating men ti in 599,1. It would also be possible
to read mentoi with E, F, and Karsten. I take the point of this opaque sentence to
be that when, e.g., air is said to come to be from matter, the truth is that it comes
to be from, e.g., water, but we say it comes to be from matter because water is
potentially air; cf. Moraux (1973-2001), vol. 3, p. 230.
186. He calls is the reading of A, they call that of D, E, and F. Moraux
((1973-2001), vol. 3, p. 230) takes he to be Alexander. But Simplicius appears to
assign the term second substratum to Aristotle at 576,7-8.
187. Simplicius thinks that Alexanders argument against the coming to be of
body could be generalised to various genera. What he says about colour and shape
is clear enough, but I do not understand his argument in the case of things like
heat and coldness.
188. Reading tode with Karsten rather than the to printed by Heiberg; cf. line
18 below. In this sentence Simplicius expresses the view of Alexander: only
particulars come to be. Simplicius proceeds to express his own contrary view.
189. Reading the en of D, E and Karsten rather than the hs of A and F printed
by Heiberg.
190. Or is not some time, if we follow D and E.
191. Simplicius compares the Peripatetic view that there is a permanent
substratum underlying all change with his (Platonist) view that there are common
qualities in the perceptible world which (in another sense) underlie constant
qualitative change.
192. i.e. because only particular bodies come to be, whereas body in general is
eternal.
193. cf. Phys. 4.9, 216b22-30, where Aristotle refers to Xuthus as holding this
same doctrine. In his comment on this passage at in Phys. 683,24 Simplicius says
that Xuthus was a Pythagorean. In his note ad 216b25-6 Ross (1936) indicates how
little is known about Xuthus.
194. Our texts of Aristotle have a gar here. At 601,6 Simplicius cites these
words with a de.
195. cf. the beginning of this book at 298b6-8. (554,22ff.)
196. cf. 3.1, 298b8-12 (555,13ff.).
197. GC. It is important to bear in mind that for Simplicius Aristotle does not
establish his account of the four simple bodies until this work.
198. That is, about form and matter.
199. Like Aristotle.
200. A homoiomery (such as flesh) is something which can be divided (in the
ordinary sense) only into parts like itself.
201. i.e. a letter.
202. Heiberg prints therteon with A. D and E have protherteon, Karsten
prostherteon, which is what Moraux prints and what Simplicius uses at 602,23.
134 Notes to pages 78-81
Heiberg also prints prostherteon at 603,2 with F, although A and D have
protherteon.
203. ekkrisis, a noun, the verb related to which Aristotle uses in the lemma.
Simplicius thinks that this word is applied in philosophical contexts to things which
inhere actually in something, and not to things which inhere only potentially in the
way Aristotle says here that fire and earth are contained in flesh and wood.
204. This sentence is text 281 of Theophrastus: Sources. In a note the editors
point out that in his description of Alcmaeons account of vision Theophrastus says,
It is clear that the eye contains fire, since when it is struck fire flashes out (De
Sensu (Stratton (1917)), 26).
205. I have been unable to identify this person further.
206. cf. [Galen], Medical Definitions 337 (Kuhn (1821-33) 19, 434,15-16): A
carbuncle is a scabrous ulceration which is accompanied by spreading and dis-
charges and sometimes by swelling and fever.
207. trupanon. The OED explains that the term fire drill is used for a primitive
contrivance, consisting of an obtuse-pointed stick which is twirled between the
hands with the point in a hole in a flat piece of soft wood till fire is produced.
208. On this remark see section 6 of the Introduction.
209. cf. 1.3, 270b24-5 and Meteorology 1.3, 339b21-3 and 2.9, 369b11-15.
210. Air is presumably Simplicius mistake.
211. cf. 302a16-18 at the beginning of this chapter (600,3).
212. Heiberg follows A in omitting pantos. It is printed by Moraux and occurs
with some variation in the MSS Moraux cites and in D, E, F, and Karsten.
213. cf. 2.1, 192b8-23.
214. 1.2, 268b14-269a2.
215. cf. 600,5-30.
216. In the remainder of this chapter.
217. In chapter 5.
218. This sentence is obscurely expressed. Simplicius understands Aristotle to
mean only that many composite bodies (non-elements) are homoiomerous.
219. cf. in Phys. 27,23-8.
220. see chapter 4, 187a26-188a18.
221. cf. 302a21-5 in the preceding chapter (601,21) with Simplicius commentary.
222. By Ferison.
223. Bracketing the and changing the question mark to a full stop.
224. Simplicius claims that a thigh bone, for example, is not homoiomerous
because, even if pieces of it have the same material composition as the whole, they
do not have the same form, the form which makes the thigh bone a thigh bone.
225. szein as in szein ta phainomena (preserve the phenomena).
226. I assume Potamon (also mentioned at 652,9 in the commentary on chapter
7, on which see the note in Mueller (2009)) is the eclectic philosopher, probably of
early imperial times mentioned by Diogenes Laertius (Marcovich (1999), 1.21); cf.
the Suda, s.v. Potamn (2126) (Adler (1930), p. 181).
227. A Peripatetic of the earlier second century CE, on whom see Moraux
(1973-2001), vol. 2, pp. 226-93. The five postulates are the postulates of Euclids
Elements.
228. Or terms (horoi). This whole discussion of what Aristotle means by saying
that mathematical principles are finite (peperasmenon) is infected by the introduc-
tion of the word definite (hrismenon) and the related words define and
definition.
229. Placing the accent on the second rather than the first syllable of posoi.
Notes to pages 85-87 135
b d
230. cf. chapter 2, 244b5 -5 with the note on 244b5-5d in Ross (1936).
231. cf. 6, 445b20-446a20. Simplicius gives a rather abstract representation of
Aristotles argument, which is roughly that perceptible qualities occur as opposites
or extremes (e.g. white/black, sweet/bitter) and intermediates between them, and
that, although the intermediates constitute a continuum, there are only finitely
many perceptibly different intermediates.
232. Simplicius omits the conclusion: elements are finite in kind.
233. Chapter 4, 187a26-188a18.
234. This is not a point stressed by Aristotle, but Simplicius finds it in 188a2-5,
which he calls (in Phys. 171,31-2) the strongest refutation of the apparent meaning
of Anaxagoras position.
235. It is hard to see how this statement can be true, since if there are not
infinitely many things (e.g. elements), there cant be infinitely many kinds of
things; cf. 614,19-23 with the note.
236. This is the first part of fragment 1 of Anaxagoras (DK59); for the fragments
of Anaxagoras I use the versions of Sider, which preserves the numbering of DK.
In this case Simplicius text of Anaxagoras differs from Siders only in having
mikrotta where Sider has smikrotta. Simplicius quotes the whole of the fragment
at 155,26-30 of in Phys.; for the extent of the quotation see Sider, pp. 75-6.
237. These are the last words of fragment 4b. Simplicius text differs from
Siders only in having en sumpanti where Sider has en ti sumpanti. The whole
fragment is pieced together from two citations in in Phys. at 34,21-6 and 156,4-9.
238. For this interpretation of Anaxagoras see also in Phys. 165,30-166,2 and
174,4-18.
239. Anaxagoras fragment 7, preserved only here.
240. A version of a small part of Anaxagoras fragment 12, almost the whole of
which is quoted by Simplicius at in Phys. 156,13-157,4; for numerous other
quotations of parts of the fragment in that commentary see Sider, p. 125. The
citation here differs from the version printed by Sider only in having apokrino-
mena where Sider prints apokrinomena kai diakrinomena. And Simplicius partial
quotation distorts the grammar of what Anaxagoras wrote.
241. Having defended Anaxagoras against Aristotles charge that he made the
elements literally infinite, Simplicius now offers a Neoplatonist interpretation of
Anaxagoras.
242. What follows is the beginning of Anaxagoras fragment 4a. Simplicius
quotes the whole fragment at in Phys. 34,29-35,9.
243. Sider has colours and tastes.
244. Simplicius omits a ge printed by Sider.
245. Simplicius has sunikmenas, where Sider after much hesitation prints
sunmmenas.
246. Simplicius omits a te autoisin printed by Sider.
247. Reading the epallaxei of several MSS of Aristotle rather than the peripal-
laxei printed by Moraux, although it is found in no MSS. For discussion see
McDiarmid (1958).
248. This claim appears to be derived from Phys. 4.7, 213b22-7, where Aristotle
says that according to the Pythagoreans the void distinguishes the nature of
numbers. In his comment (in Phys. 652,4-6) Simplicius speaks of distinguishing
the monad from the dyad and the dyad from the triad; cf. in Phys. 880,22-3.
249. Simplicius does not comment on this last clause or the word panspermia
(universal seedbed). Aristotle apparently means that earth, water and the rest
contain atoms of a variety of shapes.
136 Notes to pages 87-95
250. Simplicius explains Alexanders view that the present lemma is an (incom-
pletely expressed) objection to atomism. Starting at 611,4 Simplicius presents his
own view that Aristotle is here explicating, not attacking, atomism; rather his
refutation begins in the next lemma, and, in particular, his refutation of the
doctrine set out in the present lemma starts at 303a24.
251. It is not clear to me why this should be true. There is no obvious connection
between the shape of, say, fire atoms and the shape of fire.
252. The text is problematic here. I have tried to translate Heibergs suggestion
that the autn of A and the autou of D and E might be hn.
253. Simplicius quotes 303a17 in the next lemma and then 303a24-5 in the
same lemma.
254. Moraux prints skhmatn here. It is clear that Simplicius (611,23-7) and
Alexander (612,1) read smatn.
255. cf. 302b20-30 (605,21) and 302b30-303a3 (607,22).
256. For the references see 608,1-3 with the notes.
257. Simplicius reads the conditional of the second argument as if the differen-
tiae in kind of composite bodies are not infinite, neither are the elements (= atoms)
infinite (in kind), that is, roughly, if differences in shapes of the atoms are
supposed to explain qualitative differences in composites, the atoms dont have to
have infinitely many different shapes. Alexander apparently offered two interpre-
tations of the conditional, both based on the claim that bodies here means
elements, that is, primary things, and on the idea that for the atomists the
differentiae of elements are shapes. Alexanders first interpretation is not clear to
me since it only seems to say that differences of shapes wont produce qualitative
differences. On the second reading the conditional goes together with Aristotles
subsequent argument at 303a29-303b3 (613,7) that there are finitely many pri-
mary shapes, which should mean that there are finitely many elements. The last
sentence in this paragraph suggests that Alexander was talking about infinity or
finiteness in number, but nothing in the representation of his position makes
reference to number as opposed to kind. At 614,19-23 Simplicius gives an unfortu-
nate argument that what is finite in kind is also finite in number.
258. It is difficult to give a precise reference here. Heiberg gives 6.3-4. I think
6.1 is more likely.
259. 303a14-15 (610,12); see Simplicius discussion at 610,13-611,16.
260. Translating Heibergs suggestion of elegen rather than the elegon which he
prints.
261. cf. 302b30-303a3 (607,21) with Simplicius discussion.
262. The construction can be visualised by dividing an orange into two halves
and the halves into four quarters each. The eight segments obtained are, of course,
not pyramids, but, as Simplicius says, pyramidish (puramoeids).
263. This argument has nothing to do with finiteness in kind, and could be used
to show directly that nothing can be infinite in number: let C be an infinite class
which has a as member; then C without a is infinite and a falls outside it.
264. I have outlined the argument of this chapter in an appendix on the
argument of Cael. 3.5.
265. cf. 1.2, 268b14-26.
266. Translating the eis inserted by Heiberg.
267. Heibergs raised dot should be replaced by a comma.
268. Simplicius discussion of this paragraph starts at 617,22; he takes up the
obscure last phrase at 618,10-619,31.
269. cf. 6, 5b11-29.
Notes to pages 95-103 137
270. cf. 5.13, 1020a17-25.
271. cf. 303a10-16 in the preceding chapter (610,12).
272. i.e. the atoms.
273. I do not know who these people might be.
274. The remainder of the discussion of this lemma is about this obscure phrase.
At 619,9 Simplicius, having giving three (not entirely clear) suggestions of Alex-
ander about it, dismisses Alexanders exegesis but confesses his own inability to
understand what Aristotle means.
275. Here and in what follows ratio of the lesser (or greater) and also lesser
(or greater) ratio seem to mean what we would represent by a fraction less (or
greater) than 1. Alexanders point here might be expressed by saying that there is
always something greater (or less) than something which is greater (or less) than
something.
276. The typographer has omitted a raised dot after periekhetai.
277. Alexanders suggestion is that the lesser things are water, air, and fire,
amounts of which, being less than earth, are contained in it.
278. For the next material see the appendix on 3.5.
279. cf. Tim. 56A7.
280. cf. 303b13-22 (615,24) with Simplicius discussion.
281. These are the atomists (cf. 303a12-14 in the preceding chapter (610,12)),
although they did not make fire the only element.
282. See the next lemma.
283. For this argument see Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, 1.12, 77b40-78a2.
284. i.e. Timaeus. For arguments that the person whom Aristotle has in mind
is Xenocrates see Cherniss (1944), pp. 143-4.
285. psgma. For the association of Heraclitus with minima called psgmatia
or psgmata see Aetius (Diels (1879)), 1.13.2. Cherniss ((1935), p. 14) assumes
that Aristotle is here talking about Heraclitus, an assumption which Simplicius
does not even consider.
286. Alexander is thinking specifically of gold shavings.
287. cf. 303a20-3 in the preceding chapter (611,17).
288. cf. 303a8-10 in the preceding chapter (609,13).
289. Apparently this means that, e.g. the magnitude of the total mass of air is
to that of the total mass of water as the magnitude of the atomic element of air is
to that of the atomic element of water. It is never made clear what this means or
why it should be true.
290. At 303b24-6 in the previous chapter (616,21).
291. An attempt to prop up Aristotles loose way of talking about quantities in
this part of Cael.
292. Alexander imagines a theory in which the change of earth, water, air, and
fire into one another is explained by the change of their elements into one another.
293. In the present lemma.
294. Simplicius considers only division into two parts.
295. The point is perhaps that nothing other than fire could result from a
compounding of portions of fire.
296. cf. 620,11.
297. cf. 303b25-7 (616,21). For Simplicius Aristotle is here criticising the view
he set out at 304a18-21 (621,12), where he spoke of finest parts.
298. cf. 303a10-16 (610,12) and 303b22-304a7 (616,21) with Simplicius discus-
sion.
299. An assumption Simplicius has rejected at 619,9-31.
138 Notes to pages 105-114
300. cf. chapter 3, 302b5-9 (604,1), where Aristotle infers the existence (but not
the number) of simple bodies from the simple motions.
301. cf. 629,2-5.
302. It seems more likely that Aristotle simply means that a body will be
dissolved or composed one part at a time.
303. With this discussion of Empedocles see Wright (1981), pp. 36-40.
304. With this paragraph see also 612,10-21.
305. I have translated the really unclear text which Simplicius read. At 630,1-5
Simplicius, following Alexander, proposes to insert the words comes to be in
something, and here. Modern editors have followed this suggestion.
306. Simplicius supplies an argument to rule out a fourth alternative not
considered by Aristotle: that something might come to be from itself.
307. As Aristotle does in the next lemma.
308. Here Simplicius presupposes the insertion which he describes in the next
paragraph.
309. The whole heaven not being in place.
310. Simplicius refers to Phys. 4.6, 213b4-15. See his comment on that passage
(in Phys. 649,4-650,14). See also his comment on Phys. 4.1, 209a4-7 (in Phys.
529,29-530,30). And for a general discussion of the issue raised here see Sorabji
(1988), pp. 60-122.
311. I am not sure what Simplicius is thinking here. Perhaps it is that what is
incorporeal could not occupy a place.
312. cf. Phys. 4.8.
313. i.e. some other body; see 305a31-2.
314. Simplicius skips over 305a26-9 (for a thing } elements); he returns to
these words in the next paragraph.
315. That is, when Aristotle says move in it (en touti) he means move to it
(epi touton).
316. The kata topon of D, E, and Karsten seems preferable to the kata ton topon
(presumably something like move with respect to that place) of A, which Heiberg
prints.
317. cf. 305a16-21 (629,6).
318. Aristotle does not mention Anaxagoras in the discussion which follows, but
Simplicius takes him to be arguing specifically against Anaxagoras at 305b20-8
(635,1); see his discussion of that passage.
319. Translating the toiaisde of D rather than the toisde printed by Heiberg.
320. Translating Karstens hotan d rather than the ei oun, hotan, printed by
Heiberg.
321. That is, air which actually exists in a mixture should not occupy more space
when it is extracted from the mixture, but something which is only potentially air
might occupy more space when it becomes actually air.
322. In the last sentence of the lemma.
323. At 305b5-10 in the preceding lemma (631,29).
324. in Phys. 4.8.
325. The distinction between the separate void and the interspersed void (to
paresparmenon kenon) is roughly the distinction between empty space outside of
bodies and empty spaces inside them. Arguments that motion would be impossible
without a void (cf., e.g., Phys. 4.6, 213b4-15) are taken to invoke a separate void,
arguments that a void is required for condensation and rarefaction or nutrition
and growth (cf., e.g., Phys. 4.6, 213b15-22) an interspersed void. See, for example
Notes to pages 114-115 139
in Phys. 683,1-4. The explicit distinction may go back to Strato of Lampsacus, on
whom see Furley (1985).
326. cf. 4.3, 309a19-21 with the note on 686,14 in Mueller (2009).
327. Simplicius distinguishes between the targets of the first and second
sentences of 305b16-20: without a void Empedocles and Anaxagoras cannot ex-
plain why when water changes to air the volume of air is greater than that of the
water because they think that the air was actually in the water; and Democritus
void cannot explain why air atoms move farther apart when they are separated
from water.
328. cf. chapter 4, 187b22-188a2.
329. perigegrammenn. Simplicius treatment of infinite division is surprisingly
sophisticated in this passage. He is aware that the division of a finite magnitude
into finite portions can go on forever (that is to infinity), but he accepts Aristotles
view that such a division can never be completed (that is, the number of divisions
can never be actually infinite). Following Aristotle, Simplicius thinks of such
division as a matter of marking off previously unmarked portions of a continuous
magnitude. But, according to Simplicius, this sort of division isnt relevant to
Anaxagoras separation since what is separated is already marked out in the
original whole.
330. I have translated the h which appears in D and as a Bessarion insertion.
Heiberg prints onts with A; he reports that E and F have nothing.
Bibliography
This glossary is derived from the Greek-English Index and gives standard Greek
equivalents for many nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and a few prepositions in
the translation. It does not include equivalents for most Greek words which are
used only once by Simplicius or words which have no relatively simple equivalent
in English. The reader will get a better sense of the range of a Greek word by
looking at the Greek-English Index for the word and ones closely related to it.
This index, which is based on Heibergs text with my emendations, gives the
English translations of many nouns, verbs, adjectives, and some adverbs used by
Simplicius; certain very common words (e.g. einai, ekhein, legein) and number
words are omitted, as are words which only occur in quotations (or apparent
quotations) of other authors. When a word occurs no more than ten times, its
occurrences are listed; in other cases only the number of occurrences is given.
Occurrences in lemmas and as part of a book title are ignored. Sometimes
comparatives, superlatives, and adverbs are included under the positive form of
an adjective, sometimes they are treated separately. There is a separate index of
names.
This index lists places where Simplicius discussion goes beyond straightforward
exposition of Aristotles text. See also the other indices, and the table of contents.
1. I wish to add a further thank you to Jan Opsomer, who sent me some excellent
corrections of my translation of 563,26-566,20, which I have incorporated.
586,5-29 188a
587,8-23 188c 425-32
588,14-22 189a
588,28-589,3 189b 432-8
590,3-11 190a
590,24-591,7* 190b 439-43
591,21-592,3* 191b 443-5
594,16-22 192a 445-8
596,31-597,3 193a* 448-50
597,13-26 194 451-3
598,26-599,7 195a 453-6
604,3-10 196* 457-8
606,9-10 197a
606,33-607,16 197b 458-60
607,24-608,20* 198a 460-4
610,13-611,4 199a
611,13-16 199b 465-468
612,1-6 200 468-9
613,25-614,10 201a
614,15-18 201b 469-73
617,6-21 202a
618,10-619,8 202b
619,20-4 202c
622,24-7 202d 474-80
620,15-20 203 480-2
621,20-5 204 482-3
623,4-16 205a
624,4-13 205b 483-6
627,16-32 206 486-9
628,6-13* 207a 489-90
629,18-630,15 208a 491-8
631,21-5 209 498-9
632,25-633,2* 210a 499-501
633,29-634,17 211a 502-507