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awpa Pacha

Journal of Andean Archaeology

ISSN: 0077-6297 (Print) 2051-6207 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ynaw20

Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo


Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

Benjamin T. Nigra, Augusto Cardona Rosas, Maria C. Lozada & Hans Barnard

To cite this article: Benjamin T. Nigra, Augusto Cardona Rosas, Maria C. Lozada & Hans Barnard
(2017): Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru, awpa
Pacha, DOI: 10.1080/00776297.2017.1324011

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00776297.2017.1324011

Published online: 20 Jul 2017.

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RECONSTRUCTING THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT OF THE MILLO COMPLEX,
VITOR VALLEY, PERU
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Benjamin T. Nigra, Augusto Cardona Rosas, Maria C. Lozada and Hans Barnard

The Vitor Valley is an alluvial oasis linking the Arequipa highlands to the Pacic coast of southern Peru. The northern
limit of the valley hosts a dense archaeological landscape of interspersed eldstone structures and cemeteries known as the
Millo Complex. This cluster comprises three principal segments referred to as Millo 2, Millo 3, and Millo 4; each of
which preserves extensive architecture. Here we report on our research of the visible remains of the built environment of
these sites, focusing on the relationships between structures, topography, visibility, and access. We suggest that these seg-
ments operated as contemporaneous and interdependent components of the larger settlement. Radiocarbon analysis of
charcoal samples recovered from excavations at Millo 2 and surface ceramics from across the Millo Complex place this
within the Middle Horizon (6001100 CE), a period of profound social change and reconguration of geopolitical
relationships across the south-central Andes. The exact role that the Millo Complex played in this period of regional
transition remains unclear. While sizable Ramada cemeteries adjacent to these sites point to local origins and activity,
the intrusion of an iconic D-shaped structure at Millo 3 may indicate the introduction of non-local traditions associated
with the Wari state. This article offers working hypotheses that may be addressed through future targeted excavations.

El valle de Vitor es un oasis aluvial que vincula a la sierra de Arequipa con la costa del sur del Per. El lmite norte del
valle alberga un paisaje arqueolgico de estructuras y cementerios interrelacionados conocido como el Complejo Millo.
Este conjunto comprende tres segmentos principales denominados Millo 2, Millo 3 y Millo 4. En este artculo reporta-
mos el ambiente construido de esos sitios, enfocndonos en las relaciones entre arquitectura, topografa, visibilidad y
acceso. Un detallado mapeo y estudio de la arquitectura conservada sugiere que los segmentos de Millo operaron
como partes contemporneas, complementarias y funcionalmente interdependientes de un mismo sitio complejo.
Anlisis radiocarbnicos de muestras de carbn excavadas en Millo 2 ubican a este complejo dentro del Horizonte
Medio (6001100 d.C.), un periodo de profundo cambio social y reconguracin de relaciones geopolticas a lo
largo de los Andes Centro Sur. Sin embargo, el rol preciso del Complejo Millo en este periodo de transicin no

Benjamin T. Nigra, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA, 308 Charles Young Drive North, Los Angeles, CA 90095,
USA
Augusto Cardona Rosas, Centro de Investigaciones Arqueolgicas de Arequipa, Arequipa, Peru
Maria C. Lozada, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1126 East 59th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, USA
Hans Barnard, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA, A331 Fowler Museum, 308 Charles Young Drive North, Box
951510, Los Angeles, CA 90095, USA (nomads@ucla.edu)

awpa Pacha, Journal of Andean Archaeology, pp. 124. # 2017 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

queda claro. Aunque extensos cementerios Ramada sealan origenes y actividades locales, la intrusin de una icnica
estructura en forma de D en Millo 3 sugiere que el complejo tambin experiment la introduccin de un canon ritual
asociado con el estado Wari.

T he Middle Horizon (6001100 CE) was charac-


terized by intensifying interregional interaction,
growing populations and urban orescence in the
(Castillo et al. 2012; Jennings et al. 2015; Marcone
2010; Owen 2010). Top-down projections of state
power contended with local-level bottom-up
Andean highlands, widespread dispersion of new reli- responses, resulting in diverse scenarios ranging
gious iconography, technologically and stylistically from local exploitation of Wari tropes for political
innovative architecture, and sweeping geopolitical gain to gradual acclimatization, and from negotiation
changes that reshaped regional economies and to outright resistance (Blisle and Covey 2010;
lifestyles across much of the south-central Andes Coleman 2010; Conlee 2010; Jennings and lvarez
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(Isbell and Knobloch 2006; Isbell and McEwan 2016). Middle Horizon archaeology challenges us to
1991; Lau 2012; Menzel 1964; Slovak et al. 2009; disentangle the driving role of state directives and
Torres-Rouff et al. 2013). These developments investigate the impact of indirect cultural hegemony
coincided with the emergence of two rst-generation and the responses of local communities, particularly
states, Wari and Tiwanaku, whose rapid expansion in areas where the complex relationships between
launched a cascade of widespread social, political, state and non-state actors are not immediately clear
and economic transformations (Isbell 2008; Janusek (Jennings 2010; Jennings and lvarez 2015).
2008; Schreiber 2005, 2012; Stanish 2001). Of the Between 2009 and 2015 we conducted surface
two, Wari strongly exemplies the codied social reconnaissance in Vitor Valley, an alluvial drainage
classes, rigid hierarchy of bureaucrats and administra- southwest of modern Arequipa that connects the
tors, economic centralization, monumental infra- southern highlands to the Pacic coast (Figure 1).
structure projects, and reorganization of conquered The valley has a rich pre-Columbian history spanning
territories associated with classic models of empire the Formative through Inka periods (Cardona Rosas
(Earle and Jennings 2012; Schreiber 2001; Smith 2002, 2008; Cardona Rosas and Wise 2000). We
and Schreiber 2006; Tung and Cook 2006; Tung identied a number of previously unreported sites
and Knudson 2008). Wari elites amassed impressive that date to the early centuries of the Middle
amounts of material wealth (Gierz and Pardo 2014; Horizon. These include more than a dozen cemeteries
Santa Cruz 2011), nanced the construction of pro- associated with La Ramada, a poorly-understood local
vincial centers and state outposts far from the heart- tradition also recognized in the nearby Siguas and
land (Anders 1989; Edwards 2013; Jennings and Majes valleys (Jennings and lvarez 2016; Jennings
Craig 2001; McEwan 2005; Nash and Williams et al. 2015). Absolute dates for La Ramada in
2009; Schreiber 1987; Topic and Topic 1983; Siguas suggest that these communities were active
Williams 2001), and incorporated non-Wari groups between the fth and ninth centuries CE (Santos
into the state economy through a dynamic combi- Ramrez 1980). The Millo Complex comprises a
nation of territorial conquest and political coercion; dense settlement cluster at the northern end of the
a strategy sometimes referred to as a mosaic of valley characterized by large, multi-room, eldstone
control (Schreiber 1992). Where evidence of direct compounds. Excavation and radiocarbon analysis
state investment is scarce, the adoption of heartland- conrmed that at least one segment of the complex,
style design aesthetics, iconography, and wealth Millo 2, was active during the late rst millennium
goods suggests that Wari was a desirable paradigm CE. Finds included sherds with technical and
to be attained, emulated, or locally reproduced design features indicative of local La Ramada wares

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Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru
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Figure 1. Map showing the location of the Millo Complex in the Vitor Valley, Arequipa, southern Peru. Coordinates are projected onto
Zone 19K of the WGS84 geode, north is at the top of the map, each box is 5,000 5,000 m.

as well as contemporaneous non-local Middle We acknowledge the limitations of surface data sets
Horizon wares similar to pottery described in neigh- in the absence of corroborating excavations. Our
boring drainages (Jennings 2012; Owen 2007). motivation for presenting these data now stems
This provides an opportunity to explore the interre- from immediate concerns over the rapid construction
gional political and economic relationships that of reservoirs, irrigation canals, roads, shelters, and
emerged among communities in the Vitor Valley other infrastructure that immediately threatens all seg-
during the Middle Horizon. ments of the Millo Complex. Data recovered from
This article provides an overview of visible architec- excavations at Millo 2 and associated Ramada ceme-
ture at the Millo Complex and its relationship to the teries will be the subject of future publications.
surrounding landscape. In some respects, these struc-
tures share important attributes with contempora- Physical Geography of the Vitor
neous settlements elsewhere in the southern Valley
Arequipa region. Most curious is a D-shaped struc-
ture in the highest and most isolated part of the The Vitor Valley is one of many narrow drainages that
complex, Millo 3, positioned to provide a view of descend the western slopes of the Andes towards the
the nearby volcanoes, Chachani and Misti, likely Pacic Ocean. The Ro Vitor begins approximately
the local apus. These data offer a preliminary frame- 16 km west of Arequipa at the conuence of Ro
work for considering who built and inhabited the Chili and Ro Yura, where its headwaters form a set
Millo Complex during the late rst millennium CE. of restricted and unnavigable canyons. From here

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

the river turns south, levels off and broadens to form a to negotiate. The most effective route into the
wide S-shaped curve for approximately 25 km. The valley is a corridor just northeast of Quebrada
moderate gradient allows the river to meander and Millo, where a gentler slope provides for gradual
deposit a nutrient-rich alluvium, creating a strip of descent along a series of low ridges. Density of
arable land up to 1 km wide on each bank. Three sea- ancient sites and settlements along this route testies
sonal drainages (quebradas) enter the valley from the to its regular use in antiquity. These include pre-
west within a 5 km stretch of the northern end of Columbian road segments with associated petroglyph
the valley. Management of run-off is vital to agricul- panels, retaining terraces supporting the roadbed, and
ture here, as elevation (1,1001,300 m above sea informal windbreak structures (Cardona Rosas 2008).
level) and distance from the ocean (c. 50 km) pre- Once on the valley oor, this route continues down-
clude marine fogs that support desert vegetation stream along the western side of the river, passing
closer to the coast. Local hydrology is currently aug- through a small Inka tambo, a dozen large La
mented with canals and reclamation projects that Ramada cemeteries, and numerous smaller sites of
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increase the agricultural potential to approximately yet undetermined association.


60 km2 of arable land. At its southern terminus the The Millo Complex rests at the conuence of the
valley again constricts into impassible canyons on its Quebrada Millo with the Rio Vitor along the
way to the Pacic Ocean. Vitor Valley thus provides ancient trans-valley roadway (Figure 2). The site com-
a linear oasis for permanent settlement within an prises three major segments (Millo 2, Millo 3, and
otherwise inhospitable desert environment. Millo 4) and two sizable La Ramada cemeteries (V-
Movement into and through the valley is dictated 05 and V-09). The area between these segments is
by local topography. The bottomland is separated interspersed with dozens of scattered structures, ter-
from the surrounding desert ( pampa) by sheer escarp- races, and other landscape modications, forming a
ments reaching more than 250 vertical meters. This continuous area of human activity covering approxi-
creates a local microclimate and limits access to a mately 3 km2. We produced a measured plan of the
few entryways. The narrow gorges at the northern entire Millo Complex using a Trimble ProXRT real-
and southern ends of the valley do not allow for time differential GPS receiver and a Topcon GTS-
passage along the river. Each of the western quebra- 235W total station (Figure 3). All measurements
das, when dry, grants access to the valley from the were projected within zone 19K (19S) of the
northwest, although the terrain remains challenging WGS84 geode; all heights were calculated above

Figure 2. The Millo Complex in Vitor Valley (Arequipa, Peru) as seen from the east bank of the Ro Vitor looking west. In the center of
the image is the walled hilltop referred to as Cerro Colorado; Millo 4 is on the slope of the escarpment behind Millo 3. La Ramada
cemetery V-09 is at the valley bottom below Millo 3 and La Ramada cemetery V-05 is north (to the right) of Millo 2.

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Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru
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Figure 3. Central part of the Millo Complex just west of Ro Vitor. Individual segments are separated from one another by a seasonal
drainage (the Quebrada Millo) and a shallow dry gully. The ancient cemetery located at the valley oor, identied as V-09, is characterized
by Ramada style pottery and textiles. Coordinates are projected onto Zone 19K of the WGS84 geode, north is at the top of the map, each
box is 500 500 m.

mean sea level. The newly collected data were reduced The volume of fallen architectural debris suggests
using AutoCAD (Autodesk), Foresight DXM (TDS), that these were single-story buildings covered with
GPS Pathnder Ofce (Trimble), and Surfer (Golden perishable roong material. Walls consist of local
Software) software, the results of which were com- unworked eldstones bonded together with a mud-
bined with existing maps and satellite imagery in clay mortar. Individual stones range from 2550 cm
ArcMap (ESRI). in a given plane. The mortar provides structural
support and reduces intrusion by wind, light, dust,
sound, and small animals. Both single and double-
Millo 2 and the Bottomland coursed walls are present, with the former used
mostly for internal partitions and small outbuildings.
Millo 2 encompasses around 20 ha of sandy bottom- Collection, preparation, and assembly of these
land just north of the Quebrada Millo and about materials could easily be accomplished by a small,
300 m northwest of the modern river (Figure 4). unspecialized, labor force.
The northwestern part of the site features retaining These compounds are highly variable in layout,
terraces that support the ancient roadway as it passes with no two structures exhibiting the same plan, indi-
by nearly a dozen agglutinated domestic compounds cating that each developed independently, receiving
in the center of Millo 2. Each of these structures new additions as needed. The largest structures
ranges from 150 m2 to more than 750 m2 in area. contain more than 30 small rooms, while smaller

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology
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Figure 4. Measured plan of Millo 2 showing vernacular structures to the upper right, an orthogonally planned enclosure in the center,
and part of the walled Cerro Colorado to the far left. Coordinates are projected onto Zone 19K of the WGS84 geode, north is at the top of
the map, each box is 500 500 m, contour lines are in meters above mean sea level.

structures contain between 10 and 20. Each major rooms arranged into neat row blocks. Each block
compound features an attached rectilinear patio, shares a standard plan ranging from 30 to 50 m2.
some of which reach more than 10 m on one side. Construction consists of unworked eldstones laid
We observed grinding stones (metates) on the in a mud-clay mortar. Perishable roong materials
surface of several of these patios. Smaller unattached are exposed on the surface in several locations.
enclosures are interspersed between major com- While this mirrors the techniques used for smaller
pounds. These are typically round, stone-lined enclo- household compounds in the sector below, eld-
sures that could have served auxiliary roles as small stones in this orthogonal complex are noticeably
corrals or storage units. Wood charcoal samples exca- larger, walls are thicker, and construction of the
vated from two separate structures yielded radiocar- enclosure appears to follow a stricter orthogonal
bon ages ranging from ca. 776978 CE (Figure 5). plan. The ancient roadbed passes along the southern
Finds support our hypothesis that these compounds foot of this enclosure and is clearly visible from the
served a suite of quotidian functions. open plaza above. Surface pottery within the
The southwestern sector of Millo 2 contains a complex is consistent with Middle Horizon wares
large orthogonal enclosure atop an elevated rise reported for the surrounding region (Cardona
about 25 m above the domestic zone. The structure Rosas 2002) and thus we suggest that it was contem-
measures roughly 50 90 m and is fronted by a poraneous with the adjacent residential zone. One
square plaza measuring approximately 30 30 m. possibility is that this enclosure housed distinguished
To the rear of the plaza are several dozen rectilinear persons, perhaps managerial elites who coordinated a

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Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

Figure 5. Summary of the results of six


charcoal radiocarbon samples excavated from
domestic compounds at Millo 2.
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local labor force comprised of multiple households in observed no substantial structures or associated
the nearby zone. surface scatters.
Millo 2 is crowned by hilltop redoubt surrounded Two ancient cemeteries, identied as V-05 and V-
on three sides by a stone wall reaching up to 3 m 09, are found within the Millo Complex along the
high (Figure 6). This wall covers more than 800 m western margin of the Ro Vitor. Both are badly dis-
and encircles an area of some 4 ha. The almost vertical turbed and the surrounding area is rife with scattered
drop into the Quebrada Millo to the west effectively and sun-bleached human remains, textile fragments,
blocks access from that direction. A narrow shoulder and other grave goods. Visible artifacts and subterra-
to the southeast, directly behind the orthogonal nean boot-shaped tombs are similar to those from
enclosure, provides access into the enclosed area. more than a dozen other cemeteries recorded during
The hilltop itself stands out from the surrounding reconnaissance of the valley. Surface artifacts indicate
landscape due to its ferrous color and is referred to an association with local La Ramada communities
as Cerro Colorado. This conspicuous feature is that inhabited the valley during the terminal Early
visible from most locations within the Millo Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon (Santos
Complex and forms its geographic center. It may Ramrez 1980). The investigation of these cemeteries
well at times have been a sacred feature in the land- will be reported in future publications.
scape (huaca). The area within the wall contains a Overall, construction at Millo 2 avoids low-lying
set of small masonry platforms at its center. We areas that could become inundated, while remaining

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

Figure 6. Top: A section of the wall


surrounding Cerro Colorado above Millo
2. Bottom: Millo 2 as seen from the west;
note the volcanic peaks of Chichani in the
background.
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close enough to arable land, water, and fuel sources to settlement. Two adjacent cemeteries preserving La
provide for the practical needs of a permanent settle- Ramada material culture may be linked to the resident
ment. Domestic structures articulate directly with the population of Millo 2.
pre-Columbian roadway entering the valley from the
north. The orthogonally planned enclosure overlook-
ing the residential structures in Millo 2 suggests a Millo 3
degree of hierarchical coordination and leadership,
perhaps related to the movement of goods and Millo 3 occupies an isolated plateau southwest of
people into and out of the valley. Defensive concerns Quebrada Millo. This landform measures approxi-
are evident in the walled redoubt above the mately 0.7 2.7 km and is separated from the valley

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Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

bottom by the deep channel of the Quebrada Millo to the lowest and broadest area (Figure 7). We refer to
the northeast and a substantial gully to the northwest. these tiers as Sectors A, B, and C, with Sector A
The former separates Millo 3 from Millo 2, and the being the highest and most exclusive zone.
latter separates the site from Millo 4. The mesa rises Access to Millo 3 is limited by steep precipices to
in step-wise fashion to the north to form three tiers the north and east. Entry is possible only from the
with an apex at its northeastern corner. The arrange- southwestern edge of the mesa, where we observed
ment of architecture at Millo 3 follows this vertical several small stone structures and sizable sherd scat-
hierarchy, with well-planned room-block structures ters. There are no water sources or vegetation on the
and a massive plaza occupying the highest and most mesa and its elevated position precludes irrigation
restricted area. Large rectilinear enclosures character- from the river or neighboring quebradas. While this
ize the second tier, and single-room units comprise area presents challenges for permanent settlement,
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Figure 7. Measured plan of Millo 3, showing Sector A at the highest elevation in the far northeast and a recently excavated cistern in the
far southeast of the site. Coordinates are projected onto Zone 19K of the WGS84 geode, north is at the top of the map, each box is 500
500 m, contour lines are in meters above mean sea level.

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

Figure 8. View from the plaza in


Sector A at the top of Millo 3,
facing northeast. Cerro Colorado is
just visible beyond the low wall at
the edge of the plaza in the
foreground. The northern part of
the Vitor Valley is in the center of
the image and two local apus
(Chachani and Misti) loom large in
the background.
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the location is eminently defensible and in places pro- little more than 1 m wide. Larger units, including
vides clear views of the volcanic peaks of Chachani wide halls and long perimeter galleries, take up a
and Misti (Figure 8). Furthermore, the elevated pos- sizable portion of each enclosure. While each room
ition of Millo 3 enables observation of travelers enter- block forms a planned rectilinear unit, perhaps repre-
ing the valley from the north, movement along the senting a single episode of construction, additional
adjacent valley bottom, and a vista into the wide rooms attached to exterior walls may be later
southern bend of the valley. The proximity and additions. Foundations do not exhibit doorways,
similar elevation of Millo 4 (1.5 km northwest) and niches, or other features at ground level, indicating
the hilltop redoubt at Millo 2 (1 km northeast) elevated thresholds between rooms. Because doorways
allow for visual and auditory communication are not clearly visible without excavation it is difcult
between these sites. to trace the ow of movement through these struc-
Densely packed building foundations almost tures or determine patterns of access and movement.
entirely cover the uppermost tier of Millo 3 A large plaza separates the two room blocks,
(Figure 9). Surface debris suggests that these were forming an open rectangular space measuring 40 m
once single-story buildings, likely with perishable along the northwest-southeast axis and 30 m north-
roofs. Like all structures in the Millo Complex, east-southwest. A poorly preserved circular structure
these compounds utilized irregular unworked eld- measuring approximately 5 m in diameter lies at its
stones bound together with mud-clay mortar. center. To the northeast this plaza meets an almost
Individual stones are typically no larger than 50 cm vertical cliff abutting the deep gorge of the
on one side, roughly rectilinear, and were locally avail- Quebrada Millo. The areas adjacent to the plaza
able. Sector A features two principal room blocks sub- and room-block structures are replete with eldstone
divided into tightly-packed rectilinear chambers. Each debris, poorly preserved outbuildings, and portions of
block is roughly orthogonal, measuring 2025 m to a now-destroyed room blocks.
side, and contains upwards of 15 to 20 rooms. The most notable feature at Millo 3 is a D-shaped
Individual chambers are typically small, sometimes structure, 15 m in diameter at its center, tucked

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Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

Figure 9. Measured plan of


Sector A of Millo 3. The dot and
arrow indicate the position and
direction of the view presented in
Figure 8. Coordinates are projected
onto Zone 19K of the WGS84
geode, north is at the top of the
map, each box is 50 50 m.
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between the northwestern side of the open plaza and orthogonal enclosure at Millo 2. Visual reference to
the northernmost enclosure block. This structure these mountain peaks ties together the disparate com-
stands in stark contrast to rectilinear units that ponents of the Millo Complex and gives the
typify the majority of the Millo Complex. impression of an ideologically unied built
Although it exhibits similar construction techniques, environment.
it appears that it intruded upon an existing room The second topographic tier of Millo 2 (Sector B)
block. Walls of adjacent rooms were clearly truncated measures some 700 m northsouth. We identied
by construction of the D-shaped enclosure, leaving more than 50 separate buildings constructed of
small, inaccessible and irregularly shaped spaces unworked eldstone and mud mortar, all exhibiting
that are clearly vestigial of earlier rectilinear rooms. construction techniques typical of the Millo
The at side of the D-shape aligns with the north- Complex. The majority are small, single-unit, recti-
west border of the open plaza, respecting the limits linear structures less than 5 m in their longest
of this open space and allowing for its unobstructed dimension. In contrast, massive square plazas and
use. This suggests that Sector A represents at least multi-room enclosures typify the northeastern area
two major phases: the construction of the room of Sector B nearest to the uppermost tier (Figure
blocks and plaza, followed by the introduction of 10). The largest of these open enclosures measures
the D-shaped building. 40 m on one side and contains a few small rooms
It is reasonable to suggest that the importance of attached to the interior of its perimeter walls
the highest tier of Millo 3 was based on its unob- (Figure 11). Low bench-like galleries track the
structed view of Misti and Chachani, two volcanic interior of these enclosures in several cases. Several
peaks likely regarded as local apus. The placement structures in Sector B present evidence of being
of politico-ceremonial architecture here would have altered at some time during their use-life. These
provided an attractive cosmological anchor for the alterations included truncated walls, abutting
complex as a whole. The line-of-sight towards additions, and interruptions of previously estab-
Chachani passes over the redoubt above Millo 2, lished rooms. The lowest tier of Millo 3 (Sector
while the line-of-sight to Misti passes over the C) exhibits small and irregular-shaped single-room

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

Figure 10. View of Sector B at


Millo 3 as seen from Sector A
looking south.
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structures, some of which are less than 1 m wide. It architecture in Sectors B and C was contempora-
is noteworthy that Misti and Chachani are only neous with the room blocks in Sector A. While it
visible from Sector A and not from the lower tiers is likely that distinct zones served different pur-
of Millo 3. Apart from similarities in architectural poses, it cannot be ruled out that they represent
materials and techniques, surface data does not the gradual or punctuated development of Millo 3
offer adequate evidence to determine whether that as a whole.

Figure 11. Detail of Sector B of


Millo 3, showing several large
enclosures with the remains of
rooms and low benches along
interior walls. The southern, largest
enclosure demonstrates multiple
construction phases. Coordinates
are projected onto Zone 19K of the
WGS84 geode, north is at the top
of the map, each box is 50 50 m.

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Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru
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Figure 12. Selected ceramics from the Millo Complex. Left: Wari-style sherds excavated from Millo 2. Top-right: Wari-style sherds
made of a non-local paste (see detail directly below) recorded on the surface of Millo 3. Bottom-right: Typical fabric of La Ramada
ceramics.

Surface artifacts are scarce at Millo 3. During our link the complex securely to either the local
study we recorded only a handful of diagnostic Ramada tradition or the Wari state. A detailed analysis
ceramic sherds (Figure 12). These present two distinct of the ceramic artifacts from the Millo Complex is the
pastes and a ring regime similar to ceramics recov- subject of ongoing research.
ered from Millo 2, suggesting a semi-contempora-
neous occupation of these sites and a common
material tradition. One decorated sherd found in Millo 4
Sector A was made of a paste rarely encountered in
the Millo Complex and thought to represent an Millo 4 is the smallest segment of the Millo Complex
import from elsewhere in the south-central Andes. and situated the furthest from the valley bottom in a
Altogether, surface ceramics are not sufcient to relatively level area about halfway up the slope

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awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

between the valley and the pampa. A narrow dry gully before construction. Some, however, appear intrusive
separates Millo 4 from Millo 3 to the east, the deep into earlier architecture. This may be the result of
Quebrada Millo forms its northern border, and repairs, remodeling, or an alteration in the function
steep escarpments isolate it from the high desert to or use of the structure. The most prominent feature
the west. The site is elevated some 40 m above the associated with this enclosure is a large trapezoidal
Quebrada Millo and lacks easy access to water, fuel, plaza to the southeast, measuring about 40 m at its
and arable land. Portions of Millo 3 and the Millo widest point. This plaza contains low benches along
2 redoubt are visible to the south and east, respect- three sides and is attached on its eastern side to a
ively. Structural remains at Millo 4 cover approxi- central square room with high walls that are notably
mately 7.5 ha. Unlike Millo 2 and Millo 3, Millo 4 thicker than their nearby counterparts. A wide entry-
does not exhibit clearly differentiated sectors. way leads from this room into the trapezoidal plaza.
Instead, the site contains a large room-block structure The eastern wall of the plaza contains an external
surrounded by a cluster of more than 50 smaller out- entryway facing the Millo 2 redoubt, thus referencing
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buildings, most of which consist of a few poorly pre- the local landscape in a manner similar to Millo
served room units (Figure 13). Construction 3. The Misti volcanic peak is clearly visible to the
techniques and surface assemblages are identical to east, while Chachani is hidden behind local topogra-
those recorded elsewhere in the Millo Complex, phy to the north (Figure 15). We observed fragments
suggesting a common material tradition and semi- of a small decorated ne-ware bowl near one of the
contemporaneous occupation. smaller structures. These and other less remarkable
The principal enclosure at Millo 4 contains more sherds exhibit paste types and ring quality typical
than 30 rooms (Figure 14). Regular room dimensions of Middle Horizon Epoch 2 wares from the
and orthogonal layout suggest that these were planned southern Arequipa region (Cardona Rosas 2002),

Figure 13. Measured plan of Millo


4. The modern structure just southeast of
the site was constructed in 2015.
Coordinates are projected onto Zone 19K
of the WGS84 geode, north is at the top
of the map, contour lines are in meters
above mean sea level.

14
Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

Figure 14. Measured plan of the central


structures at Millo 4. The dot and arrow
indicate the position and direction of the
view presented in Figure 15. Coordinates
are projected onto Zone 19K of the
WGS84 geode, north is at the top of the
map, each box is 50 50 m.
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Figure 15. View from the plaza


in Millo 4, facing east. Cerro
Colorado is to the right and the
Misti volcano is further aeld at the
center of the picture. Chachani, to
the left, is completely hidden
behind the terrain in the
foreground.

15
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

the period dating between the ninth and twelfth cen- There is some evidence to suggest that the different
turies CE. components of the Millo Complex complemented
one another geographically. Millo 2, hosting a signi-
cant domestic zone with access to arable land and sus-
Millo as a Complex tainable water sources, developed in direct articulation
with the major trans-valley thoroughfare. Formative
Our analysis points to a common architectural tra- Period petroglyphs and ceramic sherds associated
dition and shared surface assemblages across Millo with the well-traveled Calderas Road, which con-
2, Millo 3, and Millo 4. At a minimum, this indi- nected the pampa around La Joya with the northern
cates general chronological parity and suggests that Vitor Valley, raise the possibility that the route was
builder communities approached the practical active prior to the construction of Millo 2 (Cardona
aspects of construction in similar ways. At most, it Rosas 2008: 3943). Millo 2 could have emerged as
suggests that these sites functioned as planned com- a sort of gateway community (Hirth 1978) that
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ponents of a coordinated settlement complex. The developed in response to people and goods moving
degree to which these segments were functionally along the corridor connecting the coast to the high-
interdependent remains unclear and must be land. The larger and more labor-intensive orthogonal
addressed through targeted excavations supported complex at the foot of the Millo 2 redoubt, which
by additional radiocarbon analysis. All Millo struc- clearly stands apart from neighboring domestic com-
tures consist of a similar regime of construction pounds, perhaps served a distinct function related to
materialsuncut eldstone and mud mortarand decision making and coordinated oversight. The
all eldstone components share relatively similar redoubt itself suggests that at some pointor
treatment and dimensions. There is a complete perhaps at recurring times throughout the life of
lack of alternative building materials in weight- this communitythe population had sufcient
bearing walls, such as wood components or adobe. reason to maintain a substantial defensive posture.
Mortar from across the complex expresses identical While accessibility along established trade routes
physical properties. Builders laid all core structural may have provided economic opportunities, it also
walls in continuous double coursings, with single may have created risks.
coursings used for outbuildings and internal par- Unlike Millo 2, Millo 3 and Millo 4 are poorly
titions. All corners and wall junctions were executed positioned for basic subsistence tasks. Neither is
in the same angular, interlocking style. Our analysis easily accessible from the valley bottom, and both
suggests that all structures were single storied with lack sources of water and fuel. Long-term settlement
perishable materials used for roong, which was con- would have required substantial daily commutes to
rmed through excavations at Millo 2. No doorways the valley bottom to sustain basic needs. Unlike
are visible near ground level, suggesting a shared tra- Millo 2, however, these sites have access to strategic
dition of elevated thresholds or step-up entrances view sheds of the surrounding topography, including
into these structures. Furthermore, multi-room vistas of the route descending from the north, move-
compounds at Millo 2 and Millo 4 exhibit compar- ment along the river and Quebrada Millo, and a view
able organization of internal space, consisting of a along the southern bend of the valley. Furthermore,
large, open patio with smaller room units attached Millo 3 in particular seems purposefully positioned
to one or more sides. While patios are quite large, to articulate with important features of the regional
adjoining rooms are always limited to a few meters landscape. The uppermost portion of this segment
in any given dimension. Smaller outbuildings on provides a xed point for observing the volcanic
the periphery of each site contrast with larger peak of both Chachani and Misti, tying the
multi-room compounds, perhaps serving supporting complex to specic apus that were likely recognized
functions. beyond the Vitor Valley. The trapezoidal plaza at

16
Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

Millo 4 seems to be laid out specically in reference to are available from the surrounding region concerning
Misti. Such clear views of the most notable mountain La Ramada, and none that focus on domestic archi-
peaks in the region are not available from most tecture and the activity patterns of living commu-
locations in the valley bottom. Millo 3 hosts non- nities. One possibility is that the Millo Complex
vernacular architecture that make these purposeful lled the role of a major La Ramada settlement. If
arrangements concrete, including the large rectilinear this is the case it would be the rst reported. Late
plaza with anking room blocks and what appears to rst millennium CE dates for both the Millo 2 dom-
be an intrusive D-shaped structure. estic compounds and regional La Ramada contexts
(Santos Ramrez 1980) lend support to this hypoth-
esis. Another clue involves the production of bev-
The Millo Complex and the Middle erages from drupes of the Schinus molle tree.
Horizon Jennings and Alvarez (2016: 9092) note that La
Ramada-style bottles recovered from the site of La
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While our study points to a shared architectural tra- Real in Majes were lled with S. molle remains and
dition among the segments of the Millo Complex, potentially served as decanters. Excavations in both
it is clear that this built environment changed signi- the domestic compounds and the large orthogonal
cantly during the late rst millennium CE. This is enclosure at Millo 2 recovered sizable quantities of
most notable in the uppermost and most exclusive these drupes deposited in deep pits within the
sector of Millo 3, where earlier rooms were blocked corners of rooms, although it must be noted that pro-
by the placement of an intrusive D-shaped structure. duction of molle beverages is not unique to La
Likewise, available data raise the logical hypothesis Ramada. If this hypothesis is supported, it would
that agglutinated domestic compounds at Millo 2, suggest that Vitor Valley and the Millo Complex
and possibly Millo 4, are the result of multiple con- were major centers of La Ramada habitation,
struction episodes that occurred over a substantial perhaps a core settlement in a regional system that
period of time. Surface data provide only a starting also included the nearby Siguas and Majes drainages.
point for understanding the diachronic development Given the evidence for differentiated space within the
of the site cluster, and the specic temporal relation- Millo Complex, this would lead to a new set of ques-
ships between the various components of the Millo tions regarding the emergence and development of
Complex will remain unclear until substantial exca- political and economic relationships among local La
vation data can be secured. Reconstructing the long- Ramada groups.
term history of the site is all the more challenging Our second hypothesis holds that the Millo
for lack of a well-established local cultural history of Complex emerged in response to increasing interre-
the Vitor Valley. We consider three not mutually gional interaction during the height of the Middle
exclusive hypotheses founded on available data and Horizon, driven principally but indirectly by political
our hope is that these will guide future investigations. and economic processes set into motion by the Wari
Our rst hypothesis holds that local La Ramada and Tiwanaku states (Cardona Rosas 2010; Coleman
communities established the Millo Complex in 2010; Jennings 2012). The southern Arequipa region
response to local needs and interests. Large La falls neatly between these spheres of inuence and
Ramada cemeteries are present throughout the Vitor there is ample evidence that Wari-oriented objects
Valley, including two major cemeteries adjacent to were passing along transit corridors immediately east
Millo 2. La Ramada settlements, however, remain of the Vitor Valley (Cardona Rosas 2008;
elusive, leaving archaeologists with little understand- Garaycochea 2016: 200201). Down-the-line reac-
ing of these communities apart from mortuary data tion to state expansion manifested itself as a suite of
and recognition of a general pottery style (Cardona broadly shared stylistic traditions, now well recog-
Rosas and Wise 2000: 10). Few comparative cases nized in pottery (Owen 2007), but possibly also

17
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

including a new architectural canon. For example, 11.5). During the rst half of the Middle Horizon
Millo 4 reects a general set of characteristics that the capital city contained at least veand possibly
appear at contemporary sites across the region. up to eightD-shaped structures that served as the
Indeed, the Millo 4 compound and trapezoidal centerpieces of planned monumental construction
plaza are practically identical in size and layout to zones (Benavides 1991; Bragayrac 1991; Cook
the main multi-room compound at Corralones, a 2001: 146; Isbell et al. 1991). The largest of these
late Middle Horizon settlement overlooking Ro served as a focal point of the Vegachayoq Moqo
Chili between the Vitor Valley and Arequipa that fea- sector in the west of Huari (Bragayrac 1991: 71)
tures similar surface ceramics (Cardona Rosas 2002: and was evidently intrusive into an earlier palace
72). Millo 4 also reects formal similarities with a tra- building (Isbell 2006: 62). Where excavation data
pezoidal enclosure reported in Beringa in the Majes are available, D-shaped structures in the capital are
Valley (Tung 2007: 257258, 279, Figure 10) and associated with prestige goods, human remains and
with small compounds and associated trapezoidal trophy heads, state-sponsored religious events,
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plazas observed at Cerro Mejia in Moquegua (Nash interior niches, a shared conception of the orientation
2012: 6, Figure 4). Patio groups at the summit of and use of sacred space, and, more broadly, areas of
Cerro Mejia hosted food preparation and feasting high-level administration that suggest participation
activities associated with non-Wari elites and helped by Wari leadership, ritual specialists, and nobility
to engage a local political order for the benet of (Cook 2001; Isbell and Cook 2002; Isbell et al.
the state (Nash 2011: 233; Nash and Williams 1991: 27; Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002; Tung and
2005: 164). Similar practices may have taken place Knudson 2008, 2010). They are clearly integral fea-
at Millo 4. While we would not expect this context tures of the core political ideology of the state.
to house Wari authorities from the heartland, we D-shaped temples in the Wari periphery appear in
may consider the possibility that they hosted local select state-sponsored colonies as symbols of state
managers who coordinated activity among a com- ideology (Schreiber 2012). At Leqles Pata in the
moner population. According to the criteria afforded Sondondo Valley, the placement of D-shaped struc-
by Jennings (2012), our evidence from the Millo tures near an important local huaca served to
Complex so far ts such a scenario. There is currently disrupt the endogenous sacred landscape. This prac-
no strong evidence for imperial wealth goods or an tice was part of the array of incorporation strategies
extractive economy evident in settlement patterns deployed as the state expanded into new areas
(Earle and Jennings 2012; Schreiber 1992). This (Schreiber 2005: 143145). In the far southern per-
hypothesis favors local communities as the builders iphery, the summit of Cerro Bal hosted two D-
and inhabitants of Millo architecture, presumably shaped temples. These contained a suite of ritual
La Ramada peoples, while emphasizing driving geo- paraphernalia (Williams 2001: 7678), thus
political inuences on the part of state players. suggesting not only parallel architectural forms in
A third hypothesis considers direct Wari invest- the core and periphery, but also similar usage as
ment in trade routes passing into the Vitor Valley. politico-ceremonial spaces. These structures were
The presence of intrusive D-shaped architecture in too small to hold sizable groups, but associated
Sector A of Millo 3 is key to this scenario. This struc- plazas could (Nash and Williams 2009: 263). While
ture is directly comparable in form and size to Wari D-shaped structures on the summit of Cerro Bal
ritual architecture found in the early urban core and were perhaps intended for an audience of Wari state
some peripheral colonies (Figure 16). These elites, their orientation toward recognized apu moun-
temples appear as key ceremonial contexts in the tain peaks suggests, like Leqles Pata, a purposeful
early history of the state and likely developed out of capture and incorporation of a locally recognized
prior architectural forms endogenous to the Wari ritual landscape (Williams and Nash 2006, 2016).
heartland (Leoni 2006: 286287, Figures 11.4 and Likewise, a D-shaped structure dating to Middle

18
Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru
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Figure 16. Comparison of four typical Wari D-shaped structures in Cheqo Wasi (adapted from Benavides 1991), Vegachayoq Moqo
(adapted from Bragayrac 1991), Cerro Bal (adapted from Williams 2001), and Conchopata (adapted from Tung and Knudson 2010).

19
awpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology

Horizon Epoch 2 at Yako in Chicha-Soras may have ritual architecture seems a qualitatively different
provided a similar ideological anchor for Wari inter- process than the adoption of iconographic motifs
ests in that valley (Meddens and Branch 2010). (Isbell and Knobloch 2006). We are not suggesting
Further north, Isbell identied at least two that the Millo Complex was a Wari colony, featured
D-shaped structures at Honcopampa in the Callejn an extractive economy, or hosted a permanent popu-
de Huaylas (Isbell 1991: 3031). Like the examples lation from the Ayacucho region. Given that Wari was
at Moraduchayuq, Conchopata, and Cerro Bal, the a complex and polymorphic phenomenon behaving
Honcopampa D-shaped structures feature wall like an empire in some places, but not everywhere
niches that could have held important ritual objects (Isbell 2010: 247), however, the disruption and rein-
(Isbell 1991: 31). Niched features in Wari architec- vestment in a local ritualized landscape in the absence
ture generally appear in relation to religious cer- of permanent state managers may be yet another geo-
emonies by their proximity to suboor offerings, political strategy available to the state. This may be
such as caches of turquoise gurines (Cook 1992), acceptable to local communities if it provides political
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bronzes (McEwan 1998), human crania (Tung and or economic dividends, for instance, in attracting tra-
Knudson 2008), and the bodies of juveniles velers using the valley oasis to transport goods
(Arnold and Hastorf 2008: 201). It seems that the between the highlands and coast. What seems clear
imposition of D-shaped structures was strategic and is that the position of the Vitor Valley along major
advantageous only under particular social, material, trade routes was key to its importance during the
and ideological conditions, as several well-known late centuries of the rst millennium CE (Williams
Wari colonies, for example, Pikillacta and 2009: 212213).
Viracochapampa, lack them (McEwan 1998). It
would follow that the Millo Complex fullled these
conditions. Conclusions
Given that there is little evidence for Wari state
investment in the Vitor Valley so farfor instance, The Millo Complex has the potential to expose
an absence of high-value heartland ceramicsthe important political and economic processes that inu-
D-shaped structure at Millo 3 seems out of place. enced the development of Middle Horizon commu-
Excavation of this structure is necessary to pursue nities in the Arequipa region. The complex is tied
this hypothesis further, and the discussion above pro- to a major thoroughfare passing into the northern
vides some indication of what we might expect to end of the valley, providing an artery for substantial
observe if this hypothesis was supported. and regular interaction with a constellation of con-
Nonetheless, it is strikingly similar in form and temporary settlements in the surrounding area. The
context to examples from Sondondo and various segments appear to play different and poten-
Moquegua: an intrusive structure placed in an area tially interdependent roles. Domestic compounds at
of established ideological signicance, taking advan- Millo 2 provided a residential zone that took advan-
tage of an elevated position with a broad vista of tage of subsistence opportunities in the valley
the surrounding valley, and promoting direct refer- bottom. In contrast, the Millo 3 compounds on an
ence to specic landscape features (the apus of isolated mesa provided ideological, perhaps even cos-
Chachani and Misti as well as the possible huaca of mopolitan, links to a ritualized landscape that
Cerro Colorado). While it is entirely possible that extended well beyond the valley. Millo 4 resembles
Millo 3 was mimesis by local elites, this would be a large plaza compounds found in coeval settlements
curious and idiosyncratic scenario. At the very elsewhere in the region and perhaps served a similar
minimum, it would suggest that a local party had set of roles. Overall we have quite literally only
seen a Wari D-shaped structure in sufcient detail scratched the surface. The social and material con-
to reproduce one. Even so, the adoption of specic ditions under which the Millo Complex emerged,

20
Nigra et al.: Reconstructing the built environment of the Millo Complex, Vitor Valley, Peru

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