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Archaeology and Migration: Approaches to an Archaeological Proof of Migration

Author(s): StefanBurmeister
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 41, No. 4 (August/October 2000), pp. 539-567
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/317383 .
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C u r r e n t A n t h r o p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000
q 2000 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved 0011-3204/2000/4104-0003$3.50

Migration is a structured and well-studied aspect of hu-


man behavior. With this apodictic observation, David
Archaeology and Anthony (1990) introduces his groundbreaking article on
the migration problem in archaeology, providing a brief
Migration yet precise characterization of the phenomenon of hu-
man migration and its study. A look into the archaeo-
logical literature, however, leads one to the opposite con-
clusion. A striking gap is revealed here between
Approaches to an archaeological research and that of the other social sci-
ences. Migration is largely absent as an object of research.
Archaeological Proof of Whereas in continental European archaeology, at least
in its German form, for instance, migration is omni-
Migration1 present as an explanatory model for the spatial distri-
bution of archaeological finds, it is only as an axiomatic
precondition of the phenomena observed. Migration it-
by Stefan Burmeister self is seen neither as being in need of explanation and
thus as a research topic in its own right nor as a potential
explanation for the manifestations of cultural change.
The inadequate methodological and theoretical basis of
the traditional archaeological approach led the propo-
A clear deficit in the theoretical and methodological develop- nents of the New Archaeology to reject migration as an
ment of archaeological research exists with regard to migration; explanatory concept and thus to banish it from archae-
attributing archaeological distribution patterns to migration as ologys field of vision (Adams 1968, Adams, Van Gerven,
opposed to diffusion or trade is still a major problem. This article
uses the example of North American colonization to develop an and Levy 1978, Myhre and Myhre 1972). Since processual
approach that distinguishes the changes brought about by migra- archaeology lost its explanatory hegemony in the 1980s,
tion from those produced by other forms of cultural transfer. Be- migration has once again been receiving attention in the
cause methods for gathering evidence do not sufficiently explore English-speaking world (Anthony 1990, Cameron 1995a,
migration processes in their complexity, a model based on the
study of historic and modern migrations is developed, and its
Chapman and Hamerow 1997, Kristiansen 1989, Snow
practicability is demonstrated using the example of Anglo-Saxon 1995).
migration. The retreat from migrationism (Adams, Van Gerven,
and Levy 1978) that has characterized archaeology in the
s t e f a n b u r m e i s t e r is a research fellow in the Anglo- English-speaking world since the 1960s cannot be ob-
German Research Collaboration Project (his mailing address: served in the other social sciences. On the contrary, dur-
Scheplerstr. 78, 22767 Hamburg, Germany [s-burmeister@uni-
hamburg.de]). Born in 1962, he was educated at the University of
ing the same time period migration has taken on in-
Hamburg (M.A., 1993; Ph.D., 1999). His research interests are creased importance in scientific investigations. Journals
migration, burial archaeology, and Roman-Barbarian interaction. have been established that deal exclusively with migra-
His publications include Innovation, ein semiologisches Aben- tion, and the literature on it in the most varied disci-
teuer: Das Beispiel der Hallstattzeit in Sudwestdeutschland (Ar- plines has expanded immeasurably. Yet archaeology has
chaologische Informationen 22) and Geschlecht, Alter und
Herrschaft in der Spathallstattzeit Wurttembergs (Tubinger remained unaffected. Explanations that attribute the re-
Schriften zur Ur- und Fruhgeschichtlichen Archaologie 4). The jection or endorsement of migration as an object of ar-
present paper was submitted 26 i 99 and accepted 20 x 99. chaeological consideration to current political factors
(Chapman 1997; Harke 1998a; Kristiansen 1989:211) are
unconvincing. Ideology (Adams 1968:211), political mo-
tivation (Champion 1990:217; Harke 1998a), and gen-
erational experience (Chapman 1997) unquestionably ac-
quire a significant role in the concern with migration;
migration certainly is a problem of attitude (Harke
1998a). Nevertheless, it must be explained why archae-
ological discourse has taken a course contrary to that of
1. Translated by David Tingey. This paper benefited greatly from other disciplines. A number of recent studies have
Anglo-German Research Collaboration Project 548, The Anglo- pointed to archaeologys specific applicability in estab-
Saxon Migration: Causes and Processes, jointly undertaken by the lishing and underpinning national identity (e.g., Bern-
Universities of Reading (U.K.) and Hamburg (Germany) and funded beck and Pollock 1996, Harke 1993, Kohl and Fawcett
199396 by the British Council and the German Academic
Exchange Service. The lively debates with Michael Gebuhr, Hein- 1995, Rowlands 1994). It is apparent that its contribu-
rich Harke, Lucas Quensel-von Kalben, Nick Stoodley, Jurgen Welt- tion, for example, to the formation of a national myth
ner, Howard Williams, Martin Weber, and Michael Fulford were of follows a different path from that of social sciences
great influence. For helpful comments and suggestions of earlier whose objects of research are inextricably tied to the
drafts of this paper I am very grateful to Heinrich Harke and Sabine
Schupp. The translation has been funded by the Wenner-Gren Foun-
phenomena and problems of modernity. Though this
dation and by the University of Hamburg, to which I owe my would explain the gap described between archaeological
thanks. research and that of other disciplines, it does not explain
539

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540 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

why migration has been taken off the agenda precisely even by critics of traditional migration archaeology. The
in those places where processual archaeology is the es- semiotic function of material behavior has hardly been
tablished school of thought. considered (Burmeister 1997), and for this reason alone
The correlation demonstrated for social anthropology previous approaches are unconvincing.
between the process of colonization and the replacement Closely associated with the identification of cultural
of dominant theories by new ones (Maquet 1964) points units and the examination of migration is the problem
to the ideological aspect of fundamental paradigm shifts. of ethnicity (Snow 1995:72). In continental European
Is this also true for processual archaeology, or is this in archaeology the spatial distribution of culture traits is
fact the kind of paradigm shift that Kuhn (1976) sees as linked with migratory ethnic groups (e.g., Bierbrauer
inherent in scientific progress? The functionalism un-
1994, Kokowski 1995, Leube 1986), although others are
derlying processual archaeology and the conceptualiza-
skeptical about the possibility of archaeological proof
tion of culture as a mechanism for adapting to the con-
of the existence of such groups (see Kristiansen 1989:
ditions of the social and natural environment do make
it easier to overlook migration as an explanatory model 220). It is questionable whether the concept of ethnos
for cultural change. The critics who justifiably reproach is at all helpful for the study of migration. Historians
traditional migration theory for its methodological short- have established that in many cases the migratory
comings and its inadequate understanding of both cul- groups of the Germanic migration were polyethnic
tural theory and the methods of other social sciences amalgams (Jarnut 1993, Wolfram 1979). Decades ago the
(Myhre and Myhre 1972:46) must also be held up for historian Wenskus pointed out that although small tra-
reproachat least in regard to the migration aspect. The dition-bearing nucleiusually comprised of the social
problems resulting from the ambiguity of archaeological elitesometimes formed the ethnogenetic crystalliza-
sources are taken to justify the rejection of migration as tion point, they did not exert any lasting influence on
an explanatory model (Champion 1990:215; Myhre and the material culture. The linking of other groups to the
Myhre 1972:48). Studies that concern themselves with tradition-bearing nucleus could lead to the separation
developments in archaeologys methodological appara- of the original material culture from any ethnic con-
tus for the investigation of migration constitute excep- sciousness (Wenskus 1961:7375, 138). Ethnological
tions (Neustupny 1981, 1982, 1983; Rouse 1986; Trigger studies indicate the connection of spatial mobility and
1968:3946). The conceptualization of migration, for ex- ethnic change (Braukamper 1992, Fuchs 1977). The no-
ample, as an invasion of foreign territories in the manner tion of self-contained ethnic groups abandoning their
of a tidal wave (Rouse 1986:177) or as a particularistic,
homelands and settling in foreign areas without sig-
irregular occurrence (Champion 1990:21415) is based
nificant change in their social composition must be re-
on unfounded assumptions. Mass migrations are ex-
tremely rare, and the improved state of research has often jected, if not on a fundamental level then at least as a
made it necessary to replace the supposition of prehis- general model.
toric mass migrations with the recognition of a process Two central requirements of future migration re-
of infiltration that took place over centuries (Vajda search have become apparent: the development of a
197374:815). Migrations that from a temporal distance method for establishing archaeological proof of migra-
appear to be irregular occurrences are usually embed- tion and the expansion of the theoretical understanding
ded in long-term processes (Anthony 1997). Since the of migration as an element of cultural behavior. An-
methodological and theoretical developments promoted thony (1992:174) has emphasized that it is only after
by the New Archaeology have omitted migration as a the structure of the migration process is understood
phenomenon inherent even in sedentary societies, the that appropriate methods can be identified or developed
studies by Anthony (1990, 1997), the first to approach to detect its archaeological signature. The develop-
migration from the perspective of cultural anthropology, ment of methods and the development of theory are by
are of great significance. nature so interwoven that a separation of the two hardly
Previous attempts to provide archaeological evidence appears practicable. The methodological trilemma of
of migration were based on the identification of social the archaeological distinction between migration,
groups using specific traits of the material culture as well trade, and diffusion is of course not resolved through a
as on the temporal and spatial collimation of a regional
theoretical understanding of migratory movements. For
source of the dispersed cultural property. However, the
this reason, the primacy of theory must be set aside for
problem of distinguishing the various mechanisms of
the present and the relationship between migration and
dispersalmigration, trade, diffusionhas seldom re-
ceived systematic treatment (e.g., Trigger 1968:2647). material culture investigated. A procedure will be de-
Material culture is widely understood, as it were, as a veloped to distinguish transformations produced by mi-
characteristic of a social group, usually conceived of as gration from those produced by other forms of cultural
the ethnos (for example, see Rouse 1986:34). Only the transfer and thus to offer archaeological proof of mi-
supposition of an organic connection between social gration. Next a model for the investigation of prehis-
groups and the cultural property they disperse in the toric migratory processes will be derived and its prac-
course of migration justifies this approach. This static ticability examined with the example of the
understanding of material culture goes unchallenged Anglo-Saxon migration.

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 541

Migration and Material Culture: European applications. In contrast, the complex and highly ornate
Settlers in North America houses from the same area were not adopted, and even
settlers from this region of Central Europe frequently
discarded this element of their culture in the New World.
The colonization of North America by European settlers The costly, large-scale houses fulfilled no purpose that
offers an appropriate field for examining issues of cul- could not also be fulfilled by the houses of other groups.
tural transfer produced through migration. Historical ge- Moreover, their design and conspicuous decoration gave
ography and archaeology have furnished a number of evidence of the immigrants identity, and therefore
studies on the use and dispersion of material culture by groups striving for acceptance and assimilation discarded
immigrants. Most interesting is to what extent material it (Jordan 1985:152).
culture provides clues to the origin of the population Settlers from the British Empire, who for a long time
groups that made use of it. House forms and construction had comprised the main contingent of immigrants, had
methods offer a good starting point. The Europe of the a negligible influence on the architecture of the pioneers
emigrants reveals a colorful pattern of regional house and the agricultural settlers (Jordan 1985:155). Not until
types, differing in layout, construction, and ornamen- the 17th century did the elite that was establishing itself
tation, that are suitable indicators of a regional culture in the English colonies attempt to demonstrate its status
(Jordan 1985). by building sturdy brick houses after the English fashion
The classic log cabin of the North American pioneers, (Markell 1994:61).
the symbol of American settler culture, shaped the ar- Several points can be demonstrated on the basis of the
chitecture of the western frontier regions for over 250 architecture. The variety of European home cultures was
years. It can be traced back to a Fenno-Scandinavian or- not transferred to the North American continent. The
igin on the basis of both its layout and a large number heterogeneity of the immigrants and exchange between
of construction forms. This house type was introduced these groups led to mutual assimilation. Traits that were
by Finnish settlers who established themselves in the highly functionalsimple and efficient forms and tech-
Swedish colony on the Delaware, where by 1653 there niqueswere adopted by all the groups, while other
were 500 colonists settled on 36 hectares. After the traits were usually lost in the course of assimilation (Jor-
Dutch took possession of the colony two years later, the dan 1985:154). With regard to traits that were of social
Scandinavians became incorporated into the group of significance, the dominant group prevailed. Elements of
Dutch and English settlers that followed. Only a few material culture were deliberately employed to advance
cultural traits of Fenno-Scandinavian origin were assimilation or to achieve or demonstrate the status as-
adopted by the other immigrant groups (for example, be- pired to. The deliberate use of elements from originally
sides house construction, the Finnish hunting lodge and foreign cultures in an attempt to achieve economic suc-
Finnish fences); most of the elements of Fenno-Scandi- cess or a particular social position demonstrates the
navian culture disappeared without a trace (Jordan sometimes weak connection between material culture
1989a). and the groups that make use of it. The transferability
The question arises how this small number of settlers of material culture can, as the Fenno-Scandinavian ex-
was able to exercise such a great and lasting influence ample illustrates, lead to the misguided tracing of mi-
on certain forms of material culture. A description of the gratory movements.
diffusion does not provide the explanation. The geogra- These examples point to the requirement that immi-
pher Terry Jordan answers this question with the concept grants adapt to their foreign environment and their abil-
of cultural preadaptation. Individual elements of the ity to do so. Economic security required the utmost flex-
home culture enabled certain groups of immigrants to ibility. A number of studies demonstrate that in most
come to terms with conditions in the new settlement cases, after an initial lack of success, the immigrants
area better than other groups (Jordan 1989a, b). The first quickly abandoned their traditional subsistence prac-
British settlers, for example, had great difficulty adjust- tices. The first settlers usually took their bearings from
ing to the New World and registered considerable losses the economic activities of the Native Americans, while
through faulty diet and sickness (Jordan and Kaups 1989: later settlers adopted the agricultural techniques and
32; Hume 1979:747). They lacked the cultural prereq- products of those who had come earlier (Earle 1992:485;
uisites to resolve many of the problems that confronted Ostergren 1988:199203; Potter and Waselkov 1994:
them in their new environment. For this reason, those 3031). Thus, because of their diverse usage, elements
traits of Fenno-Scandinavian culture were adopted that of material culture that reflect the economy or social
offered the best chances of survival in the forests of the representation appear unsuitable for retracing or estab-
New World (Jordan 1989a:82). lishing proof of migrations.
Another strong influence on the house forms of the However, not all domains of society and therefore of
European settlers came from immigrants from southern material culture change so readily. Historical investi-
Germany and the Alpine area. It was primarily their barn gations of immigrants in the United States show that
form that left its mark on agricultural architecture. Jor- they lived, as it were, in two spheres (Ostergren 1988,
dan (1985) explains the adoption of this form by other Runblom 1988). They adapted to the immigrant society
immigrant groups in terms of the functionality of its primarily in those domains with which they came into
design, which was kept very simple and had multiple contact, but the traditions of their home culture contin-

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542 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

ued to have a powerful influence on their internal co- The preceding arguments suggest that archaeological
existence. They largely followed the same rules as in the proof of migration will most likelyif not exclu-
old country and preserved its traditions while partly sivelybe found in the material culture of the internal
changing their meanings (Ostergren 1988:241; Runblom domain. The focus has to be on the details of cultureon
1988:273). Although the new world increasingly intruded traits that have little functional effect on outsiders or
into the everyday, private sphere, it was here that the lack social significance for them and cannot be adopted
old culture demonstrated its greatest resistance to for- as objects of either prestige or fashion. I have already
eign influences (Ostergren 1988). referred to the particular arrangement of the private
sphere that operates within the internal domain of
homes. The interior architecture of housesfor example,
the positions of windows, doors, and fireplacescan
The Culture of the Private: Archaeological likewise reflect to a high degree the traditional culture
Proof of Migration of the immigrants (e.g., Jordan and Kaups 1987: 7475,
figs. 4, 7). The churches in regions of Swedish immigra-
Adherence to what is familiar can be attributed to more tion, for example, can generally hardly be distinguished
than just conservatism or the need for the self-assurance from U.S.-American churches from the outside, whereas
obtained through tradition and individual identity for- their interior decoration often faithfully reproduces the
mation. Pierre Bourdieu (1993) emphasizes that the di- details of churches in the communities back home (Os-
alectic of objective and internalized structures condi- tergren 1988:230, 28586). In like manner, excavations
tions group-specific dispositions of perception, thought, of a Chinese immigrant district in the United States re-
and action. With his concept of the habitus he attempts veal great uniformity in the preservation of traditional
to outline these subjective yet supraindividual struc- practices associated with the daily routine in the house-
tures. As an acquired system, the habitus is a product of hold and leisure time (Greenwood 1980).
the past and generates all perceptions, thoughts, and Ritual, manifesting itself amongst other things in bur-
practices exclusively within the limits of the conditions ial customs, is of limited value for the problem at hand.
of its own origin and structure. Consequently, these prac- The variability and the social content of burial customs
tices are relatively independent of the external condi- are well known. Attention must be directed toward
tions of the present. They are only relatively indepen- seemingly unimportant elements of burial practice such
dent, Bourdieu (pp. 97121) emphasizes, in that the as the grave goods included in burials of marginal per-
habitus tries to exclude conduct that is incompatible sons. Small children often had socially marginal status
with the objective circumstances. and thus were not outfitted for burial in a socially rep-
The world of the immigrants is twofold. The public resentative manner (Gebuhr 1977:11; Bernardi 1985);
or external domain is the zone of contact with the society here there may have been greater latitude for traditional
of the immigration area. In contrast to this is what I practices.
would like to call the internal domain. The two spheres The distinction made here between an external and an
of social life correspond to different practices in the use internal cultural domain will furnish the approach to
of material culture: adaptation in the realm of the public distinguishing the spread of cultural traits through mi-
sphere, the external domain, and invariability in the gration from other forms of diffusion such as fashion and
realm of the private sphere, the internal domain. Al- trade. There is a basis here for further migration research.
though the distinction between the two domains is The central problem is, as formulated above, to ferret
rather ideal, the habitus can be shown to have different out the details of culturethose elements that lack func-
effects in the two cases. It is in the external domain, the tionality for other groups and thus in all probability are
intersection of the social and the economic with the en- not adopted by them.
vironment, that the habitus is confronted with change.
If economic and social conditions deviate from those that
created the habitus and the new conditions cannot be
adjusted to the cultural patterns, then the practices of
Migration as a Process: The Development of a
the immigrant group and thus also their habitus will Model
have to be modified. This process can sometimes take
place very quickly. In the internal domain, however, the The possibility advanced here of an archaeological proof
conditions that determine practicessuch as the social of migration does not as a method alone allow the in-
system of the family and the household and the organ- vestigation of prehistoric migrations, since the internal
ization of private lifeare not directly connected to ex- domain required as evidence cannot always be conclu-
ternal conditions, and the habitus is very likely to per- sively reconstructed. A theoretical foundation is needed
sist. Only with a shift of statuses within the family as here which at present can be drawn only from the ex-
a result of assimilation will the conditions that structure ploration of historical and recent migrations.
the internal domain be transformed over time. The hab- It has been questioned whether we can transfer specific
itus, a disposition rooted in the past, will show a stronger features of recent migrations to other social contexts
tendency toward tradition in the internal than in the (Chapman and Dolukhanov 1992:170). In any case, the
external domain. assumption that preindustrial people were largely im-

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 543

mobile (Zelinsky 1971:230) must be rejected (e.g., Brau- the financial means necessary for starting a family (Er-
kamper 1992, Moch 1992, Vassberg 1996). To what ex- negger 1994, Rheingans 1994).
tent recent migration phenomena can be projected onto Migration behavior is often subject to class-specific
prehistoric situations is not clear at present. The for- selection. Since migrations are usually costly, particu-
mation of analogies is not the goal of this study. En- larly long-distance and long-term migrations are more
gagement with recent migrations will supply the knowl- often undertaken by those who are socially better-off
edge of migration phenomena and their underlying (Grawert 1994c:217). Above all, prosperity and partici-
structures that is necessary for the formulation of mean- pation in economic activities characterize those who are
ingful hypotheses and lays the foundation for the expla- the first to migrate in the course of a larger migratory
nation of archaeological data. The goal pursued here is movement (Castles and Miller 1993:24; Ostergren 1988:
less an archaeological theory of migration than a set of 127). The large proportion of the socially and economi-
instructions for proceeding with archaeological investi- cally underprivileged participating in mass migrations
gation: an investigative model. (e.g., Moch 1992) reveals the other side of class-specific
In a figurative sense, it is the propagation of a her- selection: for many, migration was and is a necessary
meneutic circle (see Gadamer 1959). Knowledge of a condition for securing a means of livelihood.
broad spectrum of phenomena relevant to migration and
the theoretical basis for their explanation provides the
motives for migration
preliminary understanding that is needed to develop
strategies for further research. It anticipates suppositions Numerous studies show economic factors to be deter-
that must be corroborated. With an increased under- minant in the decision to migrate; migrants often specify
standing of past processes, previous assumptions can be the improvement of their economic situation as their
corrected and the formulation of research questions can motive. Economic factors are, while as a rule necessary,
be modified to approach the specifics of prehistoric not nearly reason enough to migrate, however, and there-
migrations. fore individuals experiencing the same economic cir-
cumstances behave differently (Straubhaar 1993:95). Nu-
merous additional intervening factors determining
selectivity of migration migratory behavior operate in connection with the ec-
onomic conditions. Cultural values and attitudes, for ex-
Under normal circumstances, established societies or so- ample, attitudes toward land ownership (Albrecht 1972:
cial groups do not migrate as a whole; usually the group 6061), play a decisive role. Social practice is also deter-
of migrants represents a more or less clearly defined seg- minative of the degree of willingness to migrate (Kasdan
ment of the aggregate population. An essential condition 1964:35253; Robinson 1992). In some cultures, emigra-
of selective migration is that the society allow individ- tion is an integral component of social life; children and
uals or groups to detach themselves from the social unit. youth are socialized in such a manner that they view
Legal contingencies and social norms may obstruct or emigration as a way to secure a means of livelihood
prevent this process. (Klein-Hessling and El-Sammani 1994, Sievers 1972).
In most cases a gender-specific selectivity can be de- Economically motivated migrations are not necessar-
tected among migrants whereby men are as a rule more ily the result of adverse economic situations (e.g.,
mobile than women (e.g., Davis 1977, Grawert 1994a, Pourcher 1970). As we have seen, studies show that those
Marel 1980). The cause of gender-specific mobility is who are better-off economically are often more mobile.
usually found in the restrictions to which women are This observation can also be turned around: a precarious
subject and which confine their freedom of movement. economic situation does not inevitably lead to migra-
This can be observed both in European history (Jacobsen tion. On the one hand, the financial means necessary for
1988; Moch 1992:15) and in the contexts of recent eth- migration are often lacking, while on the other hand, the
nography (Brown 1983, Grawert 1994c). Although it can psychosocial situation, primarily in areas of economic
usually be established that migration is the domain of depression, may discourage mobility (Albrecht 1972:
men, a specific context may produce a situation in which 7071; Rundblad 1957).
women are the more mobile (Castles and Miller 1993: Scarcity of land or, in other words, stress on the
89; Moch 1992:142; Ravenstein 1972). population due to overpopulation, has repeatedly been
Of central significance in migration behavior is age. cited in the literature as a stimulus to emigrate. W. Ze-
Most studies identify the 2030-year age-group as the linsky (1971) postulated a direct relationship between
most mobile. The greater willingness to move is, first, demographic developments and forms of spatial mobil-
grounded in a greater willingness to take risks and the ity. These demographic developments alone, however,
yearning for change and independence. Second, it is ob- are incapable of explaining migratory behavior. Exam-
vious that the age of migrants and their corresponding ining the Prussian colonization of the East between the
position within the life cycle become determinant in the 12th and 14th centuries, Erlen shows that in addition to
decision to migrate (Leslie and Richardson 1961, Marel the scarcity of land, the incentive of legal and economic
1980). This accounts for the large proportion of single benefits led to migration into areas that were as yet un-
persons that has often been observed (Marel 1980). Mi- developed (Erlen 1992:58, 11314). Since population pres-
gration is an opportunity to prove oneself or to acquire sure results from the combination of a specific demo-

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544 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

graphic situation and the lack of economic possibilities times these relationships are maintained over long pe-
offering people adequate subsistence (Grigg 1980), it does riods of time and over great distances through ritual
not stand on its own as the cause of migration (e.g., God- exchange systems (Reikat 1997). Social networks allow
dard 1974). In the interplay of economic, social, and dem- migration to become a calculable dimension. Informa-
ographic developments which has the result of depriving tion is exchanged between emigration and immigration
the population of its subsistence base, migration is only areas, and later immigrants are directed and prepared for
one of several possible alternative courses of action the conditions at the intended destination (Brown,
(Schluchter 1988:25051). Where the economic or the Schwarzweller, and Mangalam 1970; Pauseback 1995:
demographic situation cannot be changed, migration 33344). The solidarity of immigrants of the same origin
serves as an outlet, providing a way to secure the ne- eases the process of gaining a foothold in the immigra-
cessities of existence. A high level of selectivity can be tion area and often provides the preconditions for a new
established for migrations in this category. start (e.g., Eades 1993). Migration directed through social
In addition to developments occurring over extended connections usually results in immigrants settling in
periods of time, anthropogenic or natural catastrophes spatial proximity to each other (see, e.g., Ostergren 1988:
can result in damage to the environment and a shortage 18487).
of resources, which can lead to migration (Richter 1992: Experiences gained during previous migrations, infor-
23658; Wohlcke 1992). In the broadest sense, population mation about the route and the destination, recruitment
groups fleeing from war or repression can also be men- of people to follow, and technical facilitation of subse-
tioned here (Scheffran 1994). The extreme case of invol- quent ventures, to name just a few aspects, lead to the
untary migration holds a solid place in history as the crystallization of certain routes (Lee 1966:5455). Mi-
banishment of individuals or small groups (e.g., Vassberg gration currents that extend along predetermined routes
1996:8083) and the expulsion of larger ones (Tagil 1990); tend to persist (Hoffmann-Nowotny 1993:62). Conse-
of course the latter normally presupposes institutions of quently, one can observe specific migratory behavior
the state or the functional equivalent. For migrations in with a constant destination over long periods of time
this category, a singular event or a chain of singular (Moch 1992:81; Schluchter 1988:242).
events can normally be substantiated as the trigger. Mi- Mass migrations are initiated primarily by pioneers.
grants expelled in this way often have only limited al- While these pioneers choose a destination that satisfies
ternatives to migration. Accordingly, the migrant pop- their needs best, subsequent migrants often simply fol-
ulation is similar to the aggregate population in its social low the impulse of successful predecessors (Hagerstrand
and demographic composition (Burmeister 1998). 1957:132). The forerunners of such settlement are less
settlers in the true sense than military personnel, traders,
and missionaries (Lee 1966:55; Erdmann 1991:12830).
direction and course of migration
Colonization in the immigration area usually proceeds
Since migrations are always movements in space, the not uniformly but ratheras Everett Lee calls itby
distance traversed acquires critical significance in the leapfrogging. The first immigrants are drawn to the cen-
study of migration. In his pioneering work at the end of ters, which, in the case of undeveloped regions, may be
the 19th century, Ravenstein (1972[1885]:4445) came to military outposts or trade or mission stations. The areas
the conclusion that the majority of migrants travel only lying between these centers are settled later by other
short distances and that the number of migrants dimin- groups (e.g., Erlen 1992:1078).
ishes as distance increases. This observation has been An integral part of the migration process is return mi-
confirmed many times over. The friction of distance gration, which produces an important link between em-
effect forms the basis of a number of models used to igration and immigration areas. Some migrants plan
describe migratory movements. Even though in many from the outset only a temporary stay, while for others
cases they offer a good description, they fail in a number unfulfilled aspirations and expectations are the reason
of cases (see Hagerstrand 1957:12729), not least because for their return (Abadan-Unat 1988). An inability to be-
they disregard the human being as a social actor. come integrated into the immigration society and ad-
The Swedish geographer Torsten Hagerstrand (1957) verse living conditions intensify the desire to return (Ab-
was one of the first to emphasize the social dimension adan-Unat 1988:4445; Yath 1994:152).
of the migratory process. A number of examples show
that distance is a function not only of space but also of
impact of migration on the emigration area
social significance (Albrecht 1972:65; Gatzweiler 1975:
100103; Moch 1992:47). Hagerstrand criticizes the no- The effects of spatial mobility on the emigration area
tion that individual migrants are isolated, devoid of any vary considerably depending on economic and social con-
social relationship, and that the distance covered during ditions and the nature of the migration. In this regard,
migration is exclusively a function of the costs of over- the demographic situation is of immense significance.
coming the space. He points out that migrations are feed- The effects will differ depending on whether migration
back processes driven by social relationships (1957:132). simply reduces the excess population or leads to regional
Social networks that connect migrants and nonmi- depopulation (White 1980:220).
grants over time and space extend between the emigrants A prominent consequence of emigration is a change
and those who remain at home (Boyd 1989:641). Some- in demographic structure. Since the removal of the

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 545

younger age-groups causes a lowering of the birthrate, show that the economy is weakened. Emigration usually
the result is an increase in the ratio of the elderly to the causes not only a shortage of human resources but also
total population (Amin 1995:36; Davis 1977:15859; the abandonment of settlement structures. Thus regres-
Gade 1970:75). As a result of gender-specific migration, sion and extensification in the agricultural use of land
the gender ratio shifts. Where primarily men emigrate, proceed side by side (Weber 1982:73, 8588). Because of
there is a surplus of women: migrations of half or even a lack of resources, the people who remain behind on
more of the men are not uncommon (Brown 1983:373; the landoften women left on their ownfarm smaller
David, Yabre, and Traore 1994:164; Grawert 1994b:103; plots with greater effort and, as a result, lower yields.
Schluchter 1988:245). The discrepancy in the gender pro- Precarious ownership status and limited capacities result
portion can result in a higher proportion of single women in a lack of investment in the ecological and economic
(Brown 1983:37277), an increase in the age of marriage, development of the land, which in turn leads to increas-
and an age difference between husbands and wives ing degradation of the soil (David, Yabre, and Traore
(Brown 1983:371; Schluchter 1988:253), which in turn 1994; Heuler-Neuhaus 1994:153).
have repercussions on the birthrate (Gonzalez 1961: Regions that were once economically self-sufficient
1268). are often no longer in a position to support themselves
Social changes can be observed in many forms. Ap- and become dependent on the financial assistance of
pleyard (1989:340) specifies a number of effects on family those who have emigrated. Every study that examines
structures which cause tensions between traditional val- this point arrives at the conclusion that the remittances
ues and roles, on the one side, and new values and social of migrants and the resources and innovations brought
relationships, on the other. The performance of social back by return migrants have no noticeable economic
responsibilities is reallocated, and if especially men em- effect on the native economy (e.g., Cerase 1974:261;
igrate, this reallocation is at the expense of women Bento Coelho 1989:190; King 1978:17879; Okoth-
(Brown 1983; Grawert 1994a; Kadioglu 1994; Schluchter Ogendo 1989:315; Schluchter 1988:258). In their study
1988:25457). In addition to their previous range of ac- of two emigration areas, Lowenthal and Comitas (1962)
tivities, they now also have to fulfill the roles of men have described a vicious circle of migration and eco-
primarily in the subsistence economy, which often nomic backwardness.
brings them to the edge of their physical capacity (Heu-
ler-Neuhaus 1994). These negative consequences of mi-
impact of migration on the immigration
gration for women can be contrasted with examples in
area
which women have experienced a strengthening of their
position (Chiang 1994; Hoerder 1995:14). Although The effects of immigration on society and culture in the
changes in gender relations can be furthered by migra- immigration area vary significantly with the power re-
tion, what is decisive is the social context serving as the lations which are established between the immigrant
background against which gender roles are defined (Ka- and the native group. Forms of immigration that entail
dioglu 1994:552). power disparities should be distinguished from those
Those who return home also interfere with the exist- that do not. For the latter the settlement of German
ing traditional social structure by bringing luxury goods groups in Hungary in the 17th century is an illustrative
and new ideas home with them. With their acquired example. Here neither did the settlement itself involve
money and commodities, they improve their social po- violence nor did the colonists have any advantage over
sition in the home group, for example, through gifts and the natives with regard to their material culture or their
marriage. Traditional sources of prestige are thus under- social organization. Thus the coexistence of Hungarians,
mined, and this can destroy the authority of the elders Romanians, and Germans in Transylvania was charac-
and foster social conflict (Abadan-Unat 1988:4142, 51; terized by a distinctly reciprocal acculturation that var-
Gonzalez 1961:126668). ied in degree with the proximity of the groups. In certain
The decrease in population due to emigration is, as regions the groups could no longer be distinguished from
Gatzweiler (1975:60) expresses it, often tied to a quali- each other, at least with regard to their material culture
tative erosion. The population staying behind often dis- (Dunare and Treiber-Netoliczka 1978, Weber-Keller-
plays a declining educational level, as well as resignation mann and Schenk 1977). No ethnic consciousness tied
and conservatism (Gade 1970:7576; Rundblad 1957). to the country of origin was noticeable (Seewann 1995:
Furthermore, the social duties are distributed among 186).
fewer people, and increasing individualism and the dis- If disparities develop between natives and immigrants,
solution of communal solidarity are frequently the result it is to distinguish which of the groups is subordinate.
(Rheingans 1994:89; Grawert 1994c:227; White 1980). The treatment of the indigenous people and their cul-
Some people benefit economically from others mov- tures by the European colonial and imperial enterprises
ing away. They may attain their advantage through the is an extreme example of natives being forced into a
opportunistic acquisition of the immobile property (e.g., subordinate position. Migrations that resulted in an un-
real estate) that is sold off by those who are preparing to derprivileged position for the immigrants have attracted
emigrate (see, e.g., Dolker 1970:90) or make money di- by far the greatest research interest, usually focusing on
rectly on the transport of the emigrants. Nevertheless, migrations to Western industrial nations and the prob-
studies dealing with the consequences of emigration lems of racism and discrimination.

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546 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

How status and power disparities develop in immi- theories of migration


gration societies is in dispute. None of the prevailing
hypotheses provides an adequate explanation (Castles At their core, the various models and theories of migra-
and Miller 1993:21415). In the relationship between na- tion can be traced to two different analytical categories:
tives and immigrants, ethnicity most often takes on a the microtheoretical and the macrotheoretical. While
major role. Ethnicity as a social boundary-drawing pro- macrotheoretical approaches refer to larger social aggre-
cess (Barth 1969a) is usually the result of social conflict gates and systems as units of investigation, microtheo-
between groups of different origin (e.g., Lema 1993). The retical approaches focus on the individual and on small
formation of ethnic identity has its origin in either out- social units. The distinction is found again in the struc-
side ascription or self-ascription, although the two fac- tural and systems theoretical approaches that attribute
tors certainly interact. While outside ascription usually the occurrence of migration to underlying objective and
has negative connotations and pursues goals that lie out- structural conditions and in theoretical approaches deal-
side the ethnically ascribed group, the self-ascription of ing with attitudes and behavior, which, on the basis of
Otherness serves to secure and stabilize the groups a general theory of social behavior, seek to explain mi-
own social identity (Bukow and Llaryora 1988:52). gration by looking at structures of motivation and
Groups of immigrants that are pressed into socially mar- personality.
ginal positions are able to construct a counterpoint The widely applied so-called push-pull theories as-
against exclusion from social participation, discrimina- sume a certain intercessory role. Drawing chiefly on the
tion, and loss of self-worth by referring to their own cul- concepts of neoclassical economics, these theories view
ture and identity. The collective identity therefore often migration processes as a result of push factors in the
emerges only after conflict with the immigration society emigration area or pull factors in the immigration area.
(e.g., Rouse 1995:370). The factors linked to the respective regions are seen, as
Immigrant minorities develop cultural and social sys- it were, as characteristics of these areas (e.g., Lee 1966:
tems that are of critical importance for the formation of 50); migration is conceptualized as an individual reaction
social networks and the constitution of ethnic identity. to spatial imbalances, for instance, in the distribution of
The immigrant society that continues the traditions of labor, capital, land, etc. Migratory movements push for
the old homeland while being in constant conflict with spatial balance, with the result that the strength of the
streams of migration corresponds to the degree of spatial
the immigration society demonstrates a specific culture
disparity (see Kearney 1986:336; Wood 1982:304). The
that is distinct from both the culture of its homeland
explanatory variables are in most cases selected in-
and that of the indigenous population (Heckmann 1981:
tuitively, on the basis of the available data (Gatzweiler
20818). What influence the formation of a specific im-
1975:27) and frequently after the fact (Portes and Borocz
migrant culture has on the employment of material cul-
1989:607). Since the scarcity situation in a region can be
ture is a central question for archaeology that has yet to
interpreted as a push factor, just as the lack of a scarcity
be addressed. The distinction made above between in-
situation in a different region can be interpreted as a pull
ternal and external domains of the immigrant society,
factor, it cannot ultimately be determined whether push
which takes into account the rather obvious opposition or pull factors are decisive for migration. The individu-
between the reference to tradition on the one hand and alistic and positivistic character of push-pull theories is
the imperative need for assimilation and integration on characterized by its critics as ahistorical (Wood 1982:303)
the other, can perhaps help the discussion along, but it and allowing no insight into migration (Amin 1995:
has not yet received enough empirical underpinning. 3132; Boyd 1989:640). The explanatory potential of
Since the internal domain in immigrant colonies is com- these theories should not be overestimated; instead, their
paratively larger than among immigrants who are spa- strength lies in designating possible motives of the
tially as well as socially less directly connected to each migrants.
other, the native-immigrant relationship has a structur- It has already been pointed out that a perceived scar-
ing impact on the employment of material culture. city situation does not necessarily lead to emigration.
Finally, two further aspects have to be mentioned. The consideration of individual motives for or against
Studies reveal a heavy strain on the health of immi- emigration avoids a major drawback of most approaches:
grants. They have a significantly higher rate of illness their concentration on aggregates made up of weak-
than the indigenous population. This illness can be at- willed individuals which in their collective behavior are
tributed in part to psychic and psychosomatic symptoms subject to self-contained mechanisms.
that are directly connected with migration (Firat 1996: As varied as the approaches of decision theory are, they
82; Heckmann 1981:12629). The question remains nevertheless follow similar concepts with regard to the
whether the adverse health situation has an effect on explanation of migratory behavior. In accordance with
mortality and thus on demographics. The selectivity of individual demand level, the attractiveness of the pos-
migration also has a direct influence on the demographic sible future place of residence is evaluated in comparison
development of the immigration area. The migration of with that of other locations. The capabilities of evalu-
primarily young people causes a noticeable increase in ating other locations are individually different and lim-
the proportion of young people in the total population ited. On the periphery of the information field (Morrill
of the immigration area (Amin 1995:36). and Pitts 1967), the possibility of evaluating other places

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 547

diminishes and uncertainty surrounding the decision to It has been widely argued that individuals as acting
emigrate increases. Wolpert (1965:166) notes that alter- subjects disappear in the systems perspective. In more
natives offering more certainty to the decision process recent approaches, attempts have been made to resolve
are given preference, and therefore the backflow of in- this dilemma by linking the micro level and the macro
formation from immigration areas that have already been level, for instance, adopting the household as the unit of
established acquires great significance. investigation (Boyd 1989, Goldscheider 1987, Kearney
One merit of decision theories is that they integrate 1986, Wood 1982).
subjectivity into the explanation of behavior. Since the Because of the character of archaeological data, models
amount of information about alternative courses of ac- that proceed from the individual cannot be operation-
tion will always be insufficient and individual perception alized. The assessment of the decision process on the
of environmental conditions is always subjectively pre- basis of archaeological sources is extremely problematic,
judiced, the decision may be based on a faulty founda- since the observed course and result of the migration
tion. This may result in migrations without any dis- cannot be directly identified as its cause. Likewise, nei-
cernible objective reason or the absence of migrations ther individual migratory movements nor personal su-
despite such reasons. Decision theories have an advan- praregional networks of relationships can be traced or
tage here over explanatory models that are based on ex- reconstructed archaeologically; in fact, most often not
clusively objective, external factors, but for the most even the exact regions of origin or destination can be
part they leave the social dimension out of consideration. localized archaeologically. Thus, all that remains for ar-
Behavioral patterns specific to a social group are invisible chaeological study is the approach on the macro level.
in the mass of nonspecific individual actions (e.g., Mor- A twofold filteron the one hand the sources them-
rill and Pitts 1967). selves, which provide more information about the ma-
A number of approaches attempt to recapture the so- terial behavior of culture groups than about that of in-
cial dimension. As varied as these individual approaches dividuals, and on the other hand archaeological methods,
are, what is central to them is that migration is studied which, in their chronological imprecision, make the in-
not as an isolated phenomenon but in reference to ag- dividual disappear behind a temporal horizon spanning
gregate social structures, in particular primary economic at least several decadesallows only for the aggregate of
structures. Hoffmann-Nowotny (1970) outlined a soci- individual actions on the abstract level of social units.
ological theory of migration. Assuming that the unequal
What is manifest in the sources is not individual deci-
distribution of power and prestige leads to structural and
sions but only those of an ideal total person.
anomic tensions, he argued that migrationseen from
Nevertheless, decision theories are necessary for a gen-
the viewpoint of the social systemis a way of reducing
eral understanding of migratory processes. The dialogic
these tensions; emigrants can achieve vertical mobility.
relationship between structure and action emphasized
In his later work the aspect of control acquired central
by Giddens (1988) opens up within the systemic condi-
significance. Because control is necessary to make sure
tions some room to maneuver that allows the individual
that undesirable variants in behavioras defined by the
the possibility of alternative decisions. However, the
systemremain excluded, Hoffmann-Nowotny viewed
control over geographic mobility as requirement for a given course of action is often seen as the only practi-
functioning society. According to him, anomic tensions cable possibility, especially from the distance of time;
resulting from structural tensions lead to a relaxation of possible alternatives are rarely taken into consideration.
control mechanisms and thus extend the range of pos- Decision theories furnish an analytical concept that may
sible actions (1988:3337). Arguing similarly, Richmond be able to explain the choice made from among several
(1988:23) sees the extent of migration as a function of different alternative courses of action within the frame-
the disintegration of social institutions in the emigration work of the systemic possibilities. The theoretical un-
area. Over two decades earlier, Ellemers (1964:5051) derstanding obtained reveals the complexity of the con-
pointed out that regions experiencing social upheaval ditions relevant to migration and thus the limits of
exhibit a high rate of emigration. archaeologys capacity for explanation; the ad hoc char-
The criticism that current theories hardly do justice acter of a number of explanations becomes clear (e.g.,
to the situation of so-called developing countries led to Adler, Van Pool, and Leonard 1996).
the development of new theoretical approaches. Andre Since theoretical concepts and units of investigation
Gunder Franks dependency theory, Wallersteins world- should correspond to each other, the archaeological ev-
system concept, and classical Marxist concepts have pro- idence confines considerations to the macro level. The
vided a framework for integrating migration into a global object of consideration is larger social aggregates that are
perspective (see Kearney 1986:33841). The system of represented in their employment of material culture as
global dependency produces the conditions for migra- cultural units. As a result, individual behavior is ban-
tion, and migration in turn reproduces these conditions; ished to the inside of a black box, the exit from which
it is thus impossible to distinguish cause from effect can at best be used to measure collective behavior. Al-
(Amin 1974:93; 1995:32). A number of more recent stud- though the explanatory potential of macrotheoretical ap-
ies call attention to the significance of migratory systems proaches is limited, they allow one to focus on social
without explicit reference to Marxist and neo-Marxist regularities rather than on deviation and to analyze the
theories (Portes and Borocz 1989, Salt 1989, Sassen 1996). social context surrounding migratory processes.

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548 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

A Model for Investigating Migrations: The man 1988, 1991; Waterbolk 1979). It becomes increas-
Anglo-Saxon Example ingly apparent that the processes of the Germanic mi-
gration had various regional effects.
The increasing regionalization of Anglo-Saxon re-
As both historical and recent migrations show a number search is accompanied by a focus on particular regionally
of recurrent patterns, these characteristics can be sum- centered problems. The general context of the migration
marized in a model of an ideal-typical migration process. process, including the context of emigration and im-
It is by no means a model for explaining barely under- migration, is increasingly disappearing from the field of
stood processes but rather a guide for investigating pre- vision. With the model to be presented, the migratory
historic migrations. Using the example of Anglo-Saxon process will be considered from a birds-eye view. One
migration, the model will be discussed and presented can accept that distinctive regional peculiarities do not
with its parameters. The archaeological exploration of always show through in this analysis, the more so since
the emigration of Germanic groups on the continent and the supraregional perspective cannot and should not re-
their settlement in late- and post-Roman Britain has a place detailed regional analyses. In the following, hy-
long tradition. The state of research offers a good starting potheses will be formulated with an eye to the meth-
position for the application of the model; conversely, odological problems of their verification. The results of
however, it is obvious that the model reaches its limits historical and linguistic research will not be taken into
where research is less well developed. account here, since the focus is on possibilities of ar-
Although up until two decades ago, the contours of chaeological research on migration.
the picture of Anglo-Saxon settlement were still diffuse, 1. At the forefront of a major migratory movement are
in one respect the picture conveyed clarity: The over- the pioneers. Social contacts in the potential destina-
whelming evidence of continental material and customs tions or deliberate initiatives such as the recruitment of
in post-Roman Britain and the regional abandonment of specific groups of immigrants cause particular destina-
settlements in several areas of northern Germany and tions to materialize. The pioneer function is performed
Denmark testify to a mass immigration at the latest dur- by traders, missionaries, mercenaries, and others. These
ing the middle of the 5th century a.d. Ultimately the groups can be tracked down here but perhaps also as
archaeological research only confirmed and illustrated return migrants.
what seemed sufficiently known through the historical The evidence for early contacts or the presence of
sources. northwestern Germanic groups in Britain prior to the
This picture has recently been called into question beginning of the Anglo-Saxon settlement during the sec-
(Harke 1998b, Hamerow 1997). In contrast to the model ond third of the 5th century is extremely problematic.
of mass immigration as it has long been represented (e.g., As forerunners of the Anglo-Saxon settlement, Germanic
Myres 1986), the continuity of the Romano-British pop- mercenaries in Roman military service can be noted. Al-
ulation has been emphasized, and the obvious cultural though the presence of Germanic mercenaries in north-
transformations have been interpreted as rapid accul- ern Gaul from the 4th century on is well documented
turation under the influence of a small Anglo-Saxon elite archaeologically (Bohme 1974), the sources for Britain are
(Arnold 1984, Hodges 1989); the elite dominance somewhat more sparse. The presence there of Germanic
model supplies the theoretical reference (Renfrew 1989: mercenaries from northern Gaul is suggested as early as
13133). The general archaeological invisibility of the the 4th century (Evison 1981), and groups from the later
earlier Romano-British population of the 5th through 7th emigration areas are documented from the beginning of
centuries is no longer seen as evidence of the physical the 5th century (Bohme 1986, Hawkes 1989, Welch
annihilation of these groups; rather, it is considered an 1993). The dating of these finds in Britain, however, does
expression of their material culture, which is character- not permit assignment of the early Anglo-Saxon horizon
ized by its inconspicuousness. Doubts likewise surface unquestionably to either the later phase of Roman do-
about the ethnic interpretation of the Anglo-Saxon finds minion or even the post-Roman phase. A spatial rela-
(Hills 1993). There are increasing indications that the tionship between early Anglo-Saxon sites and Roman
indigenous British population adopted significant seg- installations usually cannot be established (Esmonde
ments of the Anglo-Saxon culture and became integrated Cleary 1989:179). A deliberate settlement of the first An-
into the Anglo-Saxon social unit relatively quickly (e.g., glo-Saxon groups by post-Roman British rulers is like-
Harke 1992a). In current Anglo-Saxon research, two wise conceivable (Hawkes 1986, Hawkes and Dunning
competing models are on the agendamass immigra- 1961).
tion, on the one hand, and the immigration of a small In contrast, isolated finds in northern Germany and
elite, on the otherand in the past few years a synthesis Denmark cause one to think of returned former Ger-
has increasingly begun to emerge. The picture of Anglo- manic mercenaries in Roman service (Bohme 1976,
Saxon settlement sketched so far is multilayered and 1986); moreover, the discovery in North German settle-
reveals distinct, regionally divergent forms (Harke ments of fine Roman ceramics for which production in
1998b, Hamerow 1997), such that there can no longer be Roman Britain can be assumed (Michael G. Fulford, per-
talk of the Anglo-Saxon immigration (see Harke 1998b). sonal communication) points to contacts with England.
In continental archaeology the assumption of an all-out Even so, the presence of nonindigenous cultural traits
emigration is also being questioned (Petersen 1991; Nas- cannot definitely be traced to personal contacts between

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 549

the regions in question; although the inference of mer- integration in the latter. A conspicuous consequence of
cenaries as possible pioneers seems obvious, it is not these connections is the spatial concentration of mi-
conclusive. grants of the same origin. This may lead to a closed set-
2. The first immigrants usually settle in centers. The tlement area and cultural/social enclaves.
areas located between the centers are settled only later The set of problems surrounding the archaeological
by groups that follow. Since the first settlements are des- reconstruction of such social networks has already been
tinations for later migrants, an interior migration ema- referred to. In the interpretation of artifact distribution
nates from these places. The newly accessible areas are as settlement areas for immigrants of a particular origin,
then likewise destinations for subsequent migrations. ethnic interpretation is confronted by an additional prob-
The chronology of the Anglo-Saxon finds hardly per- lem. It could be assumed that the spatial concentration
mits the reconstruction of the colonization process in of certain finds reflects regional settlement of immi-
detail. Nevertheless, the distribution of what in the grants with the same origin as the finds, and the for-
broadest sense can be considered Anglo-Saxon finds in mation of a particular artifact distribution could be at-
the first half of the 5th century reveals focal points that tributed to uniform normative behavior or even a
dissolve in the second half of that century; now the finds common ethnic identity. However, the question remains
are scattered between the early agglomerations of finds whether the regional pattern observed is a result of uni-
(see Higham 1992:16263). The later Anglo-Saxon set- directional acculturation among different groups of im-
tlement areas were already largely defined by the early migrants (Jarnut 1993, Wenskus 1961, Wolfram 1979) or
phase; accordingly, the later settlement did not lead pri- of an immigration of settlers with a common origin, en-
marily to an expansion of the settlement zone but rather tirely in the sense of a migration conducted via social
made it denser (see Dark 1994:219). This at least indi- networks. The investigations of Gebuhr (1997, 1998) and
cates that the Anglo-Saxon invasion allowed settlement Weber (1996) suggest the latter.
centers to emerge quickly, according to the leapfrog prin- Settler amalgams can be inferred for southern England
ciple, with the surrounding areas being settled only later. (Evison 1981). Other regions of the Anglo-Saxon settle-
Welch (1983) has been able to suggest such a course of ment, however, appear much more homogeneous. The
events for Sussex. However, in another region of the set- distribution of attributes of Germanic dress (Bohme
tled territory, no such course is attested (Scull 1992). 1986, Hawkes 1989, Hines 1984, Vierck 1978) and burial
3. The connection between those who have already pottery (Myres 1969, Richards 1987) reveals regional pat-
emigrated and those who have remained at home re- terns both on the continent and in England that to some
mains intact. Social networks stimulate a chain reaction extent can be very clearly outlined. Though it may be
of subsequent migrations. Firmly established routes pro- that workshop areas are reflected here, still individual
duced by the experiences of earlier migrations develop regions in the immigration area can be distinguished by
in the course of events. specific dress customs (e.g., Welch 1980). However, the
The archaeological reconstruction of supraregional so- connection in this regard to corresponding continental
cial networks is problematic, since ultimately one can patterns is missing.
draw conclusions about such networks only on the basis 5. The migration process is accompanied in its indi-
of the distribution of find spots, while the social pro- vidual phases by return migrations. Returning emigrants
cesses that led to the pronounced spatial pattern of the supply the home society with additional information and
material culture often remain obscure. Although the su- sometimes taken an active part in the transformation of
praregional distribution of regional forms can ultimately society in the emigration area.
be attributed to contact situations, thus outlining an area It is assumed that England is the origin of a number
of communication, it does not prove direct social con- of finds from the Germanic settlement areas of North
tacts. The Germanic finds, revealing a typological de- Germany and Scandinavia. This admittedly rather small
velopment on the continent parallel to that in England, sample of finds also provides evidence of a cultural reflux
reflect such an area of communication. Toward the end from England for the second half of the 5th and the be-
of the 5th century or in the 6th at the latest, the parallel ginning of the 6th century (Bohme 1976, Hines 1984,
development of most of these forms ceased (Bohme 1986, Tempel 1980)during a time when the Anglo-Saxon set-
Hines 1984, Reichstein 1975), and typological evolution tlement was in full swing. The identification of the re-
took separate paths. Although Anglo-Saxon England was turnees presupposes that they were at least partially ac-
by no means isolated from the continent thereafter culturated in the immigration area. The evidence does
(Vierck 1970, Welch 1991), the contact situation must not indicate an extensive reverse current. Furthermore,
have changed. A shift from everyday objects to objects of the forms that originated during this time in England,
of prestige and cultural goods can be observed in the many of them did not find their way to the continent
connection between England and the continent (Hines (Bohme 1986).
1992:326). The many imported exclusive commodities, 6. Because a society usually does not emigrate as a
mainly from the graves of the Anglo-Saxon elite, show whole, migrations are selective. The selection criteria
that it was now the upper class that maintained the con- may change in the course of the migration process.
tact with the continent. If emigration does not occur abruptly but instead
4. A central function of the social network between covers a longer period of time, it can be expected to have
the emigration and the immigration area is to facilitate an effect on demographic structures. Although the com-

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550 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

bination of demographic effectsthe development of fer- prehistory of several hundred years. After a settlement
tility, mortality, and the rate of emigrationcan veil the expansion up until the 1st or 2d century a.d., a decrease
causes of demographic developments, it should be pos- in archaeological sites can be observed that began in the
sible to infer at least age- and gender-specific migrations southern North Sea region in the 1st century or at the
from the contents of cemeteries in the home and the latest the 2d (Taayke 1995:7779; Schwarz 1997) and con-
destination region. tinued in northern Germany from the 2d through the
There are a number of indications of age- and gender- 4th century (Kersten 1951, Tempel 1995, Willroth 1992).
specific migrations in the Anglo-Saxon emigration areas. While in a number of regions this occurrence can be
In addition to a deficit in the number of men (Rosing classified as internal colonization and a concentration of
1994, Weber 1996), toward the end of their use burial settlements (Gebuhr 1998, Schwarz 1997), some regions
sites in North Germany reveal a distinct reduction in appear to have been completely abandoned (Kersten
the 20-to-40-year age-group (Schutkowski and Hummel 1951, Meier 1992, Tempel 1995). In Denmark, several
1991:17380; Wahl 1988; Weber 1996). The complete regions were likewise vacated (Gebuhr 1986).
abandonment of the burial sites by the beginning of the This development was paralleled by a reorganization
6th century at the latest marks the transition from an of settlement structures. Larger, closed village layouts
age- and gender-specific migration to one of the entire began to develop in the 2d century in the southern North
population. Sea region (van Es 1982, Donat 1987) and in the 3d cen-
Conversely, one should expect in the burial grounds tury in Denmark (Hvass 1997). At least in well-studied
of the immigration area, at least in the early phase, a Denmark one can conclude that there was an intensi-
deficit in the number of women or a higher percentage fication of agricultural production (Hedeager 1992). The
of members of younger age-groups. However, this is not village community broke down into smaller productive
the case for Anglo-Saxon burial grounds in England (e.g., units, and increasing social hierarchy can be observed
McKinley 1994). Evidence of an immigration horizon (Gebuhr 1986, Hedeager 1992, Schwarz 1991). At least
consisting primarily of men such as that recorded else- for Denmark, this development can be associated with
where (Vondrakova 1996) has not been attested on firm the emergence of political centers and indications of nas-
grounds for Anglo-Saxon graves (Harke 1998b; Stuckert cent state formation (Gebuhr 1986; Hedeager 1980,
1980, quoted in Arnold 1984). Faull (1977) and Alcock 1992). The impulse for these social developments most
(1981) suspected such a process on the basis of specific likely originated in the extension of agricultural acreage,
characteristics of burials in the northeastern part of the benefiting from a climatic optimum, in population
settled area, and Harkes (1992a, b) investigations have growth stimulated by the expansion of the agricultural
provided increasing indications of an immigration dom- base, and in ties to the economy of the Roman Empire.
inated by men. To what extent this is a regional phe- The ecologically and economically favorable condi-
nomenon is unclear. However, the abandonment of en- tions of the first two centuries collapsed during the 3d
tire burial sites on the continent suggests that, in and 4th centuries (Willerding 1977). One can observe a
addition to warrior bands, settler groups made up of move away from richer, heavier soils to less fertile, light
larger family units participated in the settlement ones (Grau 1994, Willroth 1992). Along the North Sea
process. coast, some regions were hit by periodic flooding (Muller-
7. Each migration has its own causes. Existential Wille 1981, Uerkvitz 1997) that ultimately ended in
threats such as war, natural catastrophes, or economic abandonment (Kroll 1986, Meier 1992, Schmid 1995). An
recessions result in the emigration of larger sections of increased occurrence of subsistence crises is indicated
the population. The greater the threat, the less selective in other regions by the increase in Harris lines in the
the migration. Other motives have their origin in factors skeletal evidence (Wahl 1988). An attendant symptom of
that touch or threaten less the society than the individ- the agricultural decline was that certain regions now ap-
ual. Motives arising from the personal attitudes of the parently fell outside of the distribution system of Roman
migrant have their origin in internal social pressures. prestige commodities (Eggers 1951).
Migrations motivated in this manner result in a more The vacating of the coasts, especially their fortifica-
selective composition of the emigrant population. tions, and a number of bog finds that are interpreted as
Case studies show that migrations are usually not the casualties of conquered armies (Ilkjr and Lnstrup
monocausal and cannot be attributed to singular events. 1982, 1983) identify the western Baltic area as a crisis
For the Germanic migration in northwestern Europe the region. Hedeager (1992) shows for Iron Age Denmark
causes, which were supraregional and led to the emigra- that the formation of a prestige-goods economy, made
tion of rather large sections of the population over a possible by Roman importation, and the emergence of
rather long period, are to be sought in long-term devel- warrior retinues gave rise to a social system of high phys-
opments. Although decisions to emigrate could have ical mobility and warlike activity. The thinning influx
been triggered by irregular incidents, the willingness of Roman imports and the diminution of agricultural
to emigrate was nevertheless shaped by the socioeco- productivity must have shaken this social and economic
nomic conditions of the emigration society. system to its very foundations. Encroachments on neigh-
What can be ascertained as a more or less dramatic boring regions were one possible way of obtaining the
turning point in the settlement picture from the south- necessary resources. The establishment of a warrior ar-
ern North Sea to Scandinavia in the 5th century has a istocracy was a consequence of the conflicts but also

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 551

their catalyst. The bog finds point regionally to an in- likely to be possible. If, however, emigration results in
creasing gravity of conflict toward the end of the 4th and negative demographic developments, changes in the so-
the beginning of the 5th century (rsnes 1970: fig. 5); ciety will be the consequence, but here again the causal
continental Anglia registers a definite initial decrease in relationship with migration is difficult to assess.
settlements (Willroth 1992), and the political center in In large segments of northern Germany, archaeological
East Denmark, which beginning in the 3d century had finds are absent from the beginning of the 6th century
prevailed at the expense of other centers (Hedeager 1980), at the latest; palynological evidence supports the picture
appearsfrom the routes of Roman importsby the end of the cessation of settlement (Behre and Dorfler 1995,
of the 4th century to have once again lost significance Muller-Wille 199495). In other parts of northern Ger-
(Lund Hansen 1987). many but primarily in Denmark, evidence of continuing
The social framework of preAnglo-Saxon migration settlement is increasing. The most recent studies near
was characterized by a continual threat to the subsis- Gudme on the island of Fyn emphatically demonstrate
tence base, military unrest, general mobility, and the that even in this time period one must reckon with cen-
establishment of a small social elite. Nevertheless, the ters of affluence in Denmark (Nielsen, Randsborg, and
processes had various effects depending on the region. Thrane 1994). The early dating of the Danewerk (Kramer
In the North German regions, the combination of dem- 1984), the defensive installation in southern Jutland,
ographic developments and agricultural crisis, the latter likewise indicates not only the presence of local groups
certainly furthered by warfare, resulted in a situation but also the development of territorial boundaries and
that threatened the existence of everyone in the region functioning power structures in this time period. To
and ended in extensive emigration. In contrast, the what extent the changes in the cultural pattern can be
regions that already possessed an elite clearly identified attributed to the consolidation of royal power (Hedeager
as such through burial customs were affected by what 1992) or rather to the emigration of a considerable part
in the broadest sense could be considered economic cri- of the population can hardly be answered at the moment.
ses but resulted in the consolidation of the elite and in Except for a regional void in settlement it is impossible
early forms of statelike centers. The dissolution of com- to establish that the changes in the emigration areas were
munal structures and the integration of the individual directly caused by migration.
into a system of subordination to a ruler most likely did 9. A number of changes in the immigration area are
not proceed without resistance. The anomic tensions de- to be expected. Immigration results in demographic
scribed by Hoffmann-Nowotny (1970) were probably also changes. Immigrants difficulties in adapting to their
a factor in the process of social disintegration and reor- new environment can have a negative effect on the mor-
ganization. The discrepancy between the prestige derived tality rate through a deterioration of living conditions.
from the traditional social conditions and the status Social and cultural changes result from the interaction
claimed therefrom but no longer admitted and the denial between natives and immigrants. The subjugation of the
of a share in social power are integral components of this indigenous population by a small elite will affect cultural
kind of social reconstruction. Anomic tensions stimulate development differently from interaction between na-
a selective emigration, which with the present archae- tives and colonists who immigrated on a larger scale.
ological evidence is more probable for the Danish emi- All in all, immigration is not reflected in the demo-
gration areas. graphic figures. Evidence from early Anglo-Saxon cem-
What in particular produced the impulse for emigra- eteries suggests a definite decline in the population in
tion in the 5th and 6th centuries is ultimately unclear. comparison with Roman Britain (Arnold 1984:12325;
The economic and social prerequisites for migration Jones 1996:1328). The demographic processes of the 4th
were present in any case, and the population in the em- to the 6th century are far from being understood, and
igration areas was certainly familiar with migration as therefore the effect of migration on population figures
a possible pattern of action. Thus, all it needed was an cannot at present be ascertained.
event to trigger the final decision to migrate. Favorable A poor constitution, which is frequently observed in
conditions for colonization and the incentive of social immigrant groups, and an elevated mortality rate cannot
ascendancy in post-Roman Britain might have been de- be corroborated for the Anglo-Saxon immigrants from
ciding factors. their life expectancy. Their average life expectancy of
8. Migrations dependent primarily upon gender and age over 30 years (Brothwell 1972:83; Sherlock and Welch
selectivity can result in noticeable demographic changes 1992:112) suggests a more favorable situation than in the
in the emigration area. Economic, social, and cultural emigration areas (Weber 1996). The mortality of the An-
transformations are likewise elicited by emigration. glo-Saxon settlers corresponds to a trend that is found
Demographic data for the 5th through the 7th century in many cemeteries of early medieval Europe (Wahl 1988:
are too incomplete to allow an accurate picture of the 104). For the Anglo-Saxon population this positive trend
results of migration to emerge. In any case it is difficult might be attributed to the favorable settlement condi-
to assess the ongoing development. If the emigration pri- tions in England and the fact that the immigrants did
marily reduces a population surplus, social develop- not live in a marginal situation.
ments can receive a positive impulse from this release- Despite all of the difficulties in identifying Romano-
valve function. Of course, to identify this as the cause British burials during the 5th and 6th centuries (Craw-
of the migration using archaeological methods is un- ford 1997, Harke 1998b), some cemeteries can be seen

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552 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

as an indication of the continuity of the indigenous pop- large urnfields of eastern England represent a population
ulation far beyond the colonization period. The data, of up to 600 persons (McKinley 1994:70). In some of the
however, appear so varied that the relations between in- cemeteries, separate kinship groups can be observed,
digenous and immigrant populations can hardly be com- none of which exceeded 15 persons (Boyle and Dodd
prehended in terms of a single model. In addition to 1995:13335; Harke 1992b:2056). The settlements con-
purely Romano-British cemeteries (Chambers 1987) vey a similar picture: rarely were they inhabited by more
there were hybrid sites that united elements of the two than 50 persons (Harke 1997a:140), around 10 persons
cultures (Faull 1977) and direct transitions from the Ro- per dwelling unit (Hamerow 1993:90). If Harkes obser-
mano-British to the Anglo-Saxon type (Esmonde Cleary vation that the numerical relationship between immi-
1989:201). Harke (1992a, b) provides an important con- grants and natives was balanced (1997a:150; although
tribution to the understanding of the social constellation Jones calculates a predominance of the indigenous pop-
of the various population groups by showing that the ulation [1996:27]) can be confirmed, immigration in the
indigenous population can also be found in graves of An- nucleus of the Anglo-Saxon settlement does not seem
glo-Saxon character. aptly described in terms of the elite-dominance model.
The forms of interaction produced by immigration var- To all appearances, the settlement was carried out by
ied by region. Widespread assimilation of the native pop- small, agriculture-oriented kinship groups. This process
ulation took place in the nucleus of Anglo-Saxon colo- corresponds more closely to a classic settler model. The
nization. Yet, the distribution of wealth in these absence of early evidence of a socially demarcated elite
cemeteries demonstrates that natives were assigned an underscores the supposition that such an elite did not
underprivileged position in society, and this is confirmed play a substantial role. Rich burials such as are well
by later Anglo-Saxon legal texts (Harke 1997a). Morpho- known from Denmark have no counterparts in England
logical and epigenetic skeletal traits suggest that the two until the 6th century.
groups were in part endogamous through the 6th century At best, the elite-dominance model might apply in the
(Harke 1998b). Since the ascription of status on the basis peripheral areas of the settlement territory, where an im-
of origin plays an instrumental role, group affiliation migration predominantly comprised of men and the ex-
must have been transparent and of lasting significance istence of hybrid cultural forms might support it. Nev-
despite the uniform material culture. The practice of en- ertheless, a central objection arises. Examples of the
dogamy indicates mechanisms of social demarcation. immigration of a small group that successfully estab-
The assignment of status was reproduced ritually in bur- lishes itself as the social elite (the Norman conquest of
ial customs (Harke 1992a), just as Anglo-Saxon burials England and ethnographic cases cited by Barth [1969b:
in prehistoric grave mounds can be seen as an attempt 128] and van der Merwe and Scully [1971:18788]) do not
to legitimate supremacy in the immigration area (Wil- display a lasting influence on the material culture of the
liams 1997). immigration society. The Anglo-Saxon influence, which
Within the Anglo-Saxon settlement area there were is manifest, points to mechanisms that cannot be ex-
Romano-British enclaves that at least in their burial cus- plained by this model alone.
toms demonstrated their independence. It appears that
it was not until after the 7th century that assimilation
to the immigrant society took place. Although interac- Concluding Remarks
tion between the populations concerned in the 5th and
6th centuries cannot be deduced, it can be assumed. Two pivotal concerns of archaeological research on mi-
Thus, for example, the Romano-British cemetery of gration have been pursued here: the deepening of the
Queenford Farm (Chambers 1987) is located in a densely theoretical understanding of migration as an integral part
populated nucleus of the Anglo-Saxon immigration area. of cultural behavior and the development of a method
One may suppose that adherence to Romano-British bur- for archaeological proof. Current archaeological research
ial customs reflected an oppositional stance toward the on migration can be characterized as inadequate. Al-
immigrants. though migration deserves an important position in ar-
On the perimeter of the Anglo-Saxon settlements one chaeological research and theory formation, with few ex-
finds hybrid cultural patterns which suggest reciprocal ceptions (e.g., Anthony 1990, 1997; Cameron 1995a) it
acculturation or at least partial persistence of Romano- has not sufficiently been taken into account.
British cultural forms. For their northern areas of study, The path pursued here, with its reference to recent
Faull (1977) and Alcock (1981) suspect an immigration migrations and theories, does not aim at the explanation
of groups dominated by men which entered into marriage of prehistoric phenomena. By identifying aspects rele-
relations with the indigenous population. Similarly, vant to migration, the necessary background is estab-
Harke (n.d.) sees a predominant immigration of warrior lished for the development of archaeological research on
bands in the western periphery. the basis of anthropological studies. These aspects, taken
These apparent differences in interaction once again as hypotheses, form a framework that permits the iden-
raise the question of the type of immigration. The dem- tification of both what is general in the case study and
ographic reconstruction of the Anglo-Saxon burial com- what is specific to it.
munities demonstrates that they consisted on average of The example of Anglo-Saxon settlement in post-Ro-
1540 individuals (Arnold 1984:125; 1988:166). Only the man Britain demonstrates that even this migratory

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 553

movement was a multilayered process. It has become bolic meanings that make them susceptible to uncon-
apparent that it can be understood in relation to the so- scious as well as deliberate change. For this reason, tech-
cial and economic developments of the preceding cen- nological and functional aspects, free of symbolic
turies and that historical accounts of ethnic groups trav- meaning, have been deemed more resistant to change
eling as units during the Germanic migrations cannot be and thus better suited to providing indications of migra-
confirmed for it. Even in regions where an all-encom- tion (Cameron 1995b:11819). In particular, residential
passing migration occurred, it took place over a long pe- architecture (Rapoport, cited in Hamerow 1997:39; Stark,
riod of time and initially involved only certain segments Clark, and Elson 1995) and domestic pottery (Stark,
of society. The depopulation of these regions occurred Clark, and Elson 1995) are considered culturally conser-
gradually, and immigration was also gradual, with the vative. In the case of the North American settlers we
result that the image of a mass migration appears ill- have seen that house forms and construction types are
suited to the portrayal of the process. The temporal depth a poor indicator of immigration; at best the interior de-
of the Anglo-Saxon migration and the continual contacts sign of the houses provides clues. Domestic pottery, orig-
between emigration and immigration areas produced a inating in household production, appears more reliable.
migratory system that had considerable influence on the Attention should be directed less to formal traits than
sequence of events and the structure of the migration. to production techniques. If the latter are handed down
The actual object of exploration is, therefore, less the within family lines, various production traditions, for
particular emigration or immigration context than the example, can be discerned on the basis of so-called motor
migratory system in its entirety. habit patterns (Arnold 1985).
Thus a migration such as the Anglo-Saxon one can Concerning the Anglo-Saxon case study, the model of
only be understood from a processual perspective. Since internal and external domains, with its crucial impli-
only a focus that goes beyond the temporal horizon of cations for the set of problems surrounding migration,
the actual migration and spans the separate, connected has not yet proven its practicability. As expected, neither
regions permits the comprehension of migration as an domestic construction (Hamerow 1997:3740) nor burial
extensive socioeconomic process, the model of investi- customs (Crawford 1997) supply any definite evidence of
gation outlined is also a plea for such a focus. An expla- immigration. That the earlier, indigenous population ap-
nation referring only to regional explanations avoids re- pears Anglo-Saxon in the archaeological data demon-
sponsibility for the total context. strates the shortcomings of traditional approaches to mi-
It is an essential concern of archaeological research on gration, but the approach proposed here falls short
migration to provide proof that migration has occurred. because of the inadequate state of research. Thus for the
Critics agree that the archaeological evidence really does moment, only initial indications can be put forward that
not allow this, being too ambiguous to distinguish the indicate paths but do not yet deliver concrete results.
transfer of cultural traits resulting from migration from Zimmermanns (1988) studies show that for the most
other mechanisms of dispersion such as trade or diffu- part house types were not brought from the continent
sion. The ideal-typical migration that is formulated in to Britain, although the interior arrangement of the
the hypotheses as a model is well suited to guiding the houses exhibits similar patterns. Greater latitude for tra-
investigation of prehistoric migrations, but direct evi- ditional habits is also provided by burials of socially mar-
dence cannot be obtained in this way. For a number of ginal persons such as small children, whose furnishings
individual aspects, only vague allusions were produced, demonstrate continental parallels (Harke 1992b:181). All
and not even the well-documented aspects are necessar- in all, although indicators can be found for an immigra-
ily evidence that migrations actually took place. In de- tion, it is difficult to define a region of origin for the
tail, doubts can certainly be raised. Nevertheless, the immigrants. Furthermore, the previous treatment of the
hypothesis of migration as an explanation of the phe- archaeological evidence prevents systematic comparison
nomena under study gains plausibility when it succeeds of continental and English material. Thus this article
in obtaining conclusive evidence for as many of the in- represents only the beginnings of a solution whose suc-
dividual aspects of the migration process as possible. Re- cess remains to be demonstrated by future research and
constructing this process increases the probability that discussion.
the individual partial hypotheses can be construed in
favor of migration. One should beware, however, of draw-
ing conclusions too quickly. Ultimately, what is crucial
is not conclusive proof but careful consideration of the Comments
evidence which allows a decision for or against the mi-
gration hypothesis (e.g., Kristiansen 1989).
Although a procedure with which a specific migration marc andresen
and its origin can be reliably diagnosed using the ar- Institut fur Ur- und Fruhgeschichte der CAU Kiel,
chaeological evidence is desirable, none is available. The Olshausenstr. 40, 24098 Kiel, Germany. 1 iii 00
distinction made earlier between an internal and an ex-
ternal culture sphere can be of help in this regard. Sty- Burmeisters attempts at reforming archaeological mi-
listic traits and ritual practices, as they are reflected, for gration research through the development of a meth-
example, in burial customs, communicate specific sym- odological model show potential. A few points of criti-

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554 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

cism are, however, appropriate regarding the imple- to unsatisfactory conclusions in the application of his
mentation of this model. model to Anglo-Saxon migration.
Attempting to demonstrate migration by determining The theory of archaeological dates promoted by M. K.
how the cultural change it produces is expressed in ma- H. Eggert (1978:148) provides one possible solution. Es-
terial culture is an approach that begins with the ar- sential to this theory is the explanation of the roles,
chaeological material, without any theorization of the meaning, and origin of the archaeological sources, such
probleman approach grounded in the positivist-mate- as settlements, burials, jewelry, and weaponry, within
rialist tradition of German prehistory. The development the traditional cultural system on the basis of cultural-
of a method for examination of this and other unresolved anthropological studies. Beyond this, such a theory must
questions in the archaeological study of migration must aim to produce detailed knowledge of the structural char-
begin at a higher and more abstract level, first of all with acter of the individual sources and an understanding of
a definition of migration. what cultural manifestations they inform us about. With
Albrecht (1972:23) offers a useful definition for pre- this in mind, theories of the migration process can even-
historians; he understands migration as a movement tually be developed and the requisite connection be-
of people in geographic space in which there are changes tween a particular theory and the prehistoric sources can
both in the physical and in the social milieu. This has be established (Andresen 1997).
important implications for the conceptualization of an
archaeological demonstration of migration. The immi-
grants in an immigration area are part of a (for them) d a v i d w. a n t h o n y
new social milieu and will therefore appear as foreign to Hartwick College, Oneonta, N.Y. 13820, U.S.A.
the social environment affected. Accordingly, to dem- (anthony@hartwick.edu). 5 iii 00
onstrate migration it is necessary to discover, through
the analysis of archaeological sources, a foreign group in Burmeister presents a useful review of theories and mod-
the suspected immigration area. els of migration. I will discuss a few disagreements be-
Contrary to Burmeister, burials are the most appro- low. First I think it necessary to observe that the role of
priate way of demonstrating immigration on the basis of migration studies within the corpus of archaeological
prehistoric materials. They allow us to identify and dis- methods has changed dramatically in the past ten years.
tinguish individuals and groups in the archaeological Migration was once a lazy persons explanation for cul-
sources. This is possible because the group conscious- ture change, used by archaeologists who could not or
ness of groups performing funeral rites is reflected in chose not to deploy more demanding models and theo-
their burial traditions, which function primarily to re- ries. Burmeisters article and other recent studies show
store the social identity that has been destabilized by the how completely this has changed. Current migration
death of one of the groups members (Hahn 1968, Weber models include such specific behavioral predictions that
1994). they can be tested only with very fine-grained archaeo-
Burmeisters objection that burials reflect the social logical data. This explains why new migration studies
status of the individuals interred is unfounded. The so- like Burmeisters have generally been conducted in
cial background they represent shows, rather, that his places and chronological periods with long histories of
objection is based on a distortion of the burial in the high-quality archaeological research, such as the Anglo-
course of archaeological transmissiona problem that Saxon migration period in England, the post-Chacoan
the archaeologist faces not only with burials but also period in the American Southwest (Spielmann 1998), the
with all other types of prehistoric sources. This problem Iroquoian period in the American Northeast (Snow 1996,
can be resolved through a structural analysis of the Sutton 1996), and the Upper Paleolithic period in north-
traditions surrounding the burials to be exam- western Europe (Jochim, Herhahn, and Starr 1999).
inedconsideration of every archaeologically transmit- We are still debating how migration is reflected in ma-
ted detail of the burial tradition, including the compo- terial culture. Burmeister suggests that public material
sition of the grave goods, the treatment of the burial culture is subject to assimilation and change in a new
ceramics and the accompanying artifacts, the way they home while private material culture reflects more
are positioned, and so on. After such an analysis, a sus- clearly the cultural origin of the migrants. There is some
pected immigration is considered proven when there is merit in this observation, but its application to domestic
a group of graves in the assumed immigration area whose architecture is complicated. Burmeister argues that ex-
customs seem foreign and lacking in any genealogical ternal domestic architecture (a public form) changes
connection with the burial traditions of the time. to suit the functional needs of the new home, while in-
Finally, a few comments with regard to the model of terior decoration and the arrangement of interior spaces
migration are in order: The description of migration as (floor plan) reflect the migrants own tradition. This ar-
a process is welcome, but the models individual theories gument is reminiscent of the recent debates about style:
are often too abstract to allow for the necessary connec- is style seen only in nonfunctional traits, or can it reside
tions to the prehistoric sources. Because of this, an ar- also in the functional attributes of material culture?
chaeological demonstration of the particular aspects of Most Western archaeologists would agree with Sackett
the migration process will be complicated. This is prob- (1990) that style in the sense of cultural tradition is often
ably one of the reasons that Burmeister frequently comes expressed in functional attributes. This can be shown

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 555

with the very example Burmeister cites: domestic c a t h e r i n e m . c a m e ro n


architecture. Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado,
It is not true that all or even more North American Boulder, Colo. 80309-0233, U.S.A. (cameronc@
immigrants adopted log houses, as Burmeister implies. colorado.edu). 29 ii 00
Several studies (Fischer 1989, Noble 1992) have dem-
onstrated that the migrants who moved to eastern North Burmeisters study is a valuable contribution to our un-
America brought with them the domestic architecture derstanding of archaeological migration after a century
of their home regions in England. East Anglian Puritans of misuse or neglect. Geographers, demographers, and
built clapboard houses in New England just like those other social scientists, meanwhile, have focused a great
of East Anglia; Royalist gentlemen from Somerset and deal of attention on the issue. Burmeister is part of a new
Wiltshire built brick homes in Virginia like those of generation of archaeologists who acknowledge migration
southern England; Quakers built stone or brick houses as a key element of culture process throughout history
in Pennsylvania similar in plan to those of the northern and prehistory.
English Midlands whence they had come; and Scotch- Burmeisters processual approach has several
Irish borderers built simple one-room houses in the Ap- strengths. He emphasizes that migrations can be under-
palachian Mountains much like those they had left be- stood only by looking at the entire social contextthe
hind but made them of easily obtained logs rather than place of emigration and the place of immigration. He
stone or turf. Even log houses were made in several dis- recognizes that the factors surrounding transfer of ma-
tinct styles. Europeans who had a tradition of making terial culture are too multifaceted and ambiguous for the
log homes in Europe, like the Moravians and the Palatine identification of site unit intrusions (Willey and Lath-
Germans, produced simplified but still distinctive Mo- rap 1956). Instead, he suggests that archaeologists seek
ravian and Palatine log-house styles in America. The situations where material-culture signatures of ethnicity
dominance of a particular style of domestic architecture are most likely to be found, such as the interior arrange-
in a particular region was not a simple function of en- ment of houses. Perhaps most important, he advises us
vironment and available materials. Many architectural to identify migration only when multiple indicators
historians and geographers emphasize the strong influ- show that population movement occurred.
ence of what they call the principle of first effective I share Burmeisters concern with the application of
settlement (Kniffen 1965, Noble 1992). If a compact,
recent migration phenomena to the past and believe that
relatively homogeneous group of migrants became well-
the farther back in time we go, the harder it will be to
established in a region, later migrants tended to assim-
use models derived from studies of modern populations.
ilate to the norms established by the first effective set-
For example, Clarks (1994; see also Clark and Lindly
tlers. The first group was in a position to provide aid,
1991) critique of the application of migration to the ex-
loans, advice, and protection to those who arrived later,
planation of culture change during the European Middle
and these advantages translated into higher status for the
and Upper Paleolithic highlights the difficulties of ap-
culture of the first-comers. Later arrivals tended to as-
plying modern geographic and demographic models to
similate, unless they were content to remain isolated and
relatively poor. This explains why New England housing these sparse and highly mobile populations of hunter-
styles were dominant in 19th-century Ohio although the gatherers. Clark makes better use of studies of animal
overwhelming majority of the later immigrant popula- migration from biology to explain the movements of
tion was German. The timing of the German immigra- these early peoples. He questions the applicability of the
tion was the critical factor: the Germans moved into concept of migration (defined as long-distance, short-
communities established earlier by immigrants from term population movement) prior to the advent of econ-
New England, so in many aspects of material culture omies based on domesticated plants and animals (1994:
they ended up looking like New Englanders and speaking 305).
like them. In places like Texas where Germans were in One of the primary difficulties with applying models
many places the first effective European settlers, many developed for modern populations to prehistoric cases is
aspects of German culture survived for a long time, in- that these models emphasize decisions to migrate by in-
cluding domestic architecture and language. dividuals or nuclear families but these social units are
In tracing the pattern of Anglo-Saxon settlement in not viable economically, reproductively, or socially. To
England, it is therefore important to identify the earliest survive, humans must operate within a community
effective permanent settlement by immigrant com- (however broadly defined). Units of migration must be
munities. They should have had an inordinate influence large enough to create a viable community, or individ-
on the material culture and even the language of later uals/families must migrate between established com-
immigrants. And, as Burmeister notes, these first im- munities. When populations worldwide were much more
migrants should themselves have presented only a subset sparsely distributed than they are today and communi-
of the Continental parent culture. Perhaps this is why ties much smaller, the circumstances under which a mi-
the Continental style of large hall with central posts grant individual or family would be welcomed into a
supporting the roof was not initially imported to Britain distance community would likely have been much dif-
but a minority Continental type, a smaller house with ferent from those of more recent times. The prehistoric
the roof supported on the walls, was. decision-making process, therefore, may have been dif-

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556 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

ferent in many ways from the decision making portrayed ability to observe prehistoric social boundaries forming,
in contemporary geographic and demographic models. dissolving, and reforming as the complex interplay of
Ethnographic studies suggest that in pre-state societies place, culture, and people unfolds.
individuals operate within an often geographically dif- Burmeisters paper has helped to focus archaeological
fuse social network of kin, fictive kin, trading partners, attention on the importance of developing a systematic
and other relationships. Movement of individuals or fam- approach to migration in the past. While I am doubtful
ilies within a broad region in which these relationships of our ability to develop models of migration that will
are operational may be relatively easy (e.g., among the fit all times and all places, I am convinced that we will
people of Amazonian Ecuador [Brenda Bowser, personal eventually develop sophisticated methods of identifying
communication, 2000]). However, among African tribal and studying prehistoric migration. Burmeister has made
societies, Kopytoff (1987b) has found that when popu- a significant step toward accomplishing this goal.
lations move into frontier areas (arguably part of this
larger region or familiar area), they do so in groups,
not as individuals, because individuals are embedded in john chapman
corporate groups of which society is composed (pp. Department of Archaeology, University of Durham,
2325). Community fissioning often involves the gath- South Rd., Durham DH1 3LE, U.K. 7 iii 00
ering of the broadest possible group of supporters from
a contextually relevant group (usually kin-based) before Burmeister makes a stimulating contribution to the de-
embarking for the frontier. Applying Kopytoffs ideas to bate over the significance of migrations in prehistory. It
the American Southwest, Schlegel (1992) provides evi- is, however, based upon an eclectic mixture of insights
dence that prehistoric and historic Puebloan people often from several different theoretical positionsperhaps
migrated in groups, a position with which I agree (Cam- proof on a micro-scale of the failure of archaeology to
eron 1995b, 1999). move beyond, sensu Kuhn, the pre-paradigmatic stage.
Movement of individuals or families beyond such fa- Post-processualist ideas on the habitus and hermeneutic
miliar areas would likely have been much more diffi- circles mingle with processualist claims that the sym-
cult. If migration was to an unpopulated area, successful bolic can be separated from technological and functional
replication would have required the establishment of a variables and a reflectionist view of childrens burial.
functioning community. Even movement into an un- Clarification of Burmeisters real theoretical position
occupied subsistence niche, where immigrants were not would be helpfulor is he simply a pragmatist?
being incorporated into functioning communities (for ex- It seems to me that there are two contradictions in
ample, the movement of Athapaskan hunting-and-gath- this article. The first is the idea that a model of migratory
ering groups into the American Southwest, a region oc- behaviour is not the same as migration theory. In fact,
cupied by Puebloan horticulturalists), would have even though claiming that he is not presenting migration
required the immigration of a social group of adequate theory, Burmeister presents a section entitled Theories
reproductive size. of Migrations. The view of archaeological praxisof
In developing models for prehistoric migration we working through the material and reflexively interpret-
need to consider decision-making processes as they ap- ing it before returning to the material anewcomes
ply to specific archaeological cases and be cautious in close to abolishing the dubious distinction between the-
the use of contemporary geographic and demographic ory and method which Burmeister attempts to support.
models. With our highly individualistic view of the The second contradiction is particularly unfortunate,
world (which is exacerbated by the current emphasis on since the idea of introducing the habitus into migration
agency), we must be especially cautious in attributing studies is extremely useful and invigorating (for a similar
to people in the past the ability to make decisions about example concerning a postulated migration of Anatolian
movement independent of their kin and other estab- people into Bronze Age Cyprus, see Frankel n.d.). How-
lished social relationships. When movement is beyond ever, Burmeister fails to follow up the insights afforded
the area where kin ties and trading relationships have by the habitus in his evaluation of the Anglo-Saxon mi-
been established and where there is a low probability of grations into Britain. To the contrary, in his major ar-
becoming attached to an existing community, new mod- chaeological case study he reaches a profoundly negative
els for migration may need to be developed. conclusionthat there are no available archaeological
The identification of migration is, in most cases, in- criteria for the sources of the proposed migration. This
extricably linked with the definition of ethnic groups is unfortunate, since further discussion of the impor-
in the past, and the definition of ethnic groups is based tance of the habitus in a migration debate could have
on the always problematic assumption that distinct been very instructive.
groups have identifiable material culture traits. While I wish to offer two comments on Burmeisters use of
ethnicity is difficult to define even in contemporary so- Bourdieu. First, it is ironic that Burmeister rejects the
ciety, archaeologists are exploring ingenious ways to map house as evidence of those aspects of private life which
prehistoric social boundaries, such as the recent focus inform us about sources of migration when it is precisely
on the technology of style (Stark 1998). These ap- the Kabyle house which Bourdieu (1977) uses as his
proaches (as well as Burmeisters advice to examine prime example of habitus. It seems to me methodolog-
house interiors rather than exteriors) should improve our ically dubious to exclude the Fenno-Scandinavian log

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 557

cabin from considerations of habitus, since this struc- of migration as a guide for investigating prehistoric mi-
tural type framed so much that was private life in so grations, on the other, appears to be a fruitful avenue
many frontier situations. Secondly, Burmeister is not toward disentangling a very complex topic. Although
alone among archaeologists in neglecting another key this paper is very instructive indeed, I find its signifi-
concept which Bourdieu utilizes to inject the dynamic cance somewhat marred by certain procedural inconsis-
into an otherwise rather static picture of unchanging tencies. In the following I will comment on some points
habitusthe field (see Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992). I consider important from an epistemological per-
Fields are the zones of negotiation in which values spective.
change and real resources are injected into the political 1. Burmeister attaches much heuristic power to his
life of small-scale and large-scale communities. It is im- differentiation of a public or external and an internal
portant to balance the importance of habitus with the domain of the world of immigrants. He thinks that the
insights drawn from fields. materialized remnants of the latter, the private realm of
It is also worth recalling that the American frontier is life, are best suited to transmitting group-specific atti-
but one example of frontier processes and maybe not tudes of, in this instance, migrants. In contrast, he con-
even the one most appropriate for migration studies. Ko- siders the external domain much more oriented toward
pytoffs (1987a) research into the African frontier indi- economic and technical functionalist and social repre-
cates a spatially much more complex situation than the sentation, and therefore, he argues, its elements will be
linear American case, with primary, secondary, and ter- constantly adopted by diverse and fluid groups. This in
tiary centres and an importance attributed to those who turn implies for him a high probability that the mate-
settle an area first (ancestral founders, etc.). This seems rialized items of this sphere reflect such changing pat-
rather more like many of the prehistoric and Anglo- terns of adoption rather than a more or less stable social
Saxon migrational contexts discussed by Burmeister. aggregate acting on a common culturally defined basis.
Finally, in Burmeisters historical analogy, there is no It is surprising that although he attaches much impor-
comparison between the material culture of the Amer- tance to this analytical device, it plays no role, as he
indians and the colonial groups. This is the dilemma himself concedes, in his well-chosen example of the An-
which engages most archaeologists, since a postulated glo-Saxon migration.
migration often infiltrates an area with similar levels of At any rate, I do not subscribe to the external/internal
social structure, economic development, and technolog- differentiation as an analytical category reflecting a gen-
ical capabilities, often resulting in the deposition of eral cultural phenomenon. Reality appears to be far too
rather similar forms of material culture. This is precisely varied and inconsistent to allow for such a generaliza-
why it is so hard to identify prehistoric migrations with- tion. Besides its up to now empirically unsubstantiated
out the demonstration of contrasts in habitus between suitability, it seems doubtful that there is much chance
different groups. It is also why a Kopytoff multifocal- of successfully applying it to an ordinary archaeological
frontier model may be of greater utility than a linear data base of rather selective unwritten sources.
American model. 2. Burmeister reveals a rather dogmatic and, further-
more, inconsistent attitude toward major theoretical is-
sues such as the role of ethnicity, the utility of which
manfred k. h. eggert he questions. This is, of course, in accord with current
Institut fur Ur- und Fruhgeschichte, Eberhard-Karls- mainstream thinking but hardly does justice to cultural
Universitat Tubingen, Schloss Hohentubingen, 72070 and, for that matter, archaeological reality, as his Anglo-
Tubingen, Germany. 7 iii 00 Saxon case study demonstrates. It seems contradictory
to reject the concept of ethnicity as a fruitful anthro-
In recent years there has been a remarkable revival of pological category for the study of migration on a the-
interest in the topic of migrations in European pre- and oretical level, then partly to retreat on that, and finally
protohistory. In a sense this topic has haunted archae- to reintroduce the concept on the empirical level by way
ology since its formative years in the second half of the of a paradigmatic historical and archaeological case.
19th century (e.g., Montelius 1888). While archaeology 3. I consider the general stance reflected in what I have
was traditionally preoccupied with concrete case studies discussed under the two preceding points as being epis-
of possible migratory movements, Burmeisters article is temologically intertwined. Both aspects exemplify a very
but the latest in a series of archaeological studies devoted conservative and markedly rigid approach to archeol-
to the methodological issues involved. His exposition is ogys basic problems which goes straight back to Gustaf
especially welcome in a situation in which a systematic Kossinnas fundamental and invariant tenet that clearly
sounding of archaeologys potential to differentiate be- defined, sharply distinctive, bounded archaeological
tween the effects of migration and other mechanisms of provinces correspond unquestionably to the territories of
dispersal of material objects and features is a problem of particular peoples and tribes (Veit 1989:39). I consider
the highest order. Burmeister admirably succeeds in this attitude of all or nothing at all diametrically op-
summarizing the major points of agreement or, for that posed to the historico-epistemological endeavor of delin-
matter, disagreement. His dual approach of trying to eating and explaining the past on the basis of archae-
deepen the theoretical understanding of the cultural re- ological material. We will be able to proceed not by
ality of migration, on the one hand, and devising a model applying strict principles and seemingly invariable rules

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558 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

of cultural behavior generalized from individual cases distinction can, in future, be confirmed to have the im-
but by searching for causes that seem plausible in the portance he attaches to it, archaeologists will have to
light of an informed cultural anthropological and his- rely more heavily than hitherto on settlement evidence
torical perspective. Thus, ethnicity may have played an for the study of migrations. This is a profound shift away
important role in a specific context, and this might be from the previous assumption that burial rites provide
detectable archaeologically and thus might appear plau- the best opportunities for identifying migrations in the
sible as an explanatory device in a particular instance. archaeological record because ritual is the most conser-
Likewise, burial customs need not be of limited value vative element of human culture. While this assumption
for investigating the problem of prehistoric migrations. is tacit most of the time, it has been used as an explicit
Rather, it is the ambiguity of archaeological sources starting point by Clarke (1975) for the identification of
which calls not for a rigid, invariant approach but for a immigrants in Late Roman Britain.
rather subtle procedure based on the principle of plau- In his discussion of the selectivity of migrations, Bur-
sibility. Needless to say, this principle must in turn be meister mentions only economic and health conse-
grounded in an explicit and informed anthropological quences of the overrepresentation of young males in mi-
frame of reference. Despite my disagreement with some grant populations. Surely there must be other
aspects of Burmeisters methodological position, I hasten consequencesfor example, violence. Testosterone-
to add that I consider the application of his investigative driven young males, more specifically males between 15
model to the Anglo-Saxon case a fine example of pro- through 25, are the most overrepresented group in mod-
ceeding by the principle of plausibility. I thus agree with ern crime and car accident statistics (see, e.g., Lacayo
him that the hypothesis of migration as an explanation 1996), and they have been key actors in ancient war
. . . gains plausibility when it succeeds in obtaining con- bands (Harke 1997a) as well as in modern gang warfare.
clusive evidence for as many of the individual aspects of We should, therefore, expect a higher level of violence
the migration process as possible. in immigrant communities dominated by young males
4. Finally, I would like to mention one last point of a and the development of codes of conduct that go with
less general character. While Burmeister is to be lauded it. Again, Burmeisters case studies of North America
for his virtually exhaustive quotation of the methodo- and Anglo-Saxon England appear to be good examples.
logically oriented Anglophone literature on migration, Is it really a coincidence that the six-gun became the
he fails to do so even on a minimal level for what has symbol of the American frontier or that burial with
been published in German in this regard. If it seems weapons became the symbol of Anglo-Saxon males in
strange to an insider that R. Wenskuss seminal work of 5th/6th-century Britain? And in both cases we had a he-
1961 receives only a passing reference, it is hard to accept roic ideology and a conquest myth arising from the con-
that R. Hachmanns penetrating analysis of the concept text of migration and post-migration society (cf. Harke
of migration and its potential archaeological reflections 1997b).
in the context of his monumental Die Goten und Skan- Burmeisters Anglo-Saxon case study is probably one
dinavien (1970:279328) has not even been mentioned. of the best birds-eye views of this case so far. There are
There would be less repetition in the current writing on a number of minor comments that a specialist might
migration if at least the major contributions of times past want to make, but these might only detract from the
were adequately considered. general issues. One correction needs to be made, though.
Instead of offering corroborative or modifying argu- I have not argued that the numbers of Anglo-Saxon im-
ments to Burmeisters reasoning, I have concentrated on migrants and British natives were balanced overallI
some points I consider crucial from a general point of have argued that they were balanced in the cemeteries
view. In spite of some disagreement between us on cer- (and thus, settlements) which we identify as Anglo-
tain aspects, Burmeisters article is certainly an impor- Saxon on the basis of their diagnostic material culture.
tant step forward in the direction of a sober approach to In addition, however, there were local and regional en-
the archaeological study of migration. claves of the native population almost everywhere and
a much lower proportion of immigrants in the more pe-
ripheral, northern and western areas of Anglo-Saxon im-
h e i n r i c h h a r k e migration. On these assumptions, I have suggested an
Department of Archaeology, University of Reading, overall proportion of immigrants to natives of around 1:
Whiteknights, P.O. Box 218, Reading RG6 6AA, U.K. 3 to 1:5 (Harke 1999, n.d.). This suggestion has been
(H.G.H.Harke@reading.ac.uk). 7 iii 00 supported independently by analysis of modern mito-
chondrial DNA undertaken at Oxford (Martin Richards,
Many points made in this paper are not entirely new, personal communication).
but the point which I take to be key is an important one Finally, my regular ceterum censeo on language: This
and, I believe, one that has not before been applied to paper will be particularly useful to Anglophone readers
the archaeological study of migrations: the distinction of the monoglot variety because it contains a summary
between an internal, private sphere and an external, pub- of the situation and processes in the emigration areas on
lic sphere. Fashion-conscious archaeologists are in the the Continent where evidence tends to be published, in-
habit of invoking Bourdieu in vain, but here his concept considerately, in German or Danish. Burmeisters over-
of habitus is well taken and well applied. If Burmeisters view should help to inform the Anglo-Saxonist debate,

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 559

which has suffered considerably from this linguistic di- have no evidence of migration from historical sources or
vide (Harke 1998a). On the negative side, having read physical anthropological data, we are restricted to the
both the German original and the above English version, archaeological record in obtaining evidence, and it is here
I find that the translation, competent and readable that we are confronted with the so far not satisfactorily
though it is, does not always capture exactly the nuances resolved methodological trilemma of distinguishing ar-
of the original. Part of the problem lies in the two distinct chaeologically among migration, trade, and diffusion. We
varieties of archaeological terminology involved, and have no methodological device for assessing migration
this begins with the oblique title: what Anglophone ar- hypotheses. Andresens conclusion that immigrants in
chaeologist today would use the term archaeological an immigration area are part of a (for them) new social
proof? The other part of the problem is that the trans- milieu and will therefore appear as foreign to the social
lation often sticks too closely to the German text. But environment affected had to be rejected as a general
then, Wissenschaftsdeutsch (scholarly German) is a statement. The use of material culture in immigration
tough proposition for any translator or interpreter. societies is much more complex: immigrants may be-
come invisible because of rapid assimilation or the in-
digenous population may look like immigrants because
of opposite assimilation. The ambiguous archaeological
Reply record is a very unreliable indicator, and special methods
are required to draw out the required information. It is
here that I want to step in with my contribution.
stefan burmeister I have developed two approaches that for the time be-
Hamburg, Germany. 2 v 00 ing will do nothing more than wrest the best possible
evidence from the archaeological record and offer a strat-
Several commentators see my article in the context of a egy for the archaeological study of migration. The first
shift in thinking in archaeology in the past few years. focuses on the microscopic and the second on the mac-
Even in Anglophone archaeology, migration is again on roscopic level. It goes without saying that the levels of
the list of cultural-anthropologically relevant subjects. It abstraction and the theoretical starting points are not
is no longer just a lazy persons explanation for culture identical. What the two approaches have in common is
change (Anthony) but a key element of culture process that both are constructsmodelswhose practicability
throughout history and prehistory (Cameron) that, de- remains to be demonstrated. They have been developed
manding demonstration and theoretical ground, is rooted for the practice of research and notthis is the pointto
in the methodological and theoretical debate of the dis- explain the past. Neglecting this distinction is, I think,
cipline. A paradigm shift has taken place that seems to the reason for a central misreading of Chapman and
be supported by all the commentators. Despite the num- Eggert.
ber of case studies it is obvious that the tension between It is problematic to differentiate between model and
archaeology and migration has far from disappeared, and theoryon this point I agree with Chapmanbecause
the comments also testify to the need for further dis- the formulation of a model requires theory. For present
cussion. In this light I appreciate that the comments purposes, however, I venture a distinction because the
focus mainly on general methodological and theoretical models presented are more of heuristic than of explan-
considerations. Although my contribution is welcomed atory value. In the one case the theoretical point of ref-
by all the commentators, serious disagreement and crit- erence is the habitus of Bourdieu, in the other the in-
icism are expressed. Reproaches such as eclectic and terdependence of historical events, social processes, and
contradictory (Chapman), positivistic (Andresen), interregional social networks.
and procedurally inconsistent (Eggert) carry weight Eggerts main criticism, as I see it, disregards the dis-
and undermine any scientific foundation. To the extent tinction between what could be called cultural theory
that the criticism is based on misreadings, I would like and a practice-oriented research strategy. This becomes
to clarify these. particularly obvious in his charging me with rejecting
I agree with Andresen that every study should start the concept of ethnicity only to reintroduce it one step
with a definition of the subject. No general definition of at a time. This is certainly not the case. Ethnicity as
migration is in sight; the ones available are as manifold group consciousness is an emic category and a central
as the approaches adopted (see Albrecht 1972:2232; Han and pervasive phenomenon in the establishment of group
2000:79). Albrechts (1972:23) definition, favored by An- identities and the shaping of intergroup relationships. Its
dresen, with its central components of spatial move- general importance is undeniable. Our problem is rather
ment, temporary or permanent change of residence, that there is no direct relation between ethnic conscious-
change of position in physical and social space, is useful ness and the use of material culture and therefore eth-
for our subject. One of its prerequisites is a change in nicity escapes archaeological interpretation (for discus-
the social milieu beyond the spatial mobility of nonse- sion see Jones 1997:10627; see also Cameron). Ethnicity
dentary groups. The definition outlines what we want is particularly elusive in the case of migration. Thus we
to talk about, and as far as I can see it is implicit in more are faced with a number of methodological prob-
or less all archaeological migration studies. lemspractical problemswhich make the concept of
The central problem, however, is another one. If we ethnicity unsuitable for the investigation of migration.

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560 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 41, Number 4, AugustOctober 2000

It strikes me as curious that Eggert associates my ap- a lot of evidence for the twofold world of immigrant
proach with that of Gustaf Kossinna, who gave archae- societies, although it is not yet known how these do-
ology its ethnic paradigm and was the intellectual foun- mains are conditioned by different social figurations in
der of a German national prehistory. I take this as mainly the immigration society.
rhetorical, but at least at one point he seems to see an The habitus of Bourdieu is the theoretical point of ref-
intellectual proximitywhen he points to an all or erence. This has caused some irritation for Chapman,
nothing attitude. In delineating and explaining the who assumes that I am rejecting the house as evidence
past (Eggert) it is of course not sensible to adopt a one- for those aspects of private life which inform us about
size-fits-all model; rather, we need to conduct specific the sources of migration and that I exclude the Fenno-
case studies and determine what data are relevant and Scandinavian log cabin in discussing the habitus. This
should be gathered. It goes without saying that the data is a very peculiar way of reading my text. The habitus
will be different for each case study because of the char- is an acquired system of dispositionsstructured struc-
acter of the particular sources and the specific structural tures predisposed to function as structuring structures,
conditions of the migration under study. The models pre- that is, as principles of the generation and structuring of
sented might, though flexible, be seen as a standardized practices and representations (Bourdieu 1977:72)gen-
research pattern, but standardized results are still not to erated by the conditions of a particular environment.
be expected. First, in a changing environment the habitus will also
All of the commentators dealpositively or nega- change. In this connection, as Chapman reminds us, the
tivelywith the model of interior and exterior domains field plays a decisive role. Secondly, all perception,
of immigrant groups. With this model I try to account thought, and action are interspersed with the habitus;
for the processes of acculturation that are pervasive in there is no habitus-free sphere. The habitus turns up in
immigration societies. Because of its technological prac- the internal/private domain just as in the external/public
ticability and its symbolic functions material culture domain. Thus it would be absurd to exclude the Fenno-
may be adopted completely or in part; it is unattached Scandinavian log cabin from the discussion, as it is con-
in its application. My distinguishing technological and ditioned by the habitus. The crucial point for the model
symbolic functions has caused some misunderstanding; of the two domains is that the habitus has in each case
it does not imply the processualist claim that the sym- a specific potential for change due to its particular dis-
bolic can be separated from technological and functional positions. The house as such is not a homogeneous place,
variables (Chapman) but simply indicates the several as it participates in both domains. Houses in immigra-
levels of meaning of an object or a class of objects as tion areas demonstrate both private and public places,
defined by semiology (Eco 1994:312). The freedom of ma- in this case actual interiors and exteriors, and this is why,
terial culture means that traces of migration may get lost contrary to Chapmans assertion, houses are of central
or lead us onto the wrong track. It is for this reason that importance in my model.
I have excluded the field of burial customs. The Anglo- The archaeological study of migration can be com-
Saxon example shows that, while we gain some evidence pared to searching for traces; evidence of migration and
of settler amalgams from burial customs, their particular the origin of the immigrants is obtained from incon-
origin is not clearly indicated. The decisive point is that spicuous details of culture. The approach pursued with
we now are certain that in some regions the indigenous the internal domain has its parallels in a procedure in-
British population has to be considered Anglo-Saxon on troduced into art history by G. Morelli at the end of the
the basis of burial customs and grave goods. Such evi- 19th century. To identify the paintings of old masters he
dence, combined with corresponding written sources, focused not on the conspicuous and therefore easy-to-
has led archaeological debate astray for more than 100 copy characteristics of a painting but on the details that
years because it has reinforced the assumption that the are not given much attention by the artist and are less
indigenous population was nearly completely destroyed. influenced by his art school: fingernails, earlobes, etc.
Given this, it is odd that Andresen considers burials es- Here we have an epistemological model (Ginzburg 1983)
pecially well-suited to demonstrating migration in that that directs attention from the obvious to the incon-
they best reflect group consciousness (but see Harke). spicuous. This is the viewpoint I want to introduce to
Cemeteries are cultural texts produced by the living for the study of migration.
the dead as the living. Matters of social concern are com- Some of the commentators take up certain aspects and
municated here (Enninger and Schwens 1989), so in a develop them in a way that points beyond the outline
changing world they will also be a locus of change. presented and deserves more attention. Overrepresen-
The model of internal and external domains has been tation of young males in migrant populations leads
presented mainly through the example of immigrant Harke to suggest that we should expect a higher level
houses. This seems to have created the impression that of violence in immigrant communities dominated by
we are dealing with a spatial dichotomya place inside young males and the development of codes of conduct
and a place outsidewhich may also have led to the that go with it. If this observation were to be confirmed
opposition of inside/outside houses or houses/graves. As we might have evidence for the distinction of war band
there may also be an internal domain in the burial immigration from immigration of settler groups. The he-
sphere, we might do better to speak of private versus roic ideology expressed in weapon burials and the higher
public, as this does not imply real places. There is quite frequency of skeletal injuries due to violence are possible

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b u r m e i s t e r Archaeology and Migration F 561

indications of an immigration dominated by young the interrelation of migrating groups and material cul-
males. To what extent young male impetuousness is re- ture, which is hard to grasp, we are faced with the prob-
strained by social integration into an agrarian settler lem of wresting from the ambiguous archaeological rec-
community remains to be clarified. ord an interpretation that is more plausible than other
Anthonys remark about the time of arrival in the im- possible interpretations. With increasing fragmentation
migration area is an important one. It has often been of the archaeological record this possibility dwindles,
observed that in a successive immigration of different and so one has to underline Anthonys observation that
groups the first to arrive becomes dominant and has a the new migration studies have been restricted to
great impact on material culture (see Anthony; also Ko- cases with good conditions at the outset. I think this is
pytoff 1987b:5261). Elias and Scotsons (1993) seminal the way it has to be as we develop new approaches to
study investigates the mechanisms by which interior migration studies. Maximum controllability of the data
status is assigned to latecomers. In this context they is necessary to test the practicability of the models. As
speak of social age. The result is an ethnic landscape, I see it we are still in an experimental phase. I want to
as Anthony describes them for the United States, which close by echoing Cameron: I am convinced that we will
has a uniform material culture despite heterogeneous eventually develop sophisticated methods of identifying
immigrant substrates. In this context I would like to and studying prehistoric migration. That is the goal,
remark that my exposition surely does not imply, as An- and we are only at the beginning.
thony alleges, that all or even most North American
immigrants adopted log houses. The log cabin was a
mere frontier phenomenon; the later agrarian settler
communities had other house types. Apart from the
physical environment, the social environment has a de-
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