Professional Documents
Culture Documents
516
Formerly Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series
Editors
Claudia V. Camp, Texas Christian University
Andrew Mein, Westcott House, Cambridge
Founding Editors
David J. A. Clines, Philip R. Davies and David M. Gunn
Editorial Board
Richard J. Coggins, Alan Cooper, John Goldingay, Robert P. Gordon,
Norman K. Gottwald, Gina Hens-Piazza, John Jarick, Andrew D. H. Mayes,
Carol Meyers, Patrick D. Miller, Yvonne Sherwood
4
Editor
Robert P. Gordon, St Catharine's College, Cambridge
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ESCHATOLOGY AND MESSIANISM
IN LXX ISAIAH 112
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, including photocopying,
recording, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher, T & T Clark
International.
T & T Clark International, The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX
A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN-13: 978-0-567-25819-9
ISBN-10: 0-567-25819-X
06 07 08 09 10 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
Abbreviations xi
Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION 1
1. The Nature and Purpose of this Study 2
2. The State of the Discussion 4
3. The Method of this Study 7
Chapter 2
THE TRANSLATOR AS READER 13
1. Actualizing Interpretation and Contextual Readings
in LXX Isaiah 13
2. Pericope Delimitation in LXX Isaiah
and Early Textual Witnesses 19
2.1. LXX Isaiah 1:2127 20
2.2. LXX Isaiah 2:5, 10; 3:13 21
2.3. LXX Isaiah 6:1 23
2.4. Pericope Delimitation and Reading 23
3. Contextual Awareness as Reading Strategy 25
4. Reading Strategy and Ideological Imprints 26
5. A Case Study: LXX Isaiah 8:1116 31
5.1. Parallel Translation 32
5.2. Analysis 33
6. Summary 40
Chapter 3
ESCHATOLOGICAL TRADITIONS IN LXX ISAIAH 112 41
1. LXX Isaiah 2:24 43
1.1. The Mount of the Lord 44
1.2. The Way of the Lord 48
2. LXX Isaiah 4:26 50
2.1. The Rendering of 52
2.2. The of God 54
2.3. The Manifestation of the Lords
with glory upon the earth 56
2.4. The Limited Duration of Gods Wrath 58
vi Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
Chapter 4
THE MESSIANIC ORACLES (1): LXX ISAIAH 7:1416 70
1. LXX Isaiah 7:1416: Translation and Analysis 70
1.1. The Rendering of by
71
1.2. The Futuristic Rendering of 75
1.3. The Naming of the Child 76
1.4. The Heightened Character of Immanuel 77
2. LXX Isaiah 7:1416 in Context 84
2.1. The Eschatological Dimension 86
2.2. Immanuel as the Inaugurator of an Eschatological Era? 90
2.3. Historical References and Reading Strategies 93
2.4. The Systematic Toning Down of LXX Isaiah 7 96
2.5. The Portrayal of Ahaz 100
3. Summary 101
Chapter 5
THE MESSIANIC ORACLES (2): LXX ISAIAH 9:56(67) 103
1. LXX Isaiah 9:56(67): Translation and Analysis 105
1.1. The Futuristic Casting of the Oracle 106
1.2. The Angel of Great Counsel 106
1.3. The Bringer of Peace upon the Rulers 115
2. LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) in Context 119
2.1. The Spatiality of the Messianic Kingdom 119
2.2. The Judean Setting of the Oracle 120
2.3. LXX Isaiah and Maccabean Ideology 124
2.4. The Temple in Leontopolis and Judean Ideology 126
2.5. Actualization, Ideology, and the Socio-Economic Context
of the Translation 129
3. Summary 136
Chapter 6
THE MESSIANIC ORACLES (3): LXX ISAIAH 11:15 138
1. LXX Isaiah 11:15: Translation and Analysis 138
1.1. The Sceptre of Jesse 140
1.2. The Flower from the Root 142
1.3. Fulness of the Spirit and Godliness 145
1.4. The Sceptre of the Mouth and the Slaying of the Wicked 147
2. LXX Isaiah 11:15 in Context 149
2.1. Future Bliss 149
2.2. The Hope of Return from Exile 151
3. Summary 155
Contents vii
Chapter 7
CONCLUSION 157
Bibliography 163
Index of References 175
Index of Authors 187
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Others have been kind enough to discuss aspects of this work, whether
in a formal academic setting, or in personal conversation. Their insights
certainly enriched the nal product. In particular, I would like to mention
Professors Arie van der Kooij, Emanuel Tov, Martin Hengel, Marguerite
Harl, Allain Le Boulluec, Philippe Le Moigne, and Drs Michael van der
Meer, Cameron Boyd-Taylor, Jennifer Dines, Andrew Macintosh, and
David Instone-Brewer.
Tyndale House in Cambridge has been a fertile ground for the
maturing of this research and the development of cherished friendships.
Particular appreciation is expressed to the librarian, Dr Elizabeth Magba.
The companionship of William (Bill) Barker, T. Ryan Jackson, Onesimus
Ngundu, Kevin Conway, and Stephen Witmer will always be immensely
treasured. Charles, Erin, and Jack Anderson were our family away from
home. Cambridge Presbyterian Church was also instrumental in our
personal growth. I thank, in particular, Ian and Joan Hamilton, Chad and
Emily van Dixhoorn, Andy and Davinia Young, and Andy and Polly
Batchelor.
Though geographically distant, Nicolas and Alison Farelly, and
Alexander and Debbie Bukovietski proved to be constant companions.
The occasional opportunities of mutual visit were a great source of
encouragement and signicant signposts without which life would have
been rather colourless. Great encouragement and support were also given
by the Reverend Valdir Cunha. Luciano and Luciene Pires provided
friendship and hospitality, especially at the crucial time of the conclusion
of this research. My wife and I also owe a special debt of gratitude to our
familiesalways gracious, generous, and unwavering in their love.
By far, the most precious gift I received in Cambridge is my son,
Gabriel, who was born there at the beginning of my second year of
research. Though too young to offer any direct input on Septuagintal
matters, he has enriched my work beyond any expectation and added an
entirely new dimension of signicance and joy, not only to my work, but
to my life. My daughter, Nicole, was born while I revised the manuscript
for publication, making my joy even fuller.
I save for last my deepest thanks, which are obviously due to my wife,
Ana, who has made tremendous sacrices so I could pursue these studies.
Ana, throughout all this time, your love has been like a lily among
brambles and a truly gentle breeze. You inspire me to do and be my best.
It is to you that I dedicate this work.
1
ABBREVIATIONS
AB Anchor Bible
ABRL Anchor Bible Reference Library
AGAJU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Sptjudentums und Urchristentums
ArBib The Aramaic Bible
ASP American Studies in Papyrology
ATA Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen
AUM Andrews University Monographs
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BDB Brown, F., S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs. A Hebrew and
English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Oxford, 1907
BCR Biblioteca di cultura religiosa
BETL Bibliotheca ephemeridium theologicarum lovaniensium
BHS Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia
Bib Biblica
BIOSCS Bulletin of the International Organization for Septuagint and
Cognate Studies
BJS Brown Judaic Studies
BO Bibliotheca Orientalis
BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
BWAT Beitrge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten Testament
BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
CBET Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series
CC Continental Commentaries
CRINT Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum
CTL Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
EDSS Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Ed. L. H. Schiffman and
J. C. Vanderkam, 2 vols. Oxford, 2000
ESV English Standard Version
ETL Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses
FB Forschung zur Bibel
FOTL Forms of the Old Testament Literature
FRLANT NF Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen
Testaments. Neue Folge.
xii Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
INTRODUCTION
1. Surveys of major developments in the study of LXX Isaiah since the nineteenth
century are found in A. van der Kooij, Isaiah in the Septuagint, in Writing and
Reading the Scroll of Isaiah: Studies of an Interpretive Tradition (ed. C. C. Broyles
and C. A. Evans; VTSup 70/2; Leiden: Brill, 1997), 51329, and in D. Baer, When
We All Go Home: Translation and Theology in LXX Isaiah 5666 (JSOTSup 318;
Shefeld: Shefeld Academic, 2001), 1117.
2. I. L. Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its
Problems (Ex Oriente Lux; Leiden: Brill, 1948); repr. in The Septuagint Version of
Isaiah and Cognate Studies (ed. R. Hanhart and H. Spieckermann; Tbingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 2004), 119294.
3. Cf. R. Hanhart, Die Septuaginta als Interpretation und Aktualisierung: Jesaja
9:1(8:23)7(6), in Isaac Leo Seeligmann Volume (ed. A. Rof and Y. Zakovitch;
Essays on the Bible and the Ancient World 3; Jerusalem: E. Rubinsteins, 1983),
33146 (331).
4. The classic formulation of this idea is found in Seeligmann, Isaiah, 4. For
methodological simplication, I adopt the position that LXX Isaiah is overall the
work of one translator, following the current consensus. In reality, the situation is
much more complex and nuanced, as acknowledged by Seeligmann (ibid., 3969).
See Baer, When We All Go Home, 19, for renements and questions regarding dis-
crete sections which seem to come from a different translator.
1
2 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
Ottley, Fischer, and Ziegler,5 do not accord much signicance to the role
of the translator as interpreter of his Hebrew text. The situation today is
signicantly different, with the pendulum swung in the opposite direc-
tion and an almost exclusive focus on the theology of the translator.6
While the theological element in LXX Isaiah has been recognized, its
precise contours are not well dened, particularly with regard to the
questions of eschatology and messianism. This is a signicant gap, as
the book of Isaiah, not least in its Greek version, occupied a prominent
place in the shaping of messianic expectations in early Judaism and
Christianity.
Volume Gttingen 1977 (ed. J. A. Emerton; VTSup 29; Leiden: Brill, 1978), 1648;
A. H. Bartelt, The Book around Immanuel: Style and Structure in Isaiah 212 (BJS
4; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1996); E. Blum, Jesajas prophetisches Testament.
Beobachtungen zu Jes 111, ZAW 108 (1996): 54768; 109 (1997): 1229. For a
survey of the current state of research on the section, see P. Hffken, Jesaja: der
Stand der theologischen Diskussion (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesell-
schaft, 2004), 11523.
8. See the denitions of J. Lust, Septuagint and Messianism with a Special
Emphasis on the Pentateuch, in Theologische Probleme der Septuaginta und der
hellenistischen Hermeneutik (ed. H. G. Reventlow; VWGH 11; Gtersloh:
Gtersloher Verlagshaus, 1997), 2645 (37); repr. in Messianism and the Septua-
gint: Collected Essays (ed. K. Hauspie; BETL 178; Leuven: Peeters, 2004), 12951
(142); W. Horbury, Jewish Messianism and the Cult of Christ (London: SCM,
1998), 67; M. A. Knibb, The Septuagint and Messianism: Problems and Issues,
in The Septuagint and Messianism (ed. M. A. Knibb; BETL 195; Leuven: Peeters,
2006), 119 (10); J. A. Fitzmyer, The One Who is to Come (Grand Rapids: Eerd-
mans, 2007).
9. Cf. P. Sacchi, Lapocalittica giudaica e la sua storia (BCR 55; Brescia:
Paideia, 1990). English translation: P. Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic and Its History
(trans. W. J. Short; JSPSup 20; Shefeld: Shefeld Academic, 1990).
1
4 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
17. The Greek of Sir 48:2425 reads
! " #
$ % & ' % () *
+
# ,- # .
/ (In a powerful spirit he saw the last
things and comforted the mourners in Zion; he revealed the things that will be at the
end and the hidden things before they came to pass). Several elements in these
verses are worthy of note. First, there is the notion of the supernatural inspiration of
Isaiahs prophecy. Second, we nd the statement that Isaiah saw (the
last things). Third, we note the afrmation that this consolation was directed to the
mourners in Zion. Fourth, it is said that Isaiah revealed things to come at the end.
Finally, Isaiah is thought to have revealed things that were hidden, before they
happened. For a study of the role of Isaiah as revealer of the hidden things in
Sirach, see P. C. Beentjes, Prophets and Prophecy in the Book of Ben Sira, in
Prophets, Prophecy, and Prophetic Texts in Second Temple Judaism (ed. M. Floyd
and R. D. Haak; LHBOTS 427; New York: T&T Clark International, 2006), 13550
(14344); repr. in Happy the One who Meditates on Wisdom (SIR. 14,20):
Collected Essays on the Book of Ben Sira (CBET 43; Leuven: Peeters, 2006),
20729 (21718).
18. Cf. A. van der Kooij, Die alten Textzeugen des Jesajabuches (OBO 35;
Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1981), 21, 6364. See also LXX Isa 41:26;
42:9; 43:9, 1819; 46:910; 48:56. An attempt at downplaying the eschatological
element of LXX Isaiah has been made by R. L. Troxel,
and Eschatology
in LXX-Isaiah, BIOSCS 25 (1992): 1827 (27), who afrms that when
appears in temporal expressions in LXX Isaiah, it connotes the future only in a
general sense. While he concedes the possibility that there may be eschatology in
LXX Isaiah, the translation does not use as a technical term of eschatology,
nor does its use of reect a translator dominated by expectation of die
Endzeit. One can respond to Troxel by pointing out that the question is not
1
1. Introduction 7
highlighting some interesting elements of LXX Psalms, suffers from some serious
methodological difculties. See the critical analysis of A. Pietersma, Review of
J. Schaper, Eschatology in the Greek Psalter, BO 54 (1997): 18590, and C. E.
Cox, Schapers Eschatology meets Krauss Theology of the Psalms, in The Old
Greek Psalter: Studies in Honour of Albert Pietersma (ed. R. J. V. Hiebert et al.;
JSOTSup 332; Shefeld: Shefeld Academic, 2001), 289311.
22. For a good introduction to the complex social factors involved in translation,
and to how they should inuence our assessment of LXX texts, see C. Boyd-Taylor,
Toward the Analysis of Translational Norms: A Sighting Shot, BIOSCS 39 (2006):
2746, and idem, In a Mirror, DimlyReading the Septuagint as a Document of Its
Times, in Septuagint Research: Issues and Challenges in the Study of the Greek
Jewish Scriptures (ed. W. Kraus and R. G. Wooden; SCS 53; Atlanta: Society of
Biblical Literature, 2006), 1531.
23. The Hebrew and Greek texts used for the present study were, respectively,
M. H. Goshen-Gottstein, The Book of Isaiah (The Hebrew University Bible;
Jerusalem: Magnes, 1995), and J. Ziegler, Isaias (3d ed.; SVTG 14; Gttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983).
24. See the denition in E. Tov, The Nature and Study of the Translation Tech-
nique of the Septuagint, in The Greek and Hebrew Bible: Collected Essays on the
Septuagint (VTSup 72; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 23946 (240).
1
1. Introduction 9
25. See E. Tov, The Text-Critical Use of the Septuagint in Biblical Research (2d
ed.; Jerusalem: Simor, 1997), 20, and A. Pietersma, Exegesis in the Septuagint:
Possibilities and Limits (The Psalter as a Case in Point), in Kraus and Wooden,
eds., Septuagint Research, 3445.
26. Knibb, The Septuagint and Messianism, 1317, afrms that the Apocrypha
and Pseudepigrapha and the scrolls provide strong evidence for messianic belief in
the rst century B.C.E., but that the data are much less plentiful in the second century.
As for his comments on the lack of indication that messianism ever ourished in
Alexandria, it can be noted that this is not necessarily a problem in the particular
case of LXX Isaiah, if we follow the consensus view that the translator was a
Palestinian scholar working in Egypt. Horbury, Jewish Messianism, 4748, argues
that messianism was already developed in the third century B.C.E., even in
Alexandria, and that this is reected throughout the LXX. This view is inuenced by
Z. Frankel, ber den Einuss der palstinischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische
Hermeneutik (Leipzig: Verlag von Joh. Ambr. Barth., 1831), but while Frankel saw
these traditions originating in Alexandria, Horbury gives greater weight to the
possibility that they may have originated in Palestine. I nd myself in agreement
with Horburys view of the Palestinian origin of messianic traditions, but the early
date he assigns to the development of messianic ideas is more difcult to defend,
especially on the basis of his analysis of particular LXX texts.
27. A. Salvesen, Messianism in Ancient Bible Translations in Greek and Latin,
in Redemption and Resistance: The Messianic Hopes of Jews and Christians in
Antiquity (ed. M. Bockmuehl and J. Carleton Paget; New York: T&T Clark Inter-
national, 2007), 24561 (245).
28. It is worth quoting in full the important insight of T. van der Louw, Trans-
formations in the Septuagint: Towards an Interaction of Septuagint Studies and
1
10 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
Translation Studies (CBET 47; Leuven: Peeters, 2007), 9: Certain free renderings
are sometimes regarded as raw material for the historian, viz. as visible traces of the
translator, in which his (midrashic or actualizing) exegesis shows. This is why cer-
tain types of free renderings have become a focus of interest for scholars who try to
reconstruct the historical background of the Septuagint and the translators
Hellenistic and/or Jewish ideology. Yet this concern can easily miss the fact that free
renderings are rst of all linguistic material.
29. See O. Munnich, Le messianisme la lumire des livres prophtiques de la
bible grecque, in Knibb, ed., The Septuagint and Messianism, 32755 (33640), for
the important observations that the Isaiah translator does not seem to reserve a
special place for messianic words, and that in the LXX as well as in other Jewish
literaturee.g. Josephuslexical considerations took primacy over messianic.
30. His most signicant contribution in this regard is A. van der Kooij, The
Oracle of Tyre: The Septuagint of Isaiah XXIII as Version and Vision (VTSup 71;
Leiden: Brill, 1998).
1
1. Introduction 11
31. One can here evoke the identication by J. Barr, The Typology of Literalism
in Ancient Biblical Translation (MSU 15; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1979), 29697, of two sides in the process of translation: the input side and the
expression side. The translator most probably did, as a normal reader, understand the
unit he was translating contextually (input). His choice of expressing segments in a
connected or unconnected manner belongs to the expression side. The assumption
that on the input side the translator read his text as a coherent meaningful unit is
certainly correct, but I would like to suggest that, on the expression side, the inser-
tion of several connecting elements as well as the contextual nature of some vocabu-
lary choices result from attempts to produce a good representation of the perceived
meaning of the Vorlage, without necessarily making a conscious effort at achieving
a new coherence.
1
12 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
1
Chapter 2
1. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 4.
2. Ibid., 4142.
3. J. M. Coste, Le texte grec dIsae, XXV, 15, RB 61 (1954): 3666; J. C. M.
das Neves, A Teologia dos Setenta no Livro de Isaas (Lisbon: Universidade
Catlica Portuguesa, 1973).
1
4. Van der Kooij, Isaiah in the Septuagint, 51516.
14 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
chapters of LXX Isaiah, and this would mean a criticism of the view of
Seeligmann that exegetical free renderings should be considered isolated
from their context.5 Reading the version in this way, he argues, prevents
one from analyzing LXX Isaiah in an atomistic or fragmentary way.6
It is interesting to note that, like Seeligmann, van der Kooij also seeks
to t the work of the translator within a wider exegetical context, afrm-
ing that he prefers the pericope to single word or single verse analysis in
view of the scribal and reading practices of the ancient world.7 He
argues that the translator of LXX Isaiah is a learned scribe, someone
trained in the reading ( / ,) of the text.8 The practice of
reading the text involves its study and interpretation, which indicates
that the translator read his text in the light of current exegetical traditions
within the scribal milieu. This implies the occurrence of some inter-
pretation, on the basic level, at least, of a Hebrew text like that of the
book of Isaiah.9 This, for van der Kooij, shows that one is not to look at
the word level only. The reading is the rst step, the second is the level
of interpretation (-), which might refer to several types of
interpretation, pertaining to words, idioms, and clauses. Van der Kooij
argues that this is in line not only with the practice of reading texts in
the context of a scribal school, but also with what is known about the
skill of the grammarian in Alexandria. He schematizes the model as
reading + interpretation = translation.10
5. Ibid., 516.
6. Van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre, 17. There are two different systematic
outlines of his method for the study of LXX Isaiah. They appear in A. van der Kooij,
Accident or Method? On Analogical Interpretation in the Old Greek of Isaiah and
in 1QIsa, BO 43 (1986): 36675, and in pp. 819 of The Oracle of Tyre.
7. Van der Kooij, Accident or Method?, 367. This is taken up again in idem,
The Oracle of Tyre, 15.
8. Van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre, 116, denes reading as a clear pronunci-
ation of each word, and a clear intonation related to a division of words into clauses
and sentences. In the case of Hebrew texts which were unpointed and unaccented,
such a reading implies an interpretation of the text, not only of single words, but also
on the level of clauses and sentences Elements of syntax and semantics are clearly
involved. His emphasis on the oral reading of verses is signicant. A. Lonas,
Laube des traducteurs: De lhbreu au grec: traducteurs et lecteurs de la Bible des
Septante (Paris: Cerf, 2007), 11326, has demonstrated that while oral reading was
not the exclusive way of reading texts in antiquity, it was very important. This
practice helps to explain many deviations in the LXX, as in the rendering of
by
% in 8:15, which could have been prompted by confusion with the sound of
(draw near). This verse will be examined later in the present chapter.
9. Van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre, 113.
1
10. Ibid., 117.
2. The Translator as Reader 15
11. Van der Kooij, Isaiah in the Septuagint, 516 (original emphasis).
12. Ibid., 519.
13. For a discussion of the meaning and signicance of the superscription in Isa
1:1, see H. Wildberger, Isaiah 112: A Commentary (trans. T. H. Trapp; CC;
Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991), 6.
14. Elsewhere in Daniel, both 0 and 0
are used. The relationship
between and verbal communication is clear in texts in which and are
connected, namely, Ps 89:19(88:20); Isa 2:1; Jer 14:14; Hos 12:11(10). Whether or
not A. Jepsen, , TDOT 4:28890, is correct in downplaying the visual element
in the Hebrew usages of , the LXX consistently resorts to derivates of the 1-
root. The Greek term 0 is the most common LXX equivalent for
, as in
1 Sam 3:1; Jer 14:14; 23:16; Lam 2:9; Ezek 7:26; 12:22, 23, 24; Hos 12:11; Obad 1;
Nah 1:1, and Hab 2:2. In general, 0 can refer simply to the act of seeing (LXX
Gen 2:9), but also to a supernatural or prophetic vision (LXX Jer 14:14; Dan 8:1).
0
is another common equivalent (cf. LXX Dan 8:2, 13, 15, 17; 9:24).
1
16 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
lator sees the individual prophecies within the book also as visions.
Van der Kooij suggests that both the writer of Daniel and the translator
of LXX Isaiah perceived themselves to be endowed with an inspired
insight into the interpretation of these visions (cf. Dan 2:21). For van
der Kooij, the insight of the translator enabled him to see the fullment
of Isaianic predictions in events of the rst half of the second century
B.C.E. In his capacity as a scribe endowed with special insight, the trans-
lator reads his pericopes and, in the process of translation, in practice
rewrites the oracle into Greek.
It is my contention that, while correct in pointing to an awareness of
context and to a sense of reading prophecy on the part of the translator,
van der Kooij seems to overstretch the evidence in claiming that the
translator is rewriting his oracle into Greek. It is true that, analyzed in
their own right, the Greek oracles could make sense as literary and theo-
logical units. The question is how much of this resides in the translators
intention and how much depends on the subsequent reader, ancient or
modern, of the Greek translation.
In other words, are there any mechanisms that enable the student to
ascertain whether the translator simply intended to render a particular
pericope into Greek in a meaningful way or whether he had the intention
of producing a new oracular unit in Greek? This is a very important
question, because van der Kooij is right in his contention that the context
is signicant for understanding renderings of LXX Isaiah.15 However,
there will be signicant differences in our perception of the work of the
translator if we also see him as a kind of Daniel, engaged in the
production of fresh prophecies based on older ones.
In dealing with ch. 23 of Isaiah (The Oracle of Tyre), van der Kooij
relies on the following elements to determine whether it constitutes a
text in its own right.16 First, he draws on stylistic data (such as parallel-
ism, vocabulary, and the use of specic coordinating clauses); second, on
renderings which are characteristic of ch. 23 but not of the rest of LXX
Isaiah or the LXX as a whole; and third, on passages constituting a syn-
tactic unit different from the MT.
However, these criteria do not seem in themselves to indicate an
attempt to rewrite the prophecies. All the phenomena adduced by van
der Kooij could arguably be explained on linguistic grounds, simply as
15. Van der Kooij, The Oracle of Tyre, 16, states that it is crucial to the method
applied to LXX Isaiah not to isolate Greek words from their actual context, but to try
to understand them as part of their given context.
1
16. Ibid., 7587.
2. The Translator as Reader 17
17. See Seeligmann, Isaiah, 4143, for a summary of his view of the linguistic
character of LXX Isaiah. Barr, Typology, 284, 302, espouses a very negative view of
the translator, referring to him as careless.
18. Ziegler, Untersuchungen, 7.
19. See a helpful summary of Zieglers contribution in van der Kooij, Isaiah in
the Septuagint, 51314.
1
18 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
1
20. Cf. Baer, When We All Go Home, 1516, 278.
2. The Translator as Reader 19
21. Cf. J. M. Oesch, Petucha und Setuma (OBO 27; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1979); idem, Textgliederung im Alten Testament und in den Qumran-
handschriften, Henoch 5 (1983): 289321; M. C. A. Korpel and J. M. Oesch,
Delimitation Criticism: A New Tool in Biblical Scholarship (Pericope 1; Assen: Van
Gorcum, 2000), and Studies in Scriptural Unit Division (Pericope 3; Assen: Van
Gorcum, 2002); J. W. Olley, Hear the Word of Yahweh: The Structure of the
Book of Isaiah in 1QIsaa, VT 43 (1993): 1949; idem, Texts Have Paragraphs
TooA Plea for Inclusion in Critical Editions, Text 19 (1998): 11125; idem, No
Peace in a Book of Consolation: A Framework for the Book of Isaiah, VT 49
(1999): 35170; O. H. Steck, Die Erste Jesajarolle von Qumran (1QIsa). Schreib-
weise als Leseanleitung fr ein Prophetenbuch (2 vols.; SBS 173; Stuttgart:
Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1998); idem, Bemerkungen zur Abschnittgliederung der
ersten Jesajarolle von Qumran (IQIsa) im Vergleich mit redaktionsgeschichtlichen
Beobachtungen im Jesajabuch, in Antikes Judentum und Frhes Christentum.
Festschrift fr Hartmut Stegemann zum 65. Geburtstag (ed. B. Kollmann et al.;
BZNW 97; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1999), 1228; idem, Bemerkungen zur Abschnitt-
gliederung in den Jesaja-Handschriften aus der Wste Juda. Ein Vergleich auf der
Grundlage von 1QIsaa, in Die Textfunde vom Toten Meer und der Text der
Hebrischen Bibel (ed. U. Dahmen et al.; NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag,
2000), 5390.
22. E. Tov, The Background of the Sense Divisions in the Biblical Texts, in
Korpel and Oesch, eds., Delimitation Criticism, 31250 (312).
1
20 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
23. Cf. J. Mann, The Bible as Read and Preached in the Old Synagogue: A Study
in the Cycles of the Readings from Torah and Prophets, as well as from Psalms, and
in the Structure of the Midrashic Homilies (2 vols.; Cincinnati: Mann-Sonne
Publication Committee, 194066). Although the evidence studied by Mann is late,
Philos treatment of the biblical text in Questions on Genesis and On Exodus could
be an indication that the Hellenistic Synagogue followed some text divisions which
would later correspond to parashiyyot and haftarot. Cf. F. Siegert, Hellenistic
Jewish Midrash I: Beginnings, in Encyclopedia of Midrash: Biblical Interpretation
in Formative Judaism (ed. J. Neusner and A. J. Avery Peck; 2 vols.; Leiden: Brill,
2005), 1:199220 (202). See further, idem, Drei hellenistisch-jdische Predigten.
PS.-Philon, ber Jona, ber Simson. Vol. 2, Kommentar nebst Beobachtungen
zur hellenistischen Vorgeschichte der Bibelhermeneutik (WUNT 61; Tbingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 1992), 2931.
24. See the analysis of M. C. A. Korpel, Introduction to the Series Pericope, in
Korpel and Oesch, eds., Delimitation Criticism, 150 (12).
1
2. The Translator as Reader 21
humble), as is also the case in v. 12. The same Hebrew term is rendered
by (humble) in 2:11 and by the verb (to fall) in 2:17.
The root - is, in fact, the most common equivalent for
throughout the LXX, and it is also preferred in Isaiah.28 The verb -
refers to humiliation, whether specically the plight of the Jewish
people under foreign oppressors, or the coming punishment of the
wicked. It renders a variety of Hebrew terms: (2:9, 12; 5:15; 10:33;
13:11; 25:1112; 29:4; 40:4; 57:9); (2:11, 17; 5:15; 25:1112;
26:5); (3:25[26]; 51:23; 58:3; 60:14; 64:11[12]). It is also employed
in some particularly free renderings with no apparent Hebrew counter-
parts (1:25; 3:9[8], 17; 25:11), which indicates the translators preference
for the term. Words derived from *6 are favoured to convey the idea
of elevation or exaltation. *6 renders
in 2:11, (with
) in 2:12 and 14,
in 2:13, and and
in 2:15. 86
translates
in 2:11 and 17. *6 translates (Niphal) in 2:11 and
17.29
If we take the section as a whole, we can see that the translator con-
gures the contrast exaltation/humiliation somewhat differently from
the MT. In the Hebrew it is expressed by a number of literary devices,
such as wordplay, parallelism, and, primarily, choice of vocabulary. In
the LXX the general thrust of the Hebrew is preserved, but on a formal
level there are signicant changes, characterized mainly by the use of a
much simpler vocabulary employed for a variety of different Hebrew
terms. The opposition between words derived from the groups *6 and
sets the tone of the passage. The choice of terms would have
been prompted simply by the translators observation that the Greek
equivalents were the most adequate in the light of the meaning of the
different Hebrew words, without much regard for the structure of the
text. Even with the apparent disregard for Hebrew literary features, an
apparent new coherence emerges, one which can be seen in the preserva-
tion of refrains in vv. 11 and 17, and their harmonization in vv. 10, 19,
21. This new coherence, however, does not seem to be intentional.
Moving on to 3:13, we nd the addition , % at the beginning of
the verse, introducing the rising of the Lord in judgment. If insertions
such as # % and , % can be seen as opening new syntactic or
However, a few caveats are in order. First, one notes that distinctive
markers of text breaks, or the lack of them, in the wording of the trans-
lation are characteristic only of this short section of Isaiah. In the rest of
the book, the Greek wording follows the Hebrew closely at all the
important section breaks, so that specic conclusions regarding the trans-
lators text division system cannot be so easily drawn.
Moreover, if the analogy between the work of the translator and of the
scribe holds, we do not know to what extent scribes were engaged in in-
depth analysis of the content of pericopes.36 In spite of the attempts of
scholars such as Olley and Steck, there is no certainty as to what ration-
ale lies behind the system(s) of text division in the Hebrew manuscript
tradition. Similarly, even if we acknowledge that the translator followed,
at least to some degree, scribal traditions of text delimitation, we are still
not sure how he would conceptualize pericopes or textual units.
There are considerable differences between the way the ancients
conceived units of text and modern conceptual categories of paragraph,
pericope or, even, book.37 The evidence that the copying of longer
textual passages was part of the education of young pupils in Graeco-
Roman Egypt indicates that the notion of textual units was a normal part
of the reading of texts in antiquity, though the precise understanding of
these units was probably conceptualized differently.38 This is more clearly
indicated in the teaching of the grammarian in Hellenistic Egypt, which
included a strong rhetorical component and stressed punctuation and
is said to be
. In 1:1 this is rendered by 2 ; #
;
, while 2:1 has # 2 ; # # ;
. Syntacti-
cally, the two renderings are identical, sharing the repetition of the preposition even
though occurs only once in the Hebrew. This highlights the only conceivably
signicant difference, namely, the change from (against) to what could be a
more neutral (concerning) as renderings of in the two verses. It is quite
possible that this is due to the differences in the content of the oracles following the
superscriptions, and this could be an indication that the translator took the context
into account. In his translation of 2:1, Ottley, Isaiah, 2:105, opts for concerning,
while also entertaining the possibility of against, on the basis of 2 Sam 1:17; Matt
5:11; Acts 6:13, and the data presented by LSJ.
36. Tov, Background, 314.
37. Cf. J. Barton, What is a Book? Modern Exegesis and the Literary
Conventions of Ancient Israel, in Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel (ed. J. C.
de Moor; OtSt 40; Leiden: Brill, 1998), 114.
38. See the survey of school exercises progressing from the level of the letter, the
syllable, the sentence, and nally the longer text unit by R. Cribiore, Writings,
Teachers, and Students in Graeco-Roman Egypt (ASP 36; Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1996).
1
2. The Translator as Reader 25
other devices, such as the use of paragraphos signs, to help the student
decode texts and break them down into meaningful units. These units
were different from the modern notion of pericope, and were under-
stood more in terms of sentence breaks, dialogue delimiters, or prosodic
categories, such as tropes.39
The comparison between ancient text division systems and trans-
lational marks of LXX Isaiah is very signicant in giving us an insight
into how texts were read and translated in antiquity. It also gives us a
new perspective to approach the apparent internal coherence of pericopes
in LXX Isaiah. If it is true that the Isaiah translator took notice of the
pericope delimitations in his Vorlage and, consequently, read his text
with a sense of contextual coherence, then we should not be surprised if
this awareness is felt in the translation. In other words, indications of
contextual awareness or internal coherence in the Greek text, even if
different from the Hebrew, do not point to a supposed intention to pro-
duce a Greek oracle in its own right, but simply give insight into how the
translator read the text and tried to represent it. Also, since the notion of
pericope was conceptualized differently in antiquity, an awareness of text
delimitation is no guarantee against readings that we would consider
atomistic, but which could comfortably co-exist with more contextual
ones. The question is how best to explain these indications of coherence
or contextual awareness.
$ < , % ,
# ,-) ,
,> %
# *- =
1
41. Ibid., 225.
2. The Translator as Reader 27
And I shall turn my hand against you; And I shall bring my hand upon you;
and I shall smelt your dross away And I shall burn you into pure,
like lye,
and I shall remove all your alloy. but the disobedient I shall destroy,
and I shall remove all the lawless
from you,
and all the proud I shall humble.
In 1:25, the translator bypasses the metaphor of metallurgy and gives the
meaning in clear terms, including a signicant explanatory addition at
the end of the verse (represented in italics). It is not entirely clear
whether he understood the words in the Hebrew precisely, but it is likely
that he could grasp at least the general sense of the allusion to a puri-
cation process.42 The rendering gives a clear example of the ideological
presuppositions of the translator and the process by which they are
imprinted in the translation.43
More signicant is the addition of the last two lines in the Greek, with
the mention of the ,
(lawless) and the *- (proud).
The last term appears four times in LXX Isaiah. Besides 1:25, it is seen in
2:12 (
),48 13:11 ("
), and 29:20 ("). It was a signicant term in
Hellenistic Judaism, as is attested, for instance, by Sir 3:28; 21:4, and
23:4.
The idea encompassed by ?
is discussed by Seeligmann,
following Flashars study of LXX Psalms, in which it is argued that
?
and ,
are used with a variety of Hebrew equivalents to
indicate various forms of irreligiousness. Seeligmann demonstrates that
the translator frequently employs terms such as ,
and ?
for a
variety of Hebrew equivalents, often in contexts where there is some
difculty in understanding the Vorlage, in connection with words denot-
ing evil practices, or enmity against God or Israel.49 Signicant examples
in this regard are 33:2 and 66:14.
The term ?
is connected with @
(sinners) in 1:28, as
#
is rendered by ?
# @
. This draws
attention to the rendering, in 1:31, of
by ?
# @
-
# A
. It is clear that lawless and sinners were conceptual catego-
ries that pertained to the ideological background of the translator and
repeatedly made their way into his renderings, as the objects of divine
wrath. In this connection we note that the addition of # *-
- = in the last line of 1:25 points to what seems to be a
theme on which the translator is keen: the humiliation of the proud.50
Koenig argues that the additions in 1:25 were prompted by LXX Isa
13:11, where
(And I shall put an
end to the pride of the arrogant and I shall abase the haughtiness of the
ruthless) is rendered by # ,) 8 ,
# 8 *--
= (And I shall destroy the pride of the lawless and the
pride of the exalted I shall humble).51 There are, however, a number of
formal differences between 1:25 and 13:11, so that, as Koenigs analysis
48. The Qal participle is used adjectivally to mean lofty, high, literally or
metaphorically. This is generally rendered in the LXX with the *6/86
group. Isa 2:12 is the only clear instance of the use of the term in Isaiah with a
negative connotation and it is thus uniquely translated by *-.
49. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 105. Cf. M. Flashar, Exegetische Studien zum
Septuagintapsalter, ZAW 32 (1912): 16574 (16970).
50. Incidentally, this is the same theme that underlies 2:1021.
51. Cf. Koenig, LHermneutique analogique, 8486. Ziegler, Untersuchungen,
61, suggests that the inuence is from 1:25 to 13:11. The connection with 13:11 was
previously noted by Ottley, Isaiah, 2:110.
1
30 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
with opposition to the law, would have provided the necessary backdrop
against which his reading would have made sense.
For thus spoke Yahweh to me with a Thus says the Lord: With a strong hand
strong hand
and instructed me not to walk in the they refuse the path of the way of this
way of this people people
(saying): (saying):
8:12
G
& ! H I GJ 1 > K
> < - /% /
3 - 2
&
/<
3 2
8:13
/> @
! &
# /> -
! &
Yahweh of hosts, him you shall sanctify; The Lord, sanctify him
And he (shall be) your fear, and he shall be your fear.
and he (shall be) your fright.
8:14
# /L M N
'
( @
# / O
/L
! /< O
=
$
($
$ 1 < " ;
$ #
&%
$
;
1
2. The Translator as Reader 33
8:15
!
% , /:
#
# % #
# % # @=
? ,-F P
And many shall stumble on them (?); Therefore, many shall be unable in
themselves;
they shall fall and be broken; and shall fall and be broken;
they shall be snared and taken. and shall approach and be taken,
men in security.
8:16
(
C -#
*)
(
& -9
>
%
3
:
5.2. Analysis
The syntactical structure of the Greek in 8:11 is markedly different from
the Hebrew. The rendering 2! (H! for
! is not
connected to the Lord who speaks, but to those who refuse the path of
the way of this people.58 Therefore, instead of the prophets reference to
the instruction he has received from the Lord, we nd a description of a
situation in which a group disturbs the people (% % ) that
intends to walk in the path, presumably, of the law.59
58. That is true if the divine speech begins after . It is still grammatically
possible that 2! (H! # is connected to the Lord.
59. Van der Kooij, Isaiah in the Septuagint, 52324. He makes the important
observation that the use of ,
implies that the course of the way of this
people is meant in a positive way, noting further that is the mode of
walking in the sense of a way of life seen from the moral point of view.
1
34 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
Verse 12 follows the Hebrew quite literally, with the exception of the
rendering of by . The best explanation is that the translator
read for , since in v. 21 renders .64 The under-
standing of the path of the way of this people (v. 11) as a walking in
the path of obedience to the law suggested to Seeligmann, Koenig, and
van der Kooij that is a reference to the negative view that those
who disobey hold with regard to the austere way of life under the
yoke of the law. This is radically different from the sense of the
Hebrew. Along the lines of the present discussion, I suggest that this
deviation can be more fruitfully described not simply as a rewriting, or
alteration of the original, but as an attempt to represent the meaning of
the Hebrew as understood by the translator. In both the misinterpretation
of the syntactic structure of 8:11 and the erroneous reading of , the
translator misread his Vorlageyet his ideological presuppositions
enabled him to make sense of this misreading.
The translators commitment to his Vorlage is seen in v. 13, as the
Hebrew and Greek are very similar.65 A signicant change occurs only in
the nal line (v. 14 in modern editions), where !
is rendered
by # Q /)! M R!. Koenig argues that the translator or
his Vorlage, under the inuence of Aramaic, read " for ", after
which, by a process of metathesis, he nally reached the Aramaic verb
" (to trust).66 Van der Kooij is open to this possibility, but nds it
preferable to argue that, since the rendering of the same verb in v. 12 by
has practically the opposite meaning, the choice of term
was made for reasons of context and content.67 The phenomenon of
expresses a negative view of the fear of God and the way of life of this people. For
him, this sheds light on the statement in v. 11 that thesupposedlymen of power
dispute [his translation] the course of the way of this people. Of course, this is the
case for
only if it can be established that the second half of v. 12 is still
part of the discourse of the opposing faction.
64. Another possibility is that was connected to Aramaic (via
metathesis). Koenig, LHermneutique analogique, 13032, favours this option, in
the light of the translators familiarity with lexical traditions of Hebrew and
Aramaic, although he is also open to the unlikely possibility that the translator could
have held both ideas at the same time.
65. A minor change is the omission of
in the rst line. Also, Ottley,
Isaiah, 2:149, suggests that the reading in Codex Alexandrinus of for -
could indicate a duplicate in the place of the following clause, if the LXX read
!
as some form from the root , help.
66. Koenig, LHermneutique analogique, 12324. See, especially, n. 21, where
he points to the targumic practice of rendering the Hebrew # by ", as in Deut
28:52 and Isa 36:5.
1
67. Van der Kooij, Isaiah in the Septuagint, 525.
36 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
68. In 11:13, while the translator consistently renders the two occurrences of
with 92 and 9, he misses the emphatic repetition of the root . The rst
instance is in the plural noun
, which is rendered by the semantically appro-
priate term . The second is the Qal imperfect
, which is rendered by the
future 6. In both cases, the translator employed adequate terms, but his choice
demonstrates that conveying meaning is more important than is the precise repre-
sentation of form.
69. It is conceivable that the rendering # Q /)! M R! could
have been inuenced by the call to steadfast trust in 7:9, but the lack of direct verbal
parallels makes this association difcult to ascertain.
70. In 8:14, the rendering of '
by 1 < " ; is interest-
ing, rst because of the omission of the two (which is a unique occurrence in
the Hebrew Bible), but also because at 2:6 the reverse rendering happened, with
being rendered by > " % ;.
71. Koenig, LHermneutique analogique, 12930, argues that the negations
come from the two occurrences of , which are dissociated from their substantives
1
2. The Translator as Reader 37
6. Summary
In the discussion above I have argued that the translator had some
awareness of cohesion and coherence in the sections that he translated
and could have perceived them as discrete sense units. However, the
identication of signs of this awareness in the LXX does not allow us to
afrm that the translator is composing a new oracle in Greek, nor that it
is, in itself, a necessary indication of an actualizing rendering of the
passages. Rather, these indications can be described in terms of normal
processes of reading.
The translators sense of textual coherence is indicated by the insertion
of connecting elements which seem to correspond somehow to traditions
of pericope delimitation identiable in Qumran and in the MT. Along
similar lines, there are also indications of what appear to be distinct but
inconsistent attempts to achieve coherence on the pericope level. These
were noticed particularly in the harmonization of refrains in 2:10, 19, 21,
and the apparent contextual rendering of some terms and expressions
throughout the translation, and specically in 8:1116. In keeping with
van der Kooijs analogy between the work of the translator and that of
the learned scribe, I afrm that the awareness of text markers and the
contextual reading of passages is by no means surprising, but a sense of
cohesion in the rendering does not necessarily imply the intention to
create a new oracle, and could be explained as the result of an attempt to
produce a good and readable version. With these observations in mind,
we can proceed to examine the elements of eschatology and messianism
in LXX Isa 112.
89. Van der Kooijs view is strengthened further if
in 8:14 is under-
stood as hollow in the sense of a geographical reference to the topography of
Jerusalem, as in the case of !, understood as a reference to the Kidron Valley in
Tg. Zeph. 1:11. Cf. K. J. Cathcart and R. P. Gordon, The Targum of the Minor
Prophets: Translated, with a Critical Introduction, Apparatus, and Notes (ArBib 14;
Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1989), 166.
1
Chapter 3
In the previous chapter it was seen that there are elements in LXX Isaiah
which indicate that the translator displayed some sense of pericope
coherence. In particular, I pointed to the indications of text division
which the translator seems to share with ancient manuscripts, and to the
presence of renderings which seem to be motivated or determined by the
near context. I argued that these elements are best described in terms of
reading strategies and that the translators immersion in a certain ideo-
logical and exegetical context would have prompted certain readings and
exegetical manoeuvres.
Going back to ancient manuscript traditions, it can be noted that a text
break is frequently inserted before phrases such as
/
: S
or
/ D S
F J. The fol-
lowing table enables the visualization of how text breaks before such
expressions were a common feature of the Isaiah manuscript tradition in
antiquity both in Hebrew and in Greek.1
Verse MT / LXX Text LXXMss 1QIsaa MT
2:1
/ : SBAQ ** p/s
S
(v. 2)
2:20
/ D S
F J AQ **
3:18
/ D S
F J A * p/s
4:2
/ D S
F J SA ** p/s
7:18
/ D S
F J S p/s
7:20
/ D S
F J SAQ (p)
1. The LXX, 1QIsaa, and MT columns are adapted from the table in S. P. Brock,
Text Divisions in the Syriac Translations of Isaiah, in Rapaport-Albert and
Greenberg, eds., Biblical Hebrew, Biblical Texts, 200221. In the LXX Mss column,
A = Codex Alexandrinus, B = Codex Vaticanus, Q = Codex Marchalianus, S =
Codex Sinaiticus. In the 1QIsaa column, ** and * indicate longer and shorter breaks,
respectively. In the MT column, p = petua, b = setuma, s/p or p/s indicate variation
in the witnesses, the rst item being the better attested, (p) or (s) indicate poor
attestation of the petua or setuma.
1
42 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
7:21
/ D S
F J SA ** s/p
7:23
/ D S
F J A ** (s)
10:20
/ D S
F J Q ** p/s
10:27
/ D S
F J SAQ ** (s)
11:10
/ D S
F J SA ** p/s
11:11
/ D S
F J A * p/s
12:1
/ D S
F J SA **
14:3
/ D S
F J SA * s
17:4
/ D S
F J SA ** s/p
17:7
/ D S
F J A * s
17:9
/ D S
F J SA ** (s)
18:7
/ )! )! ! AQ * (s)
19:16
/ D S
F J A * s
19:18
/ D S
F J SA ** s
19:19
/ D S
F J A * s
19:23
/ D S
F J A * s
19:24
/ D S
F J SAQ *
22:20
/ D S
F J A **
22:25
/ D S
F J SQ
24:21
/ Omitted in the LXX ** s/p
26:1
/ D S
F J BAQ ** p/s
27:1
/ D S
F J AQ ** s/p
27:2
/ D S
F J AQ ** s/p
27:11b #
added in the LXX SAQ *(11a)
27:12
/ D S
F J SAQ ** s/p
27:13
/ D S
F J AQ ** s/p
28:5
/ D S
F J SBA ** s/p
29:18
/ D S
F J AQ *
31:7
/ D S
F J **
In the light of the evidence above, it is possible that these phrases were
commonly perceived as section delimiters. The framing of sections as
prophetic announcements of the future would have triggered specic
reading strategies. In other words, the presence of these phrases evoked
particular frames, connected with the expectations of the reader/transla-
tor about eschatological times, and prompted particular interpretation of
passages in the light of notions and presuppositions already held. Taken
together with the evidence presented above of a tendency to read
prophetic texts eschatologically, we have a good indication that the
Isaiah translator would be liable to read certain pericopes in the light of
eschatological traditions.
It is my contention, therefore, that indications in the translation itself,
as well as the evidence in other examples in ancient Judaism, suggest
that the translator of LXX Isaiah was imbued with certain ideological
presuppositions connected to eschatology and brought these to bear in
1
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 43
# + ;
1
2. Troxel,
[
, 27.
44 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
And many peoples will come and say: And many nations will come and say:
Come, and let us go up to the Come and3 let us go up to the
Mountain of Yahweh, Mountain of the Lord,
to the House of the God of Jacob, and into the House of the God of
Jacob,
and he will instruct us from his ways and he will announce to us his way
and we shall walk in his paths. and we shall walk in it.
For from Zion the Torah will come For out of Zion the Law will come
and the word of Yahweh from and the word of the Lord out of
Jerusalem. Jerusalem.
2:4
$ #
# : ,
) )
*
!
#
+ >
(
( !
# 6
/) ( ?
$
$
&
# 9 /) (
# /
6
# /
3
:
And he will judge between the And he will judge between the
nations, nations,
and decide for many peoples; and convince many people;
and they will beat their swords into and they will beat their swords into
ploughshares, ploughshares,
and their spears into pruning hooks; and their spears into pruning hooks;
a nation will not lift up a sword and a nation will not lift up a sword
against a nation, against a nation,
and they will not learn again war. and indeed they will not learn again
to wage war.
3. This is rejected by Ziegler in his Gttingen edition, on the basis of several
witnesses, many of which are citations. It is retained in Rahlfs edition.
4. In MT Mic 4:1,
! follows as a predicate of the Mountain of the House of
Yahweh, and has an additional personal pronoun,
(masculinereferring to the
1
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 45
13. Where ( > P # ( > " % % ; corresponds to
MTS
.
14. See Gray, Isaiah IXXVII, 47, and Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 82.
15. A survey of issues concerning the interplay between the history of the
Hebrew text and the translation/revision activity of ancient versions is found in S.
Talmon, Double Readings in the Massoretic Text, Text 1 (1960): 14484; see also
R. Gordis, The Biblical Text in the Making: A Study of the KethibQere (New York:
Ktav, 1971), 4143, for further information on the incorporation of variant readings
in the Masoretic tradition. See also Baer, When We All Go Home, 199276.
16. A similar use of singular verb for two subjects occurs in LXX Isa 40:4, where
we nd the reading H P # > (every mountain and hill
shall be brought low).
17. The uniqueness of the Hebrew phrase has been highlighted at least since
R. Lowth, Isaiah: A New Translation with a Preliminary Dissertation and Notes
(London: William Tegg, 1868), 147; cf. Delitzsch, Isaiah, 1:115; Gray, Isaiah
IXXVII, 46. Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 83, suggests that it may be original.
18. 1QIsaa omits
, possibly by haplography. Cf. Gordon, Holy Land,
66 n. 6.
1
48 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
destinations in mind for Gentiles and Jews. The rst could go up the
mountain, but only the latter could enter the Temple.19 This proposal fails
to take into account the linguistic and textual evidence presented above.
19. D. Baer, Its all about us! Nationalistic Exegesis in the Greek Isaiah
(Chapters 112), SBLSP 40 (2001): 197219 (200201).
20. Delitzsch, Isaiah, 1:115.
21. LXX Micah has +. LXX Isaiah translates
as ,
in 28:9
(but not elsewhere).
22. The LXX of both Isaiah and Micah translate the Hebrew plural
! with the
singular of 1. They diverge in the translation of the parallel
. While
Micah maintains the parallelism with : /%, Isaiah chooses not to
render
, but instead uses /!, referring back to 3 1>. This can be
explained by the fact that 1 occurs elsewhere in Isaiah as an equivalent for
(26:78; 41:3). He therefore equates the two terms and eliminates the parallelism.
This elimination is untouched by the revisions which could indicate that the trans-
lation is not particularly striking, but ts expected standards.
23. The relationship between Isa 2 and 4055 is spelled out further in D. W. Pao,
Acts and the Isaianic New Exodus (WUNT 2/130; Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000),
15659. For specic nuances in the term 1 and its usage in early Judaism, see
W. Michaelis, 1, TDNT 6:4296.
1
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 49
ravine shall be lled up and every mountain and hill shall be brought
low). This element of eschatological transformation and humiliation
(note the use of ) of the high and lofty hills ts well with the
contents of ch. 2, especially vv. 1021, and it is possible that associations
were made in the mind of a translator immersed in the book of Isaiah.
Isaiah 40:15 became signicant for diverse early Jewish groups, and
fresh interpretations and applications of it were developed. There is a
visible intertextual relationship between Isa 40 and Mic 4:15. This is
particularly clear in Mic 4:4, where the beatic vision of eschatological
peace is guaranteed because the mouth of Yahweh (+
in Micah)
has spoken (cf. Isa 40:5).24 That the LXX translator would also have the
relationship in mind is indicated by LXX Mic 4:5. There, in describing
the opposition between the peoples marching in the name of their gods,
and us marching in the name of the Lord, the translator renders
by 3 1> /%. Isaiah 40:15 is also quoted in the texts from
the Judean desert, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, the New Testament,
and rabbinic sources. The ideas of return from exile and of Gods special
activity gave rise to special eschatological interpretations, helping to
shape the self-understanding of different groups within early Judaism
that viewed themselves eschatologically and as somehow connected with
the way of the Lord.25
The idea of the way of the Lord could have been prompted by the
reference to Torah teaching in v. 3: the Torah will come forth from the
Lords exalted mountain. Tradition connecting the way of the Lord and
the teaching of Torah can be seen as early as 1QS 8:15, where the
interpretation of Isa 40 is distinctly applied to the communitys role as
law interpreters. Making straight the way of the Lord is connected to
the study of Torah and all that had been revealed to the prophets by the
Holy Spirit.
24. Note that here the reference is made to intertextual relationship and not to
dependence. No particular direction of literary dependence between Isa 40 and Mic 4
is presupposed at this point.
25. Cf. K. Snodgrass, Streams of Tradition Emerging from Isaiah 40:15 and
their Adaptation in the New Testament, JSNT 8 (1980): 2445 (31). In discussing
the interpretation of Isa 40:3 in Marks Gospel, J. Marcus, The Way of the Lord:
Christological Exegesis of the Old Testament in the Gospel of Mark (Edinburgh:
T. & T. Clark, 1993), 2930, argues that the original context of Isa 40 suggests that
the genitive % (of the Lord) should be taken as a subjective rather than an
objective genitive, so that the focus is on the divine activity, Yahwehs own way
through the wildernesswhich has implications for human actionand not simply
on an ethical way to be followed. In so doing he disagrees with Snodgrasss inter-
pretation of both Mark and 1QS 8:1216 and 9:1720.
1
50 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
Here the question of the interplay between LXX Isaiah and Jewish
interpretative traditions also involves the versions of Aquila and Theodo-
tion, as both have - (a more usual LXX equivalent for
). It is
possible that in such cases a connection was made between
and
.
Cazelles is sceptical of this connection, since the root
reappears in
in the same verse. Yet the connection could have been prompted by
the summons to walk in the light of the Lord, )
)! -#
, in 2:5. The notion that the instruction of the Lord is light and
the way of life is seen in Prov 6:23. This connection between way
Torahlight occupies a prominent place in later rabbinic exegesis, as can
be seen in b. B. Bat. IVa, where Prov 6:23 is linked with Isa 2:2, through
the root II, cognate with Aramaic , meaning shine, beam.26 In
this text both the rabbis and the temple are designated as the light of the
world because of their roles in teaching: the rabbis as teachers of Torah,
the temple as the place from where all nations will be enlightened by it
(Isa 2:2).27 It is therefore likely that the LXX translation of Isa 2:23, like
the rendering in the minor Greek versions, took shape in the context of
wider streams of exegetical tradition in early Judaism.
4:2
D < S
F J
!
6 1 > D
+ # 2 2
"
% *6) # +
$
#
$ > - < % ;
# > *- < &
# > - <
$
;
A
&
-
( 93
;
And the one left in Zion and the one And it will be the one left in Zion
left in Jerusalem and the remnant
will be called holy, in Jerusalem, will be called holy,
everyone that is written for life in all who have been written for life in
Jerusalem. Jerusalem.
4:4
& " 0 :
$ > \ ) ) # )
&
&
$
# > ]
:
/)
$
#.
#
When the Lord has washed away For the Lord shall wash away
the lth of the daughters of Zion, the lth of the sons and of the
daughters of Zion,
and rinsed the blood of Jerusalem and he will purge the blood out of
from her midst, their midst,
by a spirit of judgment and by a in a spirit of judgment and a spirit of
spirit of burning. burning.
1
52 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
4:5
# Y+, #
! H % P &
# ^ /2
-
S
$
# O % # O -> >
. )
J D +J
29. Cf. Gen 2:5; Exod 10:5; Isa 55:10; Ezek 17:6; Hos 8:7; Pss 105(104):14;
147(146):8; Eccl 2:6; 1 Chr 19:5.
30. For this meaning, see the extensive discussion of W. H. Rose, Zemah and
Zerubbabel: Messianic Expectations in the Early Postexilic Period (JSOTSup 304;
Shefeld: Shefeld Academic, 2000), 91120.
31. See Isa 42:9; 43:19, referring to Gods action on the earth; 44:4, speaking of
the springing up of Gods redeemed people; 45:8, referring to salvation and
righteousness; 58:8, in a metaphor of healing for Gods people. See also 61:11 (3);
Ezek 16:7 (2).
1
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 53
Holy One of Israel. Now let us pray not that esh and blood give us light,
but that the Holy One, blessed be He, give us light, as is said, For with
Thee is the fountain of life; in Thy light we shall see light, and also The
Lord is God, and he will give us light.38
The Greek rendering of 4:2 indicates the mode and the purpose of this
divine manifestation, namely, that God will shine in counsel with glory
upon the earth (or land) and will do so in order to exalt and glorify the
remnant of Israel. Each of these elements needs to be investigated more
closely.
attested in 2 Sam 16:20, 23; 17:7, 14, 23; 1 Kgs 12:8, 1314, 24; 1 Chr 12:20; 2 Chr
10:8, 13, 14, and 22:5, and of political deliberation or decree in Ezra 10:8 and 1 Macc
14:22. For political conspiracy, see 2 Sam 15:31, 34; 3 Macc. 5:8. Also signicant
are references to the of God in Ps 66(65):5; Prov 19:21; Mic 4:12.
42. See 8:10 and 32:8 for the meaning plan. Isa 3:9 has the set phrase 3
added with no Hebrew equivalent. Here the term expresses the idea of
design. The set phrase also appears in 7:5, where is an addition (the
Hebrew is simply ). Isa 29:15 and 30:1 speak negatively of taking counsel apart
from the Lord. In 10:25 Gods wrath is directed against 3 3 /), render-
ing
. God is said to confound the counsel of the Egyptians in 19:3.
References to sinful counsel are found in the loose rendering of 28:8; 31:6, and 32:7.
God makes the of the diviners foolishness in 44:25. In 47:13, is
connected to divination and astrology. In 55:78 the term is used in the sense of
mindset, contrasting human and divine . The political connotation is par-
ticularly present in Isaiah. In 7:5 and 7, the term has the political nuance of delib-
eration. appears as political advice in 19:11, as military strategy in 36:5. In
41:21, could mean plans or counsellors.
43. See the discussion in Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 21.
44. Other, more signicant, elements of 9:5(6) and 11:2 will be discussed in
greater detail in Chapters 5 and 6, respectively.
1
56 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
2.3. The Manifestation of the Lords with glory upon the earth
Having considered the content of the of God, I proceed to
investigate the signicance of its manifestation with glory upon the
earth in 4:2. This is visible primarily in the choice of terms. As is the
case with , it is clear that the LXX Isaiah translator showed a
45. In spite of numerous emendations proposed for this text (cf. BHS, Wild-
berger), I follow the contention of Coste, Le texte grec, 37, corroborated by
evidence from Qumran, that the translators Vorlage was similar to the MT.
46. Coste, Le texte grec, 38, is probably correct in his suggestion that the trans-
lation of by
may have been inuenced by liturgical readings, with
being an addition to support the optative.
47. The passage of the plural
to the singular was most probably
determined by linguistic constraints of Hebrew and Greek. Cf. ibid.
48. This is similar to the model presented by A. van der Kooij, Zur Theologie
des Jesajabuches in der Septuaginta, in Reventlow, ed., Theologische Probleme, 9
25, according to which the content of the divine includes three primary
notions: calamity for the people of Israel due to iniquity (5:19); destruction of the
foreign powers (25:2); salvation for Israel or the remnant (4:2). See also Schaper,
Messianic Intertextuality, 375.
1
49. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 116.
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 57
50. Brockington, , 26. He notes that, in the translated books of the LXX,
+ appears about 270 times. In 180 of these instances it corresponds to the
Hebrew
!. There is still a signicant proportion of the usage of + for other
Hebrew equivalents. The situation is more marked in Isaiah, where out of 68
instances of +, only 28 correspond to !.
51. Ziegler, Untersuchungen, 108, suggests "
().
52. For a detailed discussion of this verse, see A. van der Kooij, The Old Greek
of Isaiah 19:1625: Translation and Interpretation, in Cox, ed., VI Congress, 127
66 (13235, 15758).
53. Brockington, , 28.
54. Ibid., 26.
55. While the observations of Driver give a fresh perspective on the prophets
perception of the meaning of the term, the basic apprehension of it as skirt remains
unchanged. Cf. G. R. Driver, His Train Filled the Temple, in Near Eastern Studies
in Honor of William Foxwell Albright (ed. H. Goedicke; Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1971), 8796.
1
58 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
And say to him, Watch out and be And say to him, Watch out to be
quiet, quiet,
do not fear and do not let your heart and do not fear nor let your soul
be faint be faint
before these two stumps of smoking before these two stumps of smoking
rebrand, rebrand,
for the burning anger of Rezin and for when the anger of my wrath
Aram and the son of Remaliah. comes, I will heal again.
60.
is normally rendered by ) in LXX Isaiah (cf. 3:8; 28:11; 32:4;
35:6; 41:17; 45:23; 50:4; 57:4; 59:3; 66:18), but it is treated idiomatically in the
paraphrased 33:19, where
is rendered by -
, and in 54:17,
where it is rendered by -. The term is omitted in 5:24 and 11:15.
1
60 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
61. The name a in 7:1 could lend credence to the view that the reading
of the Hebrew name should be 1 in the light of the name raunnu that appears in
the annals of Tiglath-pileser. See the discussion in Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 283.
a
in the same verse seems to be connected with the tradition reected in
1QIsaa, which reads
. Cf. S. H. Horn, An Inscribed Seal from Jordan,
BASOR 189 (1968): 4143 (42).
62. Ottley, Isaiah, 2:140.
63. Ziegler, Untersuchungen, 62.
64. Ottley, Isaiah, 2:140.
65. M. Rsel, Die Jungfrauengeburt des endzeitlichen Immanuel, JBTh 6
(1991): 13551 (138).
66. R. P. Gordon, The Legacy of Lowth: Robert Lowth and the Book of Isaiah
in Particular, in Rapaport-Albert and Greenberg, eds., Biblical Hebrew, 5776
(6467).
1
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 61
short duration of Gods wrath underlies the rendering at 7:4. This idea
envisions a period of judgment, depicted by various metaphors related to
burning, purging, or cleansing, after which healing and salvation
for Gods people would follow.
In this connection we move back to 4:34. The translator connects
syntactically 4:3 and 4 by translating with 0. The connection makes
explicit that the remnant that has been written for life in Jerusalem will
be called holy because God will have purged the lth and blood of the
sons and daughters of Jerusalem by a spirit and judgment and burn-
ing.67 The futuristic casting of the perfects in v. 4 is in keeping with the
reading of the oracle as prophecy.
The imagery of cleansing by a spirit of judgment and burning is
reminiscent of 1:2527. After the peculiar rendering of the metaphor of
purication by re in 1:25 (see Chapter 2), we read a description of the
restoration of Zion and its remnant (vv. 2627).68 The phrase #
in v. 27 is rendered by
-
S (
/2 #
(for by judgment her
captivity will be saved and with mercy).69 Having read
, the rst
word in v. 27, with the previous verse, the translator nds a subject in
, which is rendered by S (
/b.70 (
appears
67. The addition of ) ) has survived virtually untouched by later revisers.
It is possible that the translator employed a set phrase sons and daughters, as in
45:11 and 56:5. Cf. Goshen-Gottstein, Isaiah, ad loc.
68. There is nothing particularly signicant in 1:26, apart from the rendering of
by
3 &. The last word here is not an addition but is
the rst word of v. 27, which is appended to what precedes and not to what follows.
The translation of
by
is signicant, because in LXX Isaiah the
Hebrew term is normally rendered by (1:21; 24:10; 25:2; 26:5; 29:1; 32:13;
33:20).
was used as a technical term in Hellenistic Judaism. In Josh
10:2, it renders !
. It appears again in Josh 14:15; 15:13, and 21:11, as the
translator struggles with the obscure geographical reference to Hebron / Kiriath-arba.
Another attestation is in the rendering of the Hebrew
by > #
in 2 Sam 20:19. We also see it in the plural form
in Esth
9:19. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 11314, argues that the translator of Isaiah is the rst Jew
in the diaspora whom we know to have used the term
, a typically Greek
term both in formulation and signication. He suggests that the translation recalls
Ps 87(86):5, where
is rendered by
& : ? .
Noticing that Philo also uses
with reference to Jerusalem, Seeligmann
afrms that this could be part of the lexical currency of Alexandrian Judaism.
69.
functions as a syntactical connector (
represents twice in the
verse). is correctly understood by the translator as a Niphal third person
feminine singular.
70. The
before
seems to be connected with
. This rearranging of
syntactical elements is not too different from the relocation of
in v. 24.
1
62 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
And the Lord sends man far away, And after these things God will send
man far away,
and (there is) a great forsaking in the and the remainder will be multiplied
midst of the land. upon the land.
71. As for the rendering of by
, one notes that of the four
occurrences of the Greek term in LXX Isaiah (1:27; 28:17; 38:18; 59:16), 38:18 is the
only case where it does not correspond to , but to .
72. Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 25051, argues that the Niphal in 6:11 does
not t well with the Qal
, and that the LXX rendering, which for him presumes the
reading , is to be preferred. Cf. 24:12 and Ottley, Isaiah, 2:136. The choice of
forms derived from
- (a verb for and a noun for ) shows that there is
no concern to reproduce form precisely.
73. The rendering of
by
in 6:13 is, according to Seeligmann,
Isaiah, 45, derived from sacricial terminology which, in its turn, had adopted the
word in a gurative sense, from the economic vocabulary of Egyptian Hellenism,
where it was understood to mean as much as: additional payment, interest, and capi-
tal increment.
74. The expression is normally connected with in narratives, such as Gen
23:19; 45:15; Exod 5:1; Josh 24:5; Judg 1:9; 2 Sam 2:1; 3:28; 2 Kgs 6:24. It is also
used in some legal contexts (Lev 14:8, 36; Num 4:15; 31:24; 32:22; Deut 21:13).
Signicant uses of the expression
% in prophetic passages are found in
LXX Jer 16:16; Ezek 20:39; Hos 3:5; Joel 3:1; Theod. Dan 2:29, 45, and Ep Jer 1:50.
While sometimes it can simply refer to the future (Jer 5:31; Sir 3:31), it could have
been understood as an eschatological term. It is used in some actualizing
renderings, such as Pss 16(15):4 and 49(48):14. Possibly the use of
% in
1
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 63
LXX Isa 44:6 with reference to the Lords identity has an eschatological dimension.
Noteworthy New Testament occurrences are John 13:7; Acts 7:7; 15:16; Heb 4:8;
Rev 1:19; 4:1 (2), and 9:12.
75. The use of a plural form % , % for reects the Greek mean-
ing of humankind.
76. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 116. He draws his conclusion from looking at texts such
as 4:2; 24:14; 25:1; 44:23; 49:15, and 52:13. Cf. Ps 37(36):20.
77. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 117.
78. For further studies on the question of the remnant, see J. C. Campbell,
Gods People and the Remnant, SJT 3 (1950): 7885; J. Fichtner, Jahves Plan in
der Botschaft des Jesaja, ZAW 63 (1951): 1633; J. M. Allegro, The Root r and
the Doctrine of the Remnant, JTS 3 (1952): 2739; G. F. Hasel, The Remnant: The
History and Theology of the Remnant Idea from Genesis to Isaiah (2d ed.; AUM 5;
Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1974); L. T. Brodie, The Children and
the Prince: The Structure, Nature and Date of Isaiah 612, BTB 9 (1979): 2731; J.
Day, Shear-Jashub (Isaiah 7:3) and the Remnant of Wrath (Psalm 76:11), VT 31
(1981): 7678; G. Widengren, Yahwehs Gathering of the Dispersed, in In the
Shelter of Elyon: Essays on Ancient Palestinian Life and Literature in Honor of
G. W. Ahlstrm (ed. W. B. Barrick and J. R. Spencer; JSOTSup 31; Shefeld: JSOT,
1984), 22745; O. Carena, Il resto di Israele: studio storico-comparativo delle
iscrizioni reali assire e dei testi profetici sul tema del resto (RivBSup 13; Bologna:
Edizioni Dehoniane, 1985); C. A. Evans, Isa 6:913 in the Context of Isaiahs
Theology, JETS 29 (1986): 13946; J. Willits, The Remnant of Israel in
4QpIsaiaha (4Q161) and the Dead Sea Scrolls, JJS 57 (2006): 1125.
1
64 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
concrete meaning is also evidenced in Hag 1:12, 14; 2:2, and Zech 8:6,
11, 12.86
From a strictly linguistic standpoint it is very difcult to ascertain
precisely the meaning intended by the translator in each case. For
instance, in Isa 4:23 there is nothing remarkable in the rendering of
terminology related to the remnant. #
(v. 2) is most often asso-
ciated in the LXX with the root !9-.87 * (v. 3) is more often
seen in the LXX as an equivalent of (cf. 2 Kgs 19:30).
(v. 3) is a frequent term in the LXX and is connected with a number of
different equivalents, so that its choice for the rendering of
is not
particularly remarkable.88 The root appears in Biblical Hebrew with
the basic meaning of being left, remaining, surviving.89 The semantic
eld covered by
is very similar to that of , and the terms
employed in the LXX overlap.90
In fact, these terms are often employed in their general sense with no
theological implications, as in Isa 14:22, where
renders
Vorlage, but we also see this adjustment of number in 7:1 and 7:5. The choice of a
passive form is probably intended to keep the focus on Gods redemptive activity
(cf. 1:18; 6:2; 9:5[6]).
86. Cf. Meyer, Remnant, 5:671.
87. =!9 in Gen 32:9; Isa 10:20; 37:32; Neh 1:2; 2 Chr 20:24; in 2 Sam
15:14; Jer 25(32):35; Obad 17; Ezra 9:8, 13; 2 Chr 12:7; Theod. Dan 11:42;
,=9 in 2 Kgs 19:31; Jer 50(27):29; Joel 2:3; 2 Chr 30:6; =9 in Judg
21:17; 2 Kgs 19:30; Dan 11:42; Ezra 9:1415. The root is used of the deliverance of
the Jewish people from foreign threat in 1 Macc 4:26; 9:46, and 2 Macc 1:25. Some-
times, terminology that is more formally connected to the remnant notion is
employed (see in Isa 37:31 and 1 Chr 4:43). 6 is a term used
exclusively with #
(cf. Gen 45:7).
88. The most frequent equivalents in LXX Isaiah are
(as in this verse, 7:22;
30:17; 39:6) and (7:3; 10:1921; 11:11 [2]; 16:14; 17:6; 24:6, 12; 28:5; 37:4,
32; 49:21). It is also used for in 38:10; in 6:11; in 6:12; 7:16; 10:3, 14;
17:2, 9; 18:6; 27:10; 54:67; 62:4, 12;
in 66:19; ! in 17:10; 23:15; in
21:10; #
in 4:2; 37:31;
in 65:15. It is added with no equivalent in 24:14;
28:6; 30:18. Cf. also 38:12.
89. Cf. Gen 7:23; 14:10; 32:9; 42:38; Exod 8:7; 10:12; Lev 26:36; Num 9:12;
11:26; 21:35; Deut 2:34; Josh 8:17, 22; Ruth 1:3, 5.
90. Normally, derivates of are used. In 10:21, the phrase
is rendered by # > - < % ; # >
(. In 10:22, where we read that, in spite of the people of Israel being as the
sand of the sea, yet only a remnant would return from exile, the LXX renders
by >
. In 11:11, we read about the remnant of his
people that is left (
), which the LXX renders by > - <
* % % 0 c - 2!.
1
66 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
91. A. van der Kooij, Die Septuaginta Jesajas als Document jdischer Exegese.
Einige Notize zu LXX-Jes 7, in bersetzung und Deutung. Studien zu dem Alten
Testament und seiner Umwelt: Alexander Reinard Hulst gewidmet (ed. D.
Barthlemy; Nijkerk: Callenbach, 1977), 91102 (98). Cf. Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416,
14 n. 64.
92. An important discussion of the textual issues in 4:5 is to be found in Seelig-
mann, Isaiah, 6263.
93. See also Ziegler, Untersuchungen, 108.
94. Ibid., 62, suggests a possible inuence from LXX Exod 40:35, where we read
0 Q /3 S -
. In LXX Isa 4:5, the translator makes explicit
his interpretation of the cloud and shining ame by night as metaphorical, by adding
twice the comparative O.
95. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 62, 66.
1
96. Ziegler, Untersuchungen, 108.
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 67
10:11 and 45 we read that Mount Zion was fortied with high walls
and strong towers around it ( ). In 1 Macc 6:7 a verbal form
() is used to describe the fortication of the sanctuary with
high walls.
It is hard to see the place of /2, as it does not agree with the neuter
P. Perhaps the translator is thinking in feminine terms because of the
reference to Mount Zion. The reference to protection and security in the
area of the Lords mount could be connected to wider traditions referring
to the eschatological state of the Mount of the Lord, according to which
the mount would be the special locus of divine protection and presence.
This tradition could also be reected in the rendering of 11:9:
$
# /
3
/<
3 ,
/
! # > P > A
$ "
!
! (Water will ow from his buckets, and his seed [will
be] in many waters, and his king will be more exalted than Agag, and his
kingdom will be lifted up). Also signicant are Ps 29(28):3, which
speaks of Yahweh being
(upon many waters), and Ezek
43:2, which says that the voice of God was
! (like the
sound of many waters).97
3. Summary
In the discussion above, I have attempted to identify the imprint of
eschatological traditions in the renderings of LXX Isa 2:24 and 4:26. I
suggested that the framing of the two pericopes with In the last days
(2:2) and On that day (4:2) would have prompted peculiar eschatolo-
gical notions that can be felt in the rendering, and that a measure of
contextual awareness would inform translational decisions in these sec-
tions. Besides this observation, it was noted that several of the eschato-
logical ideas identiable in the rendering are in common with other LXX
texts, in both Isaiah and the larger LXX corpus. Furthermore, links with
other traditional streams in early Judaism were also identied.
At the same time, while the repetition of some preferred ideas and
themes (e.g. +; the limited duration of Gods wrath) was noted, the
present survey did not reveal any overt attempts to achieve systematiza-
tion. It was also observed that in the case of some themes (such as the
remnant), linguistic and co-textual considerations often impeded the
identication of a particular eschatological rendering of a passage. The
repetition of themes is best understood as the repeated interjection of
ideological presuppositions of the translator, as he struggled with the
meaning of the Hebrew text. In this regard, I point to the fact that all the
echoes of eschatological traditions supposedly identiable can nd some
explanation in the translators rendering of the Vorlage.
1
97. The metaphor of abundant water is also found in 1QpHab 11:12.
3. Eschatological Traditions in LXX Isaiah 112 69
1
Chapter 4
$ #
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1
1. See the critique of Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 1, 22.
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 71
He will eat curds and honey, He will eat butter and honey,
to know to reject evil Before his either knowing or
preferring evil
and choose good. he will choose the good.
7:16
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, : F %
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& $ ($ # - S 2
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$
$. ,> = )
For before the boy knows For before the boy knows
good or evil,
to reject evil and to choose the good, he refuses evil in order to choose the
good;
the land will be deserted and the land will be deserted
that you dread that you fear
because of its two kings. because of its two kings.
Kittel and Gressmann.4 More recently, the hypothesis has been revived
and developed by Martin Rsel.5 He argues that there was a xed mental
connection between the term
and the notion of supernatural
generation. There was also, in his view, a connection between this super-
natural birth and the expectation of times of salvation. Rsel believes
that this eschatological dimension of the
birth is evident
throughout LXX Isa 7.6
The second group of scholars downplays the meaning virgin for
and argues that the translator associates
with Lady
Zion, so that the theological reference in LXX Isa 7:14 is not to a
supposed virgin birth of the messiah, but to the collective birth of the
children of mother Zion. This group is represented by Arie van der Kooij
and Johann Lust,7 who follow a similar path in their analyses. Both schol-
ars notice that, in two of the four Isaianic passages in which
is
employed to render the Hebrew
, its use refers to a collective
entity rather than to an individual: the virgin (
/
) Zion
in 37:22, and the virgin (
/
) Babylon in 47:1. Lust also
notes that the Hebrew term refers in other instances in the Old Testament
to Lady Zion, Judah, and Israel.8 They also perceive a similarity in the
content of Isa 7 and 37. In Lusts words, In both instances God prom-
ises assistance to his people and a remnant returns.9 On the basis of
these observations, both van der Kooij and Lust conclude that the trans-
lator identied the
in Isa 7 and 37 with Lady Zion.
There are signicant problems with both lines of argumentation. With
regard to the rst group, a basic difculty is that the evidence for the
10. Attestation for traditions relating to the supernatural birth of a saviour gure
dates from the fourth century C.E.i.e. ca. 450 years after the standard accepted date
of LXX Isaiah.
11. G. Sissa, Greek Virginity (trans. A. Goldhammer; RevAnt 3; Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 8187, demonstrates that there is abundant
evidence in Greek literature of a negative connotation appended to the notion of
birth. Besides the (in)famous
of Sparta (children of unknown
fathers, born in the context of warfare), Sissa mentions the traditions about the
, a mountain on the border between Argolis and Arcadia, reserved for
clandestine virgin births. She refers specically to Pausanias 8.54.6; Callimachuss
Hymn to Delos 70; Hyginuss Fabulae 99; Aelians Varia Historia 13.1; and
Serviuss Ad Virgili Bucolica 10.57.
12. See Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 18, for a similar line of reasoning.
13. Cf. G. Delling,
, TDNT 5:82637 (831).
1
14. Ibid., 5:828.
74 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
15. In the Hebrew Bible, the term
occurs 51 times. In many cases, the
meaning virgin is quite clear (Lev 21:13; Deut 22:19; Ezek 44:22), while in others
it is completely ruled out (Joel 1:8). Cf. M. Tzevat,
, TDOT 2:33843 (341).
16. J. Barr, The Most Famous Word in the Septuagint, in Studia Semitica: The
Journal of Semitic Studies Jubilee Volume (ed. P. S. Alexander et al.; JSSSup 16;
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 5972 (66).
17. Ibid., 63, reckons nine cases, leaving Ps 9:1 out. In Pss 9:1; 46(45):1, and 1
Chr 15:20 it appears in the technical musical term
, which is irrelevant for the
present purposes. In Ps 68:25,
is the plural of and refers to players of
tambourines. In Song 1:3 and 6:8, the plural
clearly refers to young women. In
1:3, in the context of the praises of the groom anointed with fragrant oil, we read that
the
love (or desire) him. In 6:8, the groom is exalting his object of desire above
all the other women who, presumably, were available to him. While Barr argues
that the erotic connotation of these verses speaks against the meaning virgin, it has
to be stressed that the use of the term in 6:8, in distinction to
(concubines),
makes the connotation virgin quite possible. Besides the question of the virginity
of the
, the use of the term in these verses seems to evoke youth, and to
designate some kind of ofcial or recognized social category of courtly servants
(see the use of
in Ps 45:14).
1
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 75
where
is the underlying Hebrew term. The only other case in the
LXX where
renders is Gen 24:43.
occurs ve
times in LXX Isaiah (7:14; 23:4; 37:22; 47:1; 62:5), with 7:14 being the
only case in which the term does not correspond to
.18
However, a more careful look at the way in which the LXX treats
should put the uniqueness of the Isa 7:14 rendering in perspective,
particularly as one notes that, for the ve relevant occurrences of
in the LXX, H is used three times while
is used twice.19
The difference, in fact, is not very signicant, and analyses that capitalize
on the unique use of
as a rendering for should be
evaluated in this light. My suggestion is that the rendering of by
does not offer any solid evidence of a special messianic
reading of the Immanuel oracle.20
18. In 23:4 the term is employed in a lament, in which the fallen Sidon cries that
she has not reared young men () or young women (
). In
37:22 it appears in the phrase
&. In 47:1, the term appears in
the similar phrase
f). Finally, in 62:5 the term is used
in connection with joining a in marriage.
19. In both Song 1:3 and 6:8, the LXX renders by H. In Prov 30:19 we
nd a form of (youth). The articular occurrence in Exod 2:8 is rendered by
H (girl). As mentioned previously, only Gen 24:43 and Isa 7:14 have
as an equivalent.
20. A fuller version of my argument is found in R. F. de Sousa, Is the Choice of
in LXX Isa 7:14 Theologically Motivated?, JSS 53 (2008): 21132.
21. Aquila and Symmachus read
. Cf. L. Ltkemann and A. Rahlfs,
Hexaplarische Randnoten zu Isaias 116, aus einer Sinai-Handschrift (Berlin:
de Gruyter, 1915), 26970.
1
22. Cf. Joon, 119n.
76 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
23. For the reading of as third person feminine singular perfect, see GKC
74g. For a detailed discussion regarding the pointing and interpretation of the word,
see Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 286.
24. Cf. Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 9 n. 37. The view that the original Hebrew
might have been addressed to the house of David is held by R. Bergey, La
prophtie dEsae 7:1416, RRef 184 (1995): 914.
25. Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 20.
26. For a detailed study of issues surrounding the Lucianic text of LXX Isaiah, see
O. Munnich, Le texte lucianique dIsae-Septante, in Interpreting Translation:
Studies on the LXX and Ezekiel in Honour of Johan Lust (ed. F. Garca Martnez and
M. Vervenne; Leuven: Peeters, 2005), 26999.
1
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 77
27. Perhaps contextual considerations prompted the renderings in 8:8 and 8:10.
For the importance of context in translating the phrase
, see J. D. W. Watts,
Isaiah 133 (WBC 24; Waco: Word, 1985), 100.
28. Cf. Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 20.
29. Wildberger remarks that with innitive can have a temporal sense (at that
time, when), but concludes that the best interpretation is to take the innitive con-
struct in the nal sense. Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 286.
30. The choice to render idiomatically is interesting in the light of the use of
, : in v. 16.
31. Troxel (Isaiah 7,1416, 2) argues that the translator renders the bulk of the
verses literally, on the basis of two of Barrs criteria, namely, following the MTs
1
78 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
word order (with a one-to-one correspondence between its terms and the LXX, apart
from the addition of , > . in v. 16), and the use of lexical equivalents,
the correspondence between Hebrew and Greek terms being standard in the LXX,
apart from
for
, and # . [) /] for [
]. He thus
states, Whatever conclusions we reach about the translators free style must take
into consideration these signs of diligent translation. Even if we conclude that the
translator worked freely in some respects, we cannot doubt his desire to convey the
meaning of his Vorlage accurately. The criteria discussed by Troxel are found in
Barr, Typology, 2029 and 3140.
32. Cf. GKC 165a and Lev 14:36.
33. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 34, argues that the reading could indicate a possible
double translation. The older would be ) , > g (inuenced by Gen
2:9 and 17:35), the later could have originally read , : ! #
+ (
) > , and have been later adapted to t into the
context. He later states that the rendering is probably original and is surely a reminis-
cence of Gen 3:5 and 22, where
#
is rendered as = > #
. Cf. ibid., 46.
1
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 79
Num 32:11
*
&
d( P6 ? K
, + j(
,> (% #
> > # >
, >
( & & $ 3 2 e h
L j
#
&
; # ; /
&
X
Surely none of the men who came Surely none of these men, who came
out of Egypt, up out of Egypt,34
from twenty years and above, from twenty years and above,
who understand evil and good,
shall see the land which I swore (to shall see the land which I promised
give) to Abraham, to Isaac, and to to Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, for
Jacob, for they did not follow me fully. they did not follow me closely.
In both texts, the additions explicitly connect age with the knowledge of
good and evil. A possible link between these additions and LXX Isa 7:14
has been explored recently by Troxel and, subsequently, Lust.
Troxel sees in ) /> .
(v. 15) a
specication of two forms of engagement and argues that the translator
here insinuates a human predilection for evil. He afrms that the
juxtaposition of preferring to knowing suggests that a preference for
is, in the translators view, a common corollary to knowing.
In this connection, Troxel argues that the plus , > . derives
from LXX Deut 1:3935 and is connected with a speculation or ideol-
ogy contemporary to the translator and characterized by exegetical
reection on the meaning of knowing good and evil, nding in it an
adolescence-era threshold leading from innocence to accountability.36
community or by virtue of his reading the LXX-Torah need not be resolved here.
Whichever be the case, the subtle changes he makes to infuse these verses with this
ideology attest that it had become so native to his own thought that divining its
presence here was intuitive.
37. Ibid., 9, argues that the translation of
in v. 15 as # . ) /,
and of
# as # . ) in v. 16, equates the period before the child
knows or prefers evil with the time before the child knows good or evil. As for
the rendering
(prefer) for
(reject)in contrast to the
translation of with the more suitable , : in v. 16Troxel notes that there
are occasions in the LXX when is rendered by negating a Greek antonym, and
that the translator of LXX Isaiah sometimes suppresses a negative for the sake of the
sense (he mentions 3:9; 30:19, and 31:4). So, after using an antonym for in
7:15, it would have been a short step for [the translator] to omit the negative with
. This move would be, for Troxel, consistent with the interpolation of
, > . in v. 16, under a supposed ideology of youthful innocence that
included a belief that acquiring knowledge of , > . entailed an attraction
to evil. Moreover, Troxel argues that the use of in v. 16 is unusual both in
terms of vocabulary frequency in chs. 112 ( is used elsewhere) and in
semantic use (every other occurrence of in the whole of LXX Isaiah is in the
neuter plural and denotes calamities rather than the abstract notion of evil), which
seems to indicate that , . was imported by the translator as a set phrase
in Greek; secondly, Troxel argues that the notion of choice between good or evil
(manifested by the use of .) is reminiscent of the interpolations in Numbers and the
translation of
# in Deut 1:39. It seems that Troxels description of the trans-
lators craftiness at this point outstretches the evidence. The path followed to arrive
at
does not seem to be as straight as Troxel supposes. Although the use
of an antonym for is noteworthy, it is by no means clear how the deletion of the
negative particle would be such a short step for the translator in this case. When
is rendered by an antonym in the LXX, the meaning of the Greek sentence
normally remains the same as the Hebrew. This is clearly seen in Prov 21:25; Isa
5:24, and 8:6 (all cited by Troxel), in which the LXX renders with negative forms
of :,
, and
, respectively. I propose that in LXX Isa 7:15
is basically left untranslated and the rendering of the verse is one of the examples in
the chapter in which a complex syntactical structure is not rendered on the basis of a
one-to-one correspondence of terms but is simplied to convey the meaning of the
verse as a whole (as it is the case in 7:3). The phrase , . is the same as
is found in LXX Deut 1:39, but the formulations in Numbers are quite distinct, which
points more in the direction of a shared assumption than to the import of a set phrase
in Greek.
1
38. Ibid.
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 81
None of the arguments set forth by Lust help his case. First, while the
insertion of indeed seems to correlate the character of the child and
the victory over the enemy, this is perfectly compatible with under-
standing the child as an individual. Secondly, fear is a quite reasonable
rendering of "
, in the light of texts such as Exod 1:12 and (especially)
Num 22:3. Therefore, there does not seem to be any intentional change
of nuance. Most importantly, Isa 7 does not have any allusion whatso-
ever to entering, inheriting, or possessing the land. All these allusions are
drawn from LXX Deut 1:39; LXX Num 14:23, and 32:11 and their sup-
posed inuence on our passage. It is only on the basis of this inuence
that possible allusions to the motif of the promise of the land to the
patriarchs can be perceived. This is not sufcient ground on which to
build a convincing argument.
The only noticeable change in the Greek is the one alluded to before,
that the character of an extraordinary child is the focus of the LXX
rendering. Troxel seems to be on the right track in highlighting the
possible connections between LXX Deut 1:39; LXX Num 14:23, and
32:11, but these do not seem to be ultimately the result of either direct
literary dependence or of a common speculation about an age of inno-
cence, although they could reect particular Jewish cultural ideas. An
interesting parallel, overlooked by both Troxel and Lust, is found in
1QSa 1:811, which reads:
]'
' []
And at twenty ye[ars (of age) he shall
cross over
[ to the] commissioned to go in the lot,
' [ ]
[]'
amid his family to join the holy
congregation.
' [] [
]
And he shall not [approach] a woman
to know her
! !
!!' by lying down with her until the
' [
]' completion of twe[nty] years (of age),
[
#]
when he knows [good] and evil.
Barthlemy observed that the age of twenty can be seen as a late mini-
mum age for marriage in biblical and Talmudic texts, and argued that the
emphasis there is not on physical puberty but on the maturity of moral
judgment.43 Buchanan argues that the reference in 1QSa to the age of
twenty as the age
#
reects earlier tradition and that all the
biblical texts where reference to the knowledge of good and evil is
made could envisage the same age of twenty.44
Schiffman demonstrates that 1QSa 1:811 establishes the minimum
age for full-edged membership in the sect, pointing out that the age of
twenty plays a major role in Jewish legal sources.45 If this idea of
reaching maturity at a certain age, at which point one knows good and
evil, was so widespread culturally, it is not surprising to nd traces of
the tradition in different texts, without necessarily having to assume a
literary relationship or their reecting some particular ideological specu-
lation.
This constitutes further evidence for the characterization of LXX Isaiah
that is being presenting in this study. I have sought to demonstrate that
the alterations to safeguard the character of the child in vv. 15 and 16
nd justication in elements of a Masoretic-type Vorlage, but these are
transformed in the light of the reading strategies and ideological
background of the translator.
As observed earlier, the birth announcement in the Hebrew has the
primary function of setting a time-frame for the divine intervention on
behalf of the people and the removal of the foreign threat. It is clear that
the text envisages a very young child, and so the reference to his ability
to choose between good and evil is probably not to be understood in a
moral sense but is intended to highlight his very young age.46
However, it is not difcult for subsequent readers engaged in the inter-
pretation of the text to nd this moral sense in the words. That being the
case, the translator could have been exercised by the possibility, left open
by the wording of the Hebrew, that the child might choose the evil, and
47. For further studies on the idea of good and evil in the Bible and ancient
Judaism, see L. J. Kuyper, To Know Good and Evil, Int 1 (1947): 49092; H. S.
Stern, Knowledge of Good and Evil, VT 8 (1958): 40518; J. F. A. Sawyer, The
Image of God, the Wisdom of Serpents and the Knowledge of Good and Evil, in
A Walk in the Garden: Biblical, Iconographical, and Literary Images of Eden (ed.
P. Morris and D. Sawyer; JSOTSup 136; Shefeld: JSOT, 1992), 6473 (6873);
M. H. Narrowe, Another Look at the Tree of Good and Evil, JBQ 26 (1998): 184
88; W. J. van Bekkum, Paradise Interpreted: Good and Evil in Rabbinica and Kab-
balah, in Paradise Interpreted: Representations of Biblical Paradise in Judaism
and Christianity (ed. G. P. Luttikhuizen; TBN 2; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 11627.
1
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 85
what follows, I examine elements that have been singled out as indica-
tive of an actualizing rendering of the chapter as a whole.
Not surprisingly, some of the suggestions rest on more solid ground
than others. For example, it is difcult to see whether the theological
theme of the remnant is evoked in the chapter. There are two possible
instances, in vv. 3 and 22. The rendering of the name
by 1
- # ;48 in v. 3 is seen by Rsel as introducing the topic
of the remnant, in line with his thesis of an eschatological reading of
LXX Isa 7.49 However, as was argued earlier, the lack of consistency in
understanding the so-called sign names in Isaiah makes this kind of
decision difcult (see 10:22 and the rendering of
in 7:14 and 8:8,
10).50Another difculty, treated in the previous chapter, is the semantic
overlap between Greek and Hebrew terminology, which can prevent the
detecting of a special theological use. This is illustrated in v. 22, where
the rendering of
by 1 - is fairly literal,51 making it
difcult to decide whether this has any theological signicance.52
However, there are noteworthy features in the LXX rendering of the
section and, in line with my argumentation so far, the presence of the
phrase D S
F J in vv. 18, 20, and 23, could have provided an
eschatological frame of reference for the translation. But, as usual, any
such features must be taken cum grano salis. While the presence of
eschatological vocabulary and the deviating renderings are worthy of
note, the chapters special features are better explained as the resurfacing
of the translators tendencies at particularly difcult verses rather than as
an attempt to offer a harmonized or unied re-reading of the chapter. It
needs to be stressed that in all these cases the change is never arbitrary
or random, but always nds some kind of linguistic or formal justi-
cation from the Hebrew text, read in accordance with certain assumptions
and strategies.
7:9
# S -3 d-
&
# S -3 &
> %
a
$ $
& #
3 , /<
3
2
and the head of Ephraim is Samaria, and the head of Ephraim is Samaria,
and the head of Samaria is the son of and the head of Samaria is the son of
Remaliah; Remaliah;
if you do not trust then you will not and if you do not believe you will
be rm. not understand.
In the Hebrew text, the superimposition of the different heads has the
purpose of highlighting the failure of the hostile intent against Judah.
This announcement is connected with the divine promise of victory to
Ahaz, if the king remained steadfast in trust and obedience to the Lord.54
The LXX renders the opening of v. 8 with ,, instead of the more
predictable 0. Therefore, in the LXX, v. 8 is connected to v. 7, not by
giving the grounds for the failure of the wicked counsel against Judah,55
but as an adversative clause focusing on the upcoming depopulation of
the enemy kingdom of Ephraim.56 The insertion of in the last line of
v. 9 makes the injunction to believe and understand more explicitly
connected with the announcement of the future demise of Ephraim.
Rsel sees the rendering of 7:89 as indicating that the translator read
those verses as an enigmatic, eschatological mystery.57 He seeks to
support this afrmation primarily with the latter part of v. 9, where
& is rendered by and $ $ is rendered by 2.
Rsel draws attention to the fact that the verb (Hiphil) is normally
translated by ,58 and to the use of
in LXX Isaiah, which
can be negative (Israel is said not to understand in 1:3; 6:910; 59:15),
and positive, denoting supernatural insight from God (52:13, 15).59 He
points to the sense of supernatural or revelatory insight, which the term
In these verses the LXX attributes the obduracy of the people to their own
fault rather than to divine agency.66 Troxel afrms that the translator
65. For a full critique of Rsels argument, see Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 1013.
66. In 6:10, the Hebrew has a clear tripartite chiastic structure in which the
prophet is commanded to harden the hearts, and close the ears and eyes of the
people. The translation alters markedly the tenor of the verse primarily by the way it
renders the three Hiphil imperatives that form the core of the prophets charge.
1
90 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
rendered 7:9 in the light of this interpretation, which stresses the peoples
failure to understand Isaiahs message. The point of connection between
6:910 and 7:9 would be the prophets announcement to the king that
without faith he will not understand the enigmatic chain of names.67
Troxel seems to be on the right track in seeing a connection with the
use of
in 6:910. Even if the translator is not thinking speci-
cally of these verses when rendering 7:9, the (literal) use of
in
6:910 indicates that there is a correlation between the idea of under-
standing comprised in the verb
and the averting of divine wrath.
In this regard, one notes the use of (
in 6:10, directly connecting
Gods healing of the people with their understanding. This is especially
signicant as (
appears in the deviating rendering of 7:4 (which I
discussed in the previous chapter) in connection with the idea of the
short duration of Gods wrath.
In the light of my survey of the uses of
and
, and of these
examples in LXX Isaiah, we can see the correlation between both the
Hebrew and Greek terms and ideas of salvation and restoration. Yet there
is no need to understand the terms in any apocalyptic sense, as they
can simply refer to a right relationship with God described in terms of
religious devotion and insight.
is rendered by the aorist passive and ! by the combination of the third
person plural aorist active g with the adverb
in this case, the
Hebrew
was rendered by the dative construction : n# /). is
rendered by another third person plural aorist active (
). In this way, the
translator removes the producing of the obduracy from God and casts the respon-
sibility for it entirely on the people. Cf. C. A. Evans, To See and Not Perceive:
Isaiah 6.910 in Early Jewish and Christian Interpretation (JSOTSup 64; Shefeld:
Shefeld Academic, 1989), 6168. L. H. Brockington, The Hebrew Text of the Old
Testament: The Readings Adopted by the Translators of the New English Bible
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1973), presents the view that , !, and , could be
read, not as Hiphil imperatives, but as Hophal perfects. This is not a new suggestion,
however, and can be traced back to sixteenth-century commentators. For a survey
and critique of this view, see D. Barthlemy, Critique textuelle de lAncien Testa-
ment 2. Isae, Jrmie, Lamentations (OBO 50/2; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1986), 36.
1
67. Troxel, Isaiah 7,1416, 13.
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 91
I noted earlier how the rst half of 7:16 was considerably altered in the
LXX. The insertion of in 7:16b served a grammatical function of
uniting the two parts of the verse after the alteration. The syntactical
disjoining of vv. 16 and 17 is enhanced by the use of , in the begin-
ning of v. 17, which seems to distinguish the sign of d
and the
prediction of another divine intervention. Troxel argues that the days
which the Lord will bring are another crisis, distinguished by the syntac-
tical disjoining of these verses from the sign of Immanuel, and that this
sign is posited for the subsequent era of healing foreseen by verse 4.69
Lust sees v. 17 as having a positive twist, that is, the days which the
Lord is about to bring upon the people are not referring to a catastrophe,
The rendering of
by
J would have originated in the trans-
lators construal of the Hebrew form as third person feminine singular,
with
(fear) as subject. The LXX paints a very different picture
from that of the MT. While the Hebrew refers to the utter desolation of
the mountainswhich become so inhospitable as to cause fearthe LXX
envisages a future in which fear will be kept from the mountains because
of their restoration from their desolate state as wastelands to become
fertile pasturelands.
Of course, the rendering does not need to be seen as deliberately
against the grain of the Hebrew. First, we have seen that it nds justi-
cation in the (mis)reading of the Vorlage. Moreover, the plausible
positive interpretation of v. 20,72 together with the announcement of
salvation in v. 21, could easily suggest a positive reading of v. 25 to our
contextually sensitive translator.73
LXX Isa 7. There are some elements in the text that have been singled out
as signicant, but upon closer scrutiny they are indicative simply of
features in the translators reading strategies and translation technique.
An example is the addition of I in 7:18:76
# D S
F J
:
$
$ &
I
%
j(
" &
# D
J Y =F
m
And on that day Yahweh will whistle And on that day the Lord will whistle
for the y that is at the end of the for the ies that rules the district of
streams of Egypt, the river of Egypt,
and for the bee that is in the land of and for the bee that is in the country
Assyria. of the Assyrians.
Attempts at locating the source of the addition in the Vorlage are unfruit-
ful, as it was most likely prompted by the inference that the y was the
ruler of Egypt.77 Verse 18 describes the union of the superpowers Egypt
and Assyria, and through the insertion of the political level is
envisaged. Rsel is correct in highlighting this, but fails in his conclusion
that this is evidence of an actualizing rendering. Rather, while the
reference to ruling could perhaps have been inuenced by a reminiscence
of
(cf. 2 Kgs 1:23, 6, 16), the inference that the y was the
ruler of Egypt is simply a logical deduction to be drawn by any reader of
the Hebrew text, without any actualizing value.78
76. The plural rendering
(ies) for MT
nds no support in Hebrew
witnesses, and is especially noteworthy since the addition I , which
presumably is intended as a designator of the ies, is masculine and singular. Most
Lucianic witnesses read o (or ), which is most likely a
correction of the difcult original reading. The best explanation for the phenomenon
is given by Ottley, Isaiah, 2:145, who argues that the frequent Hebrew phenomenon
of looseness of agreement in gender may have affected the rendering, noting that
Hebraisms are sometimes found without warrant from the immediate original. Cf.
LXX Isa 1:21 and A. B. Davidson, Hebrew Syntax (2d ed.; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark,
1896), 112.
77. Ziegler, Untersuchungen, 62, suggested that prompted the rendering
through , or that the Vorlage could have contained
. The term
could also lie behind the use of , as in LXX Exod 15:9 and Jer 30(37):3. Cf.
Fischer, In welcher Schrift, 22.
78. Cf. Rsel, Jungfrauengeburt, 143. In the parallel clause, "
, and to the bee that is in the land of Assyria, the translator renders by Y
. The addition of the verb is necessary for the construction of the predicate
1
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 95
sentence in Greek. It is not clear why was supplied for
instead of
simply the verb to be. The simplest explanation is that the translator sought to
avoid the repetition of Greek terms. The rendering of the differing terms and
by words derived from the same root (+
/+) in 7:20 speaks against this
suggestion, but this choice of terms in 7:20 is very adequate to convey the meanings
of the Hebrew terms. The verb
is added again in 7:20.
79. The Hebrew
! (hired) is rendered by L
^ #
^
(great and drunken). The translator (or his Vorlage) could have read here either a
noun derived from
! (drunken [the
being misread as a
]), or a noun
!'
with
, constructed from the root !. Ottley, Isaiah, 2:146, calls the possible asso-
ciation of the roots ! and ! in 7:20 a curious coincidence and does not seem
to think this to be the case here. There is also a remarkable similarity, however,
between the Greek
^ (drunk) and
! (hired). The latter
term is attested by B, Aquila, and Theodotion (710), besides other witnesses.
Symmachus has $
$ )!
%
% >
m. Cf. Ltkemann and Rahlfs, Randnoten, 28689. The similarity between
both Greek and Hebrew terms makes this a specially difcult case. See 14:21 for a
similar situation. Both Ottley, Isaiah, 2:146, and Seeligmann, Isaiah, 11 n. 8, argue
that the reading of A (
^) is to be preferred. Ottley points out that the
converse misreading occurs at 28:1, 3, and believes that it was almost possible that
both readings may have existed originally and independently. That being the case, he
suggests that L
^ may have been inserted when
! was displaced,
from a sense that something was missing.
1
96 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
$.
$ &
I 0
L + *>
D
And it was reported to the house of And it was reported to the house of
David: David:
Aram rests upon Ephraim; Aram is in league with Ephraim;
and his heart was shaken and the and his soul was distraught and the
heart of his people, soul of his people,
as the trees of the forest shake before as when in the forest a tree is shaken
the wind. by the wind.
1
80. Rsel, Jungfrauengeburt, 143.
4. The Messianic Oracles (1): LXX Isaiah 7:1416 97
Seeing here a toning down of the threat, Rsel argues that this is an indi-
cation that the translator has in mind events of his own day, identifying
j
with the Seleucids (Syria) and d-
with the Jews who allied
themselves with the Seleucids. The main evidence adduced by Rsel that
is to be identied with the Seleucids is the rendering & in
9:11(12) and 17:3. The connection between d-
and apostate Jews is
established in 9:20(21); 17:3; 28:1, 3, and in Qumran (e.g. 4QpNah 1:12;
2:2, 8; 3:8; 4QpPs 37 2:18; CD 8:13).81 And yet, if the identication
between and the Seleucids were so certain, one would expect the
rendering & here. That the equivalence was employed elsewhere but
avoided here has more to say against Rsels thesis than for it. Also,
while there is evidence that Ephraim was used later to indicate apostate
Jews, this in itself does not prove that the LXX displays an actualizing
interpretation here, since we simply have a straightforward rendering of
the Vorlage.
Troxel has correctly refuted Rsels argument by noting that the
Hebrew and Greek versions refer to events in the days of the prophet
Isaiah, so that it would seem strained to read the events as merely pre-
guring events in the translators day, especially since the correlations
needed to do so are by no means explicitly signalled in the text.82
Perceiving any intention to update the prophecy or represent events of
the translators day is very difcult with the kind of evidence offered by
this chapter. As for the systematic toning down, I suggest that it can be
explained simply on linguistic grounds, in terms of the translators read-
ing and interpretative strategies.
There are different suggestions about the actual meaning of the
Hebrew
which could shed light on the LXX rendering. Seeligmann
sees in the translation of by -= the possibility that
was understood as a Niphal form of the hypothetical verb * (to
fraternize).83 Driver suggested, on the basis of the Arabic na
(lean
oneself upon), the meaning has inclined towards = become allied
with.84 Eissfeldt argued, on the basis of the Akkadian nu in the
inscription on the stele of Idrimi of Alalakh, become reconciled, enter
into a treaty agreement.85 The Peshitta has ~ (bind oneself/make
Lust argues that the systematic toning down of the threat in ch. 7 is
reinforced by 7:13 because the MT my God would imply that the God
in question cannot be said to be Ahazs God, whereas the LXX omits the
pronoun and does not give this impression. He also argues that the
translator tones down the Isaianic indictment against Ahaz, by rendering
(which Lust translates as taunt) with
,) (which he
translates as doing battle or entering into competition).92 For Lust,
the framing of the last sentence in the verse with ) (how) reinforces
this idea, as the possibility of such a battle is called into question rather
than rejected.93
With regard to the rendering of by
,), Rsel takes
much further than Lust the idea that the LXX steers the text in a more
positive direction, and argues that in the LXX Ahazs action is portrayed
as a positive act of compliance with Deut 6:16. Rsel seeks to sub-
stantiate his claim by pointing out that the term ,=, which in the LXX
has the basic sense of struggle, contest, had in Hellenistic Jewish lit-
erature the connotation of a virtuous struggle against the love of the
world (cf. Esth 4:17; Wis 4:2; 10:12). Noting that the translator renders
accurately elsewhere (cf. Isa 1:14; 16:12; 47:13), Rsel afrms that
in 7:3 the Greek term is employed with an intentionally positive conno-
tation, following the examples in the Maccabean literature where ,= is
also used positively for the struggle in defense of true religion.94
According to Rsels typological reading of the chapter, the rst part
of the verse relates to the people who were at war with the Seleucids.
The second part deals with the rejected offer of a sign. As Ahaz argued
with God, he engaged in a worthy struggle with him. Therefore the Lord
(as a reward) decides to give him a sign: the birth of a Saviour (vv. 14
17). It would thus be clear that the offer of a sign in v. 11 was not seen as
a trial of faith but as a temptation, rather like Matt 4:111, with its
similarities to LXX Isa 7:12.95
However, it is difcult to see how Ahaz could be portrayed in such
a positive light. Not only is his portrayal in the Hebrew Bible very
negative, but there is also no evidence of any positive Jewish tradition
concerning him (cf., e.g., b. Ber. 10b; Pesa. 56a; 119a; Sanh. 96a; 103b,
the latter text interpreting Isa 8:16 as an indictment against Ahazs
wicked attitude towards the Torah; and b. Sanh. 104a, which has an
explicit reference to the narrative of Isa 7, stressing that Ahaz was
ashamed of the prophet).
It is much more likely that the idea of wearying God was objection-
able to the LXX translator, who opted for a term that was less likely to
sound unorthodox. This would be in line with a tendency repeatedly
displayed in LXX Isaiah, to make minor alterations in texts referring to
God, with the purpose of safeguarding his character or removing
elements that could be seen as theologically problematicas I noted in
Chapter 2, in connection with the rendering of 8:14.
Examples of this tendency for theologically ameliorative alterations
are also found in ch. 6.96 In 6:2, for instance, the rendering of the Hebrew
by the Greek ! probably serves the purpose of avoiding the
notion that the angels could be above God. Isaiah 6:8 is, overall, a very
literal translation, apart from the rendering of
by > > >
%. It is conceivable that the translator read
for
.97 Most
probably, however, he was at the same time inuenced by in the
next verse, and by a desire to safeguard monotheism.98
3. Summary
In spite of a few noteworthy features in the overall context of LXX Isa 7,
Troxel is probably correct in arguing that there is insufcient evidence
to conclude that this passage, as a whole, envisions an eschatological
age.99 In this connection, I suggest that the rendering of LXX Isa 7:1416
does not give sufciently strong evidence of a conscious, systematic
messianic reading of the passage.
100. That the messiah does not necessarily need to be a Davidic gure has been
argued by H. Lichtenberger, Messianic Expectations and Messianic Figures During
the Second Temple Period, in Qumran-Messianism (ed. J. H. Charlesworth et al.;
Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998), 920.
1
Chapter 5
derived from LXX Isaiah.5 Lust sees in the LXX rendering an attempt at
downplaying the messianic character of the oracle. He argues that
through the insertion of messenger, with the obliteration of the divine
titles of the child, the emphasis is taken away from the child and put on
the Lord.6 Lust suggests that the insertion was made in order to avoid any
indication that the child might be divine, and in the process the names
that follow thus no longer apply to the human crown prince and expected
saviour, but rather to the God of whom he is the messenger. Seeing this
in connection with the view that God is the one bringing peace and
health upon his messenger, Lust concludes that a messianic reading of
the oracle becomes less plausible in the Greek text in which the reader
is directed to God and his intervention on behalf of the people.7
Several observations are in order. First, if Lust is correct in arguing
that the rendering of 9:5(6) seeks to stress the activity of the Lord over
that of his messenger or angel, this is to be seen in connection with
the translators technique, in particular, his tendency to stress divine
primacy. This is visible in 1:18, where the rendering of
!
(they shall be white as snow) by O b (I shall make
[them] white as snow) and of
! (they shall be like wool) by
O ' b (I shall make [them] white as wool) makes explicit
that the Lord himself is responsible for the purication of the sins of the
people. A more signicant example is 6:6, where we have the rendering
of
by the passive ,. Here the translator avoids the idea of
an active initiative of the angel and puts the stress on the activity of God,
who sends the angel.8 I have also pointed earlier to examples where the
translator seeks to avoid renderings that could be theologically prob-
lematic, such as 6:910; 7:11, and 8:14.
If a messianic gure is, by denition, a mediator, then it would not be
surprising that the translator attempted to afrm the distinction between
this gure and the Lord, safeguarding his monotheistic views, without
5. Cf. J. E. Fossum, The Name of God and the Angel of the Lord (WUNT 36;
Tbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1985), 318; D. D. Hannah, Michael and Christ: Michael
Traditions and Angel Christology in Early Christianity (WUNT 2/109; Tbingen:
Mohr Siebeck, 1999), 20912.
6. J. Lust, Messianism in the Septuagint: Isaiah 8:23b9:6 (9:17), in The
Interpretation of the Bible (ed. J. Kraovec; JSOTSup 289; Shefeld: Shefeld
Academic, 1998), 14763 (160), repr. in Messianism and the Septuagint, 15370.
Lust also suggests that, while the title ? might perhaps be apocalyptic in
nature, it does not seem to be messianic.
7. Ibid., 218.
8. In this regard, one is reminded of Philos observations on the transcendental
nature of God and the need to employ angels as mediators to full his work, in Conf.
169, 18082; Fug. 67, all referring to Gen 48:15.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 105
For a child was born to us, For a child was born to us,
a son was given to us, a son was given to us,
and the dominion shall be upon his on whose shoulder the rule came;
shoulder;
and one will call his name, and his name is called
Wonderful Counsellor, Mighty God, Messenger of Great Counsel;
Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace. For I will bring peace to the rulers,
peace and health to him.
9:6(7)
"
$ $
* $ 11
S ,3 /%, # 2
( /% /
$
0
(!
# > Z
&
! # 3 /%
#. ) /3 #
,
/2
( $ J #
& (
,> % % # ( > ()
1 92
%
To the increase of his dominion and Great is his rule and to his peace
of peace there shall be no end; there is no border;
upon the throne of David, upon the throne of David,
and upon his kingdom, and his kingdom,
to establish and to uphold it to establish it and to sustain it
with justice and with righteousness, in righteousness and in judgment,
from henceforth and unto eternity. from now and until the eternal age.
The zeal of the Lord of Hosts will The zeal of the Lord Sabaoth will do
do this. these things.
construct chain, so that the whole clause was read as The angel of the
counsel of the great God.14 An attempt to avoid mention of God would
then explain the Greek rendering.
While this is a possibility, a more likely option is that ? repre-
sents , as in Job 20:15.15 The translator could have understood in an
angelic sense,16 or may have had problems with the name Mighty God
being applied to a human being,17 and so eschewed the use of the divine
title.
While the representation of "
by does not occur elsewhere in
LXX Isaiah,18 it is attested in Mic 4:9 and Prov 11:14. The terms and
would have been absorbed in the Greek rendering, in keeping
with the paraphrastic tendencies of the translator that we encountered
earlier.
The question is, however, what the rendering might have meant for the
translator. Both Seeligmann and Hanhart see the great counsel as
correlated to the ancient counsel ( ,) of LXX Isa 25:1 and
suggest that the rendering here supports a comparison with Jer 32(39):19,
where the MT says of the Lord
(Great in
counsel and mighty in deed), for which the LXX has
2 # > : (the Lord of great counsel and power-
ful in [his] works). On this basis, they offer the interpretation: the
Delegate who carries out the Divine Dispensation of the age-old plan,19
an angelic gure could perhaps be established on the basis of the narrative of the
birth announcement of Samson in Judges. The form appears in the difcult
Hebrew text of Judg 13:19. It is possible that a reader could connect the obscure
occurrence of to the mysterious angelic gure who announces the birth of
Samson. The angel himself states in 13:18 that his name is
(wonderful). The
LXX A text interprets as connected to the Lord and renders it by
,
while the B text understands the term etymologically in the sense of separate and
uses
.
14.
is often explained as having been left untranslated. Cf. Van der Kooij,
Theologie, 17.
15. Cf. ibid., 17.
16. Hanhart, Die Septuaginta als Interpretation, 335.
17. Cf. Gray, Isaiah IXXVII, 173. The sense of with reference to a divine or
angelic assembly is well established by examples from the Hebrew Bible and
Qumran in DCH 1:25354.
18. We nd the rendering
in LXX Isa 1:26 and 19:11, and
>
in 3:3, which is a standard LXX equivalence. The verb "
is rendered by
in 40:14 and by
in all other instances (cf. 7:5; 14:24; 19:12;
23:8; 32:7, 8). This is also in accordance with general LXX usage. It is also worth
pointing out that in the LXX "
is rendered by a great variety of equivalents.
1
19. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 11819.
108 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
1.2.1. The ? as Priestly Figure. In the light of the overall context
of the oracle, van der Kooij argues for the Davidic nature of the messi-
anic gure envisaged in 9:5(6). Yet he also suggests that the rendering
2 ? gives him a priestly character.
He points to the prophecy against Shebna in Isa 25:1519, noting that
while the MT of Isa 36:3 presents Shebna as a high-ranking ofcer in the
kings court, the LXX understands him to be a high-priestly gure.23 This
is because in LXX Isa 22:15, Shebna is addressed from the -
(a temple room; cf. LXX Jer 42[35]:4; 1 Chr 9:26; 23:28), and is called a
, which, according to van der Kooij, means the Temple treasurer.24
The LXX also describes Shebna as wearing a
- + (the
20. Hanhart, Die Septuaginta als Interpretation, 345: Der Bote, der beauftragt
ist, den uralten Ratschlu Gottes auszufhren.
21. Schaper, Messianic Intertextuality, 373.
22. Van der Kooij, Theologie, 1718.
23. A. van der Kooij, Wie heit der Messias? Zu Jes 9,5 in den alten griechisen
Versionen, in Vergegenwrtigung des Alten Testaments: Beitrge zur biblischen
Hermeneutik. Festschrift fr Rudolf Smend zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. C. Bultmann et
al.; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002), 15669 (16061).
24. Ibid., 161. He shows that in 36:3 the translation is different, describing
Shebna as (
.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 109
More signicantly, even if van der Kooij is correct with regard to the
presence of priestly ideology in LXX Isa 22, connecting this evidence
with the rendering of LXX Isa 9:5(6) still requires a leap. In this regard,
one notes that although the characterization of the child as a
2 ? can indicate that he has a revelatory role, evidence of
application of the term ? with reference to a priest is scarce, and a
connection between and priestly instruction can normally be made
only in an indirect manner.29 This view could be strengthened if an
allusion to the priesthood is found in LXX Isa 1:1, but, as we shall see (cf.
Chapter 6, section 1.2), the indications there are also scarce and oblique.
This last point leads us to another suggestion made by van der Kooij.
He sees a connection between the messianic portrait of LXX Isa 9:5(6)
and the Teacher of Righteousness of the Qumran texts. Van der Kooijs
identication is achieved by correlating the knowledge of the Lords
in LXX Isaiah with the Teachers insight into the revealed words
of the Prophets (1QpHab 7:45) and arguing that both are possessed with
supernatural, eschatological wisdom.30
Priest in Sirach 50: An Exegetical Study of the Signicance of Simon the High Priest
as Climax to the Praise of the Fathers in Ben Siras Concept of the History of Israel
(JSJSup 78; Leiden: Brill, 2003), 337. The question of the historical identity of
Simon is also complex. The option of Simon II has been preferred. This hypothe-
sis was recently challenged by J. C. VanderKam, From Joshua to Caiaphas: High
Priests after the Exile (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2004), 13757, who argues, following
Josephus, for Simon I. Cf. Mulder, Simon, 34552, for a defense of the traditional
view. The important thing, however, is to note the association between Simon and
the Davidic covenant. It is also important to note his de facto quasi-royal status. The
high priest Simon is described in Sir 50 as exercising great authority beyond strictly
priestly functions, in spite of the contrary arguments of D. W. Rooke, Zadoks Heirs:
The Role and Development of the High Priesthood in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2000). At the same time, it is possible that the Greek form of Sir
50, with the omission of any mention of Simon and the covenant with Phinehas
downplays the image of Simon because of polemics at the time of the translator
against the priesthood, which could no longer be seen as belonging to the covenant
with Phinehas. For an analysis of the differences between the Hebrew and Greek
versions of Sir 50, see M. Brutti, The Development of the High Priesthood during
the Pre-Hasmonean Period (JSJSup 108; Leiden: Brill, 2004), 2014.
29. A signicant exception is T. Levi 4:26, especially as v. 3 states that Levi
will kindle in Jacob the light of knowledge (-: -) =). Verse 5
complements that picture by stating:
3 # %
$ (counsel and understanding have been given to you so that you
might instruct your sons).
1
30. Van der Kooij, Theologie, 19.
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 111
quality of the High Priesthood and the continuum of the covenant with
Phinehas (45:24d; 50:1a, 24).35
In trying to ascertain a possible connection between the ? and
the Teacher of Righteousness, another signicant question is whether the
Teacher was perceived as an eschatological gure. CD 5:206:11 states
that the teachings of the interpreter of the Law are valid until there
appears the one who will teach righteousness at the end of days. Some
have argued that this one is the same as the historical Teacher of Right-
eousness.36 Knibb opposes this idea and suggests that the one is to be
taken as a messianic gure, one whose role as a teacher would be the
counterpart to that of the historical Teacher of Righteousness (identied
with the interpreter of the law of CD 1). Knibb sees this messianic
gure as priestly and suggests that it could be the Messiah of Aaron.37
This discussion is complex and does not need to be resolved here. It
sufces to note with Collins that the expectations of the Dead Sea sect
were inconsistent and that the prophet and eschatological priest may not
always have been clearly distinguished.38 Another important feature of
the eschatology of the Scrolls that is highlighted by Collins is that it has
a restorative aspect and involves the fullment and perfection of the
institutions of past and present. In particular, Collins refers to the ofces
of king, high priest, and teacher, with thin dividing walls between their
past, present, and future dimensions.39
As is well known, the relationship between high priesthood and
kingship underwent a complex development in post-exilic Israel.40 The
41. A. Hultgrd, The Ideal Levite, the Davidic Messiah, and the Saviour Priest
in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism:
Proles and Paradigms (ed. J. J. Collins and G. W. E. Nickelsburg; SCS 12; Chico:
Scholars Press, 1980), 93110 (93).
42. D. W. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums in Spthellenistischen Zeitalter
(Tbingen: Mohr, 1926).
43. Horbury, Jewish Messianism, 8990. He suggests that the concept of a pre-
existent messiah would have been engendered by texts such as Isa 9:5(6) and Mic
5:1(2), and would be visible in the gures depicted in the Parables of Enoch, 4 Ezra
(2 Esdras), and the Fifth Sibylline Oracle.
44. Ibid., 8687. To this one might add the instances in which human biblical
gures were depicted as angels, on which see J. H. Charlesworth, The Portrayal of
1
114 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
Several verbal parallels are worthy of note. The reference to eternal light
(
) and joy () are reminiscent of Isa 9:12(23), while the use of
in connection with the angel and the association of Michael and
the
reect elements akin to those in our passage. However, the most
signicant feature of the section is the presence of the formula
!
(peace and blessing for the lot of God). Syntactically,
it appears somewhat detached from the structure of the verse and reads
like an insertion, much as the addition to LXX Isa 9:5(6). The wording of
the formula is also reminiscent of the LXX addition, although two points
need to be taken into account. First, the LXX never connects * with
!. Again, the peace and blessing in 1QM are applied to the lot of
God and not to the individual angel.57 On this last issue, however, it is
worth noting that some witnesses actually have a plural reading /)
instead of the singular /)!.58 Of course, matters are complicated when
we note that the plural reading is in the genitive and not in the dative.
It may be too far-fetched to suggest a literary dependence involving
1QM and LXX Isaiah. However, it is possible that at least the ideas
reected in the War Scroll represent the same ideological thought-world
as that expressed by the Isaiah translator. In particular, we may think of
the signicance accorded to an angelic gure in relation to messianic
liberation.
While 1QM can be described, in a broad sense, as eschatological, it
does not make any explicit mention of a single, prominent, messianic
gure.59 However, regardless of whether his identication as the Prince
of Light holds, Michael not only occupies a special role in the text but is
also a prominent gure in other early Jewish sources.60 With Michaels
importance in mind, we may return to the question of correlation between
angelic activity and messianic expectation. While the messianic out-
look of 1QM is very difcult to reconstruct,61 Hannah is probably correct
in arguing that, as Michaels victory correlates with messianic victory, he
appears to have been held to be the heavenly counterpart to the earthly
Messiahs.62
I am not here suggesting that the translator of LXX Isaiah was speci-
cally thinking of Michael when rendering 9:5(6). My point is that, if
there was a widespread concept of a correlation between angelic activity
and messianic deliverance, it would not be surprising to nd traces of
this inserted into the translation at the prompt of linguistic elements in
the Hebrew, even if that implies a degree of atomization in the trans-
lators approach. That the translator had an angelic being in mind is
much more likely in view of the terminology of the Hebrew text before
him. The Greek wording itself also ts this suggestion better, since it is
not simply a question of the use of ?, but also of the expression
2. While we nd no literary parallels of angels being
credited with announcing the great counsel of God, angels are often
assigned a revelatory function. In this regard, it is noteworthy that the
Angel of the Presence reveals secret mysteries in Jub 2:1,63 and that in
4Q400 2:1 the Glory of God is referred to as
(a wonder
among the elim of knowledge). Throughout lines 19, the glory and
knowledge of God are praised in connection with those of the elim, who
are, presumably, angelic beings.64
The wording of Isa 9:5(6) could therefore very reasonably have evoked
ideas involving angelic gures, and these ideas could be correlated with
the expectation of a Davidic messiah, thus shaping the rendering as it
stands. The possible Davidic elements in the remainder of the trans-
lation are dealt with in the following section of this chapter.
A serious objection that can be raised to the view that the ? of
LXX Isa 9:5(6) is an angelic gure is obviously the reference to his birth
(a child was born to us). On the other hand, as stated previously, the
connection of ? with the Hebrew does not sit comfortably with
the view that a human high priest is being envisaged by the translator,
especially in the light of a text such as Job 20:15. Perhaps the idea of
correlation outlined above is also helpful here, as it would enable us to
make sense of what appears to be the coexistence of inconsistent messi-
anic concepts.
Ultimately, it is very difcult to decide. While my analysis tends to
point in the direction of the view that the ? was understood as an
angelic gure, van der Kooijs proposal for a high priestly gure also has
convincing elements. The difculty in reaching a conclusion at this point
serves as an illustration of how our statements about messianic concep-
tions in LXX Isaiah often need to be tentative and highly conjectural.
63. That Michael was counted among the Angels of the Presence can be estab-
lished on the basis of texts such as 1 En. 40. For a discussion of the importance of
Michael as revealer of knowledge, mysteries, and law in early Judaism, see Fossum,
The Name of God, 25766; Hannah, Michael and Christ, 4748. A good general
survey of representations of Michael in early Jewish literature is found in C. A.
Gieschen, Angelomorphic Christology: Antecedents and Early Evidence (AGAJU
42; Leiden: Brill, 1998), 12631.
64. Cf. B. G. Wold, Women, Men and Angels (WUNT 2/201; Tbingen: Mohr
Siebeck, 2005), 17476.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 119
65. ,
in 2:7 is a hapax equivalent in the LXX. appears in Isa 7:3,
where the difcult phrase involving the term is left completely untranslated, and
again in 48:20; 49:6, and 63:11, in the crystallized phrase " , where the
consistent equivalent 2 2 is used. is normally translated as
(Symmachus and Theodotion use it here, according to manuscript 710). In
geographical references, it is common to nd
(borders); see, e.g., Josh 3:8;
13:27; Jer 25:31. When referring to the end, or tip of objects, such as staffs or
sceptres, it is common to nd ?; see, e.g., Judg. 6:21; 1 Sam. 14:27. Seelig-
mann, Isaiah, 49, demonstrates in connection with 41:9 that the original meaning of
had almost vanished from the translators conscious knowledge.
66. Munnich, Le messianisme, 344. The Targum presents a non-territorial
formulation: Great pride will belong to those who perform the law, and for those
who keep peace there will be no end, upon the throne of David and upon his
kingdom, to establish it and to build it with judgement and with virtue from this time
forth and foreverfollowing Chilton, The Isaiah Targum, 21.
67. A territorial conception of the messianic kingdom is found in Ps 72(71):8
with a reference to the kingdom extending "
(from
sea to sea, and from the River to the ends of the earth). This is rendered in the LXX
by ,> # ,>
% ' 2 (
(from sea to sea and from a river until the limits of the commonwealth).
68. One notes, for instance, the observation of Horbury, Jewish Messianism, 90,
that the messianic picture would be strengthened in the association of the child with
the -)
(great light) in 9:1(2).
1
120 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
The Hebrew of the verse is markedly difcult and this has created the
conditions for many of the exegetical manoeuvres of the translator.70 As
is well known, the perfect tense of the verbs and
! gives rise
to discussion. The traditional interpretation of the second verb as a
prophetic perfect71 has been challenged on the grounds that it is
unlikely that the same tenses would have such divergent connotations
in such a conned context. Assigning a preterite interpretation to both
69. Hanhart, Die Septuaginta als Interpretation. See also Horbury, Jewish
Messianism, 90.
70. For a full discussion of the difculties in the Hebrew text, see J. A. Emerton,
Some Linguistic and Historical Problems in Isaiah VIII.23, JSS 14 (1969): 15175.
71. For a more precise denition of the prophetic perfect, see G. L. Klein, The
Prophetic Perfect, JNSL 16 (1990): 4560. For a nuanced critique of the concept,
see M. Rogland, Alleged Non-Past Uses of the Qatal in Classical Hebrew (SSN 44;
Assen: Van Gorcum, 2003), 53114.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 121
and thus indicates an attempt to continue with the imperativizing
thrust present in the Greek rendering of the oracle. In the same context,
translating the perfect form of the verb with the future active reects
the prophetic understanding of the oracle, but it is also intended as a
reinforcement of the imperative: it provides a reason to look and see.
This would indicate that the work which the recipients are commanded to
perform could be construed as seeing the great light.80 Moreover, the
imperative reading of
(G) occurs near a cluster of imperatives,
and the syntactical structure of the verse becomes awkward if is
understood as an indicative. In this latter reading the two occurrences of
have to become attached to the imperative G in the following
verse, thus leaving the opening statement in isolation. The imperative
understanding of is therefore to be preferred, so that the oracle
opens with a call to the land to perform the task of seeing the great light
to come. But which land does the translator have in mind?
The rendering of the geographical regions in 8:23b(9:1) is a primary
indication that, whatever the original historical situation alluded to in the
Hebrew, the translator clearly has his own historical setting in mind
when interpreting the text. First, there is the apparent double translation
of
by 1> , together with # # 3
%. It is difcult to determine whether these two
renderings originally stood alone and were subsequently connected in the
course of the texts transmission, or whether they were a double transla-
tion in the original LXX Isaiah.
Some witnesses have only the literal rendering 1> , as in
the quotation in Matt 4:16, and in the Origenic and Lucianic recensions.
All these witnesses give indication of attempting to bring the Greek into
conformity with the Hebrew, so they could simply have deleted or
replaced # 3 %. Conversely, this latter
reading stands alone in other witnesses. It is interesting to note that 1>
is lacking in Codex Vaticanus and Codex Sinaiticus, although
in the latter case it appears in a marginal note.81 One also notes that the
accusative form of 1 is somewhat problematic, as a nominative would
be the most likely choice for the rendering of in this context.
The rendering of
as v ) ) ts the trans-
lators practice, pace Lust, who nds the reading slightly puzzling. His
problem with the rendering comes from noticing that in 1 Macc 5:15 the
Greek expression for Hellenized/heathen Galilee is v ,--
. He argues that the Isaiah rendering is probably to be explained
on the basis of Joel 4:3, where it is used to render
(the
regions of Philistia), bearing in mind that in Hellenistic times the term
Philistine was used as another word for a Hellenized Jew.89 However,
there is no reason why the reading in 1 Macc 5:15 should pose a problem
for the reading of LXX Isa 8:23(9:1). Both v ) ) and
v ,- could be current interchangeable designations for
a Hellenized Galilee.
2 ; is the clearest actualizing element in the verse.
It is an addition with no support from the Hebrew, and seems to be
intended as a summary statement encompassing all the geographical
regions mentioned. This is very signicant. In the Hebrew, the oracle is
primarily directed to the northern regions of Palestine. The addition not
only transports the oracle to the south,90 but it seems to imply that the
district of Judea encompasses the regions envisaged in the oracle and is
the land called upon to see the saving light of the liberating Messiah. If
this suggestion is correct, there are signicant implications related both
to the question of the connection between LXX Isaiah and Maccabean
ideology and to the question of the Palestinian element in LXX Isaiah.
the north and northeast, rst of all in Galilee (1 Macc 5:923), would
correspond to = t, S 2 u-
1> . The
simultaneous advance of Judas and Jonathan to Gilead (1 Macc 5:954),
together with the previous push toward Idumea and Ammon (1 Macc
5:15; 2 Macc 10:1423) would be identied with
% ;.
The progressive push against the Seleucids in Judea itself (2 Macc
10:2438; 11:15) and the march of Judas against the Philistine cities
(1 Macc 5:6568) would then be represented by
2 ;.
Hanharts parallels are certainly noteworthy, but they should be treated
with caution. Apart from the addition at the end of the verse and the
possibly deviant rendering of
, the other geographical regions
appear as very close renditions of the geographical names, as they will
have appeared in the Vorlage of the translator. When such is the case, it
is certainly more difcult to substantiate claims about peculiarities in the
translators exegesis.
Nevertheless, a connection between LXX Isaiah and historical events
of the Maccabean period is apparent throughout the translation and has
been noted earlier by Seeligmann. A starting point for his argument is the
rendering of 11:14 (see Chapter 6, below) and its reference to the ships
of the ,- (LXX code for Philistines). Observing also LXX 1 Sam
5:6, Seeligmann states that the notion of Philistine ships was a familiar
and contemporary one and reects the period when the Maccabees sub-
jected the coastal lines to their dominion (1 Macc 10:7489; 11:6162).
Seeligmann also thinks that LXX Isa 10:56 alludes to Maccabean con-
quests, and that 23:1112 refers to the anti-Jewish movement in the
Phoenician cities during the time of the Maccabean wars.92
Connections could also exist not simply on the level of historical ref-
erences but of underlying ideological concepts. These are, however,
much more difcult to ascertain. For instance, the reference in texts such
as 1 Macc 2:44 to the sinners (@
) and lawless men
(? ,
) bears interesting similarities to the vocabulary of
LXX Isaiah, but is not especially signicant and was probably shared
by Jewish groups across the board.
A further issue concerns Davidic messianic expectation. Hanhart
sees a parallel between belief in the eternality of the Davidic kingship in
LXX Isa 9:5(6) and Maccabean ideology. He thinks specically of
92. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 8691. Seeligmann argues that the translator envisions
not only events pertaining to Maccabean history, but in some cases also has in mind
events related to the territories bordering Palestine (e.g. the reference to Arabs in
the rendering of 15:7) and the broader international scene (Egypt in 20:45; 22:5;
and Carthage in ch. 23).
1
126 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
this temple (e.g. 19:18), and the insertion of : in LXX Isa 40:2,
which seems to highlight the role of priests.98
There is some confusion as to whether the Onias credited with the
founding of the Leontopolis temple is Onias III or IV.99 This question
does not need to be solved here, as what really matters is that, regardless
of who precisely is the Onias we are dealing with, the Oniad Dynasty
exerted signicant inuence in Egypt,100 and the circles connected with it
could be classed as decidedly anti-Hasmonean.
A connection between the translator and the Oniads would t well
with renderings such as that of 8:1116, which espouses a negative per-
ception of the leaders of Jerusalem. However, how is it possible to
explain the renderings which indicate a positive perception of the
Maccabean campaigns? The simplest way forward is to see a connection
with the circles behind 2 Maccabees. While 1 Maccabees is charac-
terized by a staunch pro-Hasmonean stance, 2 Maccabees presents a
much more nuanced picture.101 A signicant indication in this direction is
the contrast between the complete ignoring of Onias III in 1 Maccabees
and his prominent place in 2 Maccabees.102 As Seeligmann had already
noted, 2 Maccabees, or the work of Jason of Cyrene which is represented
in it, incorporated the Oniad ideology which claimed the legitimacy of
the dynasty and gloried Onias III.103
104. Goldstein, How the Authors, 82, argues that the fundamental message
of 2 Maccabees is that the temple of Jerusalem was still Gods Chosen Place, so
that the Jews of Egypt were sinning in accepting or even tolerating the temple in
Leontopolis, and that the author sought to glorify unconditionally the priests,
princes and kings of the Hasmonean Dynasty.
105. Seeligmann, Isaiah, 9293. Seeligmann suggests that the author/redactor
of 2 Maccabees deliberately omitted the details of Onias ight to Egypt and the
establishment of the sanctuary in Heliopolis for this reason.
106. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 7879. Cf. Hengel, Judaism and
Hellenism, 1:97.
107. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 8384.
108. Ibid., 7177, argues successfully that Onias did not intend his temple to
rival the one in Jerusalem. The ties between Oniass descendants and the Hasmone-
ans would be indicated by the bond between Ananias (Oniass son) and Alexander
Jannaeus (cf. Ant. 13.13.2 354), and there is evidence in early Judaism for a high
degree of tolerance for the Leontopolis temple. Collins also suggests that the evi-
dence from the Tale of the Tobiads indicates that Onias III would have been on good
terms with the Tobiad temple, giving further indication of a self-serving but not
schismatic motivation in the building of the temple by Onias IV. The animosity
would be against the Hasmonean priesthood, but not against the Jerusalem temple.
To be sure, one needs to be aware of the potential pitfalls in using the Tale of the
Tobiads as a historical source, as demonstrated by D. Gera, Judaea and Mediterra-
nean Politics 219 to 161 B.C.E. (BSJS 8; Leiden: Brill, 1998), 3658. However,
Collinss argument is overall very solid.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 129
109. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 8081. The central theme of
2 Maccabees has been helpfully summarized by Doran, Temple Propaganda, 114:
It is primarily temple propagandathe defense of the temple and its surroundings
by the patron deity. But religion reects and inuences the political and the social.
By downplaying the heroism of the Maccabean family, by upgrading the role of
pious observers of the Law, and by placing God as the truly decisive actor in the
divine drama, the author provides his readers with the proper religious perspective
from which they can assess their present leaders.
110. Hanhart, Die Septuaginta als Interpretation, 33839.
111. The LXX seems to follow the Qere reading,
. The question of Kethib/Qere
should be briey addressed here. There is the well-known proposal, usually associated
1
130 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
It is clear that the rst part of 9:2(3), > : % % 0
/-! , corresponds to the Hebrew
, but only through a series of particular exegetical manoeuvres.
Two emendations have been proposed to explain the LXX reading.
First, to explain the choice of > : to represent the verb
, it
has been suggested that the translator read
for
.112 Secondly,
it has been argued that 0 reects a reading of for MT
(cf. Hos 11:3).113 Although , is used in the LXX with a wide
variety of Hebrew equivalents,114 a much simpler possibility is that the
translator read
for . This reading could have prompted
changes in nuance. The verb /- corresponds to the Hebrew
its future tense highlighting the prophetic character that the oracle
has for the translator, tting in with a translational tendency to which I
have already pointed. Further transformations are found in 9:3(4):
0 )
,- 1 9> 1
/)
! $ $
# S \ S # %
/)
$ # $ 3 \ ) ,
(
O D S
F D # s
For the yoke of his burden Because the yoke lying on them will
be removed,
and the staff of his shoulder, and the sceptre that is upon their neck,
the sceptre of the oppressor, for the sceptre of the tax-collectors
you have shattered (it), the Lord has scattered,
as in the day of Midian. as in the day that was upon Midian.
Whereas in the Hebrew there is a rhetorical appeal to the memories of the people and
their own historical experiences of victory in war (their own dividing of the spoil),
the Greek reads more like a general statement of comparison: they shall rejoice in
the manner of any who divide the spoil.
119. The LXX certainly witnesses against Wattss translation of
! as if.
Although this is a grammatical possibility, it disregards the prophetic character of
the passage and allows for a shift from understanding the passage as sure prediction
to wishful thinking or, to put it in the authors own terms, as an attempt to
assemble from the resources of faith and doctrine words to bolster hope. Watts,
Isaiah 133, 135.
120. Lust, Messianism, 157, argues that a liking for the earlier period of the
Judges is a particularly Isaianic trait. This is clearly seen in the reference to Midian,
and is enforced by the mention of Zebulun and Naphthali together, which were the
only faithful tribes during the days of the Judges (Judg 4:10), and which are only
mentioned together in Judg 5:18. Here he follows Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 370.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 133
In the LXX the different tenses of the verbs as well as the diverging
syntactical structure cause a transformation in meaning. The accusatives
paired in the MT become subjects in a passive sentence in the LXX
(1 9> 1 Q /)
for
and S \ S # %
/) for
! #).121 The verb in this new structure is
,-
, which is without an equivalent in the Hebrew.122 ,-
is a
very versatile term in the LXX, attested with approximately 35 different
Hebrew equivalents. In LXX Isaiah, it often renders
(Qal or Hiphil).123
In most of these a future form is used. In some, the futuristic element is
added in spite of the original (cf. esp. 3:1). The basic sense is that of
removing. In LXX Isaiah it denitely carries the connotation of the
removal or purging of the wicked, particularly the foreign oppressors of
the Jewish people. In LXX Isa 1:25, which I discussed earlier, we nd an
explicit reference to the divine removal of the lawless onespresuma-
bly Gentile oppressorsfrom the midst of the people.124
Continuing the syntactical transformation of the verse, the epexege-
tical # is dissociated from the previous pair and stands in its own
right as the accusative of the next clause, in which the subject, the Lord,
is explicitly stated. To t this new syntactical structure, the person of the
verb has been changed from second to third (
). This is
the only instance in the LXX where 9 (to scatter abroad) is
equivalent to (Hiphil). Most commonly, the verb (or its by-form
) is an equivalent of (split, divide) or .125
The verb occurs again in LXX Isa 9:10(11), this time as an equivalent
of !. The MTs reading,
!
(And Yahweh raises the adversaries of Rezin against him, and
stirs up his enemies), is rendered by # \+ 1 > $ -
P & /$ # $ $
(And God shall strike those who rise against Mount Zion against them,
and shall scatter the[ir] enemies).126 Here a contemporizing adaptation
of the verse contains a reference to the enemies of Mount Zion, who will
be destroyed and dispersed by God. These enemies are identied in the
following verse (9:11[12]). While the MT clearly speaks of the distress of
the Israelite kingdom between Aram/Damascus in the northeast and the
Philistines in the southwest, the LXX replaces the Hebrew terms with
& and y. Seeligmann considers this all the more remarkable
since , in a similar context, is rendered everywhere else by j
,
and
' is only here rendered as y. He argues that the trans-
lator is referring to the hostility of the Greek cities on the west coast
towards the Jewish population of Palestine, and that & would here
be the name for the realm of the Seleucids, as elsewhere.127
So 9 is a verb that in LXX Isaiah has the connotation of
liberation from a foreign adversary or oppressor. In this case it is note-
worthy that the object of the verb is 3 \ ) , (for
#).128 The use of , (exactors, tax-collectors) is
connected with the following verse and is reminiscent of 3:12, where
(women rule over them) is rendered by ,%
*
) (your exactors rule over you). In this deviating
renderingwhich was prompted by reading
' for
we see a cry
against nancial oppression endured at the hands of tax-collectors.129
125. A noteworthy example is LXX Exod 32:5, where the translator conveys the
idea that Aaron is responsible for letting the people become loose, scattered, and
vulnerable to their enemy. Cf. A. Le Boulluec and P. Sandevoir, La Bible dAlex-
andrie: LExode (Paris: Cerf, 1989), 32526.
126. Commenting on this verse, Seeligmann (Isaiah, 81) thinks that
is
probably a corruption, noting that it is difcult to decide why the translator avoids
the habitual version a.
127. Ibid., 8081.
128. \ appears as the equivalent of both # and #. The Greek term can
simply denote a staff or rod, but it is frequently used as a symbol of power and
authority. This could inform its use later in LXX Isa 11:1.
129. See further R. L. Troxel, Economic Plunder as a Leitmotif in LXX Isaiah,
Bib 83 (2002): 37591.
1
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 135
In altering the verb tenses and syntactical structure of the verse, the
translator actualizes the old Isaianic prophecy. In the LXX, the Day of
Midian therefore serves as a paradigm for ultimate deliverance, but it
also seems to be related to an event that has already taken place. This
event is characterized by deliverance from socio-economic exploitation
at the hand of foreign tax-collectors.130
The socio-economic theme carries on to 9:4(5), where we witness a
remarkable difference between the MT and the LXX. In the MT, we see the
destruction of military apparatus as a sign of a coming reign of perfect
peace. The LXX, however, converts the verse into an announcement of
reparation of social and economic abuse:
$
!
0 H 3
^
#
2
$
, #
$ !& (
For every boot of one treading in For every garment which was gathered
turmoil, in guile
and (every) mantle rolled over in and coat with usury,
blood,
will be burned, they will pay back and wish
fuel for the re. that they had been burnt in re.
connects
with
, as if the translator had understood
as a
participial form of (intend). The association of
and
is
seen in Judg 20:5.135 From this perspective,
2 becomes
an exegetical addition which would t well with the translators tendency
toward clarication.
While a decision on detail is difcult to make, it is clear that the
primary impact of the translation of these two verses is to redene the
locus of the messianic liberating activity. Rather than envisioning the
destruction of the military apparatus of the foreign enemy, located
outside the borders of the kingdom but trying to break into it, the trans-
lator has in mind liberation from foreign enemies that oppress within the
borders of
2 ;. This oppression appears to him
primarily in social and economic garb.
3. Summary
In comparison with LXX Isa 7, the rendering of Isa 9:56(67) gives
much more evidence of actualizing interpretative elements. However, the
particulars of these elements and their usefulness in illuminating the
question of the translators messianic conceptions are still elusive. My
observations regarding the lack of any systematizing effort apply to this
section, while we also have new indications of a sense of contextual
awareness informing translational choices. This last point is particularly
evident in the transposition of geographical and social references to the
translators time; these seem to be informed to some degree by the
overall sense of the pericope in 8:23b9:6(9:17).
Elements of a Davidic messianic hope were identied particularly in
the apparent redirection of the oracle to
2 ;, connected
with the territorial rendering of v. 6(7). However, there is not much
more that we can say about the Davidic character of the translators
messianic expectation, since the content of the Hebrew oracle itself
features this hope prominently, and since the translator simply represents
the Davidic references in his Vorlage.
As for the rendering
2 ?, I highlighted the
difculty in determining what kind of messianic ideas could have shaped
the LXX reading, but my analysis tended towards the identication of the
? with an angelic gure. This in turn generates a series of other
questions, primarily related to whether the translator held any eschato-
logical or messianic notions which included a transcendent gure. If
1
135. Hanhart, Die Septuaginta als Interpretation, 338.
5. The Messianic Oracles (2): LXX Isaiah 9:56(67) 137
that were the case, the translator would be operating within quite well-
established parameters, as there is abundant evidence that the concept of
a transcendent saviour gure gained impetus sometime in the second
century B.C.E.136
In this connection, I have argued that the idea of correlation between
angelic gures and messianic expectation provides a good framework for
approaching the question, since it allows for the looseness required in
the identication of complex and variegated messianic ideas which may
be imprinted in the translation.
1
136. Collins, Messianism in the Maccabean Period, 1013.
Chapter 6
The last of the passages to be studied is LXX Isa 11:15, one which was
widely read as a messianic prophecy in early Judaism. However, in
comparison with texts such as Pss. Sol. 17:2125 and the Pesharim, the
LXX has much less to say about messianism. This could illustrate how
messianic ideas were more developed in the rst as compared with the
second century B.C.E., but it is much more likely that the explanation lies
in the fact that the translator simply intended to transmit the sense of the
Hebrew Vorlage as closely as possible, without any desire to promote a
more messianic reading of the passage.1
Below, I proceed to a study of the pericope, highlighting some signi-
cant issues, and investigating its place in the overall context of the
chapter. In order to avoid reaching conclusions before a full analysis has
been carried out, I shall refer to the gure envisaged by LXX Isa 11:1
simply as the sceptre, in accordance with the choice of the translator.
Once my analysis is complete, we should be in a position to assess what
kind of eschatological conceptions are present in the rendering, whether
the sceptre was seen by the translator as a messianic gure, and, if so,
how.
1. Cf. R. Sollamo, Messianism and the Branch of David: Isaiah 11,15 and
Genesis 49,812, in Knibb, ed., The Septuagint and Messianism, 35770 (36267).
1
6. The Messianic Oracles (3): LXX Isaiah 11:15 139
And a shoot will go out from the And a sceptre will go out from the
stump of Jesse, root of Jesse,
and a branch will bear fruit from its and a ower will come up from the
roots. root.
11:2
# , /> %
% %
! %
- #
$ %
2 # (
%
= # /
And the spirit of Yahweh will rest And the spirit of God will rest upon
upon him, him,
a spirit of wisdom and understanding, a spirit of wisdom and understanding,
a spirit of counsel and strength, a Spirit of counsel and strength,
a spirit of knowledge and fear of a Spirit of knowledge and godliness.
Yahweh.
11:3
&
/> %
- %
#
.
$ $
/ 3 + :
!
/< 3
+
And his delight (will be) in the fear The spirit of the fear of God will ll
of Yahweh, him,
and he will not judge by the sight of He will not judge by appearance,
his eyes,
and he will not decide by the report nor decide by report.
of his ears.
11:4
% #
, : L
"
$
!
#
+ $ $ 2 2
. # $ "
# + 2 L ^ %
/%
#
,:
,2
And he will judge the poor with But he will judge judgment for the
righteousness, humble,
and decide with equity for the and decide for the humble of the
humble of the land; earth;
and he will smite the land with the and he will smite the earth with the
sceptre of his mouth, word of his mouth,
and by the breath of his lips he will and in the spirit, through the lips, he
1
slay the wicked. will slay the ungodly.
140 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
11:5
$
# J 9
3 X-$
&
$ +
# , F (
2. The LXX Isaiah translator connects \ elsewhere with # (9:3[4]; 10:5,
15, 24), # (9:3[4]; 10:15; 28:27), and (36:6).
3. For the messianic interpretation of Num 24:17 in early Judaism, see K. J.
Cathcart, Numbers 24:17 in Ancient Translations and Interpretations, in Kraovec,
ed., Interpretation of the Bible, 51120.
4. W. Horbury, Monarchy and Messianism in the Greek Pentateuch, in Knibb,
ed., The Septuagint and Messianism, 79128 (123).
1
6. The Messianic Oracles (3): LXX Isaiah 11:15 141
(Water shall ow from his buckets, and his seed shall be in many waters).
This is rendered in the LXX by + ? %
/% #
) ) (A man shall come out of his seed and shall rule many
nations). Dorival, Nombres, 13940, argues that this rendering is more messianic
than the MT or the Targums, suggesting that the messianic conception of LXX
Numbers is close to that of early Christianity. However, it could have originated in a
reading of
, with the rst word understood as a form of the verb
and
read as , as acknowledged by Horbury, Monarchy and Messianism,
121. Cf. A. Salvesen, Symmachus in the Pentateuch (JSSSup 15; Manchester:
University of Manchester Press, 1991), 13435. It is ultimately quite difcult to
ascertain the reason why ? was used in both v. 7 and v. 17. What can be
afrmed is that, while the widespread messianic interpretation of Num 24:7 and 17
in early Judaism would speak in favour of a messianic interpretation in the LXX,
? cannot be said to be a messianic terminus technicus in the LXX. Cf. J. J.
Collins, Messianism and Exegetical Tradition: The Evidence of LXX Pentateuch,
in Knibb, ed., The Septuagint and Messianism, 12949 (14546). A very interesting
analysis, but one which also does not offer a denitive answer, is that of J. Lust,
The Greek Version of Balaams Third and Fourth Oracles. The ? in Num
24:7 and 17. Messianism and Lexicography, in VIII Congress of the International
Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies. Paris 1992 (ed. L. J. Greenspoon
and O. Munnich; SCS 41; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), 23352, repr. in Messian-
ism and the Septuagint, 6986.
7. Fitzmyer, The One Who is to Come, 71. Fitzmyer may be correct in criticizing
authors such as Hengel, Cathcart and Dorival for imposing a later messianic reading
of the verse on the LXX rendering, but his argument that the man is not given an
1
142 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
understands the rendering of the Balaam Oracle in the LXX, any asso-
ciations in the mind of the translator seem also to have existed only on
the level of the texts in Hebrew.8
An association between Num 24 and Isa 11 by the translator, however,
is not enough to support Schapers contention that the rendering is an
indication of a Davidic messianic concept permeating the Greek
Isaiah.9 Of course, a Davidic messianism is evoked by the Hebrew text
itself, and the possible association with the Balaam Oracle suggests that
messianic ideas inuenced the translator. However, we lack stronger
evidence of the kind of systematizing attempts that would justify
Schapers view. Even if we acknowledge that the Targumic use of !
(king) for #10 makes more explicit what is already present in the
Septuagint, the question remains whether one should see, with Schaper,
that the LXX translator used royal language to tease out the potential for
a messianic interpretation of the Hebrew text.11
A more precise way of explaining the use of \ in LXX Isa 11:1 is
simply to point out that the translator operated in an exegetical climate
that interpreted Isa 11 messianically and that associated the chapter with
the Balaam oracle in Num 24. The messianic character of Isa 11 is
certainly Davidic, but the LXX rendering in itself does not necessarily
point to a Davidic messianic hope permeating the Greek Isaiah.
identiable messianic designation because that concept has not yet emerged in
ancient Judaism, somewhat begs the question.
8. The only other passage that reects 24:11 and also uses ? is T. Judah
24:16. This text, however, was probably inuenced by the LXX, as argued by
Collins, Messianism and Exegetical Tradition, 14546.
9. Schaper, Messianic Intertextuality, 376. He argues that \ was used
metonymically, as a reference to the instrument of military might/the royal
sceptre in order to designate the military leader/king, the expected Davidic messiah.
He states that \ is a term denoting the royal sceptre, while a few lines later
he also afrms that twice, it refers, metaphorically, to nations as instruments of
(military) violence, as rods, in the hands of God The acknowledgment of the
variety of meanings for the terms should caution against hasty conclusions.
10. The Targum reads here
'
'
!
(And a king will come from the sons of Jesse, and the messiah will be exalted from
the sons of his sons), which highlights the messianic character of later Jewish
interpretation of the passage.
1
11. Schaper, Messianic Intertextuality, 376.
6. The Messianic Oracles (3): LXX Isaiah 11:15 143
the term \9 to render (root). While the latter can be seen as a
straightforward translation, the former is more unusual. This rendering of
could have been inuenced by the presence of \9 at the end of the
verse, but the equivalence / \9 is also attested at 40:24, which could
indicate that the translator simply understood the Hebrew term to mean
root.
More signicantly, the LXX rendering severs the connection between
11:1 and 10:3334. These last verses in ch. 10 provide the necessary
backdrop for the imagery of the budding stump, as they speak of destruc-
tion in terms of deforestation.12 The imagery of bringing down the proud
and arrogant is reminiscent of 2:622.13 Noting the close connection
between the end of Isa 10 and the metaphor of the stump in 11:1, Sollamo
observes that the LXX skips the metaphor and gives an interpretation
referring to the humiliation of the proud and powerful, in accordance
with the spirit of the translator.14 We are reminded of texts such as LXX
Isa 1:2527 and 2:1019, which were studied above.
The lack of connection between Isa 10:3334 and 11:1 in the LXX is
noteworthy for two reasons. First, it contrasts with the interpretation in
4Q285 (frg. 7), where Isa 10:34 and 11:1 are taken together to refer to an
attack against the Prince of the Congregation (
), who is identi-
ed with the Branch of David (
).15 Secondly, the idea in 4Q285
that this passage refers to the Branch was most probably inuenced
by references to vegetation in the Isaianic passages. The term of
Isa 11:1 was perhaps thought to be connected with the reference to the
12. It is not certain whether the verses refer to a foreign adversary (most
probably Assyria) or the leaders and policy makers of Judah. See the discussion in
Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 45657.
13. Cf. ibid., 457.
14. Sollamo, Messianism and the Branch of David, 360. In 10:33,
(bough) is rendered by $ +. In 10:34,
! (the thickets of the
forest) is rendered by *6. The expression
can be inter-
preted differently if one understands
as a complement (see RSV and Lebanon
with its majestic trees will fall) or as instrumental (see KJV Lebanon shall fall by a
Majestic one; ESV Lebanon will fall by the Majestic One). The rst interpretation
is followed by the LXX, which either does not understand the
as trees or skips
the meaning of the metaphor. A decision is difcult to reach because the Greek only
gives the equivalent *6, rendering the expression by 1 < z $ :
*6: : (and Lebanon with the exalted ones will fall).
15. The identication of the Branch of David with the Prince of the Congregation
is also signicant in that CD 7:19 identies the Prince with the sceptre. Cf.
Collins, Messianism and Exegetical Tradition, 145. 4QTest (4Q175) 1:1113,
which cites Num 24:1517, states that the
will arise with the Interpreter of
the Law.
1
144 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
! (thickets of the forestthis part of the text is recon-
structed) in 10:34, and both were in turn connected with . It is also
plausible that this association was made in 4QpIsaa (4Q161, frgs. 810),
where the gure envisaged by Isa 11:15 is also identied with the
who will arise at the end of days.16 The use of \, together
with the rendering of by ? , does not draw upon the possible
association between and , detected in the Qumranic interpre-
tations of LXX Isa 11 noted above. This is signicant because it
strengthens the view that the translator was oblivious of traditions of the
messianic of David, as we have argued in connection with the
rendering of Isa 4:2 (cf. Chapter 3, above).
It is difcult to ascertain why the translator chose ? to render
.17 Munnich suggests that the rendering could represent an attempt to
relate Isa 11:1 to the budding staff of Aaron in Num 17:23, a symbol of
the election of the tribe of Levi for the priesthood.18 In this way, the
concept of a royal messiah would be combined with that of a priestly
messiah.19 The linking of priestly and royal functions in a messianic
gure is a recurring theme in the Second Temple period. Munnichs
suggestion is particularly interesting if taken in connection with the
praise of Simon in Sir 50:8, where the high priest is said to be O ?
\ S
(as the ower [of roses] in spring time).
Throughout the praise of Simon, he is described in exalted language
which is elsewhere applied to David, perhaps pointing to the fact that
Sirach conceived the priesthood as the true heir of the Davidic promises.20
16. Provided that one can accept the reconstruction of line 17 by J. M. Allegro
and A. A. Anderson, Qumrn Cave 4 I (4Q1584Q186) (DJD 5; Oxford: Clarendon,
1968), 14. It is to be noted that, in this Pesher, Isa 10:3334 is understood as a refer-
ence to the Kittim, and not to an attack against the Prince/Branch, as in 4Q285.
17. The rendering of the rare noun by ? is paralleled in the LXX only in
Theod. Dan 11:7.
18. Num 17:23 reads #
"
"
(And on the next day Moses entered the
tent of the testimony, and behold the rod of Aaron for the house of Levi had sprouted
and put forth buds, and produced blossoms, and yielded almonds). The LXX renders
this verse by #
2! # (2 s2 # j ( 3
3 %
# ($ S \ j ( G z #
+ > # + ? # (And on the
next day also Moses and Aaron entered the tent of the testimony and behold the
sceptre of Aaron for the house of Levi had sprouted, and put forth a bud, and
produced blossoms, and yielded almonds).
19. Munnich, Le messianisme, 34546.
20. Brutti, The Development of the High Priesthood, 279, suggests that with the
section of Aaron and Phinehas Ben Sira is trying to demonstrate that the succession
1
6. The Messianic Oracles (3): LXX Isaiah 11:15 145
of the Davidic dynasty has been transferred onto the dynastic high priesthood of
Aaron and his descendants. In this she is following P. C. Beentjes, The Concept of
Brother in the Book of Ben Sira: A Semantical and Exegetical Investigation, in
Treasures of Wisdom: Studies in Ben Sira and the Book of Wisdom (ed. N. Calduch
Benages and J. Vermeylen; BETL 143; Leuven: Peeters, 1999), 7589.
21. The rendering of
by is quite frequent in the LXX and occurs about
251 times, with most of the examples occurring in the Pentateuch (cf., e.g., Gen
38:7; Exod 4:3031; Lev 21:21; 22:18; Num 9:19; 15:30; Deut 9:26; 12:21). In
Isaiah, the equivalence is also common and is found, for instance, in 4:2; 6:12; 7:17;
8:1718; 9:10(11); 10:20, 26; 14:23, 5, 27; 23:17; 24:21; 25:8, 10; 27:1; 30:9, 18,
30; 31:1; 33:5; 36:15, 18, 20.
22. The Targum, in keeping with its general tendency, makes the sense of the
expression slightly more indenite by rendering
with
(a
spirit from before the Lord). Cf. Chilton, The Isaiah Targum, 28.
1
146 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
1.4. The Sceptre of the Mouth and the Slaying of the Wicked
In 11:4, the expression
# is rendered by )! ! %
/%. The use of is interesting both because the translator
normally connected # with \29 and because of the choice of
27. In this connection, one notes that by rendering " with , the Targum
focuses on the humble (poor) of the people, in a strikingly nationalistic reading.
Barthlemy, Critique textuelle, 81, argues that the anarthrous use of " in Isa 11:4
indicates that the text refers to lensemble des habitants du pays, as opposed to the
more universalistic use of "! in texts such as Gen 11:1, and 9. It is not
possible to determine whether there is a difference in nuance between " and 2.
28. In this connection, the absence of a straightforward rendering of
is
noteworthy. The correlation between the terms and
is analyzed by H.
Ringgren and B. Johnson, , TDOT 12:23964 (24849).
1
29. See 9:3(4); 10:5, 15, and 24.
148 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
\ in 11:1 to render #. The simplest explanation is that the trans-
lator opted for a characteristic explanatory rendering, giving the meaning
of the metaphor. The rendering could also have been inuenced by the
parallelism with
.
The possibility of a messianic reading is not ruled out. Barthlemy
argued that the expression sceptre of the mouth in Isa 11:4 is likely to
evoke the idea of teaching, in the light of the notion of the disciplining
rod in Prov 23:13.30 The translator could have picked up on this concept
and stressed the teaching function of the messiah by employing the term
.
Psalms of Solomon 17:24 states that one of the functions of the
messiah is X %
!
/% (to
destroy lawless nations by the word of his mouth). As Collins already
pointed out, Pss. Sol. 17:24 is probably inuenced by LXX Isaiah at this
point.31 However, the fact that the verbal parallel between the two texts is
not exact could suggest the existence of a common tradition on which
both the author of the Psalms of Solomon and the translator of LXX
Isaiah drew. This is an hypothesis that cannot be proved on the basis of
the evidence that we possess, so it should also be left simply as a con-
jecture.
The expression #
,: ,2 at the end
of v. 4 can be read as a somewhat at-footed translation of
(and by the breath of his lips he will slay the wicked). This is
so if is understood as by with
as an instrumental dative
with the sense of breath,32 and if is taken to mean through, so
that the Greek would read and by the breath (that goes) through the lips
he will destroy the wicked. However, a more natural way of reading the
sentence is to take
as meaning in the spirit. Besides being
a viable translation of
, it tallies well with the afrmation that the
spirit of God will rest upon the sceptre (v. 2) and that the spirit of the
fear of God will ll him. , then, assumes an instrumental function in
relation to
: the sceptre will slay the wicked, in the Spirit, by
means of his lips, that is, by the word () that springs from them.
30. Barthlemy, Critique textuelle, 82. Barthlemy afrms that Ici, on veut dire
que le rejeton de Jess redressera, rformera par ses dcrets la population du pays.
Pour complter cette action, il liminera le mchant par le verdict de condamnation
quil lui inigera.
31. Cf. Collins, Scepter, 54.
1
32. Cf. Jannaris, Greek Grammar, 1379.
6. The Messianic Oracles (3): LXX Isaiah 11:15 149
33. While this view has been challenged by many authors, it has been defended
convincingly by Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 46569, who delimits the pericope as
11:110, but sees v. 10 as a late addition.
34. The order of animals is changed in the last section of v. 6. In the MT, we have
the order (calf),
! (young lion), and
(bull), represented by the
Greek
(calf), % (bull), and
(lion). This can be seen as
an instance of the loose rendering of lists in LXX Isaiah, already noted by H. G. M.
Williamson, Isaiah 1.11 and the Septuagint of Isaiah, in Understanding Poets and
Prophets: Essays in Honour of George Wishart Anderson (ed. A. G. Auld; JSOTSup
152; Shefeld: Shefeld Academic, 1993), 40112. The translator could also have
read
for
and
! as [!].
1
150 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
And wolf will dwell with lamb, And wolf will graze together with
lamb,
and leopard will lie down with kid; and leopard will rest together with kid;
and calf, and young lion, and bull and calf, and bull, and lion will graze
together, together,
and a small child leads them. and a small child will lead them.
35. Later, the rendering of the participle by the future ?+ maintains the
futuristic frame of the verse, in keeping with the opening weqatal form
.
36. The LXX here displays a free rendering that speaks of the Lord distributing
pastures in the ideal future.
37. In this latter case, some have proposed that the translator read
as a
verbal form (either []
or
) derived from the root III (fatten), with
% being later inserted in the light of the MT. This would be similar to what
happened with both the Vulgates vitulus et leo et ovis sivul morabuntur and the
Peshittas ~ ~ . Cf. Ziegler, Untersuchungen,
64; Seeligmann, Isaiah, 18 n. 17; Goshen-Gottstein, Isaiah, ad loc.; and Barthlemy,
Critique textuelle, 8283.
1
6. The Messianic Oracles (3): LXX Isaiah 11:15 151
$
$
.
# f # j( #
,> j
)
$
$ &
$
# ,> S ,) # +
m
38. Wildberger, Isaiah 112, 48889, argues that 11:1116 is a late addition
which reveals no interest in the messiah. Regardless of whether or not he is correct,
the coherent expectation of restoration in the passage is the noteworthy point.
39. From the standpoint of contextual awareness, it is interesting to note that
the idiomatic expression Y ,) is used to render in 11:11 and
in 11:14. This suggests that the translator read the section with a sense of
coherence and allowed this to inform his translational choices.
40. For the rendering of by ? in 11:10, we observe that the meaning of
is quite clear for the translator, who renders it by
: in 11:12; 13:2; 18:3,
and 33:23;
in 5:26; 49:22, and 62:10; and
in 30:17. It is con-
ceivable that he understood the term here metaphorically, to denote power, rule, and
authority. This rendering is noteworthy, especially taken together with the trans-
lation of (seek) by 9 (hope), which nullies the important sign /
seek connection of the Hebrew verse. This is the only case in the LXX where the
Hebrew is rendered by 9. The Greek term is most commonly an
equivalent of # (cf. Pss 9:10; 26[25]:1; 27[26]:3). 9 was used in Hellenistic
times as a synonym of trust. It was part of the stock of religious terms of Hellenistic
Jews, as seen in texts such as 1 Macc 2:61; 2 Macc 2:18; 7:11; Ps. Sol. 6:6; Theod.
Sus 1:60, and primarily in the LXX version of the Psalms (cf. LXX Pss 5:12; 17[16]:7;
18[17]:31; 26[25]:1). While the connection of with 9 is unique, it is
probable that it simply picks up on the general sense of as religious devotion
attested in Late Biblical Hebrew and in Qumran sources. Cf. G. Gerleman and
E. Ruprecht, , TLOT 1:34651 (34951).
1
152 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
3. Summary
The rendering of # by \ could have been inuenced by an
association with the Balaam Oracle of Num 24, a connection made by
several other texts in the Second Temple period. The Davidic character
of the oracle in Isa 11:15 is evident, but the absence of more explicit
Davidic elements in the translation does not enable us to envisage the
overarching systematizing effort proposed by Schaper.
In fact, as I noted, the translator bypasses the opportunity to capitalize
on the idea of a Branch of David, in contrast with other texts which
connect Isa 11 and Num 24. Together with the absence of any trace of
the Branch of David idea in the rendering of Isa 4:2, this could suggest
that, if the translator had any coherent Davidic messianic expectation, it
was not the same as that attested for other Jewish groups, and he had no
intention of highlighting that expectation beyond what he could regard as
a faithful rendering of the original Hebrew text. The use of / in
11:2 is itself an indication that the translator often inserted terminology
that was part of the conceptual currency of Hellenistic Judaism more as
an attempt to offer an accurate translation than to introduce actualizing or
theological renderings.
1
Chapter 7
CONCLUSION
1
1. Knibb, The Septuagint and Messianism, 19.
158 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
1
7. Conclusion 161
1
162 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
In sum, on the basis of our exegetical study of LXX Isa 112, it was
possible to determine the presence of messianic and eschatological inter-
pretation in individual cases, although a large number of renderings that
have been seen as theologically motivated could be explained simply in
what we called linguistic and co-textual terms. It was not possible to
detect a coherent or systematic messianic expectation throughout the
version, as this features among Knibbs criteria. If this is the case for
LXX Isa 112, our study serves to highlight the difculty in attempting
any coherent description of an eschatology or messianism of the LXX, or,
more generally, of a theology of the LXX.
1
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174 Eschatology and Messianism in LXX Isaiah 112
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INDEXES
INDEX OF REFERENCES