Vol 8 No 3 - June 2016

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IJHSS.NET
Vol. 8, No. 3
June 2016
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International
Journal of
Humanities &
Social Sciences
Aajhss.org
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
AAJHSS.ORG
Vol 8, No 3 June 2016
Table of Contents
Assessing the relationship between climate and patterns of wildfires in 1
Ghana
Daniel L. Kpienbaareh
Influence of students self perception on biology achievement among 21

secondary school students in Nakuru county, Kenya
Nyambura Rose
The influence of clothing in the negotiation of identities. A study between 31

students and lecturers.
Simon Ntumi and Esther Quarcoo
Some unobtrusive indicators of psychologys shift from the humanities 44

and social sciences to the natural sciences
Dr Gnter Krampen and Lisa I. Trierweiler
Challenges of Bible/Liturgical Translations in the Efik Language Group 67

Christopher Naseri (Ph.D)
International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Vol. 8 No. 3, pp. 1-20, IJHSS
Assessing the relationship between climate and patterns of

wildfires in Ghana
Daniel L. Kpienbaareh
Department of Geosciences, University of Akron, OH
Abstract
Wildfires are a common occurrence in many areas with a distinct dry season. The objective of
this study is to investigate the relationship between wildfires (bushfires) and the climate in
Ghana. I establish the correlation between fire data, mean monthly temperatures and average
monthly precipitation. I also assess the pattern of wildfire occurrence in Ghana with respect to
the pattern of movement of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ). Using climate data for
period November 2000 to March 2010 at a 0.5o by 0.5o resolution, from the University of East
Anglias Climate Research Unit (UEA CRU TS3.23), and MODIS Climate Modelling Grid
(MOD14CMH) Active Fire Products at a 0.25o by 0.25o resolution, obtained from the Active
Fire Products data maintained by the University of Maryland, also from November 2000 to
March 2010, it was found there is no meaningful correlation between the fire data and individual
mean monthly temperatures and average monthly precipitation. However, there is a strong
relationship between the pattern of fire occurrence and the pattern of movement of the ITCZ in
Ghana. I conclude that there is a strong relationship between wildfire occurrence and climate in
Ghana based on the closeness of the relationship between the movement of the ITCZ and the
pattern of wildfire occurrence.
Key words: ITCZ, harmattan, bushfires/wildfires
Introduction
Wildfires are a common occurrence in areas with a high amount of vegetation and a period of
dryness in the course of the year (Balling, Meyer & Wells 1992). The more foliage there is in an
area, the more fire there is likely to be, all other things being equal (Agee 1998, cited in
McKenzie et al. 2004). The vegetation amount and type, and the weather conditions which
creates a fire weather is determined by the type of climate (Heyerdahl, Brubaker & Agee 2002).
This implies that the more moisture there is in the atmosphere, the less risky there is for a
possible ignition and vice versa.
Ghana lies within the tropical zone and hence has high temperatures for most of the
year, with distinct periods of dry season and wet/rainy seasons in the year, which vary from the
north to the south, in line with the variations in the climate (McSweeney et al. 2010). The
northern part of the country has a guinea savanna type of vegetation where there are high
temperatures all year round and a long dry season, and the southern part has a short dry season
1 http://aajhss.org/index.php/ijhss
with the rainy season divided into a major and a minor rainy season (McSweeney et al. 2010).
The climate of an area is fairly fixed, and so the risk of an area getting burnt depends on the
weather. In addition to the weather, the risk of ignition depends on the fuel load (amount of dry
vegetation) (Bowman et al. 2009). Therefore, climate and weather determine the trends of
wildfires in an area, and so any changes in the climate will affect the pattern of wildfires.
Some studies have linked wildfires with vegetation amount in the savannah climate zones
in West Africa. For instance, Devineau, Fournier & Nignan (2010) studied the relationship
between wildfires, land cover and plant species in Burkina Faso and concluded that areas that
have high amount of foliage are more susceptible to fire outbreaks. However, areas with land use
such as residential and commercial are less likely to be burn, because they are protected to
prevent damage properties, highlighting human influences on wildfire occurrence or non-
occurrence. Kugbe et al. (2012) studied the annual seasonal burnt area in the savannah region of
Ghana and realized there was a similar, distinct inter-annual burnt area which coincides with the
dry seasons in the northern region of Ghana.
Studying the relationship between wildfire and climate in Ghana is challenging. There is
an insufficient amount of high resolution data for both climate variables and fire data. Studies
that have been done use data that are relatively coarse so the relationship between the two is
often unclear.
Some studies have linked wildfires to climate and meteorological (weather) variables in
current climatic conditions. For instance, in a study of the state of severe temperatures and
wildland fire in Spain, Cardil, Eastaugh & Molina (2015) discovered that high temperatures
played a significant role in number of fires in Spain. This was the case in areas which were high
in the amount of winds. Winds serve as catalysts which can increase the extent that fire will burn
and the direction in which it burns. By implication therefore, even in lower temperatures with
dry fuel load, fire ignition can still be possible even though the speed of burning may be slower.
Other studies concur with this assertion. Flannigan & Wotton (2001) concluded in their study
weather and climate are important determinants of wildfires. The climate determines the extent
of foliage in an area and the weather determines whether temperatures are high or if it is windy
etc. Consequently, an interaction between these two climate and weather - strongly influence
the risk of fire outbreaks and the extent the fire burns. Severe temperatures also result in
heatwaves which have the potential of triggering large scale wildfires (Trigo et al. 2006).
On days when temperatures are high, there is low moisture content in foliage - fuel for
wildfires - (Westerling et al 2006) implying on such days the likelihood of fire ignition is more
imminent and fire response could be severe and unpredictable. Consequently, wildfires can
spread faster and may be difficult to put off (Molina et al. 2010). Wildfires tend to be
concentrated in the dry season in areas with mainly two seasons (in the tropical areas).
There is also a relationship between wildfire risks and the amount of rainfall in an area.
For fires to occur, there should be sufficient fuel for the fire to consume (Hargrove et al. 2000
cited in Fannigan et al. 2009). This means there has to be sufficient amount of rainfall during the
rainy season to allow vegetation to grow in abundance (Meyn et al. 2007). Rainfall also
determines the extent to which fire can spread in an area. Wet fuel loads do not spread too
quickly as compared to drier fuel loads. The dryness depends on whether there was some
precipitation just before or during an ignition (Flannigan et al. 2005). In savannah regions of
West Africa where there is a long dry season and high temperatures, spread of wildfires will be
relatively faster than areas with moister fuel loads because the foliage does not completely dry
out, especially in areas with tropical rainforests and deciduous forests.
Despite most models assuming close relationships between fire and climate, Archibald et
al. (2010) present a contrasting view point. They contend that the assumptions supporting these
models must be re-examined in areas such as the African savannah, where the human impact
on fire regimes is substantial, and acts to limit the responsiveness of fires to climatic events.
Therefore, even though wildfires are determined by climate and weather variables, there
are non-climate influences to the ignition and spread of fire such as human interaction with the
environment (Bleken, Mysterud and Mysterud 1997). Humans use fires for various economic
activities, a basis for the conclusion by Pyne et al. (1996) that fire problems are socially
constructed problems (cited in Westerling et al. 2006). Fire is commonly used for agricultural
purposes, especially in the tropical areas. There is always a high potential that the fire may stray
into the wild and destroy larger areas. Most wildfires are intentional, but due to poor control,
they spread to areas that were not intended for burning. Wildfires are usually set for social and
economic reasons, including forest management, animal grazing and crop cultivation and
hunting among other (Bowman et al. 2011), especially in the sub-Saharan Africa.
Even though human activities can cause ignitions, they are also capable of reducing the
amount of wildfires occurring in an area. Fire suppression policies and firefighting can reduce
the amount and spread of wildfires. In Burkina Faso for instance, strict laws and regulations have
been put in place in some rural areas to guard against cutting of trees and wildfires (Kugbe et al.
2012). It remains a challenge though for the burning to be completely eliminated.
The objective of this study is to assess the relationship between wildfires in Ghana and
climate variables. Specifically, I will correlate average monthly precipitation and mean monthly
temperature values for the driest months in the country, (November 2000 to March 2010), with
MODIS Climate Modelling Grid (CMG) Active Fire Products. The study will also investigate the
pattern of fire occurrence in terms of the north-south direction and its relationship with the
seasonal movement of the ITCZ in the country. The ITCZ is the major natural determinant of
climate and weather in Ghana. The hypothesis of this study is that there is no relationship
between mean monthly temperature, average monthly precipitation and wildfires in Ghana.
Methods
Study area
The study covered the entire Ghana. Ghana is located on the geographical coordinates 8oN and
2oW, covering a total area of 239,460 km2 (CIA World Factbook). The northern part of the
country is mostly hot and dry for most parts of the year and the vegetation in the area is mostly
savannah. The vegetation is influenced by precipitation/rainfall, lithology and the human
activities (Lane 1962). The climate in the area gives it two distinct seasons: rainy season and dry
season (harmattan).
The dry season lasts for five to six months (usually November to April), and the rainy
season lasts for six to seven (May to October), with the severity of the harmattan increasing from
north to south, in line with the movement of the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) (figure
1a), which influences the pattern of rainfall in the country. Rainfall reliability is low and large
digressions from monthly and annual averages are common (Owusu & Waylen 2009).
The southern part of Ghana (the deciduous, moist evergreen and wet evergreen forests)
(figure 1b) experience two rainy seasons which match the northern and southern movements of
the ITCZ across the region. The major rainy season occurs from March to July (with a peak in
May- June), and a minor rainy season occurs in September to November, interspersed by a
relatively short dry season in August and September, but rainfall occurs all year round
(McSweeney et al. 2010). The southwest part of Ghana (wet evergreen,) is especially hot and
moist but the southeast (coastal savannah zone) is relatively drier (Owusu & Waylen 2009).
Figure 1a: North south movement of the ITCZ in SSA, including Ghana. This results in dry
and wet seasons in Ghana. (Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica Online)
Figure 1b is the vegetation map of Ghana. The type of vegetation is determined by the
climate which is influenced by the movement of the ITCZ. More than half of the country
consists mainly of savannah grasslands and forest transitions, the type of vegetation which are
very prone to wildfires (Devineau, Fournier & Nignan 2010).
Figure 1b: The type of vegetation in Ghana. The pattern is influenced by the North South
movement of the ITCZ. (Source: http://exploringafrica.matrix.msu.edu/curriculum/unit-
five/module-twenty-four/module-twenty-four-activity-one/).
Study design
The study was designed to examine how two climate variables mean monthly temperature and
average monthly precipitation/rainfall influence wildfire patterns in Ghana. A correlation
analysis and the maps of mean monthly temperatures and average monthly rainfall were used to
measure the relationships and how they climate variables influence the patterns of wildfires. The
dependent variable is the mean monthly fire for the study period and the independent variables
are the mean monthly temperatures and the average monthly precipitation/rainfall.
Materials
MODIS Climate Modelling Grid (CMG) (MOD14CMH) Active Fire Products data were
downloaded at a 0.25o by 0.025o resolution from an ftp server maintained by the University of
Maryland, hosting the CMG and MCD14ML products (ftp://fuoco.geog.umd.edu). The data
acquired was for six months of the harmattan season, starting from November to March for the
period 2000 to 2010. These months are roughly the months when the harmattan season is across
the entire country. The fire data covered the entire world.
To extract fire pixels which fall within the confines of Ghana, the raster map of each
monthly data was opened in ArcMap (v10.3.1) and exported to .tif format using the Export
Raster tool. The contents of the world files in the .tif files were replaced with a new coordinate
system. The new file were then re-opened with a new blank ArcMap document. A shapefile
containing world map of countries was added to the new raster layer and the exact location of
Ghana was identified. A selection by attribute was done to select the boundaries of Ghana and
mark out the pixels containing fire data from it.
The clip tool was used to extract the map of the country together with the fire pixels.
The symbology of the pixels were changed in a manner that will indicate low high number of
fires in a color ramp. These maps will be used for comparing with the climate variables to
investigate the pattern of wildfires in the country.
The climate data (namely mean monthly temperature and average monthly precipitation)
for the study were obtained from the Climate Research Unit (CRU) of the University of East
Anglia, United Kingdom, (1901-2014: CRU TS3.23 (land) 0.5) (UEA CRU Jones and Harris
2008), downloaded from the KNMI Climate Explorer (http://climexp.knmi.nl). The November,
2000 to March 2010 data for both temperature and precipitation were extracted from this. TS
(time-series) datasets are month-by-month variation in climate over the last 100 years, produced
by the CRU. These are calculated on high-resolution (0.5o x 0.5o) grids, which are based on a
database of mean monthly temperatures provided by more than 4,000 weather stations spread
across the world (UEA CRU Jones & Harris 2008). They allow variability in climate to be
observed, and include variables such as cloud cover, daily minimum and maximum temperature
ranges, frost day frequency, precipitation, daily mean temperature, monthly average daily
maximum temperature, potential evapo-transpiration and number of wet days. They are thus
useful for studies such as this.
Procedure
To establish the relationship between MODIS fire data and climate, a correlation analyses be
conducted between the mean monthly temperature of the country between November 2000 and
March 2010 and the average monthly fire occurrence, and correlation between the average
monthly precipitation and the average monthly fire occurrence calculated from the fire pixels for
the same time period.
To investigate the pattern between the average monthly precipitation, mean monthly
temperature and fire occurrence, maps will be plotted (using the November 2000 to March 2010
data) of the average monthly temperature and the mean monthly precipitation using the Grid
Analysis and Display System (GrADS v2.1.a3, which is used online with the KNMI Climate
Explorer), and the fire pixels for the same period as the climate variables, clipped out of the
global fire data using the Clip raster tool in ArcMap and the same color ramp (indicating low -
high) is applied to make them uniform.
Results
Figure 2a and figure 2b show observed mean monthly temperatures and average monthly
precipitation respectively, between November 2000 and March 2010. Note that the month with
the highest average monthly rainfall of the five months is November but the month with the
highest mean monthly temperature during the period is March. Both graphs trend with the
passage of the ITCZ (southwest monsoon winds) and the northeast trade winds which result in
the wet and dry seasons respectively. The dry season starts in November when the ITCZ begins
it southwards retreat and is replaced by the northeast trade winds (harmattan). Also, in the five
months period, November has the highest amount of rainfall for the time period under study
whereas the month with the highest mean temperature varies between the months of February
and March.
150.0
31
130.0
30
Precipitation (cm)
Temperature(oC)
110.0
29
28 90.0
27 70.0
26 50.0
25 30.0
24 10.0
2000 2005 2010 2000 2005 2010
Year Year
Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar
Figure 2. (a) Indicates the mean monthly temperature. (b) Shows the average monthly
precipitation for the period November 2000 to March 2010 in Ghana (UEA CRU Jones and
Harris 2008).
Figure 2c shows the mean number of fire occurring in each of the months for the period
November 2000 to March 2010. There is a slow start to the mean number of fires in November,
a peak in December and steady decline to very limited number of fires in March. This is closely
related to figures 2a and 2b because the number of fires coincide with the start of the dry season
and increases as the rainfall amount diminishes and the temperatures begin to rise. On average,
the month of November has more rainfall, indicating more moist grasses and foliage, which
means lesser probability of ignition, hence the relatively lower number of wildfires for that
month. December has more fires because the ITCZ would have retreated further south, resulting
in more dryness.
100.0
90.0
80.0
Mean No. of fires
70.0
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Year
Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar
Figure 2c. Mean fire occurrence. There is a pattern for almost the years (except 2008 and 2010)
in which the number of fires start low in November rise in December and decrease again
afterwards. (Source: MODIS Active Fire Products).
Table 1a and b indicate the mean number of fires and the total number of fires in each
pixel for each month in the study period. Both tables indicate the pattern of rising fires in
November, peaking in December and a gradual reduction up to March. November is the
beginning of the dry season and so wildfires start at about the same time and increases as the
vegetation gets drier. By March most of the vegetation is burnt and so results in the low number
of fires in the period.
Table 1a: Mean fire values for the period November 2000 to March 2010 in Ghana (MODIS
Active Product).
Year Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar
2000 33.4 86.6 62.6 29.5 5.6
2001 15.0 99.8 47.3 17.0 3.5
2002 18.6 86.6 49.6 13.5 6.0
2003 21.9 49.3 43.0 23.1 3.3
2004 25.7 71.8 70.9 15.7 2.4
2005 31.8 89.5 35.9 11.3 2.4
2006 9.5 76.5 58.1 13.9 6.4
2007 15.9 71.6 74.4 19.1 2.9
2008 18.0 65.0 60.8 7.3 2.9
2009 9.6 54.3 56.5 21.4 2.1
2010 14.9 104.8 68.3 24.5 1.3
Table 1b: Total number of fires in each pixel by month on the MODIS Active Fire Products
(November 2000 to March 2010)
Year Nov Dec Jan Feb Mar
2000 2738 7101 5132 2418 462
2001 1234 7682 3875 1398 285
2002 1524 7101 4066 1106 492
2003 1796 4041 3523 1895 274
2004 2107 5889 5811 1287 199
2005 2610 7343 2940 929 197
2006 782 6275 4763 1138 522
2007 1303 5870 6103 1569 241
2008 1476 5328 4985 602 234
2009 791 4449 4632 1754 176
2010 1225 8592 5598 2010 106
Table 2a indicates the coefficients (r) for the correlation between mean monthly
temperatures, average monthly precipitation and MODIS Active Fire Products and table 2b
represents the correlation between mean monthly temperature and average monthly
precipitation. It can be seen that there is no meaningful correlation between the climate variables
and the fire data. This is probably due the variations in both the vegetation types and the
variations in climate variables between the northern and middle belts and the southern zone. The
northern part of the country is mostly dry and largely savannah vegetation (which are more
prone to wildfires) and the southern parts are deciduous, moist evergreen and wet evergreen
forest (which are less prone to wildfires).
Table 2a. Correlation coefficients (r) of MODIS Active Fire Products and climate variables.
Mean monthly Average month
temperature precipitation
November 0.69 0.15
December -0.53 0.54
January -0.24 -0.09
February -0.32 -0.03
March -0.35 0.10
Table 2b. Correlation coefficients (r) of mean monthly temperatures and average monthly
precipitation.
Month Correlation coefficient
November 0.22
December -0.30
January -0.34
February 0.30
March 0.34
Figure 3 indicates the month-by-month correlation between mean monthly temperatures
and mean number if fires. Figure 4a shows the month-by-month relationship between average
monthly precipitation and mean number of fires for the corresponding months and figure 4b
shows the relationship between mean monthly temperatures (oC) and average monthly
precipitation from November 2000 to March 2010. The scatter plots and the trend lines in both
cases highlight that there is no significant relationship between the individual monthly climate
variables and the MODIS Active Fire Products used.
y = 11.962x - 310.16 y = -19.972x + 615.59
110.0
40.0 100.0
Mean No. of fire 35.0 90.0
30.0
80.0
Mean No. of fire

25.0
20.0 70.0
15.0 60.0
10.0 50.0
5.0 40.0
0.0
26.5 27.0 27.5 28.0
26.5 27.0 27.5 28.0 28.5
Mean Temperature(oC)
November December
y = -3.6225x + 153.66 y = -2.514x + 92.043
40.0
Mean No. of fire

70.0
Mean No. of fire
30.0
60.0
20.0
50.0
40.0 10.0
30.0 0.0
25.0 26.0 27.0 28.0 29.0 28.0 29.0 30.0 31.0
Mean Temperature(oC) Mean Temperature(oC)
January February
y = -1.4115x + 46.022
7.0
Mean No. of fire
6.0
5.0
4.0
3.0
2.0
1.0
0.0
29.0 29.5 30.0 30.5 31.0 31.5
March
Figure 3. Scatter plots indicating the relationship between mean number of fires and mean
monthly temperatures for November 2000 to March 2010.
The nature of the dots and the trend lines clearly indicate that there was not significant
relationship between the individual mean monthly temperatures and the mean number of fires
for the period.
y = 0.0741x + 11.875 y = 0.781x + 27.113
37.0 120.0
Mean No. of fire

Mean No. of fire 32.0 100.0
27.0
22.0 80.0
17.0
12.0 60.0
7.0 40.0
70.0 120.0 170.0 45.0 55.0 65.0 75.0 85.0 95.0
Avearge Precipitation(cm) Average Precipitation (cm)
November December
y = -0.0502x + 59.27 y = -0.0179x + 18.497
82.0
35.0
Mean No. of fire
72.0
Mean No. of fire

30.0
62.0 25.0
20.0
52.0
15.0
42.0 10.0
5.0
32.0
20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0
25.0 35.0 45.0 55.0 65.0 75.0
Average Precipitation (cm) Average Precipitation(cm)
January February
y = 0.0217x + 2.2532
7.0
Mean No. of fire
6.0
5.0
4.0
3.0
2.0
1.0
42.0 52.0 62.0 72.0
Average Precipitation(cm)
March
Figure 4a: the relationships between mean number of fires and average month precipitation for
November 2000 to March 2010.
y = 8.088x - 120.0 y = -7.828x + 275.6
Average precipitation (cm) 160.0 100.0
Average precipitation (cm)

140.0
120.0 80.0
100.0
80.0 60.0
60.0 40.0
40.0
20.0 20.0
0.0
0.0
26.5 27.0 27.5 28.0 28.5
o
26.5 27.0 27.5 28.0 28.5
November Mean temperature ( C) December Meantemperature (oC)
y = 6.779x - 145.1 y = 3.833x - 77.38

60.0
Average precipitation (cm)
Averag precipitation (cm)

80.0 50.0
60.0 40.0
40.0 30.0
20.0 20.0
0.0 10.0
29.0 29.5 30.0 30.5 31.0 31.5 0.0
28.0 29.0 30.0 31.0
March Mean temperature (oC) February Mean temperature (oC)
y = -4.852x + 174.3
70.0
Mean monthly precipitation
60.0
50.0
40.0
(cm)
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0
25.0 26.0 27.0 28.0 29.0
JanuaryAverage monthly temperature (oC)
Figure 4b: the relationships between mean monthly temperature (oC) and average monthly
precipitation for November 2000 to March 2010.
Figure 5 shows the pattern of fires from the beginning of the dry season in November to March
when majority of dry fuel load would have been burnt. The number of pixels indicating fire in
the month of November are limited mainly to the north-western corner of the map. This pattern
is also visible in table 1b (where the total number of fires in November is lower in and increases
in December). The burnt area increases as seen in the maps in December and begins to decrease
until in March, when there is a very limited number of fire pixels. There is a concentration of fire
pixels in the northern part of the country and very few number of fire pixels in the southern
part.
Figure 6 shows the observed mean monthly temperatures for the period November 2000
to March 2010, the same time period as the MODIS Active Fire Products. These maps also
indicate, in general, decreasing mean monthly temperatures from the north to the south of the
country. The northern and middle belts have higher mean monthly temperatures than the
southern and coastal parts.
Figure 7 shows the pattern of observed average monthly precipitation for the same time
period as both MODIS Active Fire Products and the mean monthly temperature data. Even
though the period coincides with the dry season, it is apparent that some parts of the country,
mainly the southern portions receive some amount of rainfall (coinciding with the southern
passage of the ITCZ). The northern parts are drier than the south and the dryness reduces
southwards, and this could also explain the lack of correlation between the individual monthly
climate data and mean fire occurrence (shown on table 2).
Comparing the figures 5, 6 and 7 show that there is a close relationship between the
pattern of wildfires and the movement of the ITCZ which gives rise to the pattern of the climate
in the country. As one moves southwards of the country the number of fire pixels increase with
the months. The northern and middle belts indicate there is more fire that there is in the
southern and coastal belt. The southwestern corner of the country indicates that there is virtually
no fire. The south-western corner has the highest amount of rainfall in the country and the
ITCZ does not completely retreat from that portion of the country. Hence vegetation in that
part of the country never completely dries out. In addition, the area has moist evergreen and wet
evergreen vegetation types (figure 1b), resulting from the climatic. The vegetation in the area
does not completely dry out in the short dry season and so reduces ignition possibility and
escalation of wildfires.
Discussion
This study aimed at establishing the relationship between MODIS CMG Active Fire Products
and the climate variables mean monthly temperatures and average monthly precipitation over a
five month period of the dry season, using data from November 2000 to March 2010, for both
climate variables and fire. The climate variables were at a 0.5o by 0.5o resolution, whereas the fire
data were at a 0.25o by 0.25o resolution. The study also aimed at investigating the patterns of
wildfire occurrence and the pattern of climate in the country, using the north-south movement
of the intertropical zone of convergence (ITCZ), which brings the southwest monsoon winds to
the country.
It was discovered that there is no significant correlation between the individual mean
monthly temperatures and the average monthly precipitation and the MODIS Active Fire
Products. However, taken together (figures 5, 6 and 7) there is a strong relationship between the
pattern of wildfire occurrence and the pattern of climate. As the mean monthly temperatures
increase southwards, the average monthly precipitation decreases and the burnt area increases.
This pattern coincides with the annual movement of the ITCZ which controls the wet and dry
seasons in Ghana.
In general, SSA fire patterns are closely related to the southward movement of the ITCZ
across the region (Swap et al. 2002 & NDatchoh et al. 2015). This pattern is also observed in
Ghana in this study. As the ITCZ starts to retreat southwards in November (figure 5), the extent
of wildfires are very limited to just portions of the area in north western corner of the November
map. The extent of burnt areas and total number of fires per pixel in a month (table 1b) are also
very small in November compared to that of the month of December. As the ITCZ retreats in
the subsequent months, the burnt areas extend southwards because the area becomes drier due
to lack of rains and the influence of the dry northeast trades (harmattan winds). In February, the
burnt area extends to almost the middle of the country (the transition zone), because the ITCZ
has retreated to the southwestern corner of the country. By March, fire pixels are limited to only
few areas (figure 5: comparing the month of March to December). Kugbe et al. (2012) also
observed this reduction in the number of fires in March in Ghana and attributed it to a reduction
in the amount of fuel load available for burning (as observed in figure 5). By March almost all
dry foliage would have been exhausted and that accounts for the limited number of fire pixels in
that month.
The study reveals the seasonality of wildfire occurrence in Ghana. This seasonality is
influenced by the climate of the various areas in the country. Areas with prolonged dry seasons
have high number of fires than areas with relatively shorter dry seasons. The savannah and
transitional zones have relatively longer and more intense dry seasons than the deciduous, moist
evergreen and wet evergreen areas (figure 1b). These are influenced by the climatic patterns. Le
Page et al. (2010) observed such seasonality of wildfires on a global scale. They observed that
Sub-Saharan African fires start in November, and move along the ITCZ. They reported that the
pattern of fire goes with agricultural activities such as harvesting and preparation of lands for
cultivation (which are triggers of wildfires in Ghana). Westerling et al. (2003) in a study of
climate and wildfires in Western United States also concluded that wildfires were strongly
seasonal. Heyerdahl, Brubaker & Agee (2002) further confirm the seasonality of wildfires based
on climate influences. Studying the decadal occurrence of fires, they observed that large fires
mostly occurred in the dry season and during El Nino years in interior Pacific Northwest of the
United States of America.
Wildfires are more common in areas that have dry seasons because the vegetation dries
up and provides fuel for combustion (Mbow, Nielsen & Rasmussen 2000). Thus, wildfire
occurrence in Ghana vary from north to south, as is the case with the climate pattern in Ghana.
Devineua, Fournier & Nignan (2010) and Kugbe et al. (2012) have observed that the northern
portion Ghana has a large savannah and grassland area comprising mainly of herbaceous and
scrubland which are more amenable to wildfires. The tropical savannah ecosystems are produce
very rapidly and are very flammable (Bowman et al. 2009) because they are composed of grasses,
trees and scrubs, which provide sufficient fuel load for combustion.
Areas in Ghana which are dominated by vegetation with high amount of dry foliage in the
dry season are more prone to wildfires than areas with relatively wet foliage. The type of
vegetation in Ghana, as it is everywhere, is closely related to the climate. Comparing figure 1b
and figure 5, it is obvious that the areas that contain the most fire pixels coincide with the
savannah belt and transition zones in the country, whereas areas in the deciduous, moist
evergreen and wet evergreen forests show fewer fire pixels. The climate in the savannah and
transition zone have a prolonged dry season than areas with deciduous, moist evergreen and wet
evergreen forests because of the combined influence of the retreat of the ITCZ and the advance
of the harmattan winds from the Sahara Desert. On average, the area occupied by the
deciduous, moist evergreen and wet evergreen forests is smaller than the area occupied by the
savannah and transition belts. This mismatch is a probable cause of the lack of correlation
between the individual monthly climate variables and the fire data. Archibald et al. (2010) in a
study of Southern African fire regimes realized that areas with vegetation types that are
dominated by a grass-layer (savannah, grassland and forest transitions) burnt more extensively
than areas characterized by rainforest and semi-deciduous forest. The savannah zones of SSA are
very prone to wildfires (Giglio et al. 2010) due to agricultural activities such as slash-and-burn,
nomadism and hunting (Archibald et al 2010).
Conclusion
From the results above using our methodology, it is clear that wildfires in Ghana are influenced
largely by climate because the number of fires follow the pattern of the movement of the ITCZ,
the major phenomenon influencing weather and climate in Ghana, even though there were no
correlation between individual monthly climate variables and mean monthly fire occurrence.
It also confirms the results by other studies which conclude that the pattern of wildfire
occurrence and the extent of burnt areas in savannahs are influenced by the movement of the
ITCZ. Further, the study observed the link between the vegetation of an area and its climate
which determines its susceptibility to wildfires. By implication the vegetation type, which is
determined by the climate, plays a significant role in determining the amount and type of fuel
load needed for ignition.
I suggest that further studies should be on establishing the relationship between fire and
climate variables in various ecological zones in Ghana rather than looking at the entire country as
a whole, because the differences in vegetation masks the full effect of correlation between
monthly climate variables and bushfires.
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p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Influence of students self perception on biology

achievement among secondary school students in Nakuru
county, Kenya
Nyambura Rose
Department of Curriculum and Educational Management
Laikipia University, Kenya.
Abstract
Acquisition of biology knowledge and skills at Kenyas secondary school is measured by
administration of tests especially at national level. Achievement in biology has not been satisfactory
in Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education examination (KCSE) and scholars have fronted various
reasons that contribute to this unsatisfactory achievement. The factors include students negative
attitude towards the subject, lack of teaching/learning resources and inadequate staffing.
Researchers have also investigated students entry behavior which varies from individual to
individual and so do learning outcomes. Irrespective of entry behavior, when meaningful learning
takes place, the expectation is improved academic achievement. However this is not always the case
and this study aimed at assessing the impact of students self perception on achievement in biology.
This study was guided by self perception theory (SPT) and adopted ex-post facto research design.
Random sampling was used to select a sample size of 390 Form three students from three randomly
selected secondary schools in Nakuru County, Kenya. The data was collected by use of a
questionnaire (Students questionnaire). The data collected was coded, categorized and then analyzed
using descriptive and inferential statistics with the help of statistical package for social sciences
(SPSS) version 22.0. Null hypothesis were tested at .05 significance level. The Study findings showed
that students had positive self perception which had no statistical significant influence on biology
achievement among students in Nakuru County, Kenya.
Key words; Self Perception, Biology Achievement, Science Education and Millennium
Development Goals (MDGS).
Introduction
Science Education is emphasized in Kenyas secondary school curriculum in order to produce a

scientifically literate populace and professionals in science and technology. Keraro and Shihusa
(2005) argue that biology makes a contribution towards this objective. Biology is a unique science in
that experiments with living organisms can take place in the laboratory and in the field making the
subject fun to learn. Prokop, Prokop & Tunicliffe, (2000) however pointed out that there is increased
use of virtual environments instead of practical investigation in biology teaching. This perhaps has
impacted on overall achievement in biology in the Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education
Examination (K.C.S.E) and at Nakuru county level as shown in Table 1.
Table 1
KCSE Biology Achievement Scores between 2011 and 2013 at National and County level.
Year National Nakuru County

Mean Score (%) Mean score (%)
2011 32.42 35.5
2012 31.6 38.2
2013 32.3 38.3
Source: KNEC Examination Report (2012-2014); Nakuru County Education day booklet (2012-
2014).
Table 1 shows that Nakuru county KCSE biology achievement scores are higher than
national scores. However both scores are far below 50% meaning low achievement in biology which
triggers concern among educationists. If all counties in Kenya explore various options of boosting
achievement in biology like adopting measures that enhance students self perception, then the
national biology average score might go up. This study explored the influence of self perception on
form three students achievement in continuous assessment tests in biology from randomly selected
secondary schools in Nakuru county. The scores used were form three end of term one, term two
and term three biology continuous assessment test scores.
Biology knowledge is a pre-requisite for national development as highlighted in Kenyas blue

print for development -Vision 2030. Samikwo (2013) highlighted that Kenya is lagging behind in its
development agenda and such developments require workforce that achieves highly in science
subjects like biology. Biology knowledge contributes in new discoveries for example in the field of
medicine, population control, food security, pollution control and sustainable utilization of natural
resources. Biological knowledge is also necessary to ensure natural resources are in sufficient
replenishment and supply (Ongowo & Hungi, 2014).
Kenya made primary and secondary education free in 2003 and 2008 respectively. The
country aimed at meeting the objectives of education for all (EFA) by the year 2015 and millennium
development goals (MDGS). However, recent studies indicate that most developing countries
including Kenya are far from achieving MDGS (Murunga, Kilaha and Wanyonyi, 2013). This
necessitates acquiring of adequate biological knowledge by the students and subsequent utilization
of the acquired skills so as to be in a position to participate fully in scientific development.
In science education, students should take personal responsibility and control during the
learning process. A number of studies have been directed towards the affective components of
cognition like motivation and self regulation. These two components are crucial in the process of
cognitive engagement and conceptual change (Tang & Neber, 2008). Self perception of students has
also been investigated with emphasis on self concept so as to develop and maintain positive attitude.
Self perception is an important source of self concept among other sources like reflected appraisals
and social comparisons.
Self perception theory (SPT) developed by Daryl Bem in 1965 postulates that people induce
attitudes without accessing internal cognition and mood. However, Weiner (1999) observed that
teenagers consciously or subconsciously look inward at themselves and weigh whether other
peoples thoughts, attitudes, actions and reactions will work for them until they begin to see
themselves in their own way. Self perception therefore may vary from time to time impacting on
academic achievement. SPT sufficiently guided this study which aimed at finding out the influence
of students self perception on achievement in biology among secondary school students in Nakuru
County, Kenya.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Relationship between self-perception and academic achievement is well established in literature but
little research has been done on the topic in Kenya especially in secondary schools within Nakuru
county. This study therefore aimed at making a contribution towards filling this gap. To this end the
study examined the relationship between students self perception and achievement in biology
among students in secondary school in Nakuru county.
Objectives of the study

1. To determine if there is a relationship between students self perception and achievement
in biology among secondary school students in Nakuru county
2. To find out if there is a difference in self perception among male and female students in
secondary schools in Nakuru county.
3. To investigate if there is a difference in biology achievement among male and female
secondary school students in Nakuru county
Null Hypotheses
1. There is no statistically significant relationship between students self perception and
achievement in biology among secondary school students in Nakuru county
2. There is no statistically significant difference in self perception among male and female
students in secondary schools in Nakuru county.
3. There is no statistically significant difference in biology achievement among male and female
secondary school students in Nakuru county
METHODOLOGY
Design
This study was guided by self perception theory (SPT) and adopted ex-post facto research design
which is applied in those studies where the independent variables have interacted with dependent
variables. Consequently, the effect of interaction between the variables is determined retrospectively
(Kerlinger, 2002).
Participants
The target population was secondary school students and the accessible population was
approximately twenty eight thousand form three secondary school students in Nakuru county.
Sample size was determined by formula developed by Krejcie and Morgan in 1970 (Kathuri & Pals,
1993). 390 randomly selected form three students participated in the study. Simple random sampling
was used to select 3 secondary schools and 130 form three students were randomly selected from
each of the participating school.
Data collection and analysis
Data was collected by use of students questionnaire (SQ). The instrument was pilot tested in one
secondary school in neighbouring Nyandarua county to test reliability. Cronbachs alpha was used to
assess whether items in the instrument measured students perception. An alpha level of at least .70
was accepted and considered suitable to make possible group inferences that are accurate enough
(Orodho, 2008).
The researcher administered the questionnaire to the study sample and collected it
immediately the participants completed filling in the required information. The items were scored,
coded and analysed using SPSS version 22.0.
Results and discussion
Self perception among students

It was found out that most students have a positive self perception since they agree and strongly
agree with positive statement on self perception and disagree and strongly disagree on negative
constructed statements. Majority of the students like the person they are (96%), make decisions on
their own (88%), are comfortable with their physical appearance (97%), pretty sure of themselves
(78%) and always do the right things (93%). Moreover the students are not scared to talk in front of
the class (53%), are not clumsy (59%) and are very agreeable (59%). In addition, 47% of the
students are not sure whether their classmates like them a lot while 25% are not sure whether most
times they do the right things. These findings are shown in the table 2 below
Table 2
Self perception percentages among students
perception Strongly Not Strongly
disagree Disagree sure Agree agree
I like the person that i am .5% 1.6% 2.3% 14.8% 80.8%
I make decisions on my own with ease 1.6% 4.8% 5.3% 45.3% 42.9%
I rely on my friends for most decisions 32.6% 40.7% 10.4% 13.2% 3.1%
in my life
I like to be called upon in class 11.3% 16.8% 26.3% 33.2% 12.4%
Most of my friends like me 2.3% 1.6% 37.3% 30.8% 27.9%
I am fun to be with 3.0% 5.5% 24.3% 29.6% 37.6%
I am comfortable with my physical 1.5% 1.0% .5% 16.5% 80.4%
appearance
I am pretty sure of myself 4.6% 5.2% 12.9% 20.6% 56.7%
I often doubt myself 37.4% 30.2% 12.7% 10.9% 8.8%
I wish i was someone else 65.6% 18.5% 4.1% 5.4% 6.4%
I am scared to talk in front of the class 29.6% 23.7% 20.9% 15.5% 10.3%
Most times, i do the right things 3.4% 11.7% 25.5% 35.7% 23.7%
I rarely get worried 15.9% 23.3% 19.5% 32.3% 9.0%
My classmates like me a lot 1.8% 2.6% 47.4% 30.7% 17.5%
I can solve most problems in my life 3.1% 10.8% 17.5% 34.5% 34.0%
I rarely disagree with people around me 8.7% 25.9% 20.0% 31.5% 13.8%
I am a clumsy person 35.1% 24.1% 25.7% 4.2% 11.0%
I would never change a thing about 13.9% 21.6% 11.3% 11.3% 41.8%
myself
I always try to do the right things 1.0% 1.5% 4.4% 39.7% 53.3%
I take long to adapt to something new 13.3% 26.3% 9.6% 32.3% 18.5%
i am often sorry for the things i do 9.5% 18.8% 18.3% 34.0% 19.3%
I am unattractive 52.3% 26.2% 13.0% 2.8% 5.7%
I have no problem expressing my 3.1% 9.6% 19.5% 21.4% 46.4%
opinion
I am very agreeable person 3.9% 14.8% 22.3% 35.6% 23.4%
Self perception and biology achievement

The Average continuous assessment marks in biology year 2015 per student were calculated by
getting the mean marks of individual scores in biology in the three school terms of the year. For the
390 students, the mean average marks in biology year 2015 is 28.08% with a standard deviation of
11.372% and a range between 8% and 69%. This is illustrated in the table 3.
Table 3
Average marks in biology year 2015
Number
of Minimum Maximum
students mark mark Mean Std. Deviation
390 8 69 28.08 11.372
Self perception was computed as a variable using median as measure of central tendency in the likert
scale where values were assigned as follows; 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3= Not Sure 4=Agree
5=Strongly Disagree. The study reveals that majority (51%) of students agreed upon the statements
about their self perception whereas 39% of the respondents were not sure of their self perception.
The Percentages of computed self perception 4-5 does indicate a clear trend of either decrease or
increase of positive self perception with average marks in biology. This is as shown in the table 4.
However A chi square test gives a p-value = 1.635 at = 0.05 level of confidence i.e. p-value =
1.635 > 0.05 the null hypotheses is not rejected therefore, no statistically significant relationship
between students self perception and achievement in biology among secondary school students in
Nakuru county
Table 4
Average marks in biology year 2015* Computed self perception Cross tabulation
Computed self perception Total
Average biology
marks Percentages
of computed
self
perception 4-
2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50 4.00 4.50 5.00 5
Less than 20 0 0 26 13 66 0 2 107 63.5
21-30 0 0 65 2 76 4 12 159 57.8
31-40
41-50 2 0 33 2 29 0 2 68 45.6
51-60 0 2 12 4 14 2 2 36 50
61 and above 0 0 4 0 6 0 0 10 60
Total
0 0 8 0 2 0 0 10 20
2 2 148 21 193 6 18 390
A two tailed test on Pearson correlation between self perception and average marks in biology
shows that there exist a very weak positive correlation of +0.023.
Gender difference in self perception

A two tailed test on Pearson correlation between self perception and gender shows that there exist a
very weak positive correlation of +0.042 almost zero to show that there is no relationship. More
males than females have a positive self perception as shown by 70% and 40% respectively in the
table 5.
Table 5
Gender* Computed self perception cross tabulation
Computed self perception Percentages of
computed self
2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50 4.00 4.50 5.00 Total perception 4-5
Sex Female 0 0 50 4 113 6 8 181 70.16
Male 2 2 98 17 80 0 10 209 43.06
Total 2 2 148 21 193 6 18 390
However A chi square test gives a p-value = 1.635 at = 0.05 level of confidence , p-value = 1.635
> 0.05 thus the null hypotheses retained. There is no statistically significant difference in self
perception among male and female students in secondary schools in Nakuru county
Gender difference in biology achievement

Males outdo females in biology achievement in the grouped marks of 21-60 while females outdo
males in biology achievement in the grouped marks of 61 and above (Figure 1).
Female Male
90
80
70 79 80
No. of students
60
50
53 54
40
43
30
20 25
10 22
14 4 6 6 4
0
Less than 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61 and
20 above
Average biology marks

Figure 1: Gender difference in biology achievement
A two tailed test on Pearson correlation between self perception and gender shows that there exist a
very positive correlation of +0.412. A chi square test gives a p-value = 0.831 at = 0.05 level of
confidence i.e. p-value = 0.831 > 0.05 null hypothesis is retained, thus there is no statistically
significant gender difference in biology achievement among students in secondary schools in
Nakuru county.
Conclusions
Self perception among students is positive. Students can make decisions on their own and
always do the right things. Moreover students are neither clumsy nor scared to talk in front of the
class a show of self confidence. The self perception perspective that people derive their inner
feelings or abilities from external behaviors was noted. However students self perception does not
affect their performance in biology as per the findings of the study. Performance may be attributed
to other factors for example entry behavior and negative attitude towards biology. The sex of the
students had a significance influence on self perception as self perception is portrayed to vary with
gender. A greater percentage of female students as compared to males score more computed self
perception. Performance in biology subject does not significantly differ with the gender of the
student since both mean marks of males and females students in biology coincides with the class
mean mark..
Further research is recommended to find out the cause/s of low achievement in biology
both at county level and national level among secondary school students in Nakuru county, Kenya.
References
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STUDENTS QUESTIONNAIRE (SQ)

This study aims at finding out the influence of self perception and academic self concept on
achievement in Biology among secondary school students. Please fill in the questionnaire and the
information collected will be used for academic purposes only.
SECTION A; SUDENTS BIODATA
1. Sex : Female Male

2. Age in years:
3. KCPE Marks:
4. Class
SECTION B: STUDENTS SELF PERCEPTION

Please tick the statement which describes how you feel about yourself according to the scale given.
There is no right or wrong answers to these statements.
Statement Strongly Agree Not Disagree Strongly
Agree sure disagree
1.I like the person that I am

2.I make decisions on my own with ease
3.I rely on my friends for most decisions in
my life
4.I like to be called upon in class

5.Most of my friends like me
6.I am fun to be with
7.I am comfortable with my physical
appearance
8.I am pretty sure of myself
9.I often doubt myself
10.I wish I was someone else
11.I am scared to talk in front of class
12.Most times, I do the right things
13.I rarely get worried
14.My classmates like me a lot
15. I can solve most problems in my life
16.I rarely disagree with people around me
17. I am a clumsy person
18.I would never change a thing about
myself
19.I always try to do the right things
20.I take long to adapt to something new
21.I am often sorry for the things I do
22.I am unattractive
23.I have no problem expressing my
opinion
24.I am a very agreeable person
SECTION C: SELF ACADEMIC CONCEPT ASSESMENT

Please tick the statement which describes how you feel about academics according to the scale given.
There is no right or wrong answers to these statements, so feel free to answer.
STATEMENT Definitely True Not Not Definitely
true Sure true not true
1.I am a hard working student at school
2.I do my school work with a lot of ease
3.I enjoy studying biology more than any
other subject
4.I spend most of my time doing my
school work
5.I enjoy participating in class activities
6.I often lead my classmates in tasks
assigned by our teacher
7.My peers often consult me in class
assignments
8.I am happy with my academic
achievements
9. I can never achieve highly in biology
10.I learn most concepts in biology very
fast
11.I have trouble with most school
subjects
12.I often need help in most school
subjects
13.I enjoy studying biology
14.I get good marks in biology
15.I dont like most school subjects
16.I often look forward to biology lessons
17.I often need help in most school
subjects
18. I really feel good about my
achievement in most school subjects
19.I hope to excel in my study
20. My grades in biology and all other
subjective will secure for me a position in
university
21.I am well aware of my future
profession
22.I have trouble understanding anything
in biology
23.Biology is the easiest subject in biology
24.Biology is my favourite subject
25.I never want to continue studying
biology after secondary school
Thank you for answering this questionnaire
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
The influence of clothing in the negotiation of identities. A

study between students and lecturers.
Simon Ntumi
University of Cape Coast, Ghana
Department of Educational Foundations
Email: simon.ntumi@stu.ucc.edu.gh
Esther Quarcoo
University of Cape Coast, Ghana
Department of Vocational and Technical Education
Email: esther.quarcoo@ucc.edu.gh
Abstract
Identity negotiation is the process by which perceivers target comes to agreement regarding the
identities that the targets are to assume in the interaction. In this contemporary era, the notion of
uniqueness shows that humans differ from one another, whilst what we do in the same way as well
as what we share and have in common with others is understood as the social aspects of ourselves.
The objective of the study was to find out the influence of clothing in the negotiation of identities in
terms of the relationship between students and lecturers from the students perspective. For the
study to be materialized, the researchers employed descriptive survey as the design for the study.
Questionnaire was the sole instrument used to elicit response from respondents. A reliability of 0.71
using the Cronbachs Alpha was obtained. The sample size for the study was 248 respondents. The
key findings of the study revealed that most people consider their values, attitudes, status and mood
in choosing clothing and are also able to identify the moods and values of others through their
clothing. The findings further gave evidence that clothing plays a major role in helping students
identify their lectures. It was recommended that workshops and seminars about clothing should be
organized for both lecturers and students. And also on how the impact of clothing influence
negotiation of identity. Again, lecturers should be encouraged by the school authorities to put on
clothes that will differentiate them from their students. This will help them gain the necessary
recognition.
Key words: Identity, Negotiation, Lecturers, Students, Attitudes, Values, Status, Moods.
Introduction
The first scholar to use the term identity negotiation in the context of this study can be attributed to
William B. Swann, a professor of social and personality psychology. Notwithstanding, the term has
been around and has been used by several other authors in the social sciences. Swann (2007) a
learned scholar in field of social and personality psychology pioneered the study identity negotiation
theory. Swann described self-verification model as the theory which is based on the influence
individuals have over the manner in which they are perceived. This model is based on the notion
that individuals want people to understand them just as they understand themselves and therefore,
they deliberately act in a way such as to achieve this goal. On the other hand, the reverse process of
self categorization focuses attention on how individuals identify themselves with existing groups in
accordance with how their self-perception is influenced by others. Both models occur concurrently
and are connected although researchers most often analyze them separately. Identity can be defined
in this context as the outcome of a negotiation.
Based on this background, identity can be seen as the result of a negotiation process involving the
culture of individuals, self-conception and interaction among the individuals. Further, identity also
involves the processes by which individuals in a given society reach agreements regarding their
personalities. The process of identity negotiation thus establishes what people can expect of one
another. In the work of Turner- Bowker (2001), he views identity negotiation as a key concept which
provides the interpersonal cohesion among individuals. The fundamental principle of Swanns
identity negotiation theory is based on conscious individual ambition to feel good in his society in
regards to the individuals aspiration of psychological and interactional rationality. This emerges
from the assumption that individuals desire is influenced by the world around them therefore, they
engage in social interaction with the anticipation of approving the expectations they have in life.
It is worthwhile for one to note that people engaged in notation identities so as to establish their
relationship with others in the society to foster coherence. Taking into consideration the fact that
negotiating identities plays a key role in social interaction, it is indeed evident that human
interpersonal relationships, emotions, values, attitudes and perceptions are influence by negotiation
of identity. Just as identities define people and make them viable as humans, identity negotiation
processes also define relationships and make them viable as a foundation for organized social
activity (Swann & Bosson, 2009. pp 69-71). Swann and Bosson (2006) further maintain that the
idea of identity negotiation is mostly applicable to a specific situation. To them, it is true that
humans persistently adopt some aspects of identities, but identity negotiation is indeed a concept
addressing an implicit, unconscious phenomenon, informal, automatic, open-ended issues.
Humans are social animals therefore human life is interwoven with one another. Their actions,
behaviour, perception, values, and above all appearance, is greatly influenced by people around
them. Individuals styles of outfit and adornment are largely determined by the way in which people
around view and treat them. In effect, individuals self- concepts offer some guidelines for
appropriate styles of dress. However, our perceived selves may not always coincide exactly with our
idealized selves. Since we realize the impact of appearance on others in interaction, we try to
improve the visible images that we present to them. We generally strive to present ourselves to
others in a manner consistent with our most positive self-interpretations. Each time we interact with
different individuals, we may modify our self-perceptions and re-evaluate our self-presentations. A
study by Baigh and Williams (2006), tested the idea that well-dressed individuals would present
themselves more positively than poorly dressed ones. The symbolic communication with others
serves asessential processes of individuals reflexive self-conceptions (Baigh & Williams, 2006).
Where school teachers mostly find themselves determines the type of clothes they should wear.
However, in many instances the principal usually decides on the dress code for the staff within a
particular school. As a result, the types of clothing teachers wear to work can vary. Some schools
require that teachers adhere to a business casual dress code. A business casual style of dressing
usually includes khaki pants, blouses, polo shirts and comfortable skirts and dresses of a modest
length. Teachers may work at schools that allow them to wear blue jeans in good condition. They
might also wear t-shirts, tennis shoes, and sandals. Despite this informal dress style, teachers must
exercise good judgment when choosing clothing for work. In rare cases, teachers may be required to
wear professional clothing. This may include suits and ties for men and skirts, dresses and pant suits
for women. Teachers who work in public or private schools may sometimes be asked to dress in this
manner (Polzer & Caruso, 2007).
Problem statement
The problems of modern contemporary era flow from the attempt of the individual to maintain
independence and individuality in his existence against the sovereign powers of society, and how to
live to the expectation of the society demands (Howard, 2000). The quest by individuals to resist the
forces and pressures levelled by culture and society, while still depending entirely on the society is
the most interesting of issues that needs consideration. Largely, the most discussed issue in social life
today is the duality of the individual in regards to his identity. It is imperative that today, the idea of
identity negotiation demonstrates the autonomy we have as independent entities that help in
expressing of our differences from others. Despite the impact and influential aspect of negotiating
identities in many societies, the issue of identity negotiation appears to be a tendency and
characteristic of only more developed societies than the less privileged societies. It is evident that a
lot of studies have been conducted on the negotiation of identities including works by Touche-
Spelcht (2004) but it appears that not much study have been done on the influence of clothing in the
negotiation of identities in terms of the relationship between lecturers and students. The conflict
resulting from this internal dialog within individuals, sometimes labelled as an identity crisis, is the
motivational background for this work. This therefore gives the researchers the impetus to conduct
an empirical study to investigate the influence of clothing in the negotiation of identities in relation
to students and lecturers in University of Cape Coast Campus.
Rationale for the study

The general purpose of this study was to find out the influence of clothing in the negotiation of
identities. However, specifically, the study aimed to come out with some factors that people consider
in selection of clothing, the role clothing plays in the negotiation of identities and finally, the role
clothing plays in the negotiation of identities between lecturers and students.
Research questions
The following research questions were formulated for the study;
1. What factors do people consider in clothing selection?
2. What role does clothing play in the negotiation of identities?
3. What role does clothing play in the negotiation of identities between lecturers and students?
Significance of the study
The findings of the study aimed to help know how clothing influences the negotiation of identities.
The findings again aimed to serve as guidance and counselling treatments and will also serve as basis
for education on proper dressing. The study again hopes to generate enough data to serve as a
reference point for other researchers interested in researching into this similar issue.
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Theoretical groundings
Negotiated identities are constructed so that individuals can mutually develop a form of
interpersonal realities that will allow them to interact with one another. In order for symbolic
interaction to occur, these individuals must be capable of interpreting one anothers interests to the
extent that they can empathize with one another, or take the role of the other (Kaiser, 1985).
Clothing and personal appearance cues are used by individuals in interpreting roles, intents, and
personal attitudes and values. Stone (2007) has indicated that the meanings of appearance can be
symbolic of identities, values, moods and attitudes.
Attitudes
The appearance of individuals are anticipated by the reviewers in relation to their attitudes. Ones
present and past actions can be influence by appearance. There are a variety of stimuli toward which
we can propose attitudes through clothing. These involves objects (including clothes themselves),
social groups or institutions, people, places, events or situations, and issues. Attitudes toward
specific clothing styles are, of course, reflected through the clothes that we wear, by wearing certain
styles, we represent the groups to which we belong and express our degree of commitment to these
groups. Using Stones interpretation of communicated attitudes, it may be asserted that behaviours
are likely to be anticipated as a result of group memberships (Stone, 2007).
Moods
In the view of Stone (2007), mood may be compared to feelings of pride one has about his or her
appearance, with regard to a set of values that serve as a reference for self-evaluations. Mood is
largely related then to social feedback received from others. Others may use visible cues (for
example, bright colours, grooming) in interpreting and defining mood in a given situation. Mood is a
very intangible, transient quality that is difficult to study or measure. It may be susceptible to regular
change and is not necessarily accurately reflected through an individuals clothes at any given time.
Our moods may change from the wary we feel when selecting what to wear in the morning. Thus,
clothes are not a very reliable cue for assessing anothers mood
Values
Values are abstract principles of behaviour to which we feel committed. They provide organization
for our behaviour and allow us to compare our own goals with those of others (Beaudoin &
Lachance, 2006). In this way, they provide us with a means of self-evaluation. Values may be
compared to beliefs, or the many inferences we make about the world, in that values are entirely
located in a particular belief system. Thus, values are much more generalized and entail to the self-
concept than beliefs. Values guide our perception and purchase of clothes and styles and accessories
as well as our planned selections of these items for our interactions. Some degree of commitment is
associated with personal values, and we tend to be somewhat emotional with respect to our
attachment to values. Our values tend to affect what we perceive to be important. This is often
referred to as selective perception.
METHODOLOGY
Descriptive survey research design was used for the study. The descriptive research design was
deemed appropriate for the study because as described by Creswell (2003) it offers the researcher
the opportunity to get the opinion of the population concerning some issues of interest relevant to
the study. It is suitable for selecting a sample and describing the real situation or phenomena as it
exists and hence more likely to give accurate information. The study sought to find out and
describe the behaviour of the respondents in respect of how clothing influences the negotiation of
identities. From the Krejcie and Morgan (2007) table for determining sample size from a given
population, a population of 700 has a corresponding sample size of 248 respondents. This was
done through the use of simple random sampling.
The instrument for data collection was solely questionnaires. The questionnaires items were drawn
in relation to the research questions set for the study. Questionnaires was considered most
appropriate for the study because it provides anonymity of the respondent and also because
respondents can read and write. Structured question items of closed ended nature were used in
collecting data from respondents. The questionnaires were in four sections; each section gathering
information on a specific variable. The first section elicited information on background of
respondents with the other three sections eliciting information on factors considered in clothing
selection, how clothing affects peoples identity and negotiation of identities respectively.
Reliability validity of the instruments

In order to enhance the validity of the study, the questionnaire was given to an expert for
assessment. This ensured both face and content related evidence of the items and also examined
whether the items relate to the research questions and also comprehensively cover the details of the
study. For the reliability of the instrument, a pre-test results was be used to determine the reliability
of the instruments which obtained Cronbachs Alpha of 0.71 measure of internal consistency.
The data collected was edited, coded and analysed using the descriptive statistics of the Statistical
Product and Service Solution (SPSS version. 22.0) and presented in tables showing frequency and
percentage distribution, to help describe the status of the issue as it prevailed within the population
used for the study.The results of the findings were interpreted.
DATA ANALYSIS
Table 1a
Ages of Respondents (N=248)
Age Frequency Percentage (%)
17-20 years 67 27.0
21-24 years 114 46.0
25-28 years 66 26.6
Total 248 100.0
Source, Field Data (2016).
The table above indicates that, out of the total sample of 248, 67(27.0%) fell between the ages of 17
to 20, 114(46.0%) fell between the ages of 21 to 24 and 66(27.0%) out of the sample fell between
the ages of 25 to 28. This means that a large percentage of the respondents were within the ages of
21-24.
Graphical representation of age of respondents
Age of Respondentse
300
200
100
0
17-20 years 21-24 years 25-28 years Total
Series1 Series2
Table 1b
Gender of respondent (N=248)
Gender Frequency Percentage (%)
Male 82 33.1
Female 166 66.9
Total
248 100.0
Gender is an important social, cultural and psychological construct, which describes the expected
attitudes and behaviours a society associates with sex (Alami et al, 2013). This therefore suggests
that sex of respondents forms an integral part in a study. It is evident from the table above that
82(33.1%) of the respondents were males whereas 166(66.9%) were females. This means that the
number of females who took part in the study were more than the males.
Graphical representation of gender of respondents
gender of r es pondent
Series1 Series2
Total, 100
Female, 66.9
Total, 248
Male, 33.1 Female, 166
Male, 82
MA LE FE MA LE TOTA L
Table 1c
Level of respondents (N=248)
Levels Freq. Percentage (%)
100 82 33.1
200 74 29.8
300 59 23.8
400 33 13.3
Total 248 100.0
It can be seen from the table above that 82 (33.1%) were level 100 students whilst 74(29.8%) were
level 200 students. It was also confirmed that 59(23.8%) were level 300 students whereas 33(27.0) %
were level 400 students. This means that there were more level 100 students in the study than all the
other levels.
Graphical representation of levels of respondents
level of respondents
100
200
Total
300
400
Table 2
Research Question One
Factors people considered in clothing selection (N=248)
S Statements SA (%) A (%) D (%) SD (%) Mean Std.

/ (M) Deviat
N ion
1 I wear clothes to improve 92(37.1) 97(39.1) 43(17.3) 16(6.5)
my social status
1.9 .894
2 I consider my values in 83(33.5) 124(50.0) 30(12.1) 11(4.4)

choosing clothes
2.1 .998
3 I dress to impress others 52(21.0) 136(54.8) 51(20.6) 9(3.6)

2.0 .747
4 I dress to express my 70(28.2) 155(62.5) 23(9.3) 0(0.0)
mood 1.8 .583
5 I always want to look 83(33.5) 124(50.0) 30(12.1) 11(4.4)
good 1.8 .787
6 My attitudes determines 93(37.5) 105(42.3) 38(15.3) 12(4.8)
what I wear 1.8 .842
Total 248(100) 248(100) 248(100) 248(100) 11.4 4.811
Key: SA- Strongly agree, A- Agree, D- Disagree, SD- Strongly disagree, %- Percentage
Source: Field data, 2016
From the table, out of a total sample size of 248, it reveals that 189 (76.2%) agreed that they wear
clothes to improve their social status whereas 59(23.8 %) disagreed that they wear clothes to
improve their social status. Also, 207(83.5%) agreed that they consider their values in choosing
clothes and 41(16.5%) disagreed to that fact. It is again evident from the table that 188(75.8%)
agreed that they dress to impress others whereas 60(24.2%) disagreed that they dress to impress
others. Again, 225(90.7%) agreed that they dress to express their mood whilst 23(9.3%) disagreed
that they dress to express their mood. Two hundred and seven (83.5%) agreed that they dress to
always look good whilst 41(16.5 %) disagreed to that fact. Lastly, the table indicates that 198(79.8%)
agreed that their attitudes determined what they wear whilst 50(20.1%) disagreed that their attitudes
determine what they wear.
Further, the overall mean and standard deviation of (M=11.4, SD=4.811) of the respondents shows
that the responses on factors people consider in cloth selection is significantly higher. (M=11.4 out
of 15.81, SD= 4.811 out of 4.17).
Table 3
Research Question Two
How clothing affects peoples identity (N=248)
S/ Statements SA (%) A (%) D (%) SD (%) Mean Std.

N (M) Devi
ation
1 My identity is sometimes 40(16.1) 122(49.2) 50(20.2) 36(14.5)
misinterpreted because of 2.33 .915
what I wear
2 I focus on brands in 45(18.1) 162(65.3) 39(15.7) 2(8.00)
choosing my clothing 1.99 .610
3 Social expectations 19(7.7) 172(69.4) 46(18.6) 11(4.40)
influence the way I dress 1.99 .590
4 The style of clothing 40(16.1) 173(69.8) 35(14.1) 0(0.00)
affects my identity 2.19 .634
5 I identify people mood by 22(8.9) 181(73.0) 45(18.0) 0(0.00)
the way they dress 1.97 .550
6 I identify peoples values 20(8.1) 178(71.8) 46(18.5) 4(1.60)
by the way they dress 2.09 .512
Total 248(100) 248(100) 248(100) 248(100) 12.56 3.811
Source: Field data, 2016
The table above confirmed that 162 (65.3%) of the respondents agreed that their identities are
sometimes misinterpreted because of what they wear whereas 86(34.7%) disagreed that their
identities are sometimes misinterpreted because of what they wear. Also, 207(83.4%) agreed that
they focused on brands in choosing their clothes and 41(23.7%) disagreed to that fact. It is again
evident from the table above that 191(77.1%) agreed that social expectations influence the way they
dress whereas 57(23%) disagreed that social expectations influence the way they dress. Again,
213(85.9%) agreed that the style of clothing affects peoples identity whilst 35(14.1%) disagreed that
the style of clothing affects peoples identity. Two hundred and three (81.9%) agreed that they
identified peoples mood by the way they dress whilst 45(18.0%) disagreed to that fact. Lastly,
198(79.9%) agreed that they identified peoples values by the way they dress whilst 50(20.1%)
disagreed that they identified peoples values by the way they dress. Also the overall mean and
standard deviation obtained from the responses (M=12.56, SD= 3.811) shows that responses with
respect to the attitudes of respondents on how clothing affects peoples identity is significantly
higher. Thus (M=12.56 out of 15.81, SD= 3.811 out of 4.17)
Table 4
Research Question Three
Negotiation of identities between lecturers and students (N=248)
S Statements SA (%) A (%) D (%) SD (%) Mean Std.

/ Deviat
N ion
1 Lecturers are easily 0(0.0) 66(26.6) 158(63.7) 24(9.7)
identified by their physique 2.13 .5595
2 Lecturers put on classy 3(1.3) 41(16.5) 169(68.1) 35(14.1)
clothes 2.83 .5792
3 Lecturers are easily 2(8.8) 41(16.5) 157(63.3) 48(19.8)
identified by the way they 2.95 .5949
dress.
4 Do you easily approach 26(10.5) 166(66.9) 54(21.8) 2(8.80)
lecturers by the way they 3.01 .6265
dress?
5 Are you able to identify the 43(17.3) 173(69.8) 30(21.1) 2(2.80)
mood of lecturers by the
2.12 .5827
way they dress?
6 Are you able to identify the 16(6.5) 170(68.5) 61(24.6) 1(0.40)

attitudes of lecturers by the
1.96 .5715
way they dress?
Total 248(100) 248(100) 248(100) 248(100) 15.99 3.5048
Source: Field data, 2016.
From the above table, it reveals that out of 248 respondents sampled for the study, 66 (26.6%)
agreed that lecturers are easily identified by their physique and 182 (73.4%) disagreed that lecturers
are easily identified by their physique. 44 (17.8%) agreed that lecturers put on classy clothes whereas
204 (82.2%) disagreed that lecturers put on classy clothes. Forty three (25.3%) agreed that lecturers
are easily identified by the way they dress whereas 205 (83.1%) disagreed that lecturers are easily
identified by the way they dress. A total of 192 (77.3%) agreed that they easily approach lectures by
the way they dress and 56 (30.6%) disagreed that they easily approach lectures by the way they
dress.Two hundred and sixteen (87.1%) agreed that they are able to identify the mood of lectures by
the way they dress whilst 32(23.9%) disagreed that they are able to identify the mood of lectures by
the way they dress. The table finally shows that 186 (75.0%) agreed they are able to identify the
attitudes of lectures by the way they dress whereas 62 (25.0%) disagreed they are able to identify the
attitudes of lectures by the way they dress. further, the overall mean and standard deviation of
(M=15.99, SD=3.5048) shows that the responses shows that negotiation of identities between
lecturers and students is significantly higher. (M=15.99 out of 15.81, SD= 3.5048 out of 4.17)
RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
Factors people considered in clothing selection

The rationale behind this research question was to explore the factors that influence the choice of
peoples clothing. It was revealed from the study that, there are a number of factors that influence
the choice of peoples clothing. Noticeable among them include; attitudes, moods, social status and
values. A high percentage (90.7%) confirmed that their mood influences their choice of clothes.
83.5% of the respondents also indicated that their values determine what they wear. 79.8% believed
that their attitudes influence their selection of clothes. A large number of respondents (76.2%) also
indicated that their choice of clothing is based on their social status. It can therefore be concluded
from the study that, factors such as attitudes, moods, social status and values play a major role in
clothing selection. The results is in conformity with the work of Stone (2007) who indicated that
peoples mood, values, identities and attitudes are some factors they consider in their clothes
selection.
How clothing affects peoples identity

The research question two was also to investigate how clothing affects peoples identity. The results
of the study gave ample evidence that peoples identity influence what they wear. A large number of
the respondents affirmed that their choice of clothing is greatly influenced by their values, moods
and attitudes. These results are parallel with the study of Beaudoin and Lachance (2006), who
affirmed that, values guide our perception and purchase of clothes and styles and accessories as well
as our planned selections of these items for our interactions. The findings of the study agrees with
the idea of Kaiser, 1985 that the elements of attitudes influence clothing preferences and taste.
Negotiation of identities between lecturers and students
The last research question to the study was to investigate and come out with the negotiation of
identities between lecturers and students. The results of the study confirmed that even though
clothing plays a major role in negotiating identities, the respondents revealed that do not easily
identify their lectures by their appearance. The results again revealed that students expectations,
such as having a particular type of physique or appearing in classy clothes are not met.
CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE

Based on the findings of the study it can be concluded that some influential factors that peoples
based in selection of clothes are attitudes, moods, values and status. The same factors influence the
choice of peoples clothing. Finally, it can be drawn from the study that on the University of Cape
Coast campus, lectures are not easily identified by their students by the way they dress.
Based on the findings, the researchers recommended the following;

Workshops and seminars on clothing should be organized for both lecturers and students on how
the impact of clothing influences negotiation of identities. Lecturers should be encouraged by the
school authorities to put on clothes that will differentiate them from their students. This will help
them gain the necessary recognition and full expectation from their students.
Implications for practice

The findings of the study serves as a very useful documents for the department of fashion in the
University of Cape Coast, as it has provided enough evidence to help the department come out with
clothing to meet peoples desires and expectations of individual societies. The study has also
generated enough data that brings a call for further studies in improving issues in negotiation
identities and also serve as a reference point for other researchers interested in researching into this
similar issue.
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Turner- Bowker, D. M. (2001). Howcan you pull yourself up by your bootstraps if you dont have
boots? Work appropriate clothing for poor women. Journal of social issues,57(2), 311-322.
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Some unobtrusive indicators of psychologys shift from the

humanities and social sciences to the natural sciences
Dr Gnter Krampen
University of Trier
Leibniz Institute for Psychology Information (ZPID)
Trier, Germany
Lisa I. Trierweiler
Leibniz Institute for Psychology Information (ZPID)
Trier, Germany
Abstract
Unobtrusive indicators of the status of psychology within the humanities, social sciences, and
natural sciences were outlined and examined from a historical perspective. Specifically, the
unobtrusive indicators considered to differentiate between the three branches included the (1)
dominant scientific publication type (e.g., books vs. journal articles), (2) number of coauthors of
journal publications, (3) number of references in journal publications, (4) length of journal
contributions, and (5) linguistic features of scientific papers (e.g., Genera Verbi, length of
sentences). These indicators were measured in two psychological databases (PsycINFO: 1900-
2014; PSYNDEX: 1980-2014), random samples of psychological publications from the Web of
Science, and in content analyses of publication guidelines of psychology journals. Scientometric
results clearly show that psychology started at the beginning of the 20th century as a book
science and shifted rapidly in the 1920s in a rather unidirectional way to a journal science in the
domain of the natural sciences.
Keywords: psychology, branches of science, state of sciences, humanities, social sciences, natural
sciences, methodology, scientometrics, unobtrusive measures, history of psychology.
Introduction
In the late 19th century, the distinct discipline of psychology appeared within the branches of
sciences. Scientists on both sides of the Atlantic served as catalysts for the birth of this new
discipline. From the German-speaking and European countries, Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1920)
was the first person worldwide to receive a psychology professorship in 1875 at the University of
Leipzig, Germany, and from the Anglo-American arena, William James (1842-1910) received the
first professorship of psychology and philosophy in the U.S. in 1876 at Harvard University and
James McKeen Cattell (1860-1944), who was initially a graduate student in Germany before
becoming Wundts first assistant at Leipzig University, received the first professorship of
psychology in the U.S. in 1888 at Penn State University (Krampen, 2016). Today, these great
men embody the historical roots of psychology in the times before it was established as a
concrete discipline. These roots lie in several branches of the sciences including philosophy and
the humanities (William James scientific origins are found in philosophy and Wilhelm Wundt
added this in later years) and the natural sciences (as a psychologist, William James propagated
empirical methods whereas Wilhelm Wundt, with his background in physiology and medicine
and later psychology, propagated experimental methods in research, expounded on theories of
structuralism and hermeneutics, and laid the foundation for ethnic or cultural psychology, i.e.,
Vlkerpsychologie) (Krampen, 2016). J. M. Cattell started with the study of philosophy, added
psychology at Leipzig University andsignificant for the development and history of
psychometrics and statisticsvisited Sir Francis Galtons (1822-1911) psychometric and
experimental laboratory in London from 1886-1887.
Thus, in the brief span of time since its beginnings (about 150 years), psychology has
been firmly established in the contemporary sciences, embedded not only in the humanities and
the natural sciences but in the social sciences as well (Krampen, 2016). Likewise, the first
students of psychology of these three great men actually came from very different (i.e.,
multidisciplinary) scientific backgrounds including, for example, educators and teaching students
and students of philosophy and philology (representing the humanities) and physicians and
medical students and mathematicians and mathematics students (representing the natural
sciences). Consequently, the applied science of psychology began in a multidisciplinary way that
was based upon and included a variety of scientific backgrounds and methodologies right from
the very start.
A controversial methodological divide has existed in psychology practically from its

inception and is based on the quantitative experimental versus qualitative hermeneutic
methodology proposed by these early psychologists which has led to extensive tension and
debate (Krampen, 2016). However, (and often ignored is the fact that) these two methodologies
refer to empirical data, which can, in differing ways, be more nomothetic or idiographic,
respectively (see, e.g., Danziger, 1995). Nonetheless, the differences between these two
methodologies (which are differentially preferred in the diverse subdisciplines of psychology) led
to increasing tensions and even to crises within the field of psychology with dangers of splitting
the field and vice versa to stereotyping of the opponents.
Such tensions and their inherent danger for the rather young, discrete discipline of
psychology were identified early on and reported in monographs by eminent psychologists such
as Hermann Ebbinghaus (1908, p. 7) on the brief history of psychology and Karl Bhler (1927)
on the crisis of psychology (Krampen, 2016). According to Bhler (1927), the methodological
crisis that psychology was experiencing was a transitional period of a young science, and to solve
it, he suggested that psychology demand several (i.e., experimental, hermeneutic, and behavioral)
methodologies and methods (Krampen, 2016). His innovative line of argumentation thus
rendered the crisis obsolete by the insight and knowledge that all three psychological aspects
are a priori necessarily and adequate for the characterization of the subject matter of psychology
(Krampen, 2016, p. 1218).
More recently in the field psychology, the complex pattern of continuity and
discontinuity in psychology (Herrmann, 2009, p. 95) has been described and reflected upon, the
trends in the prominence of four widely recognized schools in scientific psychology:
psychoanalysis, behaviorism, cognitive psychology, and neurosciences (Robins, Gosling, &
Craik, 1999, p. 117) have been described and scientometrically analyzed, the 100 most eminent
psychologists of the 20th century (Haggbloom et al., 2002, p. 139) have been identified by
means of citation analyses and surveys, to name a few. All these analyses not only reveal the ups
and downs of trends in psychological concepts, theories, and great names, but also a strong
continuity and discontinuity of methodological preferences based on the tension between
qualitative and quantitative methodologies, which are characteristic of the humanities versus the
natural sciences (with the social sciences falling somewhere in the middle). Van Rappard (1993,
p. 187) aggregated this in his central argument: In psychology the past is part and parcel of the
present. In other words, there is a good deal of history in psychology.
At the same time, there are frequent descriptions of and complaints about a decreasing
interest in the history of psychology within psychology and by psychologists (e.g., Allesch et al.,
2015; Danziger, 1994; Herrmann, 2009). Reflecting on his research area of the history, current
presence, and future of psychology, Herrmann (2009, p. 96), for example, speculated that about
95% of all currently active psychologists in Germany do not find my present topic too
interesting. In the German-speaking countries, most of the researchers focusing on the history
of psychology are located in the section History of Psychology of the Deutsche Gesellschaft fr
Psychologie (DGPs). With 59 members at present, this is the smallest group of the 15 DGPs
sections while other sections have up to 640 members, with an average membership of 344 (SD
= 193.6) (Margraf, 2015).
In Danzigers (1994) essay Does the history of psychology have a future, he links this
disinterest in history to the above-discussed multidisciplinary foundation of psychology in the
humanities and natural sciences. Criticizing, he establishes that the history of psychology tends
to be accorded a purely pedagogical role within the discipline rather than being seen as a possible
source of substantive contributions which he feels is indicative of a type of mobilization that is
characteristic of the natural rather than the human sciences (Danziger, 1994, p. 467). Up to this
point, these statements are in agreement with Bhler (1927). Next, Danziger (1994, p. 467)
distinguishes between a shallow history of the scientific review and the dominant educational
objective to help to organize consensus (thus, conformity in educational and research
settings, Krampen, 2016, p. 1219; see also, e.g., attempts to set standards for research in
psychology, Appelbaum, Cooper, Maxwell, Stone, & Sher, 2008; and publication guidelines,
APA, 2010) as opposed to the critical history representing a threat to the moral community
of researchers (Danziger, 1994, p. 467; see also Krampen, 2016). Krampen (2016, p. 1219)
summarizes this as follows:
While shallow history refers to regular, normal epochs of science of science that
revolve around main stream research programs and paradigms including immunization
strategies against falsifications, critical history hasat the very leastthe potential for
essential changes of research paradigms, i.e., that is, the potential for scientific
revolutions (Kuhn, 1970). Undoubtedly, scientific revolutions and significant changes in
research paradigms are rather infrequent, but they are predicated on a critical, self-
regulated learning and research that includes a critical history of the science under study.
However, we are missing more systematic evidence for the development as well as recent
and current status of psychology in the branches of science, that is, in the context of the
humanities and natural sciences. Are thereat best unobtrusiveindicators of a shift of
psychology from the humanities and social sciences to the natural sciences? In the history of the
sciences such shifts have taken place, are seldom reflected upon, and rather tend to be forgotten.
Mathematics is a good example: Dating back to Ancient Greece in the humanities because of its
theoretical subject matter, abstractness, and universality, it shifted to the natural sciences because
of mathematics broad and fruitful applications in many true natural sciences. The distinction
between applied mathematics (both in and as natural sciences) and pure mathematics
(theoretical math in the humanities) may be of significance for psychology as well.
Differences between the natural sciences and the humanities in the preferred and
instructed ways of research and scientific communication patterns are frequently described (e.g.,
Puuska, 2014) and called discipline-specific cultures in different research communities. Such
rules, norms, and standards of scientific communication can befrequently international
formalized (e.g., in publication manuals, submission guidelines of journals, etc.) or informal
within a research community, the latter with differences between nations and ethnicities, too
(see, e.g., Liu & Fang, 2014). Such differences in professional communications and publications
between the humanities (andat least in partthe social sciences) and the natural sciences refer,
for example, to (1) the preferred publication types (e.g., so-called book sciences vs. journal
sciences), (2) the frequency of single versus multiple authorships and the number of coauthors,
(3) the number of references, (4) the length of publications, and (5) linguistic style (e.g., passive
vs. active voice, longer vs. shorter sentences, etc.). These indicators of professional
communication culture in the sciences are unobtrusive measures, which were introduced 50 years
ago as novel methods by Webb, Campbell, Schwartz, and Sechrest (1966, p. V; for an
overview see, e.g., Lee, 2000) to the social sciences. Unobtrusive measures avoid perfectly
reactive measurement effects (measurement errors from the respondent, i.e., the subject under
study), because they refer to, for example, physical traces, archives, simple and contrived
(hidden) observations, etc. In short, the data (or artifacts in historical research) are already there
and must (only?) be analyzed. Scientific publications and databasesWerke von Menschen
(human works) in terms of Bhler (1927)belong to such data, and unobtrusive measurements
of the above-mentioned indicators are possible.
Based on the considerations summarized above, the main research question focuses on the
five unobtrusive indicators of differences in scientific communication in the humanities (and
social sciences) versus the natural sciences and their applicability for the analysis of psychological
publications since 1900. Are there discernible hints for a shift of psychology from the humanities
and social sciences to the natural sciences in one, some, or all of these indicators? Specifically,
developmental trends are briefly analyzed for psychology publications over a period of 11
decades (1900-2009) and in more detail for the 35 publication years between 1980 and 2014,
which is the last year for which complete database documentation in PsycINFO und PSYNDEX
can be expected (at the time of analyses in November 2015). In addition, supplemental research
questions are formulated (1) to explore the trends in the frequencies of different publication
types (i.e., books, chapters, dissertations, and journal articles) and (2) to make comparisons
between the two psychology databases. Ex ante, a remark on the possible objection that
publication output of the natural sciences is much higher than that of the humanities and social
sciences combined: Who publishes more or less is the wrong question; rather, the correct
question for scientific publications refers to scientific quality and innovative strength. It may be
that many (as the case may be, short) publications are necessary for high research quality (e.g.,
because of the necessity of independent replications) and innovations as well as it may be that
only a few publications or even one can result in the same quality and innovativeness.
Unobtrusive Indicator I: Publication Type

Seldom official, but rather informal is the differentiation between book sciences and journal
sciences, a distinction that canhoweverlead to major differences in the university library
budgets for acquiring publications. Typical book sciences are the arts and humanities, typical
journal sciences are the natural sciences, and the social sciences are located in the middle with a
tendency toward the book sciences. This is quite independent of digitalization, becauseat
leastin the last two decades, scientific journals and an increasing number of books as well are
available digitally or in both digital and print versions in all branches of the sciences.
Thus, providing a wealth of information on the status of psychology in its branch of

science is the first unobtrusive indicator, publication type. Important is the historical
examination of this indicator to reveals its development over time. Psychological databases are
the sources that contain information on various publication types. Due to their high publication
frequency in the sciences, the focus here is on journal articles, books (including both authored
and edited books), dissertations/dissertation abstracts, and book chapters (whichhowever
can only be differentiated from edited books in one of the two usable psychological databases).
Publication types such as psychological tests, audiovisual media, digital resources, Internet
resources, etc. are grouped together to form a category that is not the topic of the present
investigation.
Method
Databases. Unobtrusive data analyzed in the following derive from PsycINFO and PSYNDEX.
The publication samples were selected via identical search strategies from the basic populations
of both databases (date of searches: November, 2015). The total samples from PsycINFO and
PSYNDEX include all publications documented in the following classification code1 (CC;
Thesaurus of Psychological Index Terms; Gallagher Tuleya, 2007) categories:
CC = 2* (assigned to publications on general psychology, psychometrics & statistics &
methodology, human experimental psychology, animal experimental & comparative
psychology, physiological psychology & neuroscience, psychology & the humanities,
communication systems, developmental psychology, social processes & social issues),
CC = 3* (assigned to publications on social psychology, personality psychology, psychological
& physical disorders, health & mental health & treatment & prevention, professional
psychological & health personnel issues, educational psychology, industrial & organizational
psychology, sport psychology & leisure, military psychology, consumer psychology), and
CC = 4* (assigned to publications on engineering & environmental psychology, intelligent
systems, forensic psychology & legal issues).
PsycINFO. The American Psychological Association (APA, Washington, DC) produces

PsycINFO and features it as an international database of publications in psychology and the
behavioral and social sciences which dates back to 1806. The majority of publications recorded
in PsycINFO are English-language publications deriving from Anglo-American countries (>90
percent whereas <2% are English- and German-language publications from the German-
speaking countries; Krampen, 2009, 2016), and its coverage of psychology publications greatly
improves but only after the appearance of digitalization in the late 1970s (Krampen, 2016). As of
late 2015, there are about 4 million documents recorded in PsycINFO (which can be retrieved,
e.g., from http://www.apa.org/pubs/databases/psycinfo/index.aspx). The search routine
described above resulted in 3,941,090 PsycINFO documentations of psychological publications.
PSYNDEX. This database, developed and hosted by the Leibniz Institute for Psychology
Information (ZPID; Trier, Germany), is the complementary, comprehensive database containing
German- and English-language publications in psychology and related disciplines in the German-
speaking countries (described by the acronym DACHLL: D = Germany, A = Austria, CH =
Switzerland, first L = Liechtenstein, second L = Luxembourg; note: for two countries,
Switzerland and Luxembourg, German is one of three widely used official languages).
Documentation in PSYNDEX began in 1977 (for German psychological tests: 1945). As of late
2015, approximately 300,000 documents are recorded in PSYNDEX and can be retrieved, for
example, from www.zpid.de, www.MEDPILOT.de, or www.pubpsych.eu. The search routine
outlined above resulted in 305,051 PSYNDEX documentations of psychological publications.
Thus, in absolute numbers, PsycINFO contains almost 13 times more documents than its
European counterpart, PSYNDEX.
Search strategy. Besides the documentation field Publication Year (Gallagher Tuleya,
2007), the field Publication Type was used to determine the number of documented journal
articles, books (i.e., authored book or edited book), book chapters, and dissertation abstracts or
dissertations, respectively, per publication year.
Results
To present a clear description of results, publication years are aggregated to decades (10 years).
For the more detailed analyses of the last 35 publication years, these are aggregated to quintades
(five years).
Publication types in PsycINFO between 1900 and 2009. Publication type results for
journal articles, books, and dissertations documented in PsycINFO during the 110 publication
years from 1900 to 2009 are presented in Table 1. Solid confirmation is provided for the well-
documented vast increase in the overall number of psychological publications in the 20th century
(which can be modeled by way of exponential smoothing; Krampen, von Eye, & Schui, 2011).
This is similar to findings in the other sciences: Behrens and Luksch (2011), for example, showed
a similar increase in literature published in the field of mathematics between 1868 and 2010,
which can be modeled by exponential or linear functions. These increased rates reflect the
growth of the research communities and resources and have beenin additionstrongly
intensified in the last decades by digitalization technologies that enable more efficient
submission, communication, and publication systems via the Internet, shorter production times,
and perhaps shorter peer review times, too.
Table 1. Absolute Numbers (f) of Publications Documented in PsycINFO a as well as Absolute Numbers (f)
and Relative Frequencies (%) of Different Publication Types in the Publication Years 1900-2009
Publication type
______________________________________________
Publication all documents journal articles books dissertations
year in PsycINFO a _______________ _______________ _____________
f % f % f %
1900-1909 5,744 1,006 17.5 3,745 65.2 0 0.0
1910-1919 8,853 2,732 30.9 4,759 53.8 0 0.0
1920-1929 27,032 17,336 64.1 5,659 20.9 0 0.0
1930-1939 63,996 49,132 76.8 5,178 8.1 1 0.0
1940-1949 56,732 42,946 75.7 4,560 8.0 225 0.4
1950-1959 92,721 69,859 75.3 5,658 6.1 4,616 5.0
1960-1969 141,948 110,754 78.0 4,022 2.8 14,291 10.0
1970-1979 280,769 200,610 71.5 4,156 1.5 53,411 19.0
1980-1989 454,178 324,108 71.4 30,692 6.8 74,039 16.3
1990-1999 629,390 426,183 67.7 91,703 14.6 75,200 11.9
2000-2009 1,112,116 800,188 72.0 116,662 10.5 87,793 7.9
Note. a Documentations of publications with the PsycINFO classification codes (CC) = 2* or 3*
or 4* in the Thesaurus of Psychological Index Terms (Gallagher Tuleya, 2007; Retrieval, e.g., from
http://www.apa.org/pubs/databases/psycinfo/index.aspx).
With the exception of dissertations (or dissertation abstracts), which are documented in
PsycINFO since the 1950s with a very high growth rate, journal articles and books show very
strong absolute increases throughout the entire time frame between 1900 and 2009. However,
the proportions of journal articles and books are statistically significant with a numerically high
negative correlation (r = -.99; p < .01). This demonstrates the compensatory relation between
published books and journal articles (see Figure 1): At the start of the 20th century the majority
of psychology publications documented in PsycINFO were books. This changed rather abruptly
in the 1920s in favor of journal articles, which then provided approximately 75% of the
psychology literature published between the 1930s and 1960s. From the 1970s to the decade
after the millennium, the proportion of journal articles is around 70%, while the proportion of
books recovered from its deep and long-lasting fall to peak at about 20% at the turn of the
century to about 10% after the first decade, and since their inclusion in the mid-1940s,
dissertations abstracts have been situated between 10% and 20%.
Figure 1. Percentage (%) of journal articles, books, and dissertation abstracts documented in
PsycINFO, 1900-2009.
Special case of dissertation abstracts in PsycINFO. The hypothesis that the number
of dissertation abstracts could have biased these results due to double documentation as (later)
published authored books or journal articles in the database, was checked for a random sample
of N = 200 U.S. dissertations from the publication years 1966-2000. Only 30 of these
dissertations led to a somewhat later published journal article (15%; mostly in coauthorship), and
none led to an authored book. Only 28 dissertation authors (14%) published more psychology
literature (1-6 publications; M = 1.7) after their dissertation. Therefore, the bias hypothesis can
be rejected. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the results of only a small number of
dissertations are even published for a broader scientific readership and that only very few of
these authors are involved in further publication activities after the completion of their
dissertation.
Publication types in PsycINFO between 1980 and 2014 in more detail. Results on
frequencies of publication types in PsycINFO in the publication years 1980-2014 are presented
in Table 2 and Figure 2 in more detail. Besides the huge increase in psychology publications
during these 35 years for the total (primarily Anglo-American) psychology literature, there are
clear absolute increases in all four publication types considered here. Highest growth rate is
found for the journal articles (which quadruple from the 1980s to the early 2010s), and the other
three publication types triple or double their numbers. Note, however, that PsycINFO
subclassified 92% of the articles as peer-reviewed journals and 0.00003% as non-peer-
reviewed journals (mainly U.S. edited public law journals), with 8% subclassified as peer-
review status unknown. Beyond the large differences between peer-review procedures (e.g.,
open vs. blind vs. double blind reviewing, number of reviewers, etc.), these percentages certainly
lead to some doubt about this subclassification of journals as an evaluation criteria because it is
an extremely one-sided distribution.
Figure 2. Percentage (%) of journal articles, books, chapters, and dissertation abstracts
documented in PsycINFO, 1980-2014.
Table 2. Absolute Numbers (f) of Publications Documented in PsycINFOa as well as Absolute Numbers (f) and Relative Frequencies (%) of Different Publication
Types in the Publication Years 1980-2014
Publication type
Publication year all documents in journal articles books chapters dissertations

PsycINFO a
___________ __________ ____________ ____________
f % f % f % f %
1980-1984 188,944 138,957 73.5 835 0.4 646 0.3 38,298 20.3
1985-1989 265,620 185,509 69.8 29,857 11.2 24,524 9.2 35,741 13.4
1990-1994 306,393 200,605 65.5 46,525 15.2 38,415 12.5 41,934 13.7
1995-1999 323,110 225,680 69.8 45,178 14.0 37,093 11.5 33,266 10.3
2000-2004 422,951 307,809 72.8 47,132 11.1 39,952 9.4 31,596 7.5
2005-2009 689,289 492,489 71.4 69,530 10.1 59,364 8.6 56,197 8.2
2010-2014 894,910 655,755 73.3 71,575 8.0 62,708 7.0 81,271 9.1
Note. a Documentations of publications with the classification codes (CC) = 2* or 3* or 4* of the Thesaurus of Psychological Index Terms (Gallagher
Tuleya, 2007; retrieval from http://www.apa.org/pubs/databases/psycinfo/index.aspx).
Publication types in PSYNDEX between 1980 and 2014 in more detail. The
frequencies of publication types in the German- and English-language literature output from
psychology in the German-speaking countries (DACHLL) in the last 35 years are presented in
Table 3 and Figure 3. For all publications the numbers double between the early 1980s and
2010s, the numbers of journal articles and books chapters triple, the number of dissertations
explodes after the millennium, andvery different from the PsycINFO resultsthe number of
books is (with few exceptions) relatively stable over time. It is worth noting that PSYNDEX
differentiates clearly between book chapters and edited books, that is, their frequencies can be
counted independently.
The proportions of publication types depicted in Figure 3 illustrate the clear dominance
of journal articles with a slight decrease in the 1980s and early 1990s (minimum: 53%) and a
rather continuous increase after the millennium (maximum: 65%) with an upward trend.
Proportional development of books and chapters shows strong oscillation, a finding which is
typical for smaller databases. The percentage of dissertations documented in PSYNDEX
increases continuously after the millennium to a maximum of 5% in the early 2010s.
Figure 3. Percentage (%) of journal articles, books, and dissertations (not published as books) in
PSYNDEX 1980-2014.
Table 3.Absolute Numbers (f) of Publications Documented in PSYNDEX a as well as Absolute Numbers (f) and Relative Frequencies (%) of Different
Publication Types in the Publication Years 1980-2014
Publication type
Publication year all documents journal articles books chapters dissertations

in PSYNDEXa
_______________ _______________ _______________ _______________
f % f % f % f %
1980-1984 22,952 12,619 55.0 3,254 14.2 3,536 15.4 611 2.3
1985-1989 37,707 19,213 51.0 4,261 11.3 9,282 24.6 37 0.0
1990-1994 44,152 23,879 54.8 4,865 11.0 11,178 25.3 73 0.0
1995-1999 44,262 23,528 53.2 5,213 11.8 10,863 24.5 223 0.0
2000-2004 43,154 23,034 53.4 4,688 10.9 10,977 25.4 1,111 2.6
2005-2009 47,432 27,028 57.0 4,212 9.0 11,858 25.0 1,951 4.1
2010-2014 52,020 33,834 65.0 3,673 7.1 10,723 20.6 2,404 5.0
a
Note. Documentations of publications with the classification codes (CC) = 2* or 3* or 4* of the Thesaurus of Psychological Index Terms
(Gallagher Tuleya, 2007; retrieval from http://www.apa.org/pubs/databases/psycinfo/index.aspx).
Special case of dissertations documented in PSYNDEX. Noteworthy is the fact that
the absolute number of dissertations in the German-speaking countries increased sharply after
the millennium. Nevertheless, dissertations constitute only 5% of all psychology publications in
the DACHLL countries. Remarkably, of this number, 44% of all dissertations are published
either as an authored book by a publishing company or as a journal article, both increasing the
possibility to be recognized by the broader scientific public. The other 56% are pure
dissertations, which are only available online at university dissertation repositories or printed in
limited numbers by small or independent presses andthereforealthough formally published,
remain less public and less visible to the research community.
Summary of Results on the Unobtrusive Indicator I: Publication Type

Results from PsycINFO data show clearly that at the start of the 20th century psychology was a
book science, whichhoweverrapidly and with great intensity developed into a journal
science. Since the 1930s, around 70% (and up to nearly 80% in the 1930s to 1960s) of the
literature output documented in PsycINFO is published in scientific journals. PSYNDEX data
confirm this result for the last 35 publication years with a somewhat lower percentage of around
55%, but with an increasing trend (up to 65% in the early 2010s). Thus, the overall proportion of
authored books, edited books, and book chapters is about 30% in PSYNDEX (without any
clearly distinct trends) and only 10% in PsycINFO with a decreasing trend over the last 35 years.
A striking finding is the high percentage of book chapters (about 18%) documented in
PSYNDEX in comparison to PsycINFO (about 7%), because the peer-review status and
scientific quality control of many editions remain unclear.
Conspicuous is also the result that the majority of the (mainly Anglo-American)
dissertations documented in PsycINFO tend to remain pure dissertations without later
publication as a journal article or authored book. Thereby, potentially valuable psychological
knowledge and results are lost because of their diminished visibility. Furthermore, only few
authors of dissertations are involved in further publication activities after completion of their
dissertation. This leads to the hypothesis that they vanish from the psychological research arena
in spite of their academic qualifications and research experience. However, the situation is
somewhat better in the German-speaking countries where results from almost half of the
completed dissertations are later published in the form of a journal article or an authored book.
Besides these differences between data and results derived from PsycINFO and
PSYNDEX, the results on the status of psychology as a book versus journal science are in
accordance. PsycINFO data show that psychology was a book science at the beginning of the
20th century, but rapidly changed in the early 1920s to a journal science and has remained as
such up to the publication year 2014. In the last 35 years this trend is more pronounced in
PsycINFO, but is clearly existent in PSYNDEX as well. Taken together, the scientometric
results on the first unobtrusive indicator publication type confirm an early shift of psychology
from the humanities and social sciences (as classic book sciences) to the natural sciences (journal
sciences) in the first quarter of the 20th century, which has lasted almost 100 years to the present
date.
Unobtrusive Indicator II: Single versus Multiple Authorship

Journal articles with multiple coauthorships are more typical in the natural sciences, because
research is frequently implemented in larger teamsfor example, in multicenter studies, large lab
studies, large equipment researchand all participants are named as authors. This avoids
extensive acknowledgments in footnotes with thanks to some who contributed to the research at
some point, but were not intensely involved in the research conception, analyses, interpretation,
and dissemination. However, persons mentioned in such acknowledgments are frequently
dissatisfied, and at least in some branches of science, to dispel any cases of doubt, ethical
standards instruct authors to indicate all participating scientists with their individual contribution,
a demand that is being made by more and more journals for paper submissions (e.g., Nature:
Authors are required to include a statement to specify the contributions of each co-author) or
before paper acceptance (e.g., Science: Before acceptance, each author will be required to indicate
their role in the research ), respectively. Thus, number of authors is rising and continues to
climb, partly due to extreme coauthorships of more than 100 or even 150 authors per paper.
Such publications present, for example, results of intercultural comparisons, large equipment
research, or international studies sampling very specific human genome material from all over
the world under the leadership of one scientist (whose fellow coauthors contribute typically one
dataset each). Journal articles with single authorship or only few coauthors are more typical for
the humanities and the social sciences.
There is some empirical evidence that coauthorship is increasing because research

collaboration is necessary to integrate different experts knowledge, to improve the access to
research funds as well as to advance both professionally and scientifically (Beaver, 2001; Behrens
& Luksch, 2011; Huang, 2015). More concretely, regarding (co)authorship in the field of
mathematics, Behrens and Luksch (2011) concluded:
The average number of authors per publication in mathematics has been increasing
steadily; while it was close to 1 up to the first quarter of the last century it has now
reached a value of 2 in the last few years. This means that the percentage of single-
authored papers has fallen from over 95% in the years before 1930 to about 30% today.
(p. 179)
Up to now there are some hints that multiple authorships of psychology journal articles
have increased in a likewise mannerat least as a result of the anglicization of former German-
language psychology journals (Krampen, Huckert, & Schui, 2012) and for journal publications
with very high citation rates (Krampen, Schui, Ferring, & Bauer, 2014). The latter result is in line
with others which have shown that coauthored journal articles have higher citation rates in and
impact on different scientific disciplines. For Finnish scientists of various disciplines, for
instance, Puuska, Muhonen, and Leino (2014) reported that international co-publications by ten
authors or more gather significant more citations than other publications. In humanities, the
difference in citation impacts between co-authored publications in relation to single-authored
publications is significant (p. 823). Levitts (2014) scientometric results suggest that whilst
having at least two authors gives a substantial citation impact advantage in all social science
disciplines, additional authors are beneficial in some disciplines but not in others. Moreover,
Blagus, Leskosek, and Stares (2015) results confirm that researchers with a large number of co-
authors are systematically ranked higher in impact measures like the h-index or total citations
(p. 1743).
The results on citation advantages of publications with multiple authorships in

comparison to these with single authorship has led to the suspicion that multiple authorships
may be less or even not motivatedat least sometimesscientifically and with reference to the
actual contributions to research of all coauthors, but rather is a strategy to achieve more citation
impact for all (Beaver, 2001; Persson & Glnzel, 2014). Persson, Glnzel, and Danell (2004)
measured inflationary bibliometric tendencies for multiple coauthorships, which refer to strategic
coauthorships like honorific authorship (Persson & Glnzel, 2014) and/or hyperauthorship
as a postmodern perversion or evidence of a structural shift in scholarly communication
practice (Cronin, 2001, p. 558). Therefore, multiple authorships are sometimes rather
nontransparent, perhaps obscure, and journals try to control this by the demand for personal
statements of each coauthor about his/her individual contribution to the research.
In any case, these considerations and results cast some light on the problems that can
arise when the sciences slide down in the direction of mercantilization (Herrmann, 1996).
Science is not a like the marketplace where the vendor with the most beautiful yet relatively
inexpensive fruits and vegetables has the highest income. Surely, science is also a competition,
albeit one that is less motivated by economics, but rather by scientific enhancement and insight.
Nonetheless, results of a functional neuroimaging study of 18 neuroscientists working in
research labs (neurologists, psychiatrists, and psychologists) for M = 5.2 years show that the
incentive structure of a scientists life is increasingly mimicking economic principles (Paulus,
Rademacher, Schfer, Mller-Pinzler, & Krach, 2015, p. 1). These results provide experimental
evidence on the identification with the journal impact factor, which shapes scientists reward
signals in the nucleus accumbens during the anticipation of a publication.
Because empirical evidence is missing, a bibliometric analysis on the unobtrusive

indicator number of single versus multiple authorships of psychological journal articles in
comparison to these in other disciplines and its development was implemented using the Web of
Sciences (WoS). This analysis was conducted despite the doubts about the motivation for and
justification ofat least somemultiple coauthorships.
Method
Unobtrusive data analyzed in the following derive from the Web of Science (WoS), which is
produced and hosted by Thomson Reuters (http://apps.webofknowledge.com/) and contains
over one billion searchable, cited references from journal articles. Implemented was basic
search in the research area psychology andexcluding the research area psychologyin the
research domains arts humanities, social sciences, and science technology (including
natural sciences as biology, biochemistry, oncology, etc.) fixed for searches of article and
selected publication years. Number of authors was counted for random samples of each 100
journal articles published in the years 1984, 1994, 2004, and 2014, respectively.
Results
Results in Table 4 show that the percentage of single authorship of psychology journal articles
decreases rather continuously from 66% in 1984 to 31% in 2014, while a statistically significant
rise in the number of authors per articles from M = 1.3 (1984) to M = 2.2 (2014) is verified. In
the arts and humanities as well as in the social sciences, single authorships compose the majority
of publications at any given time (between 60% and 81%); number of coauthors shows only a
smallwith one exceptionchange between publication years. Comparable with authorship
trends in psychology publications are those from the natural sciences: Single authorships, starting
at a low level in 1984, clearly decrease and the number of coauthors increases significantly.
Summary of Results on Unobtrusive Indicator II: Single versus Multiple Authorship

In agreement with other results (see above) are the findings that single authorships decreased in
the last four decades in the natural sciences and in psychology, while they have remained
dominant in the arts and humanities and the social sciences. Concurrently, the number of
coauthors increases significantly in psychology and the natural sciences, but not in the two other
domains of the sciences. Thus, the results on the second unobtrusive indicator number of
authors confirm the closeness of psychology to the natural sciences and its distance to the
humanities and social sciences, at least during the last four decades. To what extent strategic
coauthorships play a role in psychology and in the domains of the sciences remains an open
question.
Table 4. Percentage (%) of Single Authorships of 400 Articles (published 1984, 1994, 2004, and 2014) in the Research Area
Psychology and the Three Research Domains a Documented in the Web of Science (WoS) and Mean Numbers of Authors
Research domain a
Research area arts social science
Publication year
psychology humanities sciences technology
_______________ _______________ _______________ _______________
Single Number of Single Number of Single Number of Single Number of
author authors author authors author authors author authors
% M % M % M % M
1984 66 1.3 78 1.2 70 1.1 41 2.3
1994 52 1.5 77 1.1 69 1.2 50 2.7
2004 34 1.7 81 1.1 71 1.1 43 3.0
2014 31 2.2 76 1.1 60 1.5 22 3.8
Note. a Excluding the research area of psychology.
Unobtrusive Indicator III: Number of References
Paper submission standards for the number of references are very different: Most science
journals demand only that reference lists are complete (e.g., to avoid plagiarism) and therefore
exclude reference lists from word counts defining paper length. Comparatively few journals have
restricted reference lists to small numbers of references to regulate and restrict paper length, by
demanding, for example, that only the last two or three significant publications on the topic to
be cited (e.g., in some journals of theoretical physics). However, demands such as these were
discarded in times of digitalization. Despite this, a more systematic historical research orientation
may lead to the expectation that reference lists are longer in the arts and humanities than in the
natural sciences, which may refer primarily to the most recent publications on a topic while
omitting older ones.
Method
Number of references was counted for the same random samples of 100 journal articles
published in the years 1984, 1994, 2004, and 2014, respectively, which were studied with respect
to the unobtrusive indicator II (see above).
Results
Results in Table 5 show that the mean number of references is lowest in natural sciences journal
articles and is decreasing from 1984 to 2014. This is followed by psychology papers with no
significant differences between the publication years examined here. Journal articles from the
humanities and social sciences have significantly longer reference lists, however, this with a
somewhat larger variability (see the standard deviations in Table 5).
Table 5. Means (M) and Standard Deviations (SD) of the Number of References in 400 Articles (Published in
1984, 1994, 2004, and 2014) in the Research Area Psychology and the Three Research Domains a
Documented in the Web of Science (WoS)
Number of references
Research domain a
Research area arts social science
Publication
psychology humanities sciences technology
year
____________ ____________ ____________ ______________
M SD M SD M SD M SD
1984 32 6.4 40 8.4 51 6.9 27 4.1
1994 35 5.2 38 7.9 47 7.3 18 3.7
2004 29 4.8 35 8.1 42 7.0 21 3.5
2014 30 5.1 41 7.7 43 6.8 19 3.8
Note. a Excluding the research area of psychology.
Summary of Results on Unobtrusive Indicator III: Number of References

The results on the third unobtrusive indicator number of references in journal articles confirm
the closeness of psychology to the natural sciences and its distance to the humanities and social
sciences, at least during the last four decades. In the context of digitalization, this indicator may
soon become obsolete.
Unobtrusive Indicator IV: Length of Journal Articles
Paper submission standards for the length of submissions are very different among journals.
Most science journals generally restricted the length of submissions in the past, but have been
dropping this policy recently in part due to digitalization. Nonetheless, most journals adhere to
limits, for example, to enhance readability and/or to minimize narrative, digressive writing.
Typically, journals of the humanities and social sciences provided and continue to provide more
generous restrictions of paper length than journals in the natural sciences. Today, some of the
latter journal types set limits of no more than 5 pages (e.g., Nature) with a maximum of 1,300
words per page. There is not any restriction on the number of pages represents the other
extreme and is most typically found in guidelines for authors in some of the journals of the
humanities and social sciences.
Because the unobtrusive indicator length of journal articles has been recently and is
currently undergoing various changes, historically oriented trend analyses are not meaningful.
Instead, systematic comparisons of submission limits for papers in eminent journals in
psychology with those in the arts and humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences (all
excluding psychology journals) were performed.
Method
Random samples of each 10 eminent journals (impact factor > 3.0) from psychology as well as
the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences (excluding psychology journals) were
selected from the journal lists of social science, natural sciences, the arts and humanities, and
psychology in WIKIPEDIA. Submission guidelines were checked for limitations of paper length
(e.g., pages and words per page, words count, text including vs. excluding references, tables,
figures, etc.) and standardized to the number of maximal allowed pages x 1,300 words per page.
Results
No limits of text length are given in the submission guidelines of three journals from the arts and
humanities and in one from the social sciences, while all 10 journals examined here from both
psychology and the natural sciences set limits (see Table 6). The limits of the number of standard
pages (1,300 words) are lowest for the journals of the natural sciences, followed by the
psychology journals. The majority of the journals from the arts and humanities and social
sciences set either no limits or more than 21 standard pages as a limit. On average, maximum
number of words allowed is lowest for the natural science journals, highest for journals from the
arts and humanities and social sciences with psychology journals in between.
Summary of Results on the Unobtrusive Indicator IV: Length of Journal Articles

Limitations of manuscript length in the submission guidelines of psychology journals are more
similar to natural science journals than to those of journals from the arts and humanities and
social sciences. However, it should be kept in mind that submission guidelines on paper length
are currently changing. Editors and publishing companies are balancing reasons with reference to
economic digitalization allowing longer papers versus an economic and efficient readability of
shorter publications.
Table 6. Text Length Limits for Manuscript Submissions to Journals of Randomly Selected Journals from
Psychology, Arts and Humanities, Social Sciences, and Natural Sciences (10 Journals Each)
Maximal text length for journal submissions
Science domain/area No limits Maximal Maximal number of standard pages (f)

(f) number of
words
___________ _________________________________
M SD 5 6-10 11-15 16-20 21

Psychology 0 24,073 12.5 0 1 2 6 1
Arts and humanities 3 35,110 21.9 0 0 0 4 3
Social sciences 1 31,788 19.3 0 0 0 5 4
Natural sciences 0 17,375 10.8 1 3 4 2 0
a
Note. Standard page: 1,300 words.
Unobtrusive Indicator V: Linguistic Style

Besides others, the voice (Genus Verbi, in this case, i.e., active vs. passive voice) is a significant
linguistic feature of scientific texts. Passive voice serves the emphasis of neutrality and
objectivity, thus, personal distancing to avoid orat leastto reduce idiosyncrasies in
descriptions and explications of results in favor of more general presentations of scientific results
and insights. This may be linked to an I taboo and avoidance of personal pronouns in writing.
Passive voice places the author in the back seat and promotescritically considered
anonymization: Emphasis is not on the question Who did it? but rather on What was done?
Furthermore, passive sentence structures support control of sentence structure in reading,
because the change of subject and object place the correct information to refer back to at the
beginning of sentences. However, passive voice is criticized frequently because (1) it can be
copious and sluggish, making texts longer, (2) promotes nominalizations, (3) it can be more
indirect and therefore more ambiguous, (4) scientific accuracy may decline because of hanging
attributes, (5) it can be misleading due to pompous, artificial formulations, and (6) it can be more
difficult to formulate in and may not be mastered by anyone correctly (whatprincipally
cannot be an argument against it). Active voiceso the argumenteliminates or, at least,
minimizes all these problems. Furthermore, writing in the active voice would (7) eliminate
prepositions, (8) describe science more appropriately, because it is done actively by individuals or
teams, and (9) recognize individual contributions more adequately.
Despite the ongoing debate on the usage of passive versus active voice in the sciences at
least since 1957 in high-ranking science journals (e.g., Science, Nature, Physics in Technology; for an
overview, see Sheffield, 2013), it seems today that reality has made this debate obsolete, at least
in journals of the natural sciences: Journals prefer active voice (Sheffield, 2013, p. 4). This
discussion has reached the social sciences and humanities although without a clear decision
today. Proponents of the active voice use the above-mentioned arguments; proponents of the
passive voice emphasize its contribution to neutrality, objectivity, and personal distancing in
scientific texts in favor of more general presentations of scientific results and insights. More than
that, proponents of passive voice interpret this linguistic shift in the sciences as an indicator of a
changing understanding of science and the self-concept of scientists, which conforms to the
active, self-regulated, internally attributing image of mankind. At the same time, there are
movements leading away from the ideal of science as a time- and culture-related total of
systematic experience and insights, which are related in a theoretical rationale as well as an ideal
of scientists, who are unselfishly committed and intrinsically motivated to the gain of knowledge
and humanity for the sake of the research object in particular.
Since 2010 the submission guidelines of most psychology journals include

recommendations or even instructions for authors to avoid the passive voice, to avoid the third
person by using personal pronouns, to write short sentences, etc. This is a change in writing style
with a long history, although these changes have been supported by the APA early on as
evidenced in the second edition of the Publication Manual of the Psychological Association published in
1974: An experienced writer can use the first person and the active voice without dominating
the communication and without sacrificing the objectivity of the research. If any discipline
should appreciate the value of personal communication, it should be psychology (p. 28). Each
new edition has elaborated on the preferred voice use in scientific writing, and even though the
active voice is clearly becoming the norm, the sixth edition reminds us that the passive voice is
acceptable in expository writing and when you want to focus on the object or recipient of the
action rather than on the actor (APA, 2010, p. 77).
Discussion and Conclusions

In summary, the results on the five unobtrusive indicators of the status of psychology within the
branches of sciences or research domains show that psychology has experienced a rather
unidirectional shift toward the domain of the natural sciences. Scientometric findings from
PsycINFO data reveal that at the start of the 20th century, psychology was a book science,
whichhoweverchanged rapidly and effectively to a journal science. Since the 1930s,
around 70% (up to nearly 80% during the 1930s to 1960s) of the literature output documented
in PsycINFO is published in scientific journals. PSYNDEX data confirm this result for the most
recent 35 publication years with a somewhat lower percentage of around 55%, but with an
increasing trend (65% in the early 2010s). Thus, without any clearly visible trend, authored
books, edited books, and book chapters together comprise about 30% of the literature
documented in PSYNDEX (cf. Krampen, Weiland, & Wiesenhtter, 2015), and this is only 10%
in PsycINFO with a perceptible decreasing trend during the last 35 years. The results for the
other four unobtrusive indicators are in agreement with this, thus empirically confirming the
natural science orientation of the clear majority of modern psychology not only once but five
times. Data argue for an early shift in the 1920s, which is still present today and has even slightly
increased during the past 100 years.
However, there are some serious limitations of the results presented on the publication
types in psychology. It may be argued that publication documentation in PsycINFO has been
selective, and the described shift from a book science to a journal science may actually be caused
by the changing strategies in PsycINFO documentation and coverage. This argument cannot be
rejected because there is no documentation of the changes that have been implemented in the
history of PsycINFO and Psychological Abstracts (the printed precursor of PsycINFO). We can
only be reasonably assured that, since the late 1970s, both PsycINFO and PSYNDEX are
fulfilling the objective of exhaustive documentation of the psychological publications from the
Anglo-American and the German-speaking countries, respectively. Anyone who might be
systematically searching for psychology literature before this time is dependent on PsycINFO
andthereforeonly the literature documented in PsycINFO can be taken into consideration.
Another possible objection is that the publication output of the natural sciences is much higher
than that of the humanities and social sciences together. However, as mentioned earlier, to
publish more or less is the wrong question here; the correct question rather refers to the
scientific quality and innovative strength of scientific publications. It may be that many (as the
case may be, short) publications are necessary for advancement and high research quality (e.g.,
because of the necessity of independent replications) or it may be that only a few or even one
publication can result in the same quality and innovativeness.
Results of the examination of developmental trends of the number of books and book
chapters during the latest 35 publication years show that there are rather strong increases in their
absolute numbers with some differences between psychology publications from the Anglo-
American and the German-speaking countries: While the number of books published between
1980 and 2014 remains quite stable in the German-speaking countries, this number more than
doubles in the Anglo-American world. Book chaptersin contrasttriple in the German-
speaking countries. However, after the millennium, the (relative) percentage of books and
chapters are at levels of less than 10% in PsycINFO (books and chapters, respectively) and in
PSYNDEX (books only), but at about 20% for chapters in PSYNDEX. Thus, we have an
ambiguous picture: Even though the absolute numbers of authored and edited books are on the
rise, they are increasingly eclipsed by the vast increase in journal articles in both databases.
The majority of these journal articles present results of empirical studies, meta-analyses,
and overviews of empirical studies, fewer focus on theoretical and methodological issues
(approximately 25%; Schui, Mller, & Krampen, 2015). These issues tend to be the main topics
of authored books and some of the edited books as well. Theory formulation and integration,
conceptual analyses, and methodological (not or less methodical or technical) advances require
the publication of books in the tradition of the humanities and the social sciences. In addition,
the psychological tradition in the humanities and the social sciences refer, for example, to these
traditions and subject matters of psychology, which recently can be exemplarily listed as
theoretical psychology, including a priori elements in psychological theories and psycho-logic
(Smedslund, 1988), formalization of psychological theories, idiographic, idiothetic, and meta-
idiographic research methodologies, logical learning theory of personality, and teleological
psychology (Rychlak, 1981). In addition, hermeneutics from the humanities and the social
sciences cannot be forgotten because this is necessary in psychological interventions and, for
example, for the interpretation of the majority of statistical results as well (e.g., factor and cluster
interpretations of factor and cluster analyses), which ishoweverfrequently hidden and
handled as something like a secret.
In the history of sciences, such shifts of research areas and disciplines between the
domains of sciences have transpired. The example of mathematics was mentioned in the
introduction: Started in Ancient Greece in the humanities because of its theoretical subject
matter, abstractness, and universality, it shifted to the natural sciences because of mathematics
broad and fruitful applications in many true natural sciences. The distinction between applied
mathematics (in and as natural sciences) and pure mathematics (theoretical math in the
humanities) may be of significance for psychology as well. It may be reasonable to classify
(empirical) research in the basic disciplines of psychology and some sort of basic research in
applied (e.g., clinical) psychology with little reference and significance to real (clinical)
psychological practice to the natural sciences. Applied, theoretical, and methodological
psychology are the areas that belong more to the humanities and social sciences, because of
boththe significance of hermeneutics and qualitative methodologies as well as the necessity to
consider social and societal determinants of psychological routine practice. This is just the
opposite of mathematics, but may be fruitful for the future of psychology as one science with
strong foci in the natural sciences and in the humanities and social sciences, too.
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Footnote
1
To serve the purpose of describing the content of the PsycINFO and PSYNDEX databases
(Gallagher Tuleya, 2007), one or more four-digit classification codes, beginning with the
numerals 2, 3, or 4, are assigned to all documents.
p-ISSN: 1694-2620
e-ISSN: 1694-2639
Challenges of Bible/Liturgical Translations in the Efik

Language Group
Christopher Naseri (Ph.D)

Department of Religious and Cultural Studies,
University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria
Abstract
One hundred years after the arrival of Christianity in Calabar, translating the bible and the
liturgical rites into the Efik language still remains an unfinished and an unsolved task. The early
translations that were made appear inadequate especially from the stand point of unavailability of
sufficient vocabulary from the local language. Thus one finds within the local language texts,
repetition of the English words from where the primary translations were made. Some of these
include, Spirit, Heaven, Eucharist and Angel. This work assesses why these English words
have not been replaced with local words. It studies some translation theories and the principles
guiding Catholic translations of liturgical rites and in the light of these considers the possibilities
of finding an Efik word for the term spirit. The conclusion is that it is possible to find Efik
words for some of the retained English words. Where equivalent words exist in the Efik
language, the connotation associated with the words tends to discourage attempts at using them
in Christian settings. The dominance of the familiar and the fear of, or reluctance towards the
new are however, acknowledged as challenges. As features of language, signification and re-
signification can help overcome the fear of giving words new significance.
Keywords: Bible translation, Efik language, Liturgical translations,
Introduction
Efik language group is used in this work to include Efik, Ibibio and Annang languages spoken in
the two States of Cross River and Akwa Ibom in Nigeria. Efik is spoken by the Efiks who
occupy the Southern part of Cross River State namely Akpabuyo, Bakassi, Calabar, Odukpani,
and some parts of Southwest province of Cameroon. It is fairly understood by the inhabitants of
Akamkpa. Ibibio is spoken by the Ibibio people who are the largest occupants of Akwa Ibom
State, Annang is spoken by the second largest group in Akwa Ibom. The three languages are of
the Benue-Congo group of Niger-Congo language. They share the same similarities in
vocabulary, morphology and reconstructed forms and are mutually intelligible and form a
language cluster. They are spoken by more than five million people and belong to the group of
Nigerian minority languages. The religion of their speakers is primarily Christianity and African
Traditional or Indigenous Religion.
The Efik language is spoken by about 360,000 people; 350,000 in Nigeria and 10,000 in
Cameroon. It has a literary tradition that dates back to the nineteenth century through the effort
of the Church of Scotland Mission who first translated the bible and other Christian literature
into the Efik language in 1846 (Offiong and Ansa, 2013). The first attempt at recording the Efik
vocabulary was however in 1812 (Aye, 1991). The Efik language has from the time of the
missionaries served as the Christian religious language of the Annang, Efik and Ibibio people
and beyond. Efik bible is used in the whole of Akwa Ibom State and in the entire Southern
Senatorial district of Cross River State. The literary development of the language has not been as
progressive as was probably intended in the primers (Essien, 1987). There appears to be little
interest on the part of the leadership class in enhancing it and it has been dropped from the West
African Certificate Examination for lack of registered students.
The arrival of Christianity in Calabar and the desire to convert enhanced the timely
translation of the English bible into the Efik language. This translation initiated by the Scottish
missionaries is autographed by the presence of some un-translated English words. It marked the
transition of the Efik language from oral to written language and has served as one of the pioneer
models for written Efik. Indigenous bible translation institutions have since been established in
Nigeria and the Efik bible has been republished by these groups with the English words retained.
Subsequent Efik translations of the Catholic liturgical rites also retain this phenomenon.
Liturgical rites refer to the procedures used for Catholic prayer and worship, and the term
liturgical translation is used here to refer to the translations of these rites from English to Efik.
Code switching between English and Efik by contemporary Efik speakers may reflect what
is already anticipated in the bible translations. The retained English words in the Efik bible
underscore principally the probable inadequacy of a developing language or of a language in
transition from an oral to a written form. Historically the English words also serve as testimonies
to the identity of the earliest evangelizers of the Efik people and to the then colonizers of
Nigeria. They reflect the tension between a dominant and a less dominant language in an
interaction between the familiar and the new. The phenomenon depicts a translation in which the
desire to communicate outweighs the quest to understand. Put differently, it represents a
translation enhanced primarily by the desire to communicate and secondarily by the quest to
understand.
This work will examine some translation theories and study the principles guiding Catholic
translation of liturgical rites and in the light of these evaluate existing Efik bible and liturgical
translations. In the course of this analysis some of the retained English words in the Efik bible
and liturgical books will be highlighted. Possible reasons for their retention will be proposed
from the standpoint of both the pioneer missionary-translators and the indigenous translators.
Using the English word Spirit as an example, the position of this work is that Efik replacements
for some, if not all of the retained English words can be found.
Translation and Translation Theory

Translation is an attempt to make knowledge expressed in a foreign language accessible to a
people of another language. It is the process of understanding and communication, it
consequently implies an interpretation. It is a melting pot for different disciplines like philology,
linguistics, communication and sociosemiotics. Given that language is the vehicle of the culture
and values of a people, translation involves an encounter between the culture and values of the
translated language and the receptor language. It is a path to inculturation which has awakened
the sense of local identity.
The first stage of inculturation consists in translating the inspired Scripture into
another language A translation, of course, is always more than a simple
transcription of the original text. The passage from one language to another
necessarily involves a change of cultural context: concepts are not identical
and symbols have a different meaning, for they come up against other
traditions of thought and other ways of life. Written in Greek, the New
Testament is characterized in its entirety by a dynamic of inculturation. In its
transposition of the Palestinian message of Jesus into Judeo-Hellenistic culture
it displays its intention to transcend the limits of a single cultural world
(Pontifical Biblical Commission, 1993).
Translation is therefore an interdisciplinary and intercultural project which sometimes serves

ideological purposes. In the religious circle this may be understood as missionary.
The involvement of this assemblage of disciplines has revealed that an integral biblical
translation must take into consideration not only the context of the author but the context or
understanding of the recipients. The interest is on both the setting of the message and on the
setting in which the translation is to be used; the manner in which it is to be employed, those to
use it, the circumstances and purpose in which and for which it is to be used (Nida, 1992). The
primary objective of every translation is in principle the interest of the recipients. It takes into
consideration therefore the style, format and syntax of the receptor language as well as the
inadequacy of the dictionaries and grammars of the receptor language. It also takes into
consideration the human emotions, familiarity and even doctrinal issues (Wcela, 2009).
Formal and Dynamic Equivalence

The classical theory of translation is the formal and dynamic equivalence. The dynamic or
functional equivalence influenced bible translation projects from the late 1950s onwards. At the
dawn of a new century however, it has almost been relegated to its own time. The two theories
revolve around the relationship between the receptor language and the syntax or form of the
original language. Every translation seeks to faithfully reproduce the message contained in the
original language but there is however, the point of divergence. Some theorists sustain that the
effective reproduction of the original message hinges on faithfulness of the receptor language to
the grammatical forms of the original language. Others on the other hand sustain that such
adherence will do violence to the receptor language and end up distorting the message that was
to be communicated and made accessible and intelligible.
The first option is understood as formal or literal equivalence; it calls for a rigid
adherence to the form of the original language (Gordon, 1985). It pays particular attention to the
language being translated, seeks to reproduce the grammar, style, and feel of the original
language as closely as possible while still sounding like good and comprehensible in the receptor
language (Wcela, 2009). The second option is dynamic or functional equivalence and proposes
an adherence to the form of the receptor language for an intelligible communication of the
message so translated. It seeks to convey the meaning communicated in the original language in
expressions proper to the receptor language. In translation the receptor language is not meant to
be a vehicle of the linguistic structure or the formal syntax of the original language.
Translators knowledge of the language structure of the receptor language is implied but
their familiarity with the formal syntax of the original language is of course a necessity for an
effective translation to take place. Thus Pope John Paul II in his address to the United Bible
Societies and the Bible Society of Italy sustains that:
A good translation is based on three pillars that must simultaneously support

the entire work. First, there must be a deep knowledge of the original language
and cultural world. Next, there must be a similar good familiarity with the
language and cultural context in and for which the text is translated. Lastly, to
succeed in the whole work, there must be an adequate mastery of the contents
and meaning of what is being translated (2001).
In the context of the Efik translation of the bible the missionaries who were Scottish had
knowledge of the English language and cultural world while their Efik collaborators had
knowledge of the Efik language and cultural world. But it must be acknowledged that neither of
the two groups had sufficient knowledge of the others language. This collaboration therefore
presupposed only in part the three pillars proposed by Pope John Paul II.
Both theories have their shortcomings; formal equivalence may distort the message
communicated in the receptor language. Dynamic equivalence on the other hand may in some
cases be wrong in terms of precision. That which in dynamic equivalence is presented as the
natural and precise translation may at the end mean something different from what the original
language intended. An example proposed by Gordon helps explain these difficulties: The phrase
dia tes sarkos of Romans 8:3 has a formal equivalence translation in Revised Standard Version
as by the flesh. This is faithful to the original but ambiguous in English. The dynamic
equivalence translation in NIV reads by the sinful nature. This is more precise and natural but
in relation to the message of Romans, it is un-Pauline; Paul does not refer to a sinful nature
which would mean a lower nature; he speaks redemptive-historically and not anthropologically
(Gordon, 1985).
The better option therefore would be a translation that is the result of the interaction between
the two principles. There may be instances where dynamic equivalence may be the better option
and other times when formal equivalence may be the better. The challenge consists in
determining consequently, when one or the other is to be preferred. In relation to biblical and
liturgical translations this however is to be conditioned especially by theological factors or
considerations; because the bible is the soul of theology. Dynamic and formal equivalence is
rather a very optimistic theory which tends to believe in the possibility of producing the original
meaning and effect of source text (Crisp, 2000).
New and Familiar in Translation Production and Reception

Reader response is equally an important element to be taken seriously in designing translations
and translation strategies. Translation always takes place in a specific cultural environment;
Sijbolt Noordas consciousness of these facts lead to his proposal of the model of the new and
the familiar in translation production and reception. He sustains that translation must not be all
about something new, there is always something valuable about the old. Translation therefore
requires a mixture of the old and the new; enough of the old to guarantee continuation, enough
of the new to enable change (2000), because socio-cultural change would hardly happen
without acceptance. The traditional model of author-text-reader reveals that authorship and
authorial power are limited; this is equally a reality in translation which on its part doubles the
author. Though texts exist in a formal manner without readers, but they come into real existence
through the readers. And the readers decide actually how the texts are read; consequently,
translation in this context doubles the texts phenomenon by bringing in additional information.
Translation always carries with it the risk of interference between the original text and the
translated text. In the context of the semiotic model (the syntax and semantics dimensions of
texts) there is the pragmatic dimension which is activated by readers who structure texts,
attribute meaning to textual signs and evoke pragmatic effects. Readers interaction with a given
text always produces meaning but in the context of the dynamics of convention and innovation in
text and with readers (Noorda, 2000). Readers are the products and members of their cultural
settings, these cultural conventions therefore provide checks and balances in the interaction
between text and readers.
If readers role is therefore salient in deciding meaning within or outside certain cultural
convention about that which is considered valid interpretation, it is necessary therefore in bible
translations to pay attention to socio-cultural setting, the codes that govern the process of reader
response, of reception by individual readers or by group of readers (Noorda, 2000). The
reception given to a bible translation at the congregational level is to a greater extent influenced
by the Church authority that sanctions the translation and authorizes that it be used by its
members. In an environment where the speakers of the vernacular who cut across congregational
boundaries are in the process of development, their vernacular sensitivity to their project cannot
equally be ignored even within the boundaries of Church authorized translations. This sensitivity
forms part of the influence of the socio-cultural setting within which a bible translation takes
place.
Ratio Translationis and Liturgiam Authenticam

Ratio Translationis (subsequently RT) is a document from the Vatican Congregation for Divine
Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments. It is founded on the 2001 instructions Liturgiam
Authenticam (subsequently LA) on the use of vernacular in the publication of the books of the
Roman Liturgy. RT for the English language is an illustrative document published in 2007 to
serve as guide on the translation of liturgical texts into English. The document sustains that every
liturgical translation must take into consideration the biblical bases of the texts translated and be
sure to preserve their specialized biblical vocabulary (RT, n. 6). Re-emphasizing the message of
LA the document insists on intelligibility and accessibility of expression as the mark of every
vernacular translation of liturgical texts. It imposes therefore on every translator the obligation of
retaining the dignity, beauty and doctrinal precision and intent of the original Latin text (RT, nn.
73 and 74). Biblical texts are a primary source for liturgical prayer, consequently, translation of
liturgical texts related to biblical events and accounts must be conscious of this relationship.
There is need for correspondence between liturgical texts translated and the biblical version
approved for use in the territory for which the liturgical translation is intended (RT, n. 39; LA, n.
49). This implies equally the preservation of venerable terms of ancient languages contained in
the bible; terms like Alleluia, Amen, Maranatha (RT, n. 40; LA, n. 23).
The text calls for the preservation of every word and concept of the Latin original liturgical
text editiones typicae in every translation even at the cost of pushing the receptor language
beyond its normal limit of expression (RT, n. 44). This position is an elaboration by RT on the
content of LA, n. 20; RT appears stricter than LA on flexibility with the receptor language. The
principle appears more formal than dynamic. LA supports a sober and discreet arrangement of
wordings, syntax and style in a manner that permits a flowing vernacular text. It appears more
dynamic than formal in the translation principles.
Coining of New Words, One Word with more than One Signification, Adaption,
Transcription or Transliteration
Translation is understood as implying an interaction between languages. This contact especially
between an influential language and a language with limited literary tradition is meant to
enhance the development and sustainability of the less influential language. The encounter is
expected thus to provide opportunities for the development of orthography, enrichment of
vocabulary, lexicons and concepts.
Especially in the translations intended for peoples recently brought to the

Christian Faith, fidelity and exactness with respect to the original texts may
themselves sometimes require that words already in current usage be employed
in new ways, that new words or expressions be coined, that terms in the
original text be transliterated or adapted to the pronunciation of the vernacular
language, or that figures of speech be used which convey in an integral manner
the content of the Latin expression even while being verbally or syntactically
different from it. In particular, caution should be exercised in introducing
words drawn from non-Christian religions (LA, n. 21).
This section of the instruction appears quite tolerant and accommodating; it calls for association
of new sense to existing words and coining of new words. It favours transliteration of terms in
the original text or their adaptation to the pronunciation of the vernacular language in the
absence of satisfactory vernacular equivalent terms. It also proposes the use of figures of speech
in the receptor language which may capture integrally the contents of the Latin expression in
spite of being verbally or syntactically different from the Latin. The encouragement to
transliterate, adapt or transcribe original terms into the alphabet and pronunciation pattern of the
receptor language is pertinent in the resolution of difficulties that arise from lack of vocabulary
or limited senses of words. This implies at least, the use of Efik alphabet to write and pronounce
the retained English words in the Efik bible and liturgical books. The same spirit is expressed in
the following directive by the document:
Whenever a particular Latin term has a rich meaning that is difficult to render
into a modern language (such as the words munus, famulus, consubstantialis,
propitius, etc.) various solutions may be employed in the translations, whether
the term be translated by a single vernacular word or by several, or by the
coining of a new word, or perhaps by the adaptation or transcription of the
same term into a language or alphabet that is different from the original text
(cf. above, n. 21), or the use of an already existing word which may bear
various meanings (LA, n. 53).
Therefore, instead of retaining directly or employing foreign words, the same words may be
written in the alphabet of the receptor language to suit the pronunciation pattern of the language.
The document almost prohibits the importation of words from non-Christian religions. This
is seen in some aspect as necessary but in another respect as an obstacle to the use of equivalent
vernacular terms in translation. It implies for example that in territories where a term for a
special cup used in the context of worship in a non-Christian religion for drinking exists, such a
term cannot be used as an equivalent word for chalice used for Eucharistic celebration. The
prohibition tends to ignore a similar modification noted by RT n. 46 about the early Roman rite
in which efforts were successfully made to modify existing pagan religious terms to express the
mysteries of redemption through Christ. It is possible that when encouraged, the local languages
can provide some adequately equivalent words from their own indigenous religion for the
Christian biblical and liturgical terms. The document encourages this and rather calls for caution,
but in practice it appears the local churches are overcautious. They prefer and feel more
comfortable retaining the English terms rather than risk lack of caution in coining or employing
vernacular terms.
Development and Preservation of Local languages

The introduction of local languages into liturgical use by the Church is considered to enhance the
development and preservation of the language especially in the area of languages lacking in long
literary tradition (LA, n. 14). The same exercise makes room for the emergence of sacred terms
and style peculiar to the receptor language as its liturgical language (LA, n. 27).
While the translation must transmit the perennial treasury of orations by means
of language understandable in the cultural context for which it is intended, it
should also be guided by the conviction that liturgical prayer not only is
formed by the genius of a culture, but itself contributes to the development of
that culture. Liturgical translation that takes due account of the authority and
integral content of the original texts will facilitate the development of a sacral
vernacular, characterized by a vocabulary, syntax and grammar that are proper
to divine worship, even though it is not to be excluded that it may exercise an
influence even on everyday speech, as has occurred in the languages of peoples
evangelized long ago (LA, n. 47).
The promotion of a vivid translation rather than a translation or interpretation of only an image
of metaphors, similes or anthropomorphisms is to be adopted as opportunity for provoking
inquisitiveness and consequently, for enhancing renewed catechesis (RT, n. 62; LA, n. 43).
Attention is drawn to the terms translated in the Vulgate as anima and spiritus and care is to
be taken in translating them less it leads to confusion (LA, n. 43). The principles sustain that
great caution is to be taken to avoid a wording or style that would confuse with the manner
of speech of other religions, so that such a factor will not cause confusion or discomfort
(LA, n. 40). This fear of confusion and offending the sensitivity of the people encourages the
lack of will to translate some of the English terms still evident in the Efik translations. A handy
example will be the term Spirit. Translations should be made only from the Latin editio typica,
lest the resulting text be at a remove as regards the meaning of the original (RT, n. 41). This
implies the need for a competent translator to be familiar with the context of the Latin
composition. The knowledge of Latin grammatical and theological syntaxes and history of
vocabulary and composition will make the meaning of the original Latin text become evident to
the qualified translator. Because of the recent trend of generational distance from the Latin
language, translations into the Efik language tend to rely more on the English translations of the
editio typica.
Existing Efik Bible Translation

The first complete Efik translation of the bible was undertaken in 1868 by the National bible
society of Scotland, Edinburgh. It was based primarily on the Efik alphabet or orthography for
use by the speakers of Annang, Efik and Ibibio languages. The commonly used Efik bible is the
one published in 1985 by the Bible Society of Nigeria, Lagos titled Edisana Nwed Abasi Ibom.
The Bible Society of Nigeria bases its translations on the King James Version of the bible. This
bible translation though written in Efik contains many English words which will easily strike any
critical reader. Below is an illustration of the phenomenon in the Gospel of Mark 1:1-8, words in
bold letters are English words or transcriptions. It is identified as Translation A
Mark 1:1-8
1
Erit gospel Jesus Christ, Eyen Abasi. 2 Kpa nte ewetde ke wed prophet
Isaiah, ete:
Sese, mmd isuutom Mi ebem Fi iso,
3
Emi edinamde usu Fo; Uyo andifiori ke desert, ete;
mbufo edi usu Jehovah, eneere kpus Esie;
4
John oto edi edinim owo baptism ke desert, edinyu kwr baptism
eritkabare esit, man efen mme idik-kp. 5 Ndien mbio ofuri edem Juda, ye
kpukpru mme andidu Jerusalem ew etiene enye, enyu ena baptism ke
ubk esie ke akpa Jordan, ke eyararede mme idik-kp mm. 6 John esine
edisine-kp idet camel, onyun bb mbb ikpa-unam ke isin, onyu adia
kukukpyriy ye aran kwk-ikt. 7 Ndien enye kwr ete, Enye emi
enyenede odudu akan mi etiene mi ke edem edi, emi mmendotke ndinuh ntat
uruk ikpa-ukot Esie. 8 Ami nda mm nnim mbufo baptism; edi Enye eyenim
mbufo baptism ke Edisana Spirit.
Existing Liturgical Translations
The existing liturgical translations chosen for this work are the last two translations of the
Roman Missal for the Catholic celebration of the Eucharist (The Order of Mass). The first Efik
translation USU NDIBUANA KE MASS was published in 1978 by the Bishops of Calabar and Ikot
Ekpene Catholic Dioceses. It was approved for use by the Episcopal Conference of Nigeria in
1979. Below is the translation of the Preface of Holy Trinity identified as Translation B.
Akam Itoro Edisana Trinity

Eneneede odot onyu enen, fn oyu anwam kubh nnyin ndikom Abasi
kpukpru ini ye ke kpukpru ebiet, O b, afo Edisana Ete, nsinsi Abasi
andikeme-ndinam-kpukpru- kp, oto Jesus Christ b nnyin.
Afo, ye nkukre eyen fo ye Edisana Spirit edi Abasi kiet, edi b kiet, idihe
kiet ke Person emi edide nsio nsio: edi, edi kiet kuduot Abasi emi edide kiet.
Nnyin imenim kakpanik kpukpru se afo ayarade n nnyin abaa itoro fo.
Ukem oro ke nnyin inim ibaa Edisana Spirit, man otodo kikwrde utibe
kp uduot Abasi akpanik nnyin ituak ibuot in Person emi edide nsio nsio,
uduot emi edide kiet, ye ub edide ukem-ukem.
Ke ntre, nnyin ibuana ye mme Angel ye mme Ikp Angel, mme ebekpo, mme
andikara kpa ye kpukpru udim ek Heaven ifiori itoro fo.
The new translation has the same title: USU NDIBUANA KE MASS. It was produced in 2012
for internal use ad experimentum within the three Dioceses of Calabar, Uyo and Ikot Ekpene. It
is based on the English translation of the Roman Missal by the International Committee on
English in the Liturgy of 2010. The translation was the consequence of the directives from the
Vatican Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments Ratio
Translationis for the English Language published in 2007. The directives call for the use of
formal equivalence principle in translating from the Latin original editio typica of the ordo
missae. This new Efik translation apparently retains almost all the English words that were
retained in the translation of 1978. The notable novelties however, include especially the
following: the former used the English word Eucharist, the new translation adopts an Efik
phraseology by transcribing YUKARIST. Other changes based on this innovation include Krs for
Cross, Katolic for Catholic (this should however be Katlik). The translation does not have the
Preface of Holy Trinity used above as illustration from the translation of 1978. Its translation of
the Apostolic Creed is therefore chosen and identified as Translation C.
Mmenim
Mmenim Abasi ke akpanik, Ete andikpon nkan, Andibot eny yis, ye
Jesus Christ, nkukure Eyen Esie, b nnyin, emi ekeyomode ke odudu
Edisana Spirit, akamanade oto Virgin Mary; okonyu okutde ndutuh ke idak
ukara Pontius Pilate, ema ek Enye ke krs, akpa, enyu ebuk; Enye ama
suhde aka ke Hell, yh usen ita Enye eset ke mkpa, dk ke Heaven,
eketie ke ubk nnasia Abasi Ete Andikpon nkan. Enye oyoto do edi ndibiere
ikpe nn mme odu-uwem ye mme akpa-mkpa.
Mmenim Edisana Spirit ke akpanik; Edisana Ufk-Abasi Katlik; ebuana ye
mme ndisana owo; edidahado ke mme idik-kp; ediset ikpkidem ke mkpa,
ye uwem nsi-nsi. Amen
Evaluation of the Illustrated Translations
Translation A (the Gospel Mark 1:1-8) which is made up of hundred and thirty four (134) words
contains fourteen English words/transcriptions: This is approximately eleven percent of the Efik
words. The Preface of the Trinity (translation B) is made up of one hundred and thirty four (134)
words; nine of these words are English. The figure is approximately 7 percent of the words in the
text. The text of the apostolic creed mmenim (Translation C) contains one hundred and six words
(106), twelve (12) of these words are English. This implies that approximately 11 percent of the
words are English words or transcriptions. Since in liturgical celebrations the bible is being read
and liturgical texts are predominantly adapted from the bible, words translated for use in
liturgical texts have the same translation in the biblical version used in the territory (RT, n. 39;
LA, nn. 36 and 49). Consequently the same English terms found in the Efik bible are found in
the liturgical texts. This explains why this work assesses both the biblical and liturgical
translations.
The above illustrations reveal that the Efik translations of the bible and liturgical literature
are a combination of Efik and English words. Some of the words from the original language
were retained in place of possible equivalent words from the receptor language. This may imply,
apart from the lack of vocabulary, the fear of losing the essential meaning of the original word.
Possible equivalent words may have insufficient or superfluous significations that may
impoverish or overshoot the meaning contained in the original word. The likely theory that
guided this translation principle would be formal equivalence, though a review of the entire
translation would equally reveal dynamic equivalence. Therefore where necessary there was
formal equivalence and dynamic equivalence translations; but specifically, one of the theories
that informed the preservation of the English words was formal equivalence due especially to the
probable unsatisfactory signification of available equivalent Efik words. For fear of losing the
signification captured by the English words, some of them were retained. Some of the
corresponding Efik equivalent may have been avoided for fear of the unchristian connotation it
had among the speakers. In this case sensitivity to the socio-cultural setting may have been at
work.
Efik Translations and the Pioneer Translators

The term pioneer translators is used to refer to the Scottish missionaries and their indigenous
collaborators who translated the English bible into the Efik language. The English words were
therefore retained by these earlier translators. Their possible reason may primarily have been the
absence of sufficient vocabulary to accommodate the concepts expressed by those English
words. It may also have been their lack of conviction regarding the ability of existing vocabulary
to exhaust the concepts contained in each of the foreign words. Most importantly also, the initial
missionary scepticism regarding the existence of certain biblical and theological concepts in the
world view expressed by the Efik language may have contributed to the lack of conviction on
their part. The possibility of the non-Christian connotation of existing corresponding Efik words
may also have been a factor. The first proposed reason is due especially to the limited literary
tradition of the Efik language and is prolonged by the absence of a language academy. The
second is a decision based on theological considerations which in turn have slowed the conscious
effort at identifying Efik terms as replacement for the English words. Such theological
considerations may include the fear of choosing words with non-Christian religious roots and
words whose usage may confuse and offend the sensitivity of the indigenous Christians.
Language itself is a vehicle of values; political, sociological and cultural. An influential

language tends to transmit to its speakers a certain sense of superiority in values and encourages
its speakers to sustain this sense of superiority and influence in their interaction with other
languages. The inner convictions of superiority which even unconsciously were felt by the
missionaries who saw themselves as the exporters of civilization would equally have made it
possible for the translators to underrate the capacity of existing Efik terms to accommodate the
concepts expressed by the retained English words, or underestimate the possibility of finding
suitable new words.
The Efik language itself was during the translation period at its preliminary stage of
becoming a written language. It was therefore, equally possible that finding corresponding terms
in the absence of sufficiently learned speakers of the language was difficult and time consuming
especially in the context of the urgency of the missionary zeal for the conversion of souls. Thus it
was necessary to make an indigenous bible available as soon as possible, rather than spend
endless time searching for corresponding words. As at the time of the first translation, translation
studies and theory were not as standardized as they are presently.
This phenomenon of interspersing Efik translations with English words is currently reflected
even in spoken Efik; hardly does an Efik speaker make a complete sentence in Efik without its
being interspaced with English words. This implies the phenomenon of code switching, code
missing and code shifting (Offiong and Ugot, 2012). Comparatively this constitutes a slightly
different reality; that of language shift which indicates a more complex problem of language
extinction. As a problem however, it underscores the probability that foreign words in the Efik
Christian literature may not likely be replaced. The Efik Christian literature was the first written
and widely read Efik language texts interspersed with English words. These texts have in this
form laid the foundation for adaptation to an Efik language pronounced along with English
words.
Efik Translations and Indigenous Translators

The original owners and speakers of the Efik language who subsequently undertook to function
as translators of the bible and liturgical books into the Efik language are referred to in this work
as indigenous translators. Their presence in institutions like the Bible Society Nigeria and
Nigerian Translation Trust would ordinarily improve upon the legacy of the foreign missionaries.
This is however, not the case; the foreign words have remained a part of the Efik translations. As
evident in the 1985 edition of the Efik bible by the Bible Society of Nigeria and the second
liturgical translation illustrated above, subsequent revisions have made little attempts to find
replacements for some of these words. The possible reasons for this can be identifiable. First
these foreign words appear to have almost become parts of the vernacular and appear to have
been tacitly adopted as part of the Efik vocabulary. There are no conscious attempts at further
developing the language especially in the context of the challenges of its minority status in a
competitively multilingual environment like Nigeria.
There is among the speakers a gradual shift to the use of English, and the sense of pride
associated with understanding and speaking Efik has shifted consequently to the use of English
which is adopted as the first language in Nigeria. There is lack of conviction on the part of the
speakers to invent new words, adopt and associate new meanings with existing words for fear
especially of the bizarre connotation that some of the adopted words would transmit to the
speakers in general. In other words, the sensitivity of the general speakers is a factor in the
translation of these words. There are implicit disagreements among the three language areas
adopting Efik as biblical and liturgical language. The Annang and Ibibio speakers may ordinarily
want in the current dispensation to translate the bible and the liturgical books into their own
proper vernacular. This is already a possible motive for lack of satisfactory cooperation between
speakers of the three vernaculars in the task of standardizing and modernizing the lexicon of the
Efik language.
An Experiment with Efik Alternative to the English Word Spirit

The term spirit translates principally the biblical Hebrew word ( ruach) and Greek
(pneuma) The two terms are used to refer to what is understood in English as breath (Ezekiel
37:10), wind and spirit. Theologically they refer to that which animates or gives life to the body,
breath (life-) spirit (see Matt 27:50; Luke 8:55). They are used to refer to that part of the human
personality which in contrast to the flesh does not pass away in death but survives as an
individual entity after death (see 1 Peter 3:18 in relation to Christ; and v. 19 in relation to other
humans). In relation to the flesh it is immaterial (Colossians 2:5). They are used to refer to Gods
being as controlling influence in relation especially to humans; the Spirit of God or of the Lord
(Genesis 1:2; 1 Peter 4:14). They are also used to refer to an independent and transcendent
personality; the Spirit (Matthew 28:19; see 1 Chronicles 12:19 Heb). The Spirit in these two
senses is often qualified as Holy because of its heavenly origin and nature (Bauer, 2000).
The Efik equivalent for breath is ibifik or ebifik, while wind is ofum. The reality understood
theologically as the immaterial part of the human personality is ekpo (spirit). In Luke 24:37 the
disciples were afraid and thought Jesus was a (pneuma); this concept is precisely what is
expressed in Efik as ekpo but in the Efik translation the English word spirit is used. The same
English term is used in other cases in which (pneuma) or ( ruach) is used to refer to
the controlling influence of God (Spirit of God) and an independent transcendent personality
(Holy Spirit). Luke 24:37 is translated in English as spirit (RSV, KJV, NAS, GNV among
others) or ghost (NAB, NIB, NIV, NJB). Worthy of note is the fact that the concept expressed in
the (pneuma) of Luke 24:37 is common among Efik people; it is understood as ekpo. The
translation of this passage with the term spirit betrays two factors; the first is a carryover from
the source language of apparently using one English word to translate any one Greek word
regardless of the context.
The second follows from the first, the reproduction in a translation that is based on a source
language bible format; little attention is given to the priority of the target language. Presently the
reluctance among Efik Christians about using the term ekpo for (pneuma) as the Spirit of
God and as Holy Spirit arises from the fear of transferring the negativity associated with the
immaterial part of the human person after death. If God is a spirit in terms of ghost then he is to
be feared. The policy surrounding the translation of Spirit in the Efik bible may therefore be
expressed as follows: the decision to retain Spirit may have been socio-cultural. The negative
connotation associated with the possible equivalent term ekpo may have influenced the decision
to use Spirit where references were to (pneuma) as the Spirit of God and as Holy Spirit.
The decision to also use spirit for the immaterial aspect of the human person after death was due
to an influence from the source language bible This second reveals in a way some lack of
attention to the target language on the part of the translating missionaries (and their indigenous
collaborators) who were in this case influenced by the reality of their own English bible. This is a
factor in the authoritativeness of bible translation identified as commercial power (Rogerson,
2000).
Translations of Spirit in the three major languages in Nigeria may provide some assistance.
In Hausa ruhu means spirit or ghost while RuhumaiTsarki means Holy Spirit. In Igbo mmuo
means spirit or ghost while Mmuo Nso means Holy Spirit. In Yoruba emi means spirit or ghost
while Emimimo means Holy Spirit. Lokaa is a language spoken by the people of Yakurr in the
central part of Cross River State. It is spoken by a people who share the same political
jurisdiction with the Efik people. In this language kuden means spirit or ghost while Kutumaden
is used to refer to the Holy Spirit. The nuance in these four languages consists in the translation
of the (pneuma) or ( ruach) of God and Holy Spirit with the same term for spirit in
terms of ghost.
As noted earlier, in the Efik language group ghost is referred to as ekpo; it is possible
therefore to employ the term Edisana Ekpo for the Holy Spirit. Through the adoption of this term
the negative connotation associated with the concept as evil may be dispelled given that it is
generally part of the human and divine realities. The Efik people believe in the existence of good
and evil spirits which are identified as eti ekpo and idik ekpo respectively. Holy Spirit can
therefore be termed edisana ekpo. Ekpo is also used as a personal name; so if humans can answer
ekpo it implies that it is not a negative concept. However, where the sensitivity of the receptors is
at stake as in this case, the term ukp which is used for soul may be given an added
signification or sense to mean Spirit. The reason for this choice is because against arguments
regarding the non existence of the concept of spirit among the Efik people, it is evident that soul
expresses a spiritual concept. To have such a term in Efik for soul and as a personal name
implies that the concept of spirit is present in the Efik world view. Ukp may therefore be
chosen to mean both soul and spirit.
Conclusion
The difficulties that plague Efik translations of biblical and liturgical texts are both linguistic and
theological. Linguistically Efik is limited in vocabulary and concepts; theologically it is
inadequate in terms of terminologies that capture the Christian ideas, concepts, institutions and
practices. This was the case with some if not most languages attempting a translation of the
bible. Latin speaking Christians attempting to translate the bible and Greek Christian documents
from about AD 180 faced similar translation problems. Even their attempts to be faithful to the
structure and form of the original language forced them in some cases to go for a word-for
word translation and this did violence to the Latin idiom of the time. In some cases they made
use of and Latinized established Christian Greek and Hebrew words like ecclesia, baptizare,
pasche. This method of translation thus gave rise to a special and enduring Christian language
technically referred by some as Sondersprache (Witty, 1967). The Greek translators of the
Septuagint had to invent Greek words, transliterate certain Hebrew words and even incorporate
some by retaining them. By this singular gesture it helped, along with the New Testament and
works by theological writers, to create Greek Christian terminology. It remains however, a
translation, in spite of its acceptability. The churches in Nigeria and in Calabar area of the Efik
language cluster especially will, by making efforts at finding vernacular words for some biblical
and liturgical terms help in enriching the local language in which the Gospel is incarnated.
In relation to the translation of the Bible to other languages, the original languages are
generally Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek. In relation to the liturgy the original language is Latin,
editiones typicae. The Efik bible and liturgical books appear generally to have been translated
primarily from the English translations. This may in part have had an effect on genuine efforts at
identifying equivalent Efik replacements. It is still possible to find equivalent Efik words for
some of the English terms by approaching the translation from the original languages. A study of
the semantic fields and context of the words in their original rather than in English and the
semantic fields of possible Efik terms may open up the possibilities of discovering equivalent
and sufficient Efik replacements.
The non absolute status of concepts associated with words and the fact that most concepts
can be represented by a variety of forms should encourage Efik biblical and liturgical translators
to associate new meanings to existing words. They should coin new words and ascribe to them
concepts represented by the English words retained in the bible and liturgical books. By doing
this, the old translations are not replaced but enriched by the acceptance of the new so that the
outcome will become a mixture of the old and the new; an interaction between continuity and
change. The challenges of biblical and liturgical translations must not be looked at as setbacks.
The Christian unprecedented initiative of translating the bible into vernacular has itself revealed
and promoted the fact that all languages are equal in their responsibility to mediate the truth of
God. The linguistic and theological limitations of these vernaculars on the other hand reveal that
by the same token every language is equally inadequate in its attempt to communicate the very
same truth of God (Sanneh, 2000). Language remains however, the tool with which humans can
best think, imagine, create, aspire, desire, feel and express their soul, enlarge their mental
horizon and achieve all that each person is capable of (Essien, 1987). Biblical/liturgical
translations in this context continue to remain a vehicle of cultural and ethnic identity in their
development and enrichment of the receptor language.
Immediate and Long Term Recommendations

The following recommendations are made for the improvement of existing translations of the
bible and liturgical books in the Efik language. In the immediate context it is recommended that
Efik words should be invented to cater for some, if not all of the foreign words in the Efik bible
and liturgical books. Alternatively in cases where there is difficulty in identifying an adequate
term, new meaning or signification may be associated with existing words. Polyvalence is a
common characteristic of the Efik language; the word b has more than one signification; it is
used with slight difference in pronunciation to refer to lord, whip and mosquito. Where these
alternatives are not possible with some of the words because of the theological or liturgical
traditions associated with the terms, such words may be retained in their original form but
transliterated with the alphabet of the receptor language (Efik) and adapted to the pronunciation
pattern of same receptor language. Thus the foreign language is spelt and pronounced in the
alphabetical format of the receptor language. These processes will make it possible for Efik
words and pronunciation patterns so utilized to acquire biblical sense and theological concepts in
the mind of the readers. All of these may not be possible without the existence of an academy for
the Efik language and other major languages in Nigeria.
There are language development centres like Nigeria Education and Research Development
Council (NERDC) and the National Institute of Nigeria Language (NINLAN). The challenge
however regarding an academy is the existence in Nigeria of many languages. It becomes
difficult therefore to give adequate attention to a particular language. This can however, be
overcome through the establishment in the long term of regional centres for the development of
regional languages. The churches may at the regional level play an active role; thus the Catholic
Church or Christian churches in the region covering the Efik language cluster may contribute
towards the development of religious or theological languages and concepts in Efik. This may be
done by getting its trained and indigenous theologians to work with linguists and form a
Greek/Hebrew-Efik Lexicon of the Old and New Testaments. These efforts will thus become
renewed occasions for the development and enhancement of standard orthography, production of
primers, compilation and revision of dictionaries, and the writing of more grammar for the Efik
language.
References
Aye, E. U. A., 1991. Learners Dictionary of Efik Language, Ibadan: Evans Brothers.
Bauer, W., 2000. A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and other Christian Literature,
(revised and edited by F.W. Danker), Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Bible Society of Nigeria http://www.biblesociety-nigeria.org. accessed 04/04/15
Crisp, S., 2000. Icon of the Ineffable An Orthodox View of Language and its Implication for
Bible Translation in Athalya Brenner and Jan Willem van Henten (eds.), Bible
Translation on the Threshold of the Twenty-First Century: Authority, Reception, Culture
and Religion (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 353),
London: Sheffield Academic Press, 36-47.
Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, 2001. Liturgiam
Authenticam: Fifth Instruction on the Use of Vernacular Languages in the Publication of
the Books of the Roman Liturgy http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations
accessed 05/04/15.
Congregation for Divine Worship and the Discipline of the Sacraments, 2007. Ratio
Translationis for the English Language, Vatican City: Vatican Press.
Essien, O. E., 1987. Cross River State Languages: Problem and Prospects, in Monday B.
Abasiattai (ed), Akwa Ibom and Cross River States: The Land, the People, and their
Culture, Calabar: Wusen Press, 1987, 27-45.
Gordon, T. D., 1985. Translation Theory, http://www.bible-researcher.com/gordon.html
accessed 02/03/15.
John Paul II, 2001. An Address to the United Bible Societies and the Bible Society of Italy,
LOsservatore Romano, December 12.
Nida, E. A., 1992. Theories of Translation, Anchor Bible Dictionary vol. 6, New York:
Doubleday, 512-515.
Nigerian Bible Translation Trust http://www.wycliffe.net/partners/tabid/.../Default.aspex
accessed 01/05/15.
Noorda, S., 2000. New and Familiar: the Dynamics of Bible Translation in Athalya Brenner
and Jan Willem van Henten (eds.), Bible Translation on the Threshold of the Twenty-
First Century: Authority, Reception, Culture and Religion (Journal for the Study of the
Old Testament Supplement Series 353), London: Sheffield Academic Press, 8-16.
Offiong, O. A. and M. I. Ugot, 2012. Minority Language Maintenance: The Case of the Efik
Language in South Eastern Nigeria, Theory and Practice in Language Studies 2, 2491-
2499.
Offiong, O. A. and Stella Ansa, 2013. The Efik Language: A Historical Profile, Research on
Humanities and Social Sciences 3 (21), 23-31.
Pontifical Biblical Commission, 1993. The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church, Vatican:
Vatican Press.
Rogerson, J., 2000. Can a Translation of the Bible be Authoritative?in Athalya Brenner and
Jan Willem van Henten (eds.), Bible Translation on the Threshold of the Twenty-First
Century: Authority, Reception, Culture and Religion (Journal for the Study of the Old
Testament Supplement Series 353), London: Sheffield Academic Press, 17-30.
Sanneh, L., 2000. Domesticating the Transcendent. The African Transformation of Christianity:
Comparative Reflections on Ethnicity and Religious Mobilization in Africa, in Athalya
Brenner and Jan Willem van Henten (eds.), Bible Translation on the Threshold of the
Twenty-First Century: Authority, Reception, Culture and Religion (Journal for the Study
of the Old Testament Supplement Series 353), London: Sheffield Academic Press, 70-85.
Wcela, E. A., 2009. What is Catholic about a Catholic Translation of the Bible? Catholic
Biblical Quarterly 71, 247-263.
Witty, F. J., 1967. Translation Literature, Early (Pagan and Christian), ed. William J.
MCdonald New Catholic Encyclopedia vol. 14, Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of
America, 246-248

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Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.org Aajhss.

Influence of students self perception on biology achievement among 21

The influence of clothing in the negotiation of identities. A study between 31

Some unobtrusive indicators of psychologys shift from the humanities 44

Challenges of Bible/Liturgical Translations in the Efik Language Group 67

Assessing the relationship between climate and patterns of

Key words: ITCZ, harmattan, bushfires/wildfires

Mean No. of fire

Mean No. of fire

Mean No. of fire

Mean No. of fire

Average precipitation (cm) 160.0 100.0

Average precipitation (cm)

y = 6.779x - 145.1 y = 3.833x - 77.38

Averag precipitation (cm)

Influence of students self perception on biology

Science Education is emphasized in Kenyas secondary school curriculum in order to produce a

Year National Nakuru County

Biology knowledge is a pre-requisite for national development as highlighted in Kenyas blue

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Objectives of the study

Results and discussion

Self perception among students

Self perception and biology achievement

Gender difference in self perception

Gender difference in biology achievement

Average biology marks

STUDENTS QUESTIONNAIRE (SQ)

SECTION A; SUDENTS BIODATA

1. Sex : Female Male

SECTION B: STUDENTS SELF PERCEPTION

1.I like the person that I am

4.I like to be called upon in class

SECTION C: SELF ACADEMIC CONCEPT ASSESMENT

Thank you for answering this questionnaire

The influence of clothing in the negotiation of identities. A

Rationale for the study

Reliability validity of the instruments

Graphical representation of age of respondents

S Statements SA (%) A (%) D (%) SD (%) Mean Std.

2 I consider my values in 83(33.5) 124(50.0) 30(12.1) 11(4.4)

3 I dress to impress others 52(21.0) 136(54.8) 51(20.6) 9(3.6)

S/ Statements SA (%) A (%) D (%) SD (%) Mean Std.

S Statements SA (%) A (%) D (%) SD (%) Mean Std.

6 Are you able to identify the 16(6.5) 170(68.5) 61(24.6) 1(0.40)

Factors people considered in clothing selection

How clothing affects peoples identity

CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATION AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE

Based on the findings, the researchers recommended the following;

Implications for practice

Some unobtrusive indicators of psychologys shift from the

A controversial methodological divide has existed in psychology practically from its

Unobtrusive Indicator I: Publication Type

Thus, providing a wealth of information on the status of psychology in its branch of

PsycINFO. The American Psychological Association (APA, Washington, DC) produces

Publication year all documents in journal articles books chapters dissertations

Publication year all documents journal articles books chapters dissertations

Summary of Results on the Unobtrusive Indicator I: Publication Type

Unobtrusive Indicator II: Single versus Multiple Authorship

There is some empirical evidence that coauthorship is increasing because research

The results on citation advantages of publications with multiple authorships in

Because empirical evidence is missing, a bibliometric analysis on the unobtrusive

Summary of Results on Unobtrusive Indicator II: Single versus Multiple Authorship

Note. a Excluding the research area of psychology.