18

THE ROYAL COURT IN ANCIENT MACEDONIA:

THE EVIDENCE FOR ROYAL TOMBS

Olga Palagia

The archaeological evidence for royal courts is best obtained from

excavations of palaces. Three royal Macedonian palaces are known to date,
located at Pella and Vergina (Aigai) in Macedonia and Demetrias in
Thessaly. As palaces are addressed elsewhere in this volume, I will confine
myself to tombs in Macedonia and what they can teach us about the king
of Macedon and his court in the periods of Philip II, Alexander III and
the Successors.1 Monumental underground tombs, often decorated with
wall-paintings, have been coming to light at Pella, Vergina, Lefkadia,
Potidaia, Dion, Pydna, Thessaloniki and Amphipolis, producing a wealth
of information about Macedonian attitudes to the hereafter and, to a
lesser extent, the practices of the royal court.2 We have four categories
of underground house tombs in Macedonia: chamber tombs, rock-cut
chamber tombs, cist tombs, which consist of a rectangular chamber built
of ashlar blocks and accessible only through the roof (Fig. 18.1), and the
so-called Macedonian tombs which have a barrel-vault roof, a front
entrance and a façade often decorated in imitation of a propylon (Fig. 18.2).
These tombs were costly affairs, often going in tandem with cremation, an
expensive burial method that could only be afforded by the Macedonian
elite. Though the earliest monumental tomb painted with a narrative scene
(Vergina Tomb I: Fig. 18.1) is now generally associated with Philip II and
his family (see section 1 below), the majority of painted Macedonian tombs
were financed with the spoils of Alexander’s conquest of Asia and date
roughly between the last quarter of the fourth century and the first quarter
of the third.3
Because of the feudal system in Macedonia, it has been argued that the
king was only first among equals,4 something that is reflected in the large
number of monumental decorated tombs which served not only royals but
also the king’s companions and their families. Making a distinction between
royal tombs and tombs of the elite is fraught with difficulties, especially
when the tombs have been plundered. Two of the most spectacular painted

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Fig. 18.1: Interior of Vergina Tomb I with painted Rape of Persephone. From
Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, fig. 71.

Fig. 18.2: Reconstructed façade of Vergina Tomb II with painted hunting frieze. From
Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, fig. 60.

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Macedonian tombs, the Tomb of the Palmettes and the Judgement Tomb
at Lefkadia, are generally acknowledged to belong to members of the court
rather than royalty.5 What constitutes a royal tomb as opposed to a tomb of
the nobility? This question will be discussed in connection with some peculiar
aspects of tombs at Vergina and at Agios Athanasios near Thessaloniki.

1. Identifying royal tombs: issues raised by the tombs at Vergina

Several important tombs of the fourth and third centuries have come to
light at Vergina (Aigai), the old capital of the Macedonians: some may be
royal, others can be associated with the king’s court.6 Four tombs, excavated
by Manolis Andronikos between 1977 and 1987, were not only identified
by him as royal, they were even attributed to historical personalities
(Figs. 18.1–4). These attempts have generated much controversy which
continues unabated to this day. I refer to Tombs I (Fig. 18.1), II (Fig. 18.2)
and III, all covered by the Great Tumulus (Fig. 18.3),7 and the so-called
Tomb of Eurydike near the palace of Vergina (Fig. 18.4).8 Tombs I, II and
III, lined up and numbered in chronological order, are generally associated
with the Argead royal family. The fact that they were eventually covered for
protection by a single tumulus probably indicates a family burial plot. What
makes them royal, however?
Because of his historical importance, Philip II seems to be the prime
candidate for occupancy of one of the two tombs, I (Fig. 18.1) and II
(Fig. 18.2). Tomb I is an underground cist tomb, the contents of which
were plundered in antiquity, rendering it practically undatable; the dates
proposed so far range from the middle to the third quarter of the fourth
century.9 It is named the Tomb of Persephone after its high-quality interior
fresco of the rape of Persephone. When excavated, it was reported to contain
the skeletons of a man, a woman and a newborn infant.10 Andronikos
relegated the man’s remains to a tomb robber without offering any
explanation for the fact that his bones were found scattered all over the
floor.11 He dated the tomb to the mid fourth century and assigned it to a
woman and her child.12 Eugene Borza attributed the tomb to Philip II, his
last wife Kleopatra and their infant daughter Europa on the strength of
the human remains.13 Angeliki Kottaridi recently attributed this tomb to
one of Philip II’s wives, Nikesipolis, who died at childbirth, without
offering any arguments for the identification.14 Nikesipolis, however, died
shortly after giving birth to Thessaloniki,15 who survived to become
Kassandros’ queen, she is therefore ruled out as a candidate for Tomb I
which contains the remains of at least one infant. The situation is
compounded by the discovery in 2014 of further human and animal
remains from this tomb, some belonging to infants, lurking forgotten in

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storage.16 The total number of human remains from Tomb I now amounts
to seven individuals, one adult male, one adult female, four infants and a
foetus. Further study is being carried out to determine which of these
belong to primary burials. The attribution of Tomb I to historical
personalities, at any rate, remains sub judice.
The adjacent Tombs II (Fig. 18.2) and III belong to the category of
tombs known as Macedonian tombs. They were found with their contents
intact, being rich in gold and silver jewellery and vessels, chryselephantine
weapons and furniture, as well as iron and bronze arms and armour.17 All
burial goods are of exquisite quality. Philip II and one of his last wives were
Andronikos’ favourite occupants for Tomb II, which housed the cremated
remains of a couple.18 A rival view attributing this tomb to Philip II’s son,
Philip III Arrhidaios and his wife Adea Eurydike, seems to have been gaining
ground in recent years.19 An alternative view questions the connection of
these tombs with royalty, challenging the identification of Vergina with
Aigai.20 However, the controversy is far from being resolved. Tomb III, known
as the Prince’s Tomb, contained the cremated remains of an approximately
13–14 year old boy, also accompanied by lavish burial goods. He is usually
identified with Alexander the Great’s son, Alexander IV.21
To resume the question posed earlier in this chapter: what makes these
tombs royal? Tomb I was plundered and there is nothing specifically royal
about the iconography of its frescoes. The dazzling array of luxury burial
goods found in the unplundered Tombs II and III is not enough evidence
of royalty, considering that a similar wealth of offerings came to light, for
example, in the distinctly non-royal tombs at Derveni, dating from the
closing years of the fourth century.22 Their wealth can be attributed to the
spoils of Alexander’s conquest of the Persian Empire. Two objects in
particular, found in the main chamber of Tomb II, have been seen as
entailing royal connotations: a silver gilt diadem and the hand-guard of a
torch.23 The silver gilt diadem has been interpreted as a priest’s headgear,
thus appropriate for a Macedonian king who performed priestly duties.24
Painted versions of similar diadems have been found in two non-royal cist
graves at Pydna and Aineia.25 The problem is compounded by the fact that
the tomb at Aineia belonged to a woman. This raises questions about the
function of such diadems. As for the hand-guard of a torch, it is so far
unique in Macedonia and can have no particular significance until further
information becomes available.
That Tomb II may be royal can be more readily supported by the
iconography of the lion hunt painted on its façade (Fig. 18.2).26 Despite
the strong idealisation of the hunters’ features, this is usually recognised as
a historical not a mythological scene.27 The lion hunt episode forms part of

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a multiple quarry hunt involving mounted and pedestrian hunters, dogs,
deer, a boar, bears and a lion. The frieze has been interpreted in various
ways, but this much is clear: the lion can only be hunted by a king. The
iconography of royal lion hunts was established in the ancient Near East
by Assyrian palace reliefs;28 in the fourth century the lion hunt appears as
a funerary motif on the sarcophagus of one of the kings of Sidon, who was
effectively a satrap of the Persian Empire.29 In the visual arts of the
Successors lion hunts acquired a symbolic significance for these dynasts,
as they struggled to establish their claims on Alexander’s empire by
demonstrating that they had played an active part in his lion hunts and by
implication, his conquests.30 The painted lion hunt on Tomb II seems to
introduce on this side of the Aegean the non-mythological mounted lion
hunt with royal connotations, inspired by Asian prototypes. In any case, if
Tomb II is a royal tomb, then Tombs I and III must belong to members
of the same dynasty, since they were all covered by the Great Tumulus
after they were damaged in antiquity.
A further problem concerns a fourth structure that seems to complement
this cluster of tombs under the Great Tumulus: an overground rectangular
building adjacent to Tomb I (Fig. 18.3).31 Tomb I lies in fact between this
overground structure and Tomb II. The foundations of the rectangular

Fig. 18.3: Model of the tombs under the Great Tumulus, Vergina; from left to right:
foundations of overground rectangular structure, roof of Tomb I, Tomb II, Tomb III.
From Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, fig. 55.

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structure were built of regular limestone blocks, while its superstructure

was of marble, as attested by fragments found scattered among the
remains. Its architectural plan is unknown. The structure has not been fully
published, but in his preliminary report Andronikos envisaged a temple-like
design. The building seems to have been razed to the ground and plundered
at the same time as its neighbouring Tomb I. Andronikos attributed the
looting and destruction to the Gaulish mercenaries of King Pyrrhos of
Epiros who raided the royal cemetery of Aigai in the reign of Antigonos
Gonatas in 274/3.32 He suggested that the two plundered structures, Tomb
I and the overground naiskos, as well as the intact royal Tombs II and III
which lie beyond Tomb I, were eventually covered up by a huge tumulus,
probably by Antigonos Gonatas, to preserve them from further damage.
Even though the foundations of the overground rectangular structure
are adjacent to Tomb I, Andronikos chose to associate it with Tomb II,
which lies on the other side of Tomb I. He ventured an interpretation as
a nearly contemporary heroon for the worship of the dead buried in Tomb
II that he believed to be Philip II. He cited the unreliable Alexander Romance
(1.24.11), which states that Alexander buried his father in a splendid tomb
and erected a temple over it. But he could cite no parallels. In recent years
the overground structure has been interpreted as a heroon serving the
occupants of all the tombs within the Great Tumulus.33
We need to consider this overground structure, however, within the
general context of Macedonian burial practices. Its close proximity to a
cist tomb (Tomb I) is neither unprecedented nor unique. The earliest
instance known to me of an underground cist tomb forming a building
complex with an overground naiskos is the fifth-century Tomb D of Aiane
in Western Macedonia, where a Doric structure was built on top of a cist
tomb. The cist tomb functioned as a funerary crypt, and offerings to the
dead were made within the naiskos above. A similar arrangement can be
observed in the early-fourth-century Tomb A at Aiane.34 Three cist tombs
associated with overground naiskoi which probably carried funerary
monuments rather than sheltering funerary rites, have also come to light in
two late-fourth-century cemeteries at Pella, none of them being royal.35
We have so far no overground structures associated with Macedonian
(rather than cist) tombs. The naiskos-like buildings accompanying cist
tombs do not of themselves entail royal associations. Further study and a
proper publication of the rectangular structure under the Great Tumulus
would help illuminate some of the questions raised here.
Philip II’s mother, Eurydike, was Andronikos’ candidate for the so-
called Tomb of Eurydike (Fig. 18.4).36 This tomb was found plundered
and still awaits publication. It consists of an antechamber and a main

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Fig. 18.4: Main chamber of the so-called Tomb of Eurydike at Vergina with painted marble
throne and marble cinerary chest. From Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, fig. 83.

chamber covered with a barrel-vault. Even though it is a Macedonian

tomb, it is encased in ashlar blocks as if it was a cist tomb. The tomb façade
has not been excavated. There are marble doors leading from the dromos to
the antechamber and thence to the main chamber. A false door is painted
in the back wall of the main chamber which is decorated like an Ionic
façade pierced with a pair of windows. The main chamber contains a
painted marble throne on which rested a marble chest sheltering the
cremated remains of a woman. The remains of a gold and ivory couch also
came to light in the main chamber. Two male skeletons were excavated in
the antechamber.37 Andronikos assigned the male skeletons to the inevitable
tomb robbers and attributed the tomb to Eurydike, probably inspired by
the view, prevalent at the time, that Macedonian tombs with thrones were
appropriate for women.38 Further study of the skeletal remains is needed
to determine whether they were primary burials or the result of accidental
death. It must be noted, however, that burials in both the chamber and the
antechamber are attested in other Macedonian tombs.39 We do not know
the year of Eurydike’s death, but she was already dead by 346 when
Aeschines visited the court of Philip II.40 Andronikos dated the tomb to
shortly after 344/3 on the strength of several sherds of Panathenaic
amphoras from the year of the Athenian eponymous archon Lykiskos
(344/3), found in the funeral pyre associated with the tomb. The remnants

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of the pyre were found before the tomb entrance. In addition, an Attic
red-figure pelike by the Eleusinian Painter, dating from 340/330, was
excavated inside the tomb.41 Panathenaics, however, were kept by their
owners for many years after their production date and cannot be used as
chronological indicators. The case of five Panathenaics of the 360s
maintained on display in the House of Mosaics at Eretria until the first half
of the third century is indicative of the prestige of these vessels as
heirlooms.42 The pelike by the Eleusinian Painter may well have been an
heirloom too. In addition, there is not enough evidence that a woman was
the sole occupant of the tomb. Fragments of a helmet were found in the
antechamber, indicating male occupancy and the remains of a gold and
ivory couch from the main chamber suggest a second burial;43 in addition,
it has been pointed out that the Panathenaic amphoras from the pyre are
probably more appropriate to a male burial.44 A post-Alexander date seems
more likely for the ‘Tomb of Eurydike’.45
A marble throne was also found in the adjacent so-called Tomb of
Rhomaios, which is equally located near the royal palace.46 This tomb has
been attributed to queen Thessaloniki on very dubious grounds.47 A third
marble throne came to light in the Macedonian tomb ‘Bella II’, which is at
a considerable distance from the palace and bears no indication of being
royal.48 Whereas the date of the so-called Eurydike Tomb is controversial,
the Rhomaios and Bella II Tombs both date from the first half of the third
century BC.

Fig. 18.5: Attendants carrying torches and banqueting equipment. Detail of the
banquet frieze painted on the façade of the Tomb at Agios Athanasios. From
Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, pl. 32a.

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 The royal court in ancient Macedonia: the evidence for royal tombs
The proximity of a tomb to the royal palace probably indicates royal
connections but does the presence of a marble throne in a Macedonian
tomb indicate a royal burial? It has been argued that marble thrones in
Macedonian tombs may entail royal associations.49 The concept of the royal
throne as a seat of power was introduced to Macedonia by Alexander the
Great after his conquest of the Persian Empire, inspired by the throne of
the Great King of Persia. It may well be significant that the only funerary
thrones found in Macedonia so far are located in the old capital of the
Macedonians and may all date after the conquest of Asia, thereby signifying
royal burials.50

2. No funerary banquet: dining and death at Agios Athanasios

Whereas the context of the Vergina tombs remains ambiguous, more
tantalising possibilities are offered by another Macedonian cemetery. The
difficulties in identifying royal burials in Hellenistic Macedonia are indeed
highlighted by the case of the painted Macedonian tomb at Agios
Athanasios. It is not located near a royal palace and was plundered in
antiquity, thus eliminating the possibility of finding any royal paraphernalia.51
Nevertheless, the wall-paintings on its façade (Figs. 18.5–13) appear to illuminate
aspects of the royal court not only reminiscent of what information we
have from the literary sources but also perhaps indicative of a royal burial.
In a pioneering study of the special significance of royal banquets in the
history of Alexander the Great, Eugene Borza has argued that these events

Fig. 18.6: Guest with escort arriving at the banquet. Detail of the banquet frieze
painted on the façade of the Tomb at Agios Athanasios. From Tsimbidou-Avloniti
2005, pl. 32b.

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functioned as a means of reinforcing the intimate relations of the king with

his court.52 He pointed out that these banquets were no mere entertainment
but provided the opportunity for a display of the king’s wealth and power.
They also gave vent to tensions within the king’s entourage and sometimes
ended in disaster. Violence at royal Macedonian banquets was not unheard
of; we only need cite the banquet at Maracanda in 328, where Alexander
killed Kleitos.53 Dramatic developments at symposia continued beyond
Alexander’s reign, the obvious example being the banquet at Larissa, where
Demetrios Poliorketes murdered Kassandros’ son, Alexander V, in 294.54
In this light, what can we make of the banquet frieze painted on the
façade of the Macedonian Tomb III at Agios Athanasios near Thessaloniki
(Figs. 18.5–11)? The frieze represents a night-time symposion, with six
diners reclining on couches. As in the case of the Vergina hunting frieze,
the individual features of the banqueters, albeit idealised, do not entail a
mythological scene. The chief banqueter, situated at the centre of the entire
frieze, holds a rhyton ending in the forepart of a griffin (Figs. 8–9). The
symposiasts are attended by two female musicians (a flute player and a
kitharode) and a naked youth serving wine from a sideboard (Figs. 18.7–9).
A military escort of three men and five youths, armed to the teeth, stands
at right (Figs. 18.10–11), while a guest arrives from the left leading his
horse, escorted by a pair of unarmed horsemen and five attendants who
carry torches and banquet equipment (Figs. 18.5–6). The tomb belonged to
a warrior, a member of the elite, and contained his iron arms and armour.55
Iron armour was particularly precious and Plutarch (Alex. 32.9) records
Alexander the Great’s iron helmet, created by the famous Theophilos. The
excavator dated the tomb to the early years of the third century and
interpreted the banqueting scene as a private party given by one of the
king’s companions in his garden, therefore of no special significance to the
tomb owner’s life.56 A parallel can be drawn between the painted banquet
of Agios Athanasios and the sculptured banquets of fourth-century Lykia,
represented on the façades of rock-cut tombs as well as on the Nereid
Monument at Xanthos. They all share a common detail: the deceased is shown
as a symposiast holding an animal head rhyton of Achaemenid design.57
There are significant features in the iconography of the banquet of the
Agios Athanasios Tomb that require explanation and may, in fact, entail
that the artist had a specific event in mind. To begin with, the banquet is
set in an open-air location as indicated by the tree growing behind the
sideboard (Fig. 18.7). This is laden with gold and silver vessels, notably
gold phialai for libations. The luxurious equipment demonstrates the elite
standing of the host. Macedonian symposia were customarily held either in
banqueting rooms called androns (we have several examples of them in

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Fig. 18.7: Sideboard with naked youth serving wine. Tree in the background. Detail
of the banquet frieze painted on the façade of the Tomb at Agios Athanasios. From
Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, pl. 33a.

Fig. 18.8: Flute player, symposiast and animal head rhyton held by the deceased (who
is visible in Fig. 18.9). Detail of the banquet frieze painted on the façade of the Tomb
at Agios Athanasios. From Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, pl. 33b.

Fig. 18.9: Deceased holding rhyton, courtesan playing the kithara and Macedonian
king. Detail of the banquet frieze painted on the façade of the Tomb at Agios
Athanasios. From Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, pl. 34a.

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Fig. 18.10: Three bodyguards. Detail of the banquet frieze painted on the façade of the
Tomb at Agios Athanasios. From Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, pl. 35a.

Macedonian palaces such as the one at Vergina),58 or in temporary tents,

like Alexander’s famous pavilion of 100 couches which was used on several
occasions, including the farewell celebrations at Dion on the eve of his
departure for Persia in 33459 and during the mass marriages at Susa in 324.60
Open-air dining only took place as a last resort. On the occasion of the
mass marriages, for example, Chares reports that the commanders of
Alexander’s army and the ambassadors of the Greek cities had to dine al
fresco in the courtyard for lack of sheltered space.61 Open-air dining was
also practised when the huge number of guests required it, as during
the famous banquet for the army organised by Peukestas at Persepolis
in 317.62 The open-air setting of the Agios Athanasios frieze thus probably
commemorates a historic event (when sheltered space was not available)
rather than serving as the backdrop of a generic scene.
Careful study of the rest of the composition of the painted façade of the
tomb of Agios Athanasios can be richly rewarding. A pair of guards
wearing a kausia, the Macedonian elite hat, a short chiton and Macedonian
chlamys, as well as military boots and holding a sarissa, stand guard on
either side of the tomb’s entrance, suggesting that the occupant was entitled
to special honours (Figs. 18.12–13).63 It could even be suggested that in
this case art imitated life, and that real sentries were in fact placed at the
tomb’s entrance. The painted guards are in tears, indicating intimacy with
the deceased. A painted shield hangs on the wall above each guard,
presumably in commemoration of actual shields hanging on walls.
The shield devices carry royal connotations: the shield on the left is

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Fig. 18.11: Five royal pages. Detail of the banquet frieze painted on the façade of the
Tomb at Agios Athanasios. From Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, pl. 35b.

decorated with a gorgoneion, which recalls Agamemnon’s shield in the

Iliad (11.36–7); that on the right has a winged thunderbolt, attribute of
Zeus, king of the gods.
The details of the banquet frieze point to a scene in the royal court on
account of the military escort at the right end. It consists of three
Macedonian adults holding spears and wearing kausias and full military
gear, leather corselets, chlamydes and boots (Fig. 18.10),64 and of five
youths wearing short chitons and equipped with Macedonian shields and
spears (Fig. 18.11). Two of these youths wear Phrygian helmets and one
wears a kausia. These adolescent boys may well be royal pages who
accompanied the king of Macedon at symposia and hunting expeditions
and served him in general capacities in the palace.65 Their presence here
would indicate a scene in the royal court, entailing that the king is
participating in the symposion. Since we have already seen that the
deceased is identified by means of his rhyton, then perhaps the king is the
banqueter on his right, attended by the female kithara player (Fig. 18.9).
He touches her kithara in a proprietary gesture. Female kitharodes are so
rare in banquet scenes that she effectively draws attention to herself and
her companion.66 She can hardly be a member of the host’s family:67 female
entertainers at symposia were professionals. A courtesan of exceptional
skills and high standing is probably meant here. The association of
Macedonian kings with hetairai, beginning with Philip II, is well documented.68
Demetrios Poliorketes, for example, was notorious for his liaisons with
courtesans, notably the Athenian Lamia.69

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Figs. 18.12–13: The façade of the Tomb at Agios Athanasios, with bodyguards on the
left and right of the entrance, each with a painted shield hanging above his head. Note
the frieze at the top. From Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, plates 36–7.

The banquet frieze on the facade of the tomb of Agios Athanasios

would thus commemorate a specific event in which the deceased dined
with the king.
There is, however, an added twist to the story. The group of revellers
coming from the left comprise a young man in long hair, long chiton and
himation (Fig. 18.6), dressed exactly like the symposiasts on the frieze and
leading his horse. He is attended by two horsemen with close-cropped hair,
wearing short military chitons, three youths and a taller attendant bringing
up the rear. All are wreathed for the festivities, none is armed, and they
carry torches or vessels for the symposion. What are we to make of this
group? Are they crashing the party? How many of them are guests?70
Perhaps the riders in short chitons are a military escort rather than guests
in their own right. Are we dealing with a continuous narrative or consecutive
scenes? Should we expect to see the young guest with longish hair reclining
among the banqueters? In addition, what is the significance of the escort?
Is the young guest a Macedonian noble or a king, attended by bodyguards
and royal pages albeit weaponless?

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The banquet scene, framed by the two military escorts, one armed, the
other weaponless, is reminiscent of a historic banquet recorded by Plutarch
(Demetr. 36). In 294 Kassandros’ youngest son, Alexander V, king of
Macedonia, called on Pyrrhos, king of Epirus and his uncle, Demetrios
Poliorketes, to aid him in the civil war against his brother Antipater II.71 By
the time Demetrios arrived at Dion and met Alexander, the conflict had
been resolved: Pyrrhos had departed and the kingdom had been divided
between Alexander and Antipater. Alexander no longer needed the services
of Demetrios, he therefore hatched a plot to do away with him during a
banquet. Having got wind of this, Demetrios arrived at the banquet at Dion
with an armed escort who stayed with him throughout. He then announced
his departure. Alexander escorted his uncle as far as Thessaly, still intending
to do away with him during dinner. But first he had to accept a dinner
invitation from Demetrios at Larissa. He participated in the banquet
unarmed, leaving his escort outside in order not to arouse suspicion.
Demetrios anticipated him and Alexander was cut down by his uncle’s
bodyguards on leaving the symposion. His attendants who came to the
rescue were also killed (presumably being weaponless and unprepared).
We do not know to what extent Macedonian funerary paintings record
historic occasions. The question of their historicity should be considered
in connection with the hunting frieze painted on the façade of Vergina
Tomb II (Fig. 18.2). I have argued elsewhere that the frieze does indeed
reflect historic hunts and that it is not a continued narrative but a
compendium of scenes.72 But the interpretation of the hunting frieze is
controversial and can only offer a tentative parallel. That the lion hunt is a
royal hunt and can therefore be interpreted as a court scene is argued in
section 1 above.
Would it be legitimate to identify the tomb at Agios Athanasios as the
last resting place of Alexander V without any further evidence? The royal
pages attending the symposion, the aristocratic bodyguards guarding the
tomb’s entrance and the royal devices of the shields hanging above their
heads give us food for thought. The fact that the tomb is not located in the
royal capital, Pella, where we would expect to find the burials of the
Antipatrid dynasty, may be partly explained by the fact that the dynasty
was uprooted by Demetrios. Would Demetrios, as Alexander V’s uncle
and successor, be expected to take charge of his nephew’s burial? Who
was responsible for the choice of the banquet theme which subtly
combined the iconography of the funerary banquet with historical
banquets at the Macedonian court? All this belongs to the realm of
speculation. The tomb’s wall-paintings, at any rate, may serve as an
illustration of a court scene in the period of the Successors and the painted

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tomb at Agios Athanasios is certainly connected to the royal court but

cannot be eliminated as a potential royal burial.

3. Conclusion
The social position of the king of Macedon as first among equals is
reflected in the elite burials of Macedonia, where the tombs of courtiers
may be as lavish as that of their sovereign. The evidence at our disposal
only allows for conjecture, judging, for example, by the proximity of a
tomb to the royal palace, the inclusion of a marble throne (which may well
carry royal connotations), the iconography of painted friezes which may
suggest a royal hunt or a royal banquet and finally, by the context, e.g. the
inclusion of tombs in the same tumulus as a royal burial. Such suggestions,
however, may be treated as preliminary, pending further discoveries in
Macedonia.

Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Andrew Erskine and Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones for the
invitation to a very stimulating conference. My thanks are also due to
Yannis and Maria Akamatis, Beth Carney and Panos Valavanis for advice
and suggestions, to Theodore Antikas for information on the human
remains of seven individuals from Vergina Tomb I, and to Panagiotis
Faklaris for placing at my disposal his manuscript on the so-called Tomb
of Eurydike prior to publication.

Notes
1
For palaces, see the chapters in this volume by Morgan, Engels (section 4) and
Hardiman.
2
For a list of painted Macedonian tombs, see Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 172–80.
3
Cf. Touratsoglou 2010, 116–27.
4
Hatzopoulos 1996, 487–96 (based on the epigraphical evidence); Paschidis 2006;
Ma 2011, 524. This obviously did not apply to Alexander III’s court: cf. Spawforth
2007.
5
Tomb of the Palmettes: Rhomiopoulou and Schmidt-Dounas 2010; v. Mangoldt
2012, 183–6; Judgement Tomb: Petsas 1966; v. Mangoldt 2012, 177–81.
6
On the tombs of Vergina, see Ginouvès 1994, 128–77; Drougou and Saatsoglou-
Paliadeli 1999, 36–71; Drougou 2011, 253; Kottaridi 2011e; v. Mangoldt 2012, 275–84,
291–4.
7
Andronicos 1984.
8
Andronikos 1987; v. Mangoldt 2012, 291–4, pl. 112, 5–6; Faklaris forthcoming
with further references.
9
Andronicos 1984, 86–95.
10
Musgrave 1990, 274, 280.
11
Andronicos 1984, 87. For the position of the bones, see Andronikos 1994, 45, fig. 10.

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12
Andronicos 1984, 66.
13
Borza 1987, 118–119; Borza and Palagia 2007, 82–3. According to Diod. Sic.
17.2.3, Philip’s and Kleopatra’s child was only a few days old at his assassination.
Kleopatra and her daughter were put to death by Olympias shortly afterwards: Paus.
8.7.7; Plut. Alex. 10.8; Just. Epit. 9.7.12. See also Carney 2000, 74.
14
Kottaridi 2011b, 103, 142.
15
Carney 2000, 60–1.
16
Antikas 2015; Grant 2017, 768.
17
Andronicos 1984, 62–217.
18
Andronicos 1984, 226–33. For a recent summary of the arguments in favour of
Philip II, see Lane Fox 2011, 1–34 (with earlier references).
19
See now Borza and Palagia 2007 (with earlier references). A stylistic date for
about half the silver vessels from Tomb II in the last quarter of the 4th century is
suggested by Zimi 2011, 104.
20
Faklaris 1994 and 2011, 347 n. 10; Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997, 143, 202.
The identification of Vergina with Aigai is defended by Drougou 2011, especially
p. 255 with fig. 19, showing a stamped tile with goat’s head from Vergina as a symbol
of the city.
21
Musgrave 1990, 281. For Tomb III, see Andronicos 1984, 198–217; Kottaridi
2011c, 142, figs. 154, 163–4; Kottaridi 2011e, 106–25.
22
Cf. Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997, 158–60, 202. Quantities of silver vessels
were placed in tombs of the elite in the late 4th and early 3rd centuries, cf. Zimi 2011,
21–6.
23
Andronicos 1984, 171, 174–5, figs. 138–9 (diadem); 168, fig. 132 (torch);
Kottaridi 2002, 80.
24
Cf. Tsigarida 2002. On the priestly duties of the Macedonian king: Christensen
and Murray 2010, 440–1.
25
Pydna (Makrygialos): Besios 2010, 197. Aineia: Vokotopoulou 1990, 74–5, fig. 37.
26
Illustrated in Andronicos 1984, figs. 58–9; Borza and Palagia 2007, col. pl. 7;
Franks 2012, figs. 4–12. For a detailed analysis of the hunting frieze, dating it to 316,
see Borza and Palagia 2007, 90–103. For a different view, dating it to 336: Saatsoglou-
Paliadeli 2004; Lane Fox 2011, 10–13. The debate focuses on the question of the
existence of lions in Macedonia in the 4th century: if they existed, then the royal hunter
can be Philip II (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli; Lane Fox); if not, then the hunt takes place
during Alexander’s expedition to the East and the king can be identified as Philip III
Arrhidaios (Borza and Palagia). Franks (2012, 115–26) is undecided about the date of
Tomb II.
27
With the exception of Franks 2012, who interprets the hunt as an episode from
the life of Karanos, mythological founder of the Argead dynasty. For a critical review,
see Palagia 2014.
28
Palagia 2000, 181; Borza and Palagia 2007, 96 with earlier references.
29
Istanbul, Archaeological Museum 369. Palagia 2000, 181–2, figs. 6–7; Borza and
Palagia 2007, 97.
30
Palagia 2000; Carney 2002; Borza and Palagia 2007, 97–8; Seyer 2007, 93–171;
Sawada, 2010, 400–2.
31
Andronicos 1984, 65–6. Drougou and Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1999, figs. 52, 55.
32
Plut. Pyrrh. 26.6; Andronikos 1994, 33–4.

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Olga Palagia
33
Drougou et al. 1996, 47–8.
34
Karamitrou-Mentesidi 2008, 50–1, 56–7 (interpreting both tombs as royal).
35
Chrysostomou 1987; Lilimpaki-Akamati 1989–1991, 143–4, pls. 59–61.
36
Andronikos 1987; Ginouvès 1994, 154–61; Kottaridi 2007, 38–44; Kottaridi
2011a, fig. 16; 2011b, fig. 92; Kottaridi 2011c, figs. 165–6; v. Mangoldt 2012,
291–4, pl. 112, 5–6; Faklaris forthcoming.
37
Andronikos 1987.
38
The attribution of Macedonian tombs with thrones to women was based on a
pair of seats that passed as thrones in the Macedonian Tomb of the Erotes at Eretria,
inscribed with women’s names. Cf. Sismanides 1997, 197–9. On the Tomb of the
Erotes, see Huguenot 2008, 53–201. These seats, however, are more likely stools as
they have no backs and no armrests.
39
For example, Vergina Tomb II (Fig. 18.3) and Amphipolis Tomb I. For
Amphipolis, Tomb I, see Lazarides 1997, 68–71.
40
Aeschines 2.27–29. Palagia 2010, 38.
41
For the sherds of archon Lykiskos, see Kottaridi 2011c, fig. 168. For the
amphoras of Lykiskos, see Eschbach 1986, 88–9; Bentz 1998, 175. The pelike by the
Eleusinian Painter is illustrated in Kottaridi 2011b, fig. 83.
42
Bentz 2001.
43
Palagia 2010, 38 n. 23; Faklaris forthcoming. Lane Fox (2011, 8) suggests that the
helmet belonged to a tomb robber. Why would a tomb robber wear armour? For the
gold and ivory couch, see Kottaridi 2007, 39.
44
Palagia 2002, 4; Huguenot 2008, 118–19; Valavanis forthcoming; Faklaris
forthcoming.
45
Palagia 2002.
46
Ginouvès 1994, 176–7; Galanakis 2011, 50, fig. 36; v. Mangoldt 2012, 270–3, pls.
107 and 108, 1–2.
47
Kottaridi 2011b, 142.
48
Ginouvès 1994, 175–6.
49
Huguenot 2008, 115–19. Contra, Paspalas 2005, 88.
50
The argument that the royal throne in Macedonia was introduced by Alexander
and that the funerary thrones may indeed be royal, is developed in detail in Palagia
forthcoming.
51
On this tomb, see Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 89–171; Palagia 2011, 484–7;
v. Mangoldt 2012, 71–74.
52
Borza 1983. Macedonian banquets are further studied by Carney 2007; Sawada
2010, 393–9; Carney 2015, 263–4.
53
Curt. 8.1.43–52; Plut. Alex. 51.8–9; Arr. 4.8.8; Just. Epit. 12.6.3; Carney 2007,
168–70. For violence at royal Macedonian banquets in the 5th century, see Carney
2007, 164.
54
Plut. Demetr. 36.3–6.
55
Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2011.
56
Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 125–6, 134–5, 141–2. She subsequently revised the
date of the tomb to the last quarter of the 4th century on no clear evidence (Tsimbidou-
Avloniti 2011, 351).
57
The deceased as symposiast holding a rhyton in Lycian funerary iconography:
a) banquet frieze of the Nereid Monument from Xanthos in the British Museum:

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 The royal court in ancient Macedonia: the evidence for royal tombs
Jenkins 2006, 196, fig. 190; b) rock-cut tomb relief of the 4th century at Myra: Bruns-
Özgan 1987, 267, F 17, pl. 14,1. See also Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 142. No rhyta in
precious metals have been found in excavations in Macedonia so far but their existence
is known from literary references and inscriptions: Zimi 2011, 16.
58
Kottaridi 2011d, 323, 327, figs. 32a–b.
59
Diod. Sic. 17.16.4. Spawforth 2007, 92–3. On royal tents, see Morgan this
volume.
60
Plut. Alex. 70.3; Athen. 12.538b–539a; Spawforth 2007, 94, 97–8, 112–13.
61
Chares, FGrH 125 F 4 (Athen. 538b–539a). See also Aelian, VH 8.7; Spawforth
2007, 112–13, 118.
62
Diod. Sic. 19.22.
63
Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 142–7.
64
The three men were interpreted as bodyguards by Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 139.
65
According to Arrian (4.13.1), the institution of the royal pages was introduced by
Philip II. Royal pages continued to serve Macedonian kings until Perseus (Livy 45.6.7–9).
Their function was to attend the king at symposia and hunting expeditions, stand
guard outside his bedroom and bring his horse before battle (Curt. 5.1.42). On royal
pages, see Carney 2008; Sawada 2010, 403–6; Carney 2015, 222–3.
66
That the female kithara player is so far unique in Greek and Macedonian
representations of symposia was observed by Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 135.
67
So Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2005, 136.
68
See now Ogden 2011.
69
Wheatley 2003; Ogden 1999, 177, 241–2; Ogden 2011, 227–31. See also
K. Buraselis in this volume.
70
Tsimbidou-Avloniti (2005, 137) suggests that the two riders and the man leading
the horse are all guests and that they arrive in the middle of the dinner party.
71
Hammond and Walbank 1988, 214–17.
72
Borza and Palagia 2007, 90–103, col. pl. 4.

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