The Establishment of Ritual The Case of

Evangelos Kyriakidis
Ritual and its Establishment

The Case of Some Minoan
Open-Air Rituals
St. John's College, Cambridge, 2002

This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctorate in Philosophy in the
University of Cambridge
Declaration: The entire work included is my own and its main body does not
exceed the word limit of eighty thousand words according to the regulations
of the Archaeology Degree Committee.
Abstract
This work aspires to contribute to the study of ritual in as constructive and
methodologically sound way as possible. The contentious issue of ritual
interpretation is deliberately avoided. Instead, methodologies for positively
recognising ritual and assessing its establishment are developed. The study of
the establishment of ritual is based on the premise that it can be a valuable
source of information for the dynamics and establishment of the given
society.
The entire study takes the special perspective of prehistoric and more
specifically of Minoan archaeology, concentrating on the case of some open
air rituals. Firstly, ritual value is attributed to some Minoan open air sites and
to the relevant iconography. Subsequently, following the methodology
developed in the first chapters, it is shown that all studied rituals were highly
established. Moreover, some of these ritual sites could be seen as entities
which also managed, produced, and invested wealth, demonstrating the great
establishment of the respective rituals, and further contributing to it through
their own establishment.
The high level of establishment of the Minoan ritual sphere, as seen
through the open air rituals, points to the great importance of rituals to the
dynamics of Minoan society. It also implies a high level of establishment of
other spheres such as the political or that of social relations. Finally it
contributes to the overall establishment of Minoan society, as a factor which
unified the politically fragmented island.
Our discussion of the Minoan material demonstrated that the
methodologies developed for the attribution of ritual value to an activity and
for the assessment of its establishment can be beneficial for prehistoric
archaeology and for most social sciences. The Minoan material profited from
these ideas but also showed that their implementation is feasible.
To my family
Acknowledgements
This dissertation was supervised by Prof. Colin Renfrew, to whom I am more

than grateful for his continuous support, and the valuable time given to correct,
criticise, discuss, and help. His thought on ritual has significantly stimulated the
theoretical discussion of this work. Prof. Ian Hodder was my supervisor at the
beginning of this dissertation and to him I owe much of my interest in the theory
of ritual.
I also thank the Museums of Herakleion, Chania, Rethymnon. the Italian
School of Archaeology, and Prof. Stelios Alexiou, Prof. P. Carinci, and Prof. La
Rosa for their permission to study unpublished material. Sincere thanks also go
to a number of friends, scholars, and archaeologists for the discussions and
corrections on previous versions of this work, their support, views and criticisms
or for making available to me unpublished versions of their articles or books.
These are: M. Alexiou-Aposkiti, S. Alexiou, M. Andreadaki-Vlasaki, J. Arroyo Olid,
E. Banou, C. Broodbank, E. Chatzaki, C. Christakis, S. Chryssoulaki, P. Carinci, N.
Demopoulou, J. Driessen, L. French, G. Cadogan, F. Gaignerot-Driessen, D.&N.
Goulandri, R. Hägg, A. Karetsou, C. Knappett, J. T. Killen, R. Koehl, O.
Krzyskowska, Z. Kypriotakis, J. Laidlaw, A. Lebessi, A. MacGillivray, P. Militello,
W. Niemeier, K. Nowicky, J-P. Olivier, T. Palaima, N. Papadakis, I. Pini, D.
Planzos, K.&J. Pluta, G. Rethemiotakis, H. Sackett, Y. Sakellarakis, A. Snodgrass,
N. Stambolidis, S. Stoddart, P. Tomkins, I. Tournavitou, A. Vassilakis, L.
Vokotopoulos, M. Zeimbeki and surely many others. Among them I should recall
the fellows, students and the staff of St. John's College, a beehive of
interdisciplinary work and a fertile working environment. Many pictures are
courtesy of I. Pini.
I would also like to thank the Ridgeway-Venn foundation, Cambridge
European Trust and the Vardinoyiannis Foundation for their financial support
during the first year of my doctoral studies.
Last but not least I must express my thanks and gratitude to the N. P.
Goulandris Foundation and the Museum of Cycladic Art at Athens for supporting
and funding generously this work.
E. Kyriakidis, March 10th 2002
Table of Contents
List of Tables
List of Figures
1. Introduction: A Contribution to the Study of Ritual

1.1 PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY
1.2 THE CRADLE OF THE STUDY OF RITUAL IN ARCHAEOLOGY
1.3 RITUAL AND RELIGION IN MINOAN CRETE
1.4 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL AND THE STUDY OF SOCIETY
Part One
2. Ritual and its Establishment

2.1 RITUAL
2.2 THE TRAITS OF RITUAL
2.2.1 The 'Frame of Mind'
2.2.2 Traditionalism and repetition
2.2.3 Invariance
2.2.4 Rule-Governance
2.2.5 Formality
2.2.6 'Symbolism'
2.2.6.1 Types of signs.
2.2.6.2 Totalising Symbols
2.2.6.3 'Symbolism'
2.2.7 Performance
2.3 OTHER TYPES OF PERFORMATIVE ACTION
2.4 REFINING FURTHER
2.4.1 Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy
2.4.2 Secular and Religious Ritual
2.5 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL
2.5.1 Ritual as an Influencing Mechanism
2.5.2 The Establishment of Ritual, the Establishment of Society
2.6 ASSESSING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL
2.6.1 Primary Evidence: The Traits of Ritual
2.6.2 Secondary Evidence: Traits Pertaining to Institutions
2.6.3 Different Degrees of Establishment: An Illustration
2.6.4 Problem: Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy
2.7 SUMMARY
3. The Archaeology of Ritual and of its Establishment
i
3.1 THE NATURE OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD:
3.1.1 Ritual Cores and Common Denominators
3.1.2 Some Problems Pertaining to Storage
3.1.3 A Traditional way of Tracing Ritual in Archaeology
3.2 RITUAL IN PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY
3.2.1 Formalism
3.2.2 Repetition
3.2.3 Invariance
3.2.4 Tradition
3.2.5 Rule-governance
3.2.6 Performance
3.2.7.1 'Symbolism': Signs in Prehistoric Archaeology and the study of ritual
3.2.7.2 'Symbols' and Function
3.2.7.3 'Symbolism' in rituals
3.2.8 The traits of Ritual: a Summary
3.3 ICONOGRAPHY AND RITUAL, A NOTE
3.4.2 Religious Ritual
3.4.2.1 The Archaeology of Cult
3.4.2.2 Tracing Religious Rituals in Prehistoric Archaeology
3.5 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL
3.6 SUMMARY
Part Two
4. Evidence of Ritual Value
For the sites and in the iconography discussed
4.1 INTRODUCTION
4.2 THE RITUAL CHARACTER OF THE STUDIED SITES
4.2.1 Peak ‘Sanctuaries’
4.2.2 Sites Associated with Peak ‘Sanctuaries’
4.2.2.1 Anemospelia
4.2.2.2 Building B. Building B
4.2.3 ‘Sanctuaries’ Associated with Palaces
4.2.3.1 Phaestos Lower West Court (LWC) ‘Sanctuary’
4.2.3.2 Phaestos Upper West Court (UWC) ‘Sanctuary’
4.2.3.3 Mallia, Quartier 18
4.2.3.4 Consistency
4.2.4 Building 4, Arkhanes, Phourni
4.2.4.1 Consistency
4.2.5 Other ‘Sanctuaries’
4.2.5.1 Syme
4.2.5.2 Consistency
4.2.6 Some Notes on the Ritual Character of the Discussed Sites
4.3 RITUAL AND SITUATIONS OF ICONOGRAPHY
4.3.1 Introduction
4.3.2 Ritual and Minoan Iconography
ii
4.3.2.1 Person with Arm Extended Holding Staff
4.3.2.2 Females Seated
4.3.2.3 Procession of Women with Raised Arms
4.3.2.4 Floating Person
4.3.2.5 People in Procession
4.3.2.6 Libations or Carrying Libation Vases
4.3.2.7 Laying the Branch
4.3.2.8 Hugging the Rocks or Rocks for Hugging
4.3.2.9 Hanging from Trees
4.3.2.10 Garment Carrying, Giving, or Laying
4.3.2.11 Saffron Gathering and Offering
4.3.2.12 Boats Carrying Structures
4.3.2.13 The Grandstand Miniature Fresco
4.3.2.14 Trapping the Bull
4.3.2.15 Bull Leaping
4.3.2.16 Bull on Table
4.3.2.17 Fighting with Weapons
4.3.2.18 Fighting without Weapons, Boxing
4.3.3 The Depiction of Ritual in Iconography
4.4 FILLING THE GAPS, THE RITUAL VALUE OF THE DISCUSSED SITES
4.4.1 Open-air Ritual and Iconography
4.4.1.1 Seal Iconography
4.4.1.2 Wall painting
4.4.1.3 Stone Vessels
4.4.1.4 Open-air Ritual and Iconography
4.4.2 The convention for paved ground
4.4.3 Archaeology and Open-air Rituals
4.4.3.1 Peak Sanctuaries
4.4.3.2 Associated with Peak Sanctuaries
4.4.3.3 Building 4 at Arkhanes
4.4.3.4 Other Sanctuaries
4.4.4 The Ritual Value of the Semi-Independent Sanctuaries
4.5 OPEN-AIR RITUALS AND BUILDINGS
4.5.1 Peak Sanctuaries
4.5.2 Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries
4.5.3 Building 4, Arkhanes
4.5.4 Other Sanctuaries
4.5.5 Sites Associated with Palaces
4.5.5.2 Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
4.5.5.3 Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
4.5.6 Buildings and Rituals: A Verdict
4.6 SUMMARY
5. The Establishment of Some Open-air Minoan Rituals: The Analysis of

the Ritual Traits
5.1 PERFORMANCE AND PARTICIPATION

5.1.1 Participation, an Aspect of Performance
5.1.2 Items and their Possible Related Activities
5.1.2.1 Drinking or feasting related activities.
5.1.2.1.1 Consumption of food and drink
5.1.2.1.2 Serving or carrying
5.1.2.1.3 Preparation
5.1.2.2 Animal slaughtering
5.1.2.3 Pouring of Liquids
iii
5.1.2.4 Lighting or scenting
5.1.2.5 Offering tables
5.1.2.6 Pebbles
5.1.2.7 Knife/Sword offering and/or cutting.
5.1.2.8 Personal Items or Votives?
5.1.2.9 Items repeated but not disseminated
5.1.2.10 Items neither repeated nor disseminated
5.1.3 Rare opportunities to glimpse ritual item situations
5.1.4 The performances in Iconographical Situations
5.1.5 Summarising Performance and Participation
5.2 REPETITION, INVARIANCE AND TRADITIONALISM
5.2.1 Repetition and Invariance
5.2.1.1 The Evidence of Writing
5.2.2 Traditionalism
5.3 RULE GOVERNANCE AND FORMALISM
5.3.1 Rule Governance
5.3.2 Formalism
5.3.2.1 Architecture and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many
5.3.2.2 Iconography and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many
5.3.2.2.1 Distinctions in Rings
5.3.2.2.2 Distinctions in Stone vessels
5.3.2.2.3 Distinctions in Frescoes
5.3.2.3 Writing and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many
5.3.2.4 Materials Used and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many
5.3.2.5 Gender Distinctions
5.3.2.6 Materials, Investment and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many
5.3.2.7 Standardisation
5.3.2.8 Summary of Formalism
5.4 'SYMBOLISM'
5.4.1 'Symbolism' in Minoan Open-air Rituals
5.4.2 Figurines
5.4.2.1 Figurines as Signs
5.4.2.2 Discussion of the figurines
5.4.2.2.1 Clay Figurines
5.4.2.2.2 Clay Human Figurines
5.4.2.2.3 Bronze Human Figurines
5.4.2.2.4 Limbs and body parts
5.4.2.2.5 Oddly Shaped Human Figurines
5.4.2.2.6 Animal and Plant Figurines
5.4.2.2.7 Figurines and 'Symbolism' (The Use of Signs)
5.4.2.2.8 House models and figurine groups
5.4.2.2.9 Overview of the figurine evidence
5.4.3 The Possible Existence of Cult Statues in Minoan Crete
5.4.3.1 Aniconicity
5.4.3.2 Contra Hägg
5.4.3.3 Positive Evidence for Cult Statues
5.4.3.3.1 Mallia Quartier 18
5.4.3.3.2 Palaikastro Kouros
5.4.3.3.3 Positive Evidence for Cult Statues: The Other Sites
5.4.3.3.4 Iconography 3D
5.4.3.3.5 Iconography 2D
5.4.3.4 Cult Statues and Religious Ritual
5.4.4 Miniature non-utilitarian items
5.4.5 'Horns of Consecration'
5.4.6 Double Axes
5.4.7 An Overview of 'Symbolism'
5.5 SUMMARY
iv
6. Non-Ritual Traits Shared by all 'institutions'
6.1 RELATIVE SIZE OF WEALTH MANAGED: STORAGE CAPACITY OF THE OPEN-AIR MINOAN
SANCTUARIES
6.1.1.1 Atsipades Korakias
6.1.1.2 Traostallos
6.1.1.3 Karphi, Vigla
6.1.1.4 Philioremos, Gonies
6.1.1.5 Vrysinals
6.1.1.6 Youkhtas
6.1.1.7 Kythera, St. George
6.1.2 Sites Auxilliary to Youkhtas
6.1.2.1 Anemospelia
6.1.2.2 Building B, Near Youkhtas
6.1.3 independent Funerary Buildings: Building 4, Phourni (NP)
6.1.4.1 The Lower West Court Sanctuary Complex, Phaestos
6.1.4.2 The Upper West Court Sanctuary Complex, Phaestos
6.1.5.1 Syme
6.1.5.2 Kophinas
6.1.6 Storage Factors
6.1.7 Some Doubts to Storage
6.1.8 Storage
6.2 PRODUCTION OF WEALTH: WORKSHOP AND INDUSTRY ACTIVITIES
6.2.1.1 Workshop and Industry Indications in Peak Sanctuaries
6.2.1.2 St. George at Kythera
6.2.1.2.1 Stone working
6.2.1.2.2 Metal working
6.2.1.2.3 Weaving
6.2.1.2.4 Other
6.2.2 Sites Auxiliary to Peak Sanctuaries
6.2.2.1 Anemospelia
6.2.2.1.1 Stone working(?)
6.2.2.1.2 Food preparation
6.2.2.2.1 Food processing and ceramic production
6.2.3.1.1 Weaving
6.2.3.1.2 Wine production
6.2.3.1.3 Colour and food (?) preparation.
6.2.3.1.4 Other
6.2.4 Sanctuaries Associated with Palaces
6.2.4.1 Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
6.2.4.1.1 Stone
6.2.4.1.2 Pottery and Weaving
6.2.4.1.3 Preparation activities (food)
6.2.4.2 Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
6.2.4.3 Mallia, quartier 18
v
6.2.5.1 Syme (OP and NP).
6.2.5.1.1 Stone working
6.2.5.1.2 Weaving
6.2.5.1.3 Metal Working
6.2.5.1.3 Pottery production
6.2.5.1.4 Food preparation
6.2.5.1.5 Other
6.2.5.2 Kophinas
6.2.5.2.1 Metal working
6.2.6 The Production of Wealth: Conclusions
6.3 BUILDINGS AND BUILT FEATURES OF OPEN-AIR SANCTUARIES
6.3.1.1 Youkhtas
6.3.1.2 Petsophas
6.3.1.3 Philioremos
6.3.1.4 Pyrgos, Tylissos
6.3.1.5 Traostalos
6.3.2 Associated with Peak Sanctuaries
6.3.2.1 Anemospelia
6.3.3.1 The Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
6.3.3.2 The Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos.
6.3.5 Other Ritual Sites
6.3.5.1 Syme
6.3.5.2 Kophinas
6.3.6 The Investment of Wealth
6.4 ADMINISTRATION: A WRITTEN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENT
6.5 SUMMARY
7. Conclusion
Abbreviations
Bibliography, General
Bibliography of Place Names
vi
APPENDIX
A. Peak Sanctuaries
A.1 AMBELOS (SITIA)

A.2 ATSIPADES KORAKIAS (RETHYMNON)
A.2.1 The Upper Terrace
A.2.2 The Lower Terrace
A.2.3 Date
A.2.4 Types of artifacts in the entire site
A.3 ETIANI KEPHALA (SITIA, NEAR ARMENOI)
A.4 KARPHI (LASITHI)
A.5 KORAKOMOURI SPHAKAS (SITIA)
A.6 MEGALI KERIA (GONIES)
A.7 LILIANO (PEDIADA- KASTELI)
A.8 MODI (SITIA- PETRAS AND PALAIKASTRO)
A.9 PETSOFAS (SITIA-PALAIKASTRO)
A.10 PHILIOREMOS (GONIES)
A.11 PRINIAS (SITIA-PETRAS)
A.12 PYRGOS (TYLISSOS)
A.13 THYLAKAS (MIRABELO)
A.14 TRAOSTALOS (PALAIKASTRO AND ZAKROS)
A.14.1 Summit Plateau
A.14.2 East Plateau
A.14.3 The structures
A.14.3.1 Edifice A
A.14.3.2 Edifice B
A.14.3.3 Edifice C
A.14.4 Overall
A.15 VIGLA - ANO VIGLA ZAKROU (SITIA-ZAKROS)
A.16 VRYSINAS (RETHYMNON)
A.17 XYKEPHALO (SITIA)
A.18 YOUKHTAS (HERAKLION-ARKHANES AND KNOSSOS)
A.18.1 The buildings
A.18.1.2 Old Palace
A.18.1.2 New Palace
A.18.2 The Rooms and their contents
A.18.2.1 Room 1
A.18.2.2 Room 2
A.18.2.3 Room 3
A.18.2.4 Room 4
A.18.2.5 Room 5
A.18.2.6 Room 6
A.18.3 The Outdoors
A.18.3.1 Retaining wall I
A.18.3.1.1 The Bathron
A.18.3.2 Retaining wall II
A.18.3.2.1 The Cavern and the surrounding structure
A.18.3.3 Retaining wall III
vii
A.18.3.4 Retaining wall IV
A.18.3.5 Cyclopean Wall.
A.18.4 Overall
A.19 St. GEORGE (KYTHERA ISLAND-KASTRI)
B. Sites associated with Peak Sanctuaries
B.1 ANEMOSPELIA (ARKHANES-YOUKHTAS)

B.1.1 Antechamber
B.1.2 The Central Room
B.1.3 The East Room
B.1.4 The West Room
B.2 BUILDING B (ARKHANES-YOUKHTAS)
B.2.1 The court
B.2.2 The West Wing
B.2.3 The Northwestern Area
C. Sites Associated with Larger Structures (Palaces)
C.1 THE LOWER WEST COURT SANCTUARY (PHAESTOS)

C.1.1 Dating and Features
C.1.2 Finds
C.2 THE UPPER WEST COURT SANCTUARY (PHAESTOS)
C.2.1 The Rooms
C.2.1.1 Room V
C.2.1.2 Room VI
C.2.1.3 Room VII
C.2.1.4 Room VIII
C.2.1.5 Room IX
C.2.1.6 The sacrificial 'depression'
C.3 QUARTIER XVIII (MALLIA)
C.3.1 Room XVIII-1
C.3.2 Room XVIII-2
C.3.3 Room XVIII-3
C.3.4 Room XVIII-4
C.3.5 Room XVIII-5
C.3.6 Room XVIII-6
D. Independent Open-Air Funerary Rituals
D.1 BUILDING 4 (ARKHANES-FOURNI)

D.1.1 East Wing
D.1.1.1 Room 1
D.1.1.2 Room 2
D.1.1.3 Room 3
D.1.1.4 Room 4 and above it
D.1.1.5 Corridor 5 and above it
D.1.1.6 Room 6 and above it
D.1.1.7 Room 8, and above it
D.1.2 Upper Floor
D.1.2.1 Above room 1
D.1.2.2 Above room 2
D.1.3 West Wing
D.1.3.1 Area 9 and its northern part.
D.1.3.2 Area 10 and its sector 'd'.
viii
D.1.3.3 Area 11
D.1.4 General Remarks
E. Other Sanctuaries
E.1 EFENTIS CHRISTOS (PHAESTOS)

E.2 KOPHINAS (ASTEROUSIA)
E. 3 PISKOKEPHALO (SITIA)
E.4 STOUS ANTHROPOLITHOUS (SITIA)
E.5 SYME (VIANNOS)
E.5.1 Building phases and construction
E.5.1.1 Building V
E.5.1.2 Building U
E.5.1.3 Building and enclosure Ub
E.5.1.4 Peribolos and Krepis
E.5.1.5 Building S
E.5.1.6 Surrounding wall
E.5.2 In Greater Detail: The Buildings and the Finds
E.5.2.1 Building V
E.5.2.1.1 Building V
E.5.2.1.2 Outdoors, contemporary with V
E.5.2.1.3 The Finds
E.5.2.2 Building U
E.5.2.2.1 Room 1
E.5.2.2.2 Room 1A
E.5.2.2.3 Room 2/2A
E.5.2.2.4 Room 3
E.5.2.2.5 Room 4A
E.5.2.2.6 Room 5
E.5.2.2.7 Room 6
E.5.2.2.8 Room 7
E.5.2.2.9 Rooms 8, 9
E.5.2.2.10 Rooms 10, 11
E.5.2.2.11 Room 12
E.5.2.2.12 Rooms 13, 14
E.5.2.2.13 Room 15
E.5.2.2.14 Room 16
E.5.2.2.15 Rooms 17 and 18
E.5.2.2.16 Rooms 19-22
E.5.2.2.17 Rooms 23 and 24
E.5.2.2.18 Interesting Groups of Finds
E.5.2.3 Outdoors, contemporary to Building U
E.5.2.4 Ub
E.5.2.5 Peribolos Wall and Krepis Building Programme
E.5.2.5.1 The road
E.5.2.5.2 The peribolos wall
E.5.2.5.3 The Krepis
E.5.2.6 Fireplace
E.5.2.7 Temenos wall
E.5.2.8 Building S
F. Other Sites often associated with open-air ritual
G- Room LXIV in the LWCS at Phaestos: A Brief Account of the Study of

the Pottery
ix
List of Tables
Table 1: Some traits of floating persons as they would be shown on sealings,
4.3.2.4
Table 2: The presence of ritual traits in the iconographical situations, 4.3.3
Table 3: Evidence for Feasting, 5.1.2.1.1
Table 4: Evidence for Drinking, 5.1.2.1.1
Table 5: Evidence for Storage and Serving, 5.1.2.1.2
Table 6: Tripod Cooking Pots and other cooking implements, 5.1.2.1.3
Table 7: Evidence of Heating Sources, 5.1.2.1.3
Table 8: Direct Evidence of Fire, 5.1.2.1.3
Table 9: Large open shapes potentially used for blood collection, 5.1.2.2
Table 10: Pouring Liquids: Rhyta, Libation Cups and Jugs, 5.1.2.3
Table 11: Evidence for Lighting, 5.1.2.4
Table 12: Evidence for Fumigation, 5.1.2.4
Table 13: Offering Tables, 5.1.2.5
Table 14: Pebbles, 5.1.2.6
Table 15: Knives, Swords, Weapons, 5.1.2.7
Table 16: Personal Items, 5.1.2.8
Table 17: Stone Vases, 5.3.2.4
Table 18: Metal Vases, 5.3.2.4
Table 19: Fine Ware, clay, 5.3.2.4
Table 20: Human Figurines, 5.4.2.2.2
Table 21: Figurines of Indeterminate Sex, 5.4.2.2.2
Table 22: Parts of the Body. 5.4.2.2.4
Table 23: Animal Figurines and Clay Balls, 5.4.2.2.6
Table 24: Boats, Plants or Other, 5.4.2.2.6
Table 25: House Models and Figurine Groups, 5.4.2.2.8
Table 26: Clay Feet possibly of Cult Statues in the Sites Studied, 5.4.3.3
Table 27: Miniature Items, 5.4.4
Table 28: 'Horns of Consecration' in the studied sites, 5.4.5
Table 29: Double Axes, 5.4.6
Table 30: Workshop Preparation Activities, 6.2
Table 31: Administration (Tablets and sealings), 6.4
APPENDIX
Table 32: The finds from Ambelos, A.1

Table 33: The finds from the Upper Terrace at Atsipades, A.2.1
Table 34: The finds from the Lower Terrace at Atsipades, A.2.2
Table 35: The finds from the entire site of Atsipades, A.2.4
Table 36: The finds from Etiani Kephala, A.3
Table 37: The finds from Karphi, A.4
Table 38: The finds from Korakomouri Sphakas, A.5
Table 39: The finds from Petsofas, A.9
Table 40: The finds from Philioremos, A.10
Table 41: The finds from Prinias, A.11
x
Table 42: The finds from Pyrgos, A.12
Table 43: The finds from Thylakas, A.13
Table 44: The Finds Associated with the Summit Terrace at Traostallos,
A.14.1
Table 45: The Finds Associated with Edifice B at Traostalos, A.14.3.2
Table 46: The Finds from Traostalos, A.14.4
Table 47: The finds from Ano Vigla Zakrou, A.15
Table 48: The finds from Vrysinas, A.16
Table 49: The finds from Xykephalo. A.17
Table 50: The finds from Room 1 at Youkhtas, A.18.2.1
Table 56: The Layer above the Room floors, A.18.2.6
Table 57: The finds from the Retaining Wall I at Youkhtas, A.18.3.1
Table 58: The finds from the Retaining Wall II at Youkhtas, A.18.3.2
Table 59: The finds from the Retaining Wall III at Youkhtas, A.18.3.3
Table 60: The finds from the Retaining Wall IV at Youkhtas, A.18.3.4
Table 61: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the PP period, A.18
Table 62: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the OP period, A.18
Table 63: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the NP period, A.18
Table 64: The finds from Youkhtas, A.18
Table 65: The finds from the Peak Sanctuary of St. George at Kythera, A.19
Table 66: The finds from the Antechamber at Anemospelia, B.1.1
Table 67: The finds from the Central Room at Anemospelia, B.1.2
Table 68: The finds from the East Room at Anemospelia, B.1.3
Table 69: The finds from the West Room at Anemospelia, B.1.4
Table 70: The finds from Anemospelia, B.1
Table 71: The finds from the Court at Building B, B.2.1
Table 72: The finds from the Northwestern Area at Building B.2.3
Table 73: the finds from Building B.2
Table 74: The finds from the North Wing at the LWCS, C.1.2
Table 75: The finds from the Central Wing at the LWCS, C.1.2
Table 76: The finds from the Rooms LVIIIa-e at the LWCS, C.1.2
Table 77: The finds from the South Wing at the LWCS, C.1.2
Table 78: The finds from the South Suite at the LWCS, C.1.2
Table 79: The finds from the LWCS (inc. bench remodelling), C.1
Table 80: The finds from Room V at the UWCS, C.2.1.1
Table 81: The finds from Room VI at the UWCS, C.2.1.2
Table 82: The finds from Room VII at the UWCS, C.2.1.3
Table 83: The finds from Room VIII at the UWCS, C.2.1.4
Table 84: The finds from Room IX at the LWCS, C.2.1.5
Table 85: The finds from the 'Sacrificial Depression' at the LWCS, C.2.1.6
Table 86: The finds from the LWCS, C.2
Table 87: The finds from Room 1 at the Quartier XVIII at Mallia, C.3.1
xi
Table 90: The finds from the Quartier XVIII at Mallia, C.3
Table 91: The finds from Room 1 at Building 4, D.1.1.1
Table 94: The finds from Room 4 and above it at Building 4, D.1.1.4
Table 95: The finds from Corridor 5 at Building 4, D.1.1.5
Table 96: The finds from Room 6 and above it at Building 4, D.1.1.6
Table 98: The finds above Room 1 at Building 4, D.1.2.1
Table 99: The finds above Room 2 at Building 4, D.1.2.2
Table 100: The finds from Area 9 and its northern part at Building 4, D.1.3.1
Table 101: The finds from Area 10 and its sector 'd' at Building 4, D.1.3.2
Table 102: The finds from Area 11 at Building 4, D.1.3.3
Table 103: Building 4, D.1
Table 104: The finds from Kophinas, E.2
Table 105: The finds from Piskokephalo, E.3
Table 106: The finds from Stous Anthropolithous, E.4
Table 107: The finds from Building Programme U at Syme, E.5.2.2
Table 108: The outdoor finds from the Building Programme U at Syme,
E.5.2.3
Table 109: The finds from the enclosure Ub at Syme, E.5.2.4
Table 110: The finds from Syme, E.5
Table 111: The finds from Koumasa, F.
xii
List of Figures
Figure 1: The Peak Sanctuaries discussed here and the sites Associated with
them, §4.2.1
Figure 2: The Palaces of Crete, §4.2.3
Figure 3: The ‘Other’ Sanctuaries discussed and Building 4 (at Arkhanes),
§4.2.4
Figure 4: The New Ring from Poros. HM Gold 1629; Dimopoulou and
Rethemiotakis 2000, 39-56. Courtesy of I. Pini, §4.3.2.1
Figure 5: Fresco of the Seated Lady, Xeste III. Doumas 1992, 152-67,
§4.3.2.2
Figure 6: The Ring of Tiryns. Courtesy of I. Pini
Figure 7: The Ring of Sellopoulo. HM 1034; Popham 1974, 217, fig. 14D, pl.
37a,g. Courtesy of I. Pini. §4.3.2.8
Figure 8: The First Ring of Kalyvia. CMS II3, 114; HM 45. Courtesy of I. Pini.
§4.3.2.9
Figure 9: The Second Kalyvia Ring. II3, 103; HM 44. Courtesy of I. Pini.
§4.3.2.11
Figure 10: The Minos Ring. Pini, 1987, 441-5. Courtesy of I. Pini. §4.3.2.12
Figure 11: Two Cups from Vafeio. NM 1758 and 1759. Karouzou 1977, 36.
§4.3.2.14
Figure 12: Ring from VIth tomb of Mycenae. Karouzou 1977, 24, fig. 241.
§4.3.2.17
Figure 13: Boxing Boys from Akrotiri. Doumas 1992, 112, fig 79. §4.3.2.18.
Figure 14: The Isopata Signet ring. HM 424, CMS II3 51. Courtesy of I. Pini.
§4.4.2
Figure 15: The lost signet ring from Mochlos. CMS II3, 252; HM 259. Courtesy
of I. Pini. §4.4.2
Figure 16: The signet ring from Arkhanes from Y and E Sakellarakis 1997,
655, fig. 722. HM 989. §4.4.2
Figure 17: The signet of Elateia. CMS V, suppl. 2 106, Inv. Nr. M845. Courtesy
of I. Pini
Figure 18: Cups from Building 4. Y. & E. Sakellaraki 1997, 432, fig. 404.
§5.1.2.1.1
Figure 19: Tripod Cooking Pots from Building 4. Y. & E. Sakellaraki 1997, 432,
fig. 405. §5.1.2.1.3
Figure 20: Bull-shaped Rhyton from Prinias. Davaras 1982, fig.34. §5.1.2.3
Figure 21: Young Priestess from Akrotiri. Doumas 1992, 56 fig. 24. §5.1.2.4
Figure 22: Inscribed 'offering' table from Psychro. From Rutkowski 1986, 57.
§5.2.1.1
Figure 23: Knossos CMS II.3, 8. Courtesy of I. Pini.§ 5.3.2.2.1
Figure 24: M. Cameron's reconstruction of the fresco from A. Triada room 14.
From Evely (ed.) 1999, 242.§ 5.3.2.2.3
Figure 25: Clay Female Figurines from Kalamaki and Prinias respectively.
Davaras 1982, figs. 43 and 44. §5.4.2.2.2
Figure 26: Bull Figurine from Prinias. Davaras 1982, fig. 32. §5.4.2.2.6
xiii
Figure 27: Depiction on an Assyrian Obelisk. After Marinatos and Hägg, 1983,
186, fig. 26. §5.4.3.2
Figure 28: a) Foot from Chania. Godart and Tzedakis 1992, pl. XXX,1
b) Feet from Anemospelia. Y. and E. Sakellarakis 1997, 531, fig.
531. §5.4.3.3
Figure 29: a) Mallia Quartier 18, adjusted from Pelon, 1980, fig. 29 b)
Palaikastro the rooms of the Kouros, adjusted from MacGillivray et
al. 2000, 34 fig. 1.9. §5.4.3.3.2
Figure 30: Phaestos a) Bowl and b) reconstructed Fruitstand From the LWCS
at Phaestos. From Levi 1976, pll. 67, 66. §5.4.3.3.3
Figure 31: Horns of Consecration with a receptacle in the middle. From Etiani
Kephala. Davaras 1982, fig.33. §5.4.5
Figure: 32: Horns of Consecration from Petsofas. Davaras 1982, fig. 31.
§5.4.5
Figure 33: Stone working debris from Kythera. From Sakellarakis 1996, pl.
19. §6.2.1.2.1
Figure 34: Loom-weights from Building 4 at Arkhanes. From Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1991, 87. §6.2.3
Figure 35: Wine press installation at Building 4. §6.2.3.1.1
Figure 36: Ingot from Building 4. From Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 601,
fig. 587. §6.2.3.1.4
Figure 37: The Peak Sanctuary of Petsofas. Adapted from Myres 1902-3, pl.
VII. Appendix A.9
Figure 38: The Peak Sanctuary of Philioremos at Gonies. Adapted from
Rutkowski 1988, pl. XI. Appendix A.10
Figure 39: The Holy Spirit Church near Philioremos. Appendix A.10
Figure 40: The Central Building of the Peak Sanctuary of Pyrgos, Present
State. Appendix A.12
Figure 41: The Peak Sanctuary of Traostalos. Structure C. Present State.
Appendix A.14
Figure 42: The Peak Sanctuary of Youkhtas. Adapted from Karetsou 1985, pl.
13. Appendix A.18
Figure 43: The Sanctuary of Anemospelia. Adapted from Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1997, 271, fig. 67. Appendix B.1
Figure 44: The Lower West Court Sanctuary at Phaestos. Adapted from Levi
1981, Tavole 1**, plate N. Appendix C.1
Figure 45: The Upper West Court Sanctuary at Phaestos. Adapted from Levi
1981, Tavole 1**, plate E. Appendix C.2
Figure 46: Room VIII in the UWCS at Phaestos. Appendix C.2
Figure 47 Mallia, the Quartier 18. Adapted from Pelon 1980, plan 29.
Appendix C.3
Figure 48: The North Side of Building 4. Appendix D.1
Figure 49: The Building 4 at Arkhanes. Adapted from Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1997, 223, drawing 59. Appendix D.1
Figure 50: The Sanctuary of Syme. Adapted from Lebessi 1995, 250-1.
Appendix E.5.1.2
xiv
Figure 51: a) Unfinished 'offering' table and b) loom-weights from Syme.
From Lebessi 1985, pl.21 c and 1983, pl. 35 b, c. §6.2.5.1.1.
Appendix E.5.2.3
Figure 52: A selection of sherds and other small items from the fill of room
LXIV, LWCS. Appendix G
xv
1.
Introduction: A Contribution to the Study of Ritual
"The faces of the celebrants would be turned in the direction of
the sunset at the winter solstice. It may be supposed, then, that
Stonehenge was erected after enormous labour to commemorate
annually at midwinter the death of some great divinity"
(Abercromby 1912, 95).
"Equally, the sarsens may have been put up to be the everlasting

house of such a deity whose role it was to safeguard the dead
…one can imagine suppliants holding axes aloft, the other hand
raised with fingers outstretched, saluting the sun" (Burl 1987, 214)
Ritual has appealed to many scholars dealing with different fields of learning,
various parts of the world and in different periods. Its apparent mystery,
however, sets imagination galloping. The above interpretations of the
activities at Stonehenge, though over-imaginative, have one thing in common
with their more conservative counterparts regarding Stonehenge or
elsewhere: they are based on intuition.
What we might like to imagine about rituals may, however, distract us
from what we can learn about them and furthermore what they can teach us
about a given society. This work aspires to contribute to the study of ritual in
as constructive and methodologically sound a way as possible. In order to
achieve this, a certain standpoint, and a specific material to work with will
have to be chosen as we cannot speak about ritual in general with no
reference point and with no material against which to test the methodologies
proposed.
1.1 PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY

The standpoint of prehistoric archaeology, as opposed to anthropology or
sociology, will be given here particular attention. This discipline draws its
conclusions from relatively restricted evidence in comparison to others. The
conclusions drawn from this limited material, therefore, should also be
applicable to disciplines where a wider range of evidence is available,
including historic archaeology. Moreover, material culture on which prehistoric
archaeology is entirely based, can be overlapped, contrasted and compared to
history (e.g. Scarre 1994, 75-82). So even in the interest of historic
archaeology it is useful to study ritual entirely from the perspective of
material culture.
1.2 THE CRADLE OF THE STUDY OF RITUAL IN ARCHAEOLOGY

This work will concentrate on material from the palace periods of the 'Minoan
civilisation' of second millennium BC Crete.
Crete, the largest island of the Aegean sea, has often played prominent
roles in history. The earliest period of importance was a great part of the
second millennium BC, and was conventionally called 'Minoan', after the
1
mythical King Minos who, legend has it, ruled the island. Minoan archaeology
became a focus of interest from the end of the 19th century, when systematic
archaeological research commenced. The most important excavation so far on
the island was that of Sir Arthur Evans at Knossos, which provoked much
international interest and competition among archaeologists. Nikolaos Platon
later divided the history of Minoan Crete into the relative periods of Pre-
palatial, Old-palatial (OP), Neo-palatial (NP) and Post-palatial or Mycenaean.
The 'peak' of the 'civilisation' has been traditionally placed in the two palace
periods, which have also received the greatest amount of attention in
scholarship.
The 'Minoan civilisation' is particularly suitable for a study of ritual. It
belongs to a greater geographical region (Greece), which was one of the first
areas to be archaeologically studied, and is itself one of the first prehistoric
'civilisations' studied by 19th and 20th century archaeologists. Moreover, the
large influence of the Greek classical period, 'the cradle of civilisation', on
modern culture has lent its importance to the preceding Mycenaean and
Minoan periods and has intensified research on these areas.
Due to the importance of the area and its long archaeological history,
the excavated material is abundant, and the number of studies that could be
related to ritual is also great. Moreover, archaeological theory, and more
specifically, theory on ritual were first developed mainly by archaeologists
working in these or related areas. The region is, therefore, of great
importance to the history of the discipline.
Despite the early theoretical scholarship on the archaeology of Greece
and more specifically Minoan Crete, archaeological theory production is no
longer centred there. Thus, old theories still prevail in the scholarship that
need to be updated and refined.
In other words, Minoan Crete is not only important historically, due to
its link with the later Classical Greece, its early excavation history, and the
theoretical work on ritual it instigated from earlier times. It is also significant
in terms of the abundance of archaeological evidence necessary for the
testing of any methodology proposed. It is therefore legitimate to claim that
the study of some Minoan rituals is relevant to the general study of ritual in
prehistoric archaeology. Furthermore, as we mentioned above, the latter is a
discipline with very limited material, and the methodologies developed for its
sake are therefore applicable to most humanities.
In this context, it is important to summarise briefly the contribution of
the archaeology of Minoan Crete and its related areas to the study of ritual.
In that way, we shall be able to reveal the weak points in the relevant
research, and the areas which would benefit more from our study.
1.3 RITUAL AND RELIGION IN MINOAN CRETE

Minoan scholars throughout the twentieth century considered Minoan rituals
as an aspect of Minoan Religion and did not discuss them independently.
One hundred years ago, the first major archaeological reference to
Minoan rituals, 'The Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean
Relations' was published by the excavator of Knossos Arthur Evans (1901, 99-
2
204). Through the limited material that the author had in his hands, and with
the excavations at Knossos still at an early stage, Evans with his oeuvre was
one of the first to study Minoan (then still called Mycenaean) cult practices
that are, by definition, akin to Minoan ritual.
Evans had to compare and contrast in a logical manner, all available
evidence at his disposal before he reached any conclusions. The material from
within Crete and within the chronological confines of the Minoan-Mycenaean
period was still inadequate to draw any conclusions from. The even more
limited and selective material from other areas, as wide ranging as India or
Normandy and from other periods such as the Neolithic or modern times was
the only available material to complement and compare with the scanty
evidence from the Minoan-Mycenaean period.
A largely comparative study of various strands of evidence was
therefore made, many of which have been since discounted as illegitimate
comparanda, including the impossible to date mythology, and the
ethnohistory of unrelated areas. For instance, the magic properties of a
certain item or element as described by the various subsequent Greek or the,
only indirectly related, Egyptian myths were often taken as indicative of the
use of that item or element also in Minoan times (Evans 1901, 104). Also, a
similarity of appearance was taken as demonstrating a similarity in function
(Evans 1901, 114). These practices can only be explained as a result of the
limited Minoan material available.
The result was an inspired work and a plausible insight into the nature
of the cult(s), that together with Evans' subsequent references to religion and
ritual in the Palace of Minos or elsewhere, set the agenda for the ensuing
scholarship on the subject.
By 1927, when the next major work on Minoan Religion was published,
this time by the distinguished Swedish scholar Martin Nilsson, the excavation
of Knossos, and of a handful of other sites around the island, permitted the
distinction between Minoan and Mycenaean. The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion
and its Survival in Greek Religion, is probably the most sober analysis of the
extant material for the first half of the twentieth century. Nilsson often
disagreed with the, by then, authority of Arthur Evans and at other times
used a great deal of evidence to support the claims made by him.
Given the more ample material available at the time of the publication
of his book, Nilsson disengaged himself from the practice of blindly comparing
evidence that belongs to different areas or periods. He thus acknowledged
that there is a "…gulf between Minoan religion of which we know a little and
the religion of historical Greece…" (1927, 10). He still supported, however,
that this 'gulf', can "only be bridged over by the aid of hypotheses" (1927,10).
From the introduction of his book, Nilsson recognised the limited scope
of archaeological interpretation by saying that Minoan religion, and therefore
Minoan ritual are as a "picture book without the text", promising "to furnish a
text to the pictures -namely to interpret them" (1927, 7).
In the first half of his study, Nilsson analysed several items, elements
or types of site that he considered important for Minoan religion. In so doing
he did not engage himself much into Minoan ritual itself, but to elements that
could be related to it: "Idols and Cult Idols", "Sacral dress", etc. He also
3
included two chapters on the divine epiphanies that were later excellently
developed by Matz into a monograph (1958) and by Hägg into an article
(1986, 41-62). In the second part of Nilsson's work a comparison with the
later Greek religion was made.
After the first edition of Nilsson's book and before the second revised
one in 1950, another Swedish scholar, Axel Persson, published the third major
contribution to the scholarship of Minoan religion and ritual, The Religion of
Greece in Prehistoric Times (1942). Persson realised the importance of
iconography and more specifically of the so-called signet rings to the theories
propounded by his predecessors. As a result he endeavoured to make "a
precise description of them [signet rigns]… one so precise that the meaning
becomes self-evident" (1942, 7).
In order to furnish the "words" into the "picture book" as Nilsson
described them, he looked at Greek myths postulating their origin to Minoan
times (1942, 5-24). He considered all the signet rings as being part of the
same system and used them to reconstruct the nature of the Minoan religion.
Persson was cautious enough to see the limits of interpretation: "I do not
believe that we are justified in drawing far-reaching conclusions from such
details as, for example, whether a worshiper raises the left or the right hand
in greeting" (1942, 30). Nevertheless, he still used hypotheses in order to
bridge the "gulf" between the "picture" of the archaeological record and its
interpretation (e.g. Persson 1942, 35). Moreover, he often took the religious
character of items for granted and proceeded to identify a 'cult scene' with
their aid. He however, warned his audience that "in the copying of a
representation one always runs the danger of misinterpretation… especially in
the matter of detail, when one does not understand the meaning of what is
represented" (1942, 104).
Persson dedicated the second half of his work to the comparison of the
Minoan religion, not to the subsequent Greek religion as Nilsson did, but to
the contemporary religions of Babylonia, Egypt etc.
Although reference to other regions or periods was a frequent
phenomenon especially in the early years of research, the increase in the
number of excavations allowed the all-increasing exclusive reference to the
Minoan material.
Six years after Persson's book, Les religions préhelléniques (1948) was
published by Picard. His work made the most important contribution to the
study of Minoan ritual and religion before the 1950s thanks to the
introductory comparative review of the various national schools of research
and of the material available regarding the religion and ritual of the periods
he studied. That chapter was the first of its kind in the history of the
discipline. Such an introduction raised the awareness for the need of a clear
methodology of interpretation, to which later scholars responded.
Although he repeated Nilsson's dictum that Minoan religion and ritual
are "un recueil d'images sans texte" (1948, 139), he was careful to doubt the
usefulness of the myths of later Greece while praising the essential character
of the archaeological material and especially of the iconography (Picard 1948,
17, 139-142). "Ceux des savants modernes qui ont osé encourir le risque
d'assembler des fables "préhelléniques" oublient trop que nous ignorons, pour
4
ces temps, le nom même des dieux…l'île des Minos a bien pu avoir un autre
folklore…" (Picard 1948, 139-142).
Moreover, Picard was the first to dedicate an entire chapter to the
rituals or "ceremonies" of Minoan Crete (1948, 139-161), now well
distinguished from those of the "Mycenaean mainland" (221-305). In that
chapter he corrected the view that Minoan religion is a cult with 'mysteries'
(1948, 142), as the later Greek and Roman written sources seem to imply. He
argued, on the contrary, that as far as Minoan iconography and architecture
are concerned (1948, 143-144), a great deal of open-air, public ceremonies
seem to have taken place.
Once the material was ample and Minoan archaeology was one of the
most advanced in the world, as far as excavations go, the amplitude of
material gave the opportunity for the drawing of conclusions entirely on the
basis of the Minoan evidence. Although this independent research was
entirely a terra incognita for the scholars of the first half of the twentieth
century, it was also a unique opportunity to show their intellect. Indeed all
the major students of Minoan religion came with their own answers to the
research issues.
The second half of the twentieth century, as foreshadowed by Picard's
work, saw a diffusion of interest from the concentrated research of Minoan
religion to all sorts of related studies and detailed reconstructions. Most
scholars avoided overarching interpretations and monographs on either ritual
or religion. Thus studies specialised to a greater extent than before. Seminal
studies such as those on the 'goddess with upraised arms' by Alexiou (1958),
on "baetylic rituals" by Warren (1990) and Niemeier (1986), on animal
sacrifice rituals by Sakellarakis (1970), on tree-cult by Rutkowski (1984), on
Seated goddesses by Rehak (1997), on the division of sexes in ritual by N.
Marinatos (1987), and on ceremonies in the Throne room at Knossos by
Marinatos and Hägg (1986, 57-73) set the agenda of research for these fifty
years.
Despite the great number of small-scale studies, some scholars did
attempt important monographs on the subjects of Minoan ritual and religion.
The most notable of these are, The Cult Places of the Aegean (Rutkowski
1986 first published 1972) and Frügriechische Kultdarstellungen by Rutkowski
(1981), Town, Palace and House Cult, by Gesell (1985), Archaeology of Cult
by Renfrew (1985), Minoan Religion as Ritual Action by Warren (1986,
published 1988) and Minoan Religion by Nano Marinatos (1993). On the
legacy of Picard, most of these works were not based on either mythology or
written sources but were the result of an inquiry on the Minoan and
Mycenaean material.
Rutkowski introduced his The Cult Places of the Aegean (1986, first
published 1972) with a review of the previous literature and the available
sources, in a similar way to Picard. However, the decipherment of Linear B,
the large size of the excavated material and the specialised work on Minoan
ritual and religion by that time, forced Rutkowski to exclude all other relevant
scholarship and material from his introduction. Already from Rutkowski's time
there was ample Minoan and Mycenaean material evidence that allowed
conclusions to be drawn without any external reference to other periods or
5
sources. Nevertheless, he still compared the Minoan with the Mycenaean
evidence, following the legacy of his predecessors, though he did so with
great caution. Rutkowski served therefore the need for a collection of the
relevant material and especially of architectural evidence that concerned
Minoan religion.
Renfrew's The Archaeology of Cult (1985) on the sanctuary of
Phylakopi (also reported in Renfrew 1978a, 7-15 and 1978b 403-421), in the
not too distant Melos, was particularly important for the study or religion and
ritual. Its introduction was especially significant, being for the first time a
proper methodology on how to recognise a cult space in archaeology. This
meant that the "furnishing with words" of a "picture book", as Nilsson and
Picard saw the archaeological record, was for the first time offered through a
meticulously discussed framework. The originality in Renfrew's thought, that
surely was the next step after Picard's review of theory and relevant
scholarship, although had a tremendous impact to the history of the
discipline, did not find the expected number of followers. The various
scholars, either ignored Renfrew's methodology, or followed it blindly without
inquiring further into its validity, or offering thoughts on how it could be
improved. Thus the strengths and weaknesses of Renfrew's proposed
framework were never discussed or refined.
A lecture delivered by Warren on Minoan Religion as Ritual Action that
same year (1986) was later turned into a booklet (1988). It was the first
exclusive monograph on the Minoan material. After Sakellarakis'
Tieropferritual (1970), it was also one of the first clear and exclusive
references to Minoan rituals, quite in par with Renfrew's work, and in contrast
to previous interest on beliefs. Making good use of the material worked also
by Persson and Nilsson, the two major Swedish scholars of the first half of the
twentieth century, Warren summarised a lot of his own insights into the topic,
bringing together information that he was well familiar with. Iconography,
played, like in Persson's work, a special role. Most of Warren's interpretations
were carefully thought and argued rendering his work essential for the
student of Minoan religion.
The year 1986, however, saw one more very important study, this time
on the Peer polity interaction and socio-political change, edited by Renfrew
and Cherry. In it, Cherry applied Renfrew's ideas, on which the book was
based, to the Minoan material (1986, 19-45). The article was one of the most
interesting contributions to the politics of Minoan Crete. But it was also very
important for Minoan ritual, as the latter was employed as one of the
significant types of evidence contributing to our knowledge in the subject.
The use of the ritual sphere in areas irrelevant to religious interpretation,
opened a new dimension to its study.
The work most similar to Warren's, though more adventurous on the
interpretation side of things, was Minoan Religion by Nano Marinatos (1993),
the most recent major work on the religion of Crete. In her book, the
daughter of the famous Greek excavator Spyridon Marinatos, put down in
writing her long experience in the topic gained through her father's and her
own research, conducted either individually or in co-operation with the
Swedish scholar Robin Hägg. The book did not make a general overview of
6
previous research, as would have been redundant, given the number of
similar chapters in preceding monographs. Marinatos developed many of her
insights into Minoan religion and its various aspects, especially from the
perspective of the contemporary iconography that had always played an
important role to this study. While fully expounding essays on the beliefs, the
priesthood, the gods, the shrines, etc., she made, with the exception of one
chapter (1993, 201-220), only indirect reference to rituals. Despite its title,
Minoan Religion, Marinatos' monograph did not avoid reference to the
subsequent Mycenaean period.
All the above studies of Minoan ritual and religion demonstrate, with
few exceptions, a constant progress in the history of the discipline.
Firstly, the ever increasing excavated material and iconography have
allowed, not only a differentiation between the Minoan and the Mycenaean
periods, but also the exclusive dependence and with no external references to
other areas or periods on the Minoan material for the drawing of conclusions
on Minoan religion and ritual. The problem however remains, as many of the
so-called 'sanctuaries' do not have a clear stratification, not to mention the
lack of their publication. Moreover, many of the so-called 'cult paraphernalia'
or ritual items, such as the 'horns of consecration', the figurines, or the
'libation tables', are not easily datable. This means that, as far as ritual and
religion are concerned, we still do not have an entirely clear picture of each
Minoan period, so as to distinguish between them, while in a few cases we
are unsure as to the first appearance of certain item types. On the other
hand, the quite ample iconography can be particularly enlightening for the
study of ritual and religion, and has in fact been employed widely by all
researchers on the topic.
Secondly, thanks to Picard's work, our awareness has been raised to
the need for a methodologically consistent interpretation of the relevant
material. Renfrew ingeniously responded by proposing a methodology for the
attribution of religious ritual value to an activity. But, as rituals can either be
secular or religious, a clear methodology for the attribution of ritual value to a
certain practice or action is still lacking. Once that is developed, one would
need to revisit, discuss and adapt Renfrew's methodology for the attribution
of religious value to a given ritual activity. Then, the basis for the creation of
a tangible link between the material evidence and all the aforementioned
insights into Minoan religion and ritual will have been established.
But even in that case, the use of the ritual sphere in studies such as
that of Cherry (1986, 19-45) or Knappett and Schoep (2000, 365-371) as a
significant factor in the politics of Minoan Crete, can still not be made. These
studies do not need a full interpretation of the rituals, but an assessment of
the extent of their establishment or 'gravity' in society. A further methodology
therefore would need to be developed for the assessment of the extent of the
establishment of a given ritual. The establishment of ritual can be particularly
revealing for the study of society in many ways.
7
1.4 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL AND THE STUDY OF SOCIETY
Ritual, as a category of action, is widely recognised as an important source of
social power (Mann 1986, 22-23), an influencing mechanism of individual and
collective social beliefs (see Kelly and Kaplan 1990, 141; Hill 1995, 124). In
fact, and as we shall later see (2.5.1), ritual is a collection of powerful
influencing mechanisms that not only alter but also shape beliefs.
Moreover, especially in times of peace, the activities in which large
groups or the entire society participate are also significant for the shaping of
their identity. In societies with no mass media and telecommunications, these
activities are very scarce: sports, major cultural events and, above all, rituals.
If ritual has the capacity to shape social and other group identities and is also
such a strong influencing mechanism for the formation of beliefs, then the
ritual sphere in general, if one can conventionally describe all those disjunct
activities under one heading, potentially plays an eminent role in society.
The rituals that have this capacity to influence and shape beliefs or
identities in this way are those that are more established. The establishment
of a ritual can be seen as indicative of its weight in the dynamics of a given
group or society. As ritual action has certain constituent traits, one can
analyse the above observation and say that the greater the degree to which
the constituent traits of ritual exist in an action, the greater the weight of that
action in the dynamics of its social context. In fact, the rituals usually
individuals are aware of, are mostly well established ones.
The establishment of the ritual sphere, owing to its importance, also
contributes to the overall establishment of the given society. Moreover, to
follow Renfrew's argument about polities, "when a significant organisational
change, and in particular an increase in complexity, is recognised within one
polity, it is generally the case that some of the other polities within the region
will undergo the same transformation" (1986, 7). This means that, if an
analogy is drawn between polities and various spheres of activity, then the
greater establishment of the ritual sphere would be expected to be preceded /
accompanied / followed by a greater establishment of other homologous
spheres, such as the political, and the financial. In other words the
emergence of an established structure or sphere, in our case a ritual one,
may be indicative of a similar process, taking place in homologous ones.
It is important, therefore, to study the establishment of rituals not only
as an indication of their special weight in shaping beliefs and identities but
also because of their role in the greater degree of establishment of other
structures and of the society in general (a more detailed discussion will follow
in 2.5.2).
A fundamental stumbling block, however, in the study of the

establishment of rituals, is, as we argued earlier for the Minoan case, the
need for a methodologically consistent recognition of ritual as a category of
action.
In the general field of archaeology there have not been sufficient
studies on ritual, while its recognition has been largely entrusted to intuition.
8
In anthropology and sociology, on the other hand, there is a plurality of
studies on ritual action, which are difficult to use together towards such a
methodology. A study of ritual and its characteristics will not only clarify
issues pertaining to ritual which could lead to a methodology for its
recognition, but will also assist the study of its establishment.
* * *
This work will attempt to enhance the broader study of ritual by contributing
to the discussion of two fundamental questions that might assist us not only
in Minoan or other archaeologies but also in most humanities. These
questions are: "how can we attribute ritual value to a given action?" and "how
can we assess the extent of the establishment of a ritual?" Certainly, the
second presupposes knowledge of the first. More minor questions such as
"how can we discern secular from religious ritual?" or "how much is this ritual
based on beliefs?" and others pertaining to the special standpoint of
archaeology will also be addressed. Then, the methodology developed will be
applied to some open-air rituals of Minoan Crete in order to contextualise the
theoretical conclusions on ritual and its establishment and also to benefit from
them for the sake of the understanding of these Minoan rituals. Issues of
further interpretation, such as the distinction between secular and religious
ritual, will only be cautiously referred to in relation to the Minoan material,
when there is sufficient evidence.
In order to limit our material we have chosen here to study the ritual
activities that took place in the architecturally independent or semi-
independent non-funerary open-air ritual sites of Minoan Crete. Open-air
rituals have the capacity for greater participation; they are not only easier to
trace, but their communal nature renders them also important for the shaping
of social identities and beliefs. We are also going to look at the iconography
of the period which always played an important role to the study of Minoan
ritual.
As will be repeated in chapter 4 (4.1), we shall not include any
funerary rite that took place within or immediately outside of tombs, not only
in order to limit our material but also because the focus of a ritual that
honours specific dead is mostly indoor (in the tomb). The rituals that may
have taken place in central courts of palaces will also be excluded since the
latter are not independent being placed in the centre of not exclusively ritual
buildings.
The questions about ritual and its establishment are addressed in the
second chapter mainly from an anthropological point of view. The special
standpoint of prehistoric archaeology is examined in chapter three. Chapter
four introduces the material of the case study and assesses the ritual value of
the sites and the iconography used, according to the methodology put
forward in chapter three. The fifth and sixth chapters discuss and assess the
establishment of the rituals in our case study.
In the following chapter, ritual will be discussed as a category of action
while its constituent traits will be analysed. This will assist the study on the
9
establishment of ritual. The establishment of ritual will not only be presented
as important by itself, but also as a valuable contribution to the study of
society.
10
Part One
11
2.
Ritual and its Establishment
Q: To begin with, could you describe this work?
A: Yes, of course. What I've done is change a glass of water into a full-grown
oak tree without altering the accidents of the glass of water.
Q: The accidents?
A: Yes. The colour, feel, weight, size…
Q: Do you mean that the glass of water is a symbol of an oak tree?
A: No. it's not a symbol. I've changed the physical substance of the glass of
water into that of an oak tree.
Q: It looks like a glass of water…
A: Of course it does. I didn't change its appearance. But it's not a glass of
water. It's an oak tree.
…Q: Does this happen every time you fill a glass with water?
A: No, of course not. Only when I intend to change it into an oak tree.
Q: Then intention causes the change?
A: I would say it precipitates the change.
Excerpt from an interview with the artist Michael Craig-Martin
(Phillpot and Tarsia 2000, 67)
The title of this work is about ritual and its establishment. The latter is seen
as a promising and in some respects new way to study societies. In this
chapter we are going to look at both these issues from a general standpoint.
Certainly, the study of the latter presupposes knowledge of the former; in
order to know how ritual is established, we must also know what ritual is and
how we can trace it. Then we can turn to the establishment of ritual, and look
at the ways it can be assessed. Having analysed all the aspects of ritual and
its establishment we shall further justify this study by discussing its value for
the study of society in greater detail. But in order for all that to make sense
we must first say a few words to clarify our use of the term establishment.
The more frequently attested meaning of 'establishment' is the act of
establishing something. Our use of the term 'establishment', however, is in
the sense of the state of being established as the definition given by the
Oxford Dictionary 'the fact of being established' (Oxford 1971, 897). In this
work, therefore, we are looking at the extent to which rituals are established.
But what do we mean by this?
A distinction can be made between ritual-the-noun i.e. 'a ritual', and
ritual-the-adjective, which can characterise nouns such as 'activity' or 'dance'
in the expressions 'a ritual activity' and 'a ritual dance'. The existence of
ritual-the-adjective implies that an activity can be more ritual or less ritual.
Later we shall discuss several traits of ritual that will be presented as graded,
i.e. as existing in greater or lesser degrees. A high degree of ritual
establishment, therefore, will mean the existence to a great extent of these
ritual traits. Moreover as we will argue, in some cases, the presence of ritual
institutions is both the result of and a further indication for the high level of
ritual establishment. It may offer a further insight into our use of
establishment to mention that, initially, the alternative term
'institutionalisation' was considered. However, the definition of the term
institutionalisation met other problems that either had to be extensively
addressed with additional chapters, or somehow avoided. As commonly
12
understood, institutionalisation-as-a-process is a finite process which leads to
and ends with a certain action or practice becoming an institution -
institutionalisation-as-a-process is not the main focus of this work, but its
existence is certainly implied. By contrast, establishment-as-a-process does
not necessarily end with the making of an establishment and can continue
after it. To make things clearer, the expression 'the further institutionalisation
of the institution' does not make much sense, while 'the further establishment
(cf. institutionalisation) of the establishment (cf. institution) can have a
meaning. The latter is better suited to our purposes, given that there is no
obvious cut-off point beyond which a ritual cannot become any further
established. Under these circumstances, it is hoped that our choice of the
term establishment is clear and the most appropriate.
Most studies of ancient or even modern rituals have not addressed the
basic issue of whether the activities studied are actually ritual or not. There is
therefore a need for a clear methodology in order to attribute ritual value to a
given activity before any further interpretation takes place. Thus, we should
discuss ritual as a category of action in order to decide for ourselves what are
its attributes and how to recognise it.
2.1 RITUAL
In every society there exist many rituals and often many religions (Scarre
1994, 78). The subject, however, is perplexing and has created prolonged
discussions. One of the most fundamental points of disagreement is
concentrated on the defining characteristics of ritual. Many have avoided the
issue by listing its characteristics which are "neither exclusive nor definitive"
(Bell 1997, 138); others have given incomplete definitions encompassing only
some forms of ritual. To this last category belongs Turner (1967, 19);
according to him ritual is the "formal behaviour for occasions not given over
to technological routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or
powers". He defines religious ritual, leaving out all its secular aspects.
Most of the contradicting definitions are the results of the presumption
made by many scholars that there are "several incontrovertible cases; events
which when we look at them we are sure are rituals" (Humphrey and Laidlaw
1994, 65). Another, similar, factor which greatly influences scholars
attempting to form definitions, is the material they focus on: as many of them
are involved in some type of field-work, they are more or less biased in favour
of their own cases, which affects the way they view ritual. It is generally true,
moreover, that perceptions of what ritual is, are culturally based and often
developed together with social conditions and ideas. Unfortunately, it is
impossible to account for the variations in the concept of ritual over time, as
this study is directed to the people of the present, who do not belong to the
cultures and eras studied (the discussion between etics or emics is of a similar
nature; see Lett 1990, 127-9).
A number of scholars have promoted one or more traits as the
absolute criteria for the inclusion of an action in the category of ritual. Watson
(1988, 3-19) and Tambiah (1979, 113-169) have stressed the importance of
13
the aspect of performance in ritual. Rappaport has considered formality,
communication of messages and invariance as the necessary criteria: "...ritual
is considered a set of formal acts which deal with, or refer to postulated
matters about society or ideology (or matters [that] those mounting the ritual
want to be unquestioned)..." (1977, 22). He talks of messages which,
"although transmitted by the participants are not encoded by them" (1979,
179) and of an invariant liturgical order (1979, 192) that is performed. Leach
is also an advocate of the importance of the communicative aspect of ritual:
"...the term ritual is best used to denote this communicative aspect of
behavior" (1968, 523-4). This approach has also been supported by many
other scholars (see Geertz 1998, 99-118; Bloch 1989; Radcliffe-Brown 1945,
33-43 et al.). In a similar manner, Radcliffe-Brown has emphasised that:
"ritual acts differ from technical acts in having in all instances some
expressive or symbolic element in them"(1952, 143).
Humphrey and Laidlaw, however, in a "phenomenological" type of
approach, do not regard ritual as a polythetic category (a category defined by
more than one criterion) that can be defined as such. They view it as "a
specific quality of action, which begins with a particular modification of the
normal intentionality of human action" (Humphrey and Laidlaw 1994, 70-1).
According to them, the only 'ingredient' needed for ritual action is a specific
'frame of mind' that will modify this normal intentionality of human action to a
ritual one.
In a more pessimistic tone, though, Needham argues that there are no
traits of ritual that are peculiar to it and points out that 'symbolism' is an
essential characteristic: "what we isolate as 'ritual' in one or another form of
context, is not more than the expression in social action of symbolic features
which are by no means peculiar to it -whatever it may be" (Needham 1985,
156). Moreover, Radcliffe-Brown (Radcliffe-Brown 1952, 139) and Skorupski
independently argue that 'ritual' does not necessarily mean much (Skorupski
1976,171).
The above, without pretending to give an exhaustive overview of all or
even the main ideas on the topic, stresses the different and often opposing
ideas on the subject. However, it is possible that they do not contradict each
other. With the appropriate adjustments and corrections, it can be
demonstrated that all the aforementioned ideas are useful for the treatment
of the topic. In order to summarise most of the aspects of ritual propounded
by the various scholars, the employment and adjustment of the 'non-definitive
characteristics' of Bell (1997, 138-169) are particularly useful. According to
her, the traits of ritual are: formality, traditionalism, invariance, rule-
governance, sacral symbolism, and performance. We can replace the term
'sacral symbolism' with plain 'symbolism' as the discussion will involve non-
sacral rites as well.
A disproportionately larger discussion is needed for the element of
'symbolism' not only because it has been treated in the most diverse and least
consistent way of all the above traits; 'symbolism' also happens to be very
important for the distinction between orthodoxy and orthopraxy that will
concern us later (2.4.1). Though in many ways useless for our purposes, the
14
characteristic of the 'proper frame of mind', developed by Humphrey and
Laidlaw, may also be added to the list; and with this we shall commence.
2.2 THE TRAITS OF RITUAL

2.2.1 The 'Frame of Mind'
There are a great number of mundane activities which could, with the
appropriate intentionality of actions, be turned into mini-rituals. In fact all
mundane actions could be turned into a ritual as Radcliffe-Brown1, Skorupski
and others have argued. According to the dialogue with the artist Michael
Craig-Martin quoted in the beginning of this chapter, 'intention precipitates
the change' (Phillpot and Tarsia 2000, 67); once the intentionality of action
changes, the quality of the action also changes. Thus, a mundane everyday
activity can change and become a special ritual one, as soon as the intention
changes accordingly. The act of shaving is one such example. It is a
mundane, every-day activity constituted by many small actions always
repeated in the same sequence. With the right intentionality of action, this
activity can be turned into a ritual one, with or without a specific purpose
apart from the action per se. To do that, one does not necessarily need to
change the formality of the action, or the invariance of the 'mundane'
shaving. The 'symbolism', i.e. the messages that are conveyed by 'shaving'
may stay the same or may be altered. No message need be communicated,
especially when no other people are around. The only thing that one needs to
change is the concept of what shaving is, i.e. his 'frame of mind'; the latter,
we believe, together with Humphrey and Laidlaw (1994, 89-107), is the only
necessary ingredient of ritual, though we will later argue that there are some
problems with this 'ingredient' that restrict its usefulness.
The question which arises from the above is 'what is this frame of
mind', or 'what is the intentionality (cf. purpose) of ritual action'? If one
follows Staal (1989, 132), the only purpose for the performance of ritual is
the performance of the ritual itself. In the case where it is a religious ritual
then the intention is to perform a religious ritual, nothing more is required.
Certainly, in many cases, the intention is more than that; but this 'more than
that' varies from person to person, from ritual to ritual, but also spatially and
temporarily. Thus the 'minimal common denominator' of the intentionality of
ritual performance is the ritual per se.
In order to understand the proper ritual 'frame of mind' better,
however, one needs to draw the contrast between ritual and non-ritual, i.e.
mundane. It follows that the proper ritual frame of mind is the non-mundane
one. This, though, is a simplistic dichotomy, as it presupposes duality for
human action (ritual/non-ritual, or ritual/mundane). The category of mundane
action, would thus encompass many types of action, which in other
circumstances we would hesitate to call mundane; the category of games is a
characteristic example (for the distinction of such types of action from ritual
see 2.3). Thus, the wide scope of the term 'mundane' will have to be borne
in mind when the contrast between ritual and mundane actions is made.
Moreover, the distinction between ritual and mundane actions is further
complicated by the fact that mini-rituals are often incorporated in everyday
15
practice and exist together with activities which would be normally definable
as mundane such as prayers before eating.
Another important problem is raised here. Although the performer's
'ritual frame of mind' maybe crucial for the definition of ritual, in archaeology
and other humanities, however, it is very difficult, almost utopian, to trace.
For instance, in a communal ritual, the archaeologist, anthropologist or
sociologist 'onlookers' with an etic perspective (see Lett 1990, 127-42), may
find it impossible to penetrate the minds of the performers and discern who
participates voluntarily in a ritual and who just follows against his/her will2.
As a result of these problems and ambiguities this trait of 'the ritual
frame of mind' cannot be easily traced and is of limited practical use to us in
the study of ritual.
There are similar problems with most of the psychological states,
ideas, actions etc. with ritual is associated, its intentionality (Searle 1983, 79-
111) or its purposes as some might call them. In most cases it is impossible
to account for these and assume an etic perspective. In the few cases where
we are able to do that however, we may cautiously do so.
2.2.2 Traditionalism and repetition

Traditionalism is a graded characteristic of ritual, i.e. it exists in various
degrees. It is closely connected with the ritual's invariance and with the
element of time; the more often an activity takes place and the more
invariant it is, the greater its traditionalism.
In societies which do not use writing in association with ritual, i.e. all
illiterate, but also several literate ones, ritual traditions become more unstable
together with the belief system, the meaning of 'symbols', the performance of
the rites etc. In these societies, however, it is not possible to dispute any
claims for tradition and invariance. Barth shows how change in certain ritual
actions occurs through improvisation or 'borrowing' from close traditions. This
is demonstrated by the several occasions when Baktaman and Bolovip village
ritual specialists (Papua New Guinea) do not remember how exactly their
forefathers have instructed them to perform a certain rite (Barth 1987, 26-7).
In the above societies the belief tradition, or the "shared items of
cosmological knowledge", are a movable, impressionable and everchanging
inheritance, only approximately shared in the group (Barth 1987, 79).
Several rites are claimed to have long-standing traditions, even when
that is not the case (Hobsbawn and Ranger 1983, passim; Khalaf 2000, 243-
261). Other rites are claimed to be invariant for very long periods, when they
actually have changed greatly. The coronation ceremonials in Britain, for
example, which are claimed to have gone on for centuries, go no further back
than the very end of the 19th century. A number of "clumsy, older rites were
extensively revised and elaborated" then, while many more new ceremonies
were completely invented (Bell 1997, 148; Cannadine 1983, 108).
This air of tradition lends kudos to the ceremony and to its
participants. Arguing on the relation between traditionalism and kudos, Bell
draws attention to a relevant article by W. Schmidt in the N.Y. Times (1992,
4). There, the issue of wigs in court was discussed, after the suggestion of
16
the Lord Chancellor and Lord Chief Justice for the abolition of the archaic
dress. Bell stresses that "these elaborate costumes have long been thought to
heighten the solemnity, authority, and prestige of court proceedings" (Bell
1997, 146). These dresses enhance the status of those judging, that have a
long-standing tradition before them, in comparison to those judged, that are
seen as 'common' and insignificant.
Most rites are not performed only once, but are repeated, in set
periods, on certain occasions, or at the will of the performers. The rites that
take place only once are very few, and those widely known to have done so
are, if any, fewer. Repetition is also a graded characteristic; an activity can be
repeated through time, space or both. The long standing repetition in ritual
gives to it an air of tradition (Cooper 1998, 379).
2.2.3 Invariance
Invariance demands the accurate repetition of an action every time a rite
takes place. It is, like all the others, a graded characteristic of ritual. The
greater the number of invariant elements in a ritual and the more accurate
their multiplication, the greater its overall invariance. It could be studied
together with formality, but it is analysed separately owing to its importance.
In order to detect the characteristic of invariance the repetition of the ritual
itself is needed. The invariability of a ritual performance, of the types of
equipment used, of the syntax of the various actions comprising the ritual, of
the beliefs reputedly tied with the rites, of its 'symbolism' and so on, gives a
sense of tradition to the ritual. Nevertheless, invariably repeated activities,
which are mundane, remain mundane.
2.2.4 Rule-Governance
Rules are a very important aspect of ritual. In most cases the rules are not
written, but exist as a sort of common law. The rules enforce invariance but
often they are not well established and vary from one locality to another, as
well as in different periods. The temporal and spatial variation of the rules is
even more problematic when an attempt is made to write them down and
create a 'standard' text. In fact, only very well organised rituals have not just
alleged but genuinely standard texts. In most cases, these texts are disputed
and used very seldom. As far as the 'Puja' of the Jain religion is concerned,
for example, there are many booklets and manuals in many different versions
that the majority of those performing the rites do not consult. Quite often,
during the ceremonies, there are disputes and quarrels on the proper way of
performing the various acts and even on their order (Humphrey and Laidlaw
1994, 191-208 esp. 198). The use of rules, like most other ritual aspects, is
graded, i.e. the greater the number of rules and their establishment in ritual,
the greater its rule-governance.
2.2.5 Formality
One of the most quoted characteristics of ritual, formality, is a graded quality.
An activity can be formal to a varying degree according to the proportion of
17
formal elements it includes. Even activities which we may consider as
primarily formal vary in their formality. Take for example the handshake; one
may shake the hand very strongly and say a loud, clear and well pronounced
'how do you do', and another may give only the tips of his fingers and say
'hey'. The formal elements of the former 1) clear 'how do you do' and 2) firm
handshake, do not exist in the latter, though the formal element of the
handshake itself exists in both. It has to be born in mind that formality is not
an exclusive trait of ritual and that it exists in other types of action as in our
example of the handshake. As Goffman has argued, all human interchange is
formalised (Goffman 1967, 42-3).
Abrahams (1973), has distinguished five degrees of formality of
events, the last two of which are not perceptibly different:
1) stylisation that permeates everyday conduct, expressed in polite
vocabulary, facial expressions etc.
2) everyday ceremoniousness such as handshakes, bows, openings of
letters, etc.
3) "self-consciously patterned formal interactions" of some duration like the
courtroom procedures, the elections and so on.
4) events of "greater formality" (coronations, marriages and the like).
5) "the most formal events" such as liturgies.
The last three categories will be treated here all together as one, under
the heading of ritual formalism. We argue here, however, that an action is
either formal or not. Our interpretation of Abrahams' formality categories is
that they merely distinguish the degree to which formal actions or elements
are included into events.
Formality of action, when studied (Douglas 1973, 42-49), appears to
be a limited class as far as gestures, movements, and expressions are
concerned. Bloch (1989) has studied the formalism of expressions and
movements in speeches and dances. A formal action is conventional,
semiotically 'heavy', non-varied and idiosyncratic; it is a "restricted code"
which influences what is expressed and how. Linguistically, formality may
influence the vocabulary (even the dialect in some cases), the syntax, the
intonation, the order and the style of the speaker. In movement and gestures
it may influence the rhythm, the speed, the 'size'3, it may limit the repertoire,
and standardise their meanings. Formality may affect the equipment used,
the attire, the order of consecutive actions, and consequently the 'frame of
mind'.
As a characteristic of ritual, formalisation affects all the above respects
and seems to constitute a graded trait in most if not all cases. In the very
reductionist ritual of shaving, mentioned above, formalism, may not
necessarily affect the items used (razors, materials etc.), but the sequence of
the actions, the gestures and their repertoire. Also formalised may be the
'frame of mind' or some of the thoughts associated with shaving.
2.2.6 'Symbolism'
The term 'symbolism', has been employed by archaeology and anthropology
in an "inaccurate and generalising" way (Rappaport 1999, 55) as referring to
18
the general use of signs. As 'symbolism' is fundamental to this study and has
been so differently used by social scientists, a significant part of this study will
be dedicated to it.
There are six major categories of signs as classified by many
semioticians, though there does not seem to be an overall agreement on their
number or function: The icon, the index, the symbol, the signal, the
symptom, and the name.
As all these terms have been variously presented or employed in the
relevant scholarship, they tend to be unclear in their definition. For this
reason we are going to discuss them briefly, and state what the meaning of
each term is for the purposes of this study. In the studies of ritual and
religion, where a great number of signs are employed, it is useful to employ
accurate terminology.
2.2.6.1 Types of signs. By the word sign (σημαίνον - signifier) of something

else (σημαινόμενον, signified or denotatum), we mean that which stands for
something which is not perceived. This definition is identical to the one given
by Heidegger in the introduction of his Being and Time (Heidegger [1972], 1-
40) for the term 'appearance'. In his words, "All indications <cf. indexes>,
presentations <cf. icons>, symptoms and symbols have the designated
formal, fundamental structure of appearing, although they do differ among
themselves." He further notes that "Appearance, as the appearance "of
something", thus precisely does not mean that something shows itself; rather,
it means that something makes itself known which does not show itself"
(Heidegger [1993], 74).
A sign is said to be iconic when there is a topological or factual
similarity (Sebeok 1994, 28) between a signifier and its denotata; e.g. the
photograph of a head is an icon of that head.
A sign is said to be indexic insofar as its signifier is contiguous with its
signified, or is a sample of it (Sebeok 1994, 31). An index is often an icon of a
part, e.g. a picture of a human head is an index of a human and an icon of a
head. A sign that indicates is both an index (it gives us part of a direction)
and also a signal (prompts a reaction, in this case draws out attention).
A sign without either similarity or contiguity, but only with a
conventional (artificial) link between its signifier and its denotata, and with an
intensional class for its designatum, is called a symbol (Sebeok 1994, 33). An
intensionally (in+tension) defined class comprises all the items which share
certain properties, known or unknown. The items of an extensional class
(ex+tension) do not share common properties. For instance, a pencil can be a
symbol of writing or drawing.
It must be noted generally that symbols, indexes and icons are
manifestations of the same type of link in three different degrees. Icons have
the greatest number of properties in common with their denotata, being
seemingly a one to one representation, symbols have almost none, while
indexes are in between.
There are, moreover, some other major categories of signs. A sign
which has an extensional class for its designatum and has no defining
intension, is called a name. In accordance with this definition, individuals
19
denoted by a proper name such as Christopher have no common property
attributed to them save the fact that they all answer to 'Christopher' (Sebeok
1994, 37). Names are used to identify individuals.
A symptom is a compulsive, automatic, non-arbitrary sign, such that
the signifier is coupled with the signified in the manner of a natural link.
(Sebeok 1994, 24). The symptom does not always belong to the medical
world, e.g. pain in the joints may be a symptom of arthritis but frequent
demonstrations can be seen as a symptom of public unrest.
The signal is a sign, which triggers a reaction of some sort on the part
of an observer. One should note, however, that the receiver can be a
machine, an organism, or even a supernatural being. Therefore, the reaction
can be mechanical (in the case of the machine) or conventional (Sebeok
1994, 22); e.g. a special card can be the mechanical signal to open a certain
door, but the red light is the conventional signal for car drivers to stop.
The symptom can be seen also as an index of a process during which
something naturally results from something else. In the same manner the
signal can also be seen as an index of a process, by which something
instigates something else. The signal is also a symbol of a suggestion, or of
an order that can be linguistically translated. Names are symbols too. In other
words, all signs can be seen as either icons, indexes or symbols.
Signs are polyvalent in each moment for every person: The smile of
Leonardo's 'Gioconda' could be indexical of the entire painting, symbolic of
irony on the part of the painter, symptomatic of a certain muscle malfunction,
and iconic of the actual smile, all at once for the same observer.
Different persons, perspectives and contexts can give totally different
meanings to one sign. Take for example the Soviet flag and its meaning to an
Estonian, an Australian and a Russian. The American flag has been used at
different times as an index by the cavalry pointing to the enemy, an icon of
the seven founding colonies and the fifty states, a symbol of America's
Independence, and so on. Thus one needs to know a great deal about the
sign and its context in order to attempt a classification.
2.2.6.2 Totalising Symbols. Ortner calls some signs such as the flag,
"summarising symbols" which, by encompassing many emotions and ideas in
one image, summarise and condense human experience. He argues that
there are other signs which he calls "elaborating symbols", which elaborate
these associations by helping to sort out experience, locate it in cultural
categories, provide vehicles for thinking, imaging, and communicating. A good
example for that is the penzai or bonzai garden as it provides a microcosm,
which can be sustained and controlled, and gives the opportunity to see the
greater picture. "Summarising" and "elaborating" symbols are two different
forms of "totalising" signs (Ortner 1973, 1340).
'Totalising' signs are those, according to the above, which have
attained a great degree of polyvalency. All symbols which have been exposed
for a long period, to many people, and in different contexts, acquire more and
more meanings, and become all the more polyvalent. This occurs not only
with flags but also with other symbols such as religious ones: imagine how
many emotions and ideas are associated with Boudhas or even mobile
20
telephones. The more 'exposed' a sign, the more polyvalent it becomes. It is
arguable that if a sign has a specific intention, its exposure should be
guarded. As words (linguistic signs, and in most cases symbols) lose their
meaning, and new terms need to be invented, so do other signs. This tends
to happen particularly to symbols, which are easily susceptible to change.
2.2.6.3 'Symbolism': Signs and Ritual. Signs are often evoked in rituals. Many
have considered these an essential ingredient and have gone further by
saying that ritual is communicative. It is true, that by extending the word sign
to mean 'any type of information', even where the person who emits the sign
and the one who receives is the same, then rituals, like many other activities,
are always full of signs. When we take the sense of the word, though, as the
communicative connection between two different persons, then things seem
less favourable for such a theory and 'symbolism' becomes a graded
characteristic of ritual.
The use of signs (material, linguistic, functional, spatial, performative,
etc) is constant only in well established rituals. In fact, they can also be
created with that view in mind: to manifest organised, established and
coherent rites. Jennifer McDowell stresses that the various symbols evoked in
the civil ceremonies of the Soviet state were totally created by the Communist
regime (McDowell 1974, 265-79).
In secular rituals, many signs can be used, such as the flag (cf.
emblem -subspecies of symbol), the uniforms, etc. In religious ceremonies
signs involving some kind of representation of the supernatural (the
deity/deities, or the dead) often occur. That representation may be iconic (an
image or a picture- cf. icons), or aniconic (a rock, acronymic letters etc.- cf.
symbols). The area used by ritual may also have a 'symbolic' value in a
"phenomenological"/experiential sort of way. "Ritual-like action is <an>
activity that gives form to the specialness of a site, distinguishing it from
other places in a way that evokes highly symbolic meanings", it distinguishes,
in other words, the ritual world from the mundane (Bell, 1997, 159).
It must be stressed here, however, as a point of caution, that signs
and especially symbols may alter their value, and continuity in their use does
not necessarily imply constancy (Needham 1985, 149-177).
Overall, the more the communicative aspects or elements of a ritual,
and the greater their invariant repetition, the greater its 'symbolism'.
2.2.7 Performance
All ritual types involve performance. Even one-person mental rituals (which
involve prayers, or set sequences of thoughts) do involve mental
performances. Performances are almost synonymous to set action. That is the
aspect of ritual which influences most social and personal belief systems. All
big totalitarian regimes of our century have used rituals and their
performances to their own benefit. Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and the
Communist Soviet Union have all created their own complete set of state
rituals and have carefully planned their performances. They established a
status quo, a hierarchy and a belief system in which all those attending the
21
ritual participated. As we will see below (2.5.1), this very participation in a set
performance of rites, influences to a great extent their beliefs and ideas. The
extent to which set performances are employed, structured, and established
is a graded quality.
As has been shown above, most of the qualities of ritual except for the
binary nature of the 'frame of mind' (as one is or is not in the right frame of
mind), seem to be graded and they also seem to influence one another. Their
boundaries are not set and rigid but fuzzy. The only strictly defining trait of
ritual, that of the 'ritual frame of mind' is difficult to trace and of limited use
to our study. The other, graded, traits, however, may be useful, as a group,
to define ritual, though each scholar has analysed and supported only some
of them. In order to encompass all these traits together, one would have to
see ritual as a polythetic4 category of several graded characteristics. This
apparently contradicts the phenomenological ideas of Humphrey and Laidlaw
who do not accept that ritual is a polythetic category. An all-encompassing
theory, however, should accommodate most, if not all, ideas.
It must be borne in mind however, that "…The term "ritual"
designates… a form or structure…To put this a little differently, ritual is a
unique structure, although none of its elements belongs to it alone"
(Rappaport 1999, 26) and none of them is present in all rituals. With this in
mind, we propose that an action comprising all these traits should be
characterised as ritual.
It does not follow, we repeat, that all ritual activities should have all of
the above traits. The coronation of the Castilian Alfonso XI in 1332, for
example, included a peculiar knighting ritual during which a mechanised
statue of Sandiago literally knighted the future king. The statue was,
according to Linehan (1993, 309-327), made for that knighting ceremony and
was never used again. So that specific knighting ritual was neither invariant
nor repetitive, but was still a ritual with formalism, rule-governance,
symbolism, a large participation and an elaborate performance. Our
recognition of that as a ritual, is only done through its analogy to other known
knighting rituals and not because we could attribute to it an independent
ritual value.
It should be noted therefore, that the proposed methodology for the
attribution of ritual value to a certain activity, which involves the tracing of all
the above traits, falls short of recognising some rituals that have some of
these traits lacking.
We should bear in mind, moreover, that it is the necessities of analysis
that oblige us to isolate each trait in our above discussion and not consider
them as irreducible "networks of interrelated relationships". It goes without
saying that the traits constituting the constructed class of ritual action depend
on one another but not to the same extent, and that the structure of the
system they constitute is determined by those which have the greatest
functional weight (Bourdieu 1979, 107). Having completed our analysis of the
individual traits therefore we hope that they can be seen as a polythetic set of
variables constituting ritual, and the degrees to which they exist as reflecting,
each one to a different extent, how ritual-the-adjective, an activity is. In other
22
words, they can demonstrate the ritual's establishment (2.). These traits
therefore can be seen as collectively representing the establishment of ritual.
But to this we shall return in the second half of this chapter.
2.3 OTHER TYPES OF PERFORMATIVE ACTION

To complicate things further, there are some types of performative action that
can be easily confused or even fused with ritual; games, and theatre are the
most important. It is important that we briefly discuss their traits in order to
distinguish them from ritual.
Games are strictly rule governed, are often performative, repetitive,
and their playing is occasionally credited with a long-standing tradition, traits
shared also by many rituals. Their 'symbolism' and their invariance though,
can possibly differentiate them from rituals. 'Symbolism' might be problematic
for the distinction, as it is often difficult to trace. Although games have some
invariant traits, such as the number of participants, the rules and so on, their
final outcome is never known and cannot be predicted. In other words, if it is
possible that the studied action is a game and not a ritual, the invariance of
the action should be thoroughly analysed.
Similarly, in the case of sports, there is a set number of players or
teams involved, there are specific rules on how to compete, but there is
always a winner and an outcome that is not predestined. Sports and games
are very similar (Strauss 1966, 32); in fact, sports can be a subset category of
games.
Theatre, on the other hand, though performative, is not very similar to
game. It should always be borne in mind, however, that there exist "forms
intermediate between athletic contests and theatre, for instance gymnastics
and high diving…" (Rappaport 1999, 45), but also acting competitions. Each
theatrical play is almost invariant in its rendering, there is a performance,
most of the words said and the emotions evoked are predestined, and so are
the endings.
'Symbols' can often be evoked in theatrical performace, although they
are not an essential trait. The division between the performers and the
audience, on the contrary, is; in theatre, the audience usually does not
participate in any way (Rappaport 1999, 43), although some types of theatre
encourage the audience to participate. Unfortunately, this is not extremely
useful to distinguish between ritual and theatre, as there are several
occasions when the ritual audience does not partake in the action either (cf.
military parades, watching the Sunday service on television, etc.).
The only other possible difference between the two is meaning.
Theatre often has a more cohesive plot, and meaning that can be understood
by the majority of the audience. That does not assist us in distinguishing it
from ritual, though, as, occasionally, the latter has clear meaning as well. It is
not, moreover, unusual that some type of narrative will be incorporated in the
rites, such as the reading of the Gospel in the Christian church.
It has to be recalled that theatre sprang from religious ritual in
Classical Greece. It may have lost its religious attributes by now, but it has
not lost the traits that assimilate it to ritual (for a similar view see Artaud
23
[1993], 34-35, 103). This means that the proper frame of mind of ritual is no
longer present, neither in theatrical performers nor in their audience, but the
other graded ritual characteristics are.
This means that games can often be distinguished from rituals, though
theatrical plays cannot. This should also be taken into account as a limitation
of the proposed methodology. The attribution of ritual value to an activity
should take into account, therefore, the possibility that the studied activity
may be a theatrical play or a game.

Once ritual value has been attributed to an activity, it will in many cases be
possible to discover more about the nature of the activity. One of the aspects
that could be further studied is the relative emphasis paid by the performer(s)
on the practice of the ritual itself or on the beliefs behind it. Another aspect,
not entirely unrelated to the same issue is whether the ritual under study is
secular or religious. Again this need not be based merely on intuition; an
analysis of the characteristics of the different types of ritual should illuminate
the differences.

All activities that are ritual can be further classified as orthodox and/or
orthopractic (see also Bell 1997, 191-7).
The orthodox rituals (ορθός=right, correct and δόξα=belief) are those
which give a great emphasis to an underlying belief system and not so much
to the ritual practice itself. The orthopractic ones (ορθός and πράξις=act) are
those which pay more attention to the correctness of the practice, the
performance of rituals. These are often more formalised and regularly
repeated, with great invariance, and stable rules, with a great number of
symbols employed, and with a lot of attention paid to a well orchestrated
performance. Orthodoxy in a ritual can raise the possibility that the latter is
religious, as all religious rituals are to some extent orthodox.
Certainly, there are ritual systems or communities which are both
orthopractic and orthodox, as, for instance, some Christian communities (the
Amish and the Mennonites, or the 'Bog' Irish of London as mentioned by Bell -
1997, 196-7).
2.4.2 Secular and Religious Ritual

Up to now, an attempt has been made to speak of ritual in a general sense
without distinguishing between secular and religious. Some points on what is
religious ritual will illuminate for the moment some of the differences that
should be taken into account in determining whether a ritual is religious or
not.
 Whereas secular rituals are not necessarily communicative, religious rituals
are, by their nature, not only to other persons, but mainly to the
supernatural force evoked, the divine. Religious ritual, here and possibly
elsewhere, is defined as ritual directed to the divine. Even when the divine
is not explicitly evoked, all action is done in relation to it or for it.
24
 The reason to attend any religious rite is to benefit. In fact, all faiths
revolve around benefit in the wide sense of the term (including avoidance
of punishment), be it absolution, after-life, breath or life itself (for the
ancient Egyptians). The benefit from religious rituals may be in the form of
the good will of the divinity, good luck, appeasement, absolution or,
possibly, something very specific: a child, love, a gift, rain, or other. In
order to achieve that, something must be given in return. This 'something'
is also used here in the wide sense of the term. It may be immaterial: a
song, a dance, the effort of a difficult climb, some time of thoughtful
concentration; or it may be material: the first fruit of the harvest, oil, a
statue, a temple, money. The material may be a representation of greater
values, like offerings of small votive figurines and of first fruit, or literal, as
in the case of money or animal sacrifice. In the category of immaterial
offerings and effort belong most types of religious ritual performance and
its preparation, whereas in the category of materials belong the items
used and consumed in the ritual systems such as the candles in the
Christian church. Thus religious ritual can be also described 'redistributive'
ritual between the divine and the faithful.
 What we earlier called 'the frame of mind' is certainly fundamental to any
religious ritual. This quality is not only a prerequisite for the existence of
ritual, but is also essential for the identification of each ritual type.
It must be borne, however, in mind that several rituals may be at one
point religious and at a later one secular and vice versa.
2.5 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL

As we mentioned above (2.2.7) a methodology on how to attribute ritual
value to a given activity should treat ritual as a polythetic set of interacting
graded characteristics (argued above) and attempt, bearing all its limitations
in mind, to trace them all in a given activity. The different emphasis rituals lay
on belief or practice, and the difference between religious and secular rituals
were also discussed. The study of ritual can be a valuable source of
information. In particular, an assessment of the extent to which a ritual is
established, the second important issue of this work, will offer an important
insight into the impact this ritual will have on society. Below we shall discuss
three reasons why the establishment of ritual is relevant to the study of
society, thus justifying the importance of such a study.
First, we shall discuss how each individual trait of ritual influences
beliefs or identities and how its capacity to influence is proportionate to its
degree of establishment. The study of the establishment of ritual therefore
can give us an insight into the possible extent of its influence and by
extension into the greater study of social dynamics. Second, we shall look into
the interrelation between the establishment of rituals and that of the society.
An established society may create established rituals, and the established
rituals may induce further establishment in the society. Finally we shall
consider the establishment of society as that of all its spheres together,
seeing the establishment of the ritual one as a constituent part of the overall
establishment of society.
25
2.5.1 Ritual as an Influencing Mechanism
As mentioned in the foreword, ritual is recognised as a significant source of
social power (Mann 1986, 22-23), a powerful mechanism influencing the
individual and society (e.g. Kelly and Kaplan 1990, 141; Hill 1995, 124). We
can particularly benefit from our analysis of the various traits of ritual, as, it
will soon be apparent, each one of them is individually an influencing
mechanism. A short discussion on how each ritual aspect influences will not
only be an end by itself. It will also be instrumental to demonstrate that the
influencing power of ritual is proportionate to the degrees to which these
traits exist. In other words, the degree to which these traits are established,
or if you like the degree of the establishment of ritual, when the latter is
considered a polythetic set comprising these traits, is proportionate to its
influencing capacity. But let us now look at each of these traits individually
(formality, rule governance, repetition, invariance and tradition, performance,
and symbolism) and we will return to the other reasons why one should study
the establishment of ritual later.
Formality, which presupposes rule-governance, has been argued by

Bloch to affect society. Studying the ceremony of circumcision in Madagascar,
he has meticulously reflected on the formality of the language used in
speeches, which are addressed in the rites, and contrasted it to that of
political ones. He argued that the rules of formality limit the choices of those
associated with the ritual and force them to accept the values evoked. Either
total refusal or full acceptance of these values are the only acceptable cases
(1989, 24). He went on to show that other types of ritual activity are
comparable to formal speech, such as the song and the dance (1989, 37-8).
In fact, one can argue much the same for the formality of all types of ritual
action. This total refusal or full acceptance of the ritual's rules and
consequently of its formality is not actually so straightforward. They depend
on the degree of establishment of these rules. The more established the rules
of a ritual and the formality of ritual action the more difficult it is for them to
be challenged or changed. If the rules and the formality of rituals cannot be
challenged then the participants are forced to accept them. Otherwise,
quarrels and disagreements will take place (Barth 1987, 26-7, Humphrey and
Laidlaw 1994, 197-199) with equal possibility of the rules changing and being
maintained.
Repetition, invariance and tradition, often evoked, give to the values
promoted by the rites an air of permanence and universality, thus making
them impossible to be contested or doubted. They trace the roots further
than the extent of human lives, and their source seems to have stood the test
of many life-spans. The greater the repetition and the sense of tradition, the
less likely are the values to be contested and doubted. The invariance and the
rules of a ritual also influence in a similar way, as they show that the ritual
follows eternal, prescribed, and changeless paths while time elapses. Again,
the greater the invariance of the rituals, the more vivid the apparent stability
and eternity of the rituals become. Moreover, as organised ritual systems and
their accompanying beliefs may follow the person from the first stages of
26
his/her life to his/her death (such as 'rites of passage'), it is very difficult for
one to develop defences against the imposed beliefs.
An aspect of ritual, which has a greater impact on society and its belief
systems, is the extent to which public performances are used. In a public
performance, the participants act or are supposed to act as 'mute' members
of a body. They are mute because they have no means to react and to
disagree with any part of the rites (in certain cases of less established rites,
however, participants may be unsure or even quarrel over the way the rites
are performed).
In performances of rituals the participants are often required to use
more than two of their senses (seeing and hearing), in various actions such
as feasting, moving violently, clasping, singing, drinking, and smelling
(smoke, incense or other). Being subjected to these experiences that embrace
the senses, the performers, in order to participate, are required to enter a
new world, quite separated from the mundane (Bloch 1989, 45), with new
rules and data. This system, slowly and with its continuous repetition, forces
itself to be accepted by the performer as 'truth' and is not subject to
disagreement or doubt as Bloch argues (1989, 45). The performance,
therefore, becomes the vehicle, which will carry and validate many of the
proposed ideas.
The secular and the ritual worlds will in this and many other ways be
confused and merged. Important, roles in rituals, for instance, such as those
played by the cardinals of the Catholic church, may become important roles in
society. That may gradually lead to the formation of the participants' beliefs.
If they comprise a great part of society, then the belief system of the entire
society is thus formed.
The performance of rituals, can moreover, evoke certain physical
conditions and moods. As Gell has demonstrated for the religious practices of
the Muria (1980, 219-248), the performance of many rituals can create
vertigo which in its turn can evoke the feeling of loss of self control and
consequently the impression that "the divine possesses one's body". Music,
on the other hand, that is frequently used in rituals, has been seen by Trainor
and Trehub (1992, 464) as conveying emotional meaning (Nercessian
forthcoming 81-2). The emotivist position of 'emotional meaning theory' in
music, which is the predominant in the field and asserts that music 'elicits
emotional responses in listeners' (Krumhansl 1997, 336), has also been
backed experimentally (Goldstein 1980, 126-129). It goes without saying that
the more established the performance the more effective its ability to
influence. Moreover, the greater the participation in it, the greater the
number of people that are influenced.
The performance has been singled out by many students of ritual as
the most influencing of its aspects. A very recent study has compared the
influence of ritual performance in society to that of the media (Hughes-
Freeland, and Crain (eds.) 1998a esp. 1-17; Hom 1998; Mitchell 1998).
One other way that the aspect of performance can influence society is
by transferring the ritual 'symbolism' to the mundane world. The more
established the 'symbols' and the more repeated the greater their influencing
capacity. It must be mentioned here that orthodoxy is a more straightforward
27
way of influencing the belief systems, whereas orthopraxy is a more indirect,
subconscious one, and thus may occasionally be more successful.
It follows from the above that each element influences independently
and contributes to the capacity of the given ritual to influence. The more
established these traits are, the greater their capacity to influence and
therefore of the ritual itself. This means that by assessing the establishment
of a ritual, we can also assess its influencing capacity in a given society. The
study of the establishment of ritual, therefore, is of great interest to the study
of society and its dynamics.
It must be borne in mind as a note of warning that the complexity of
rites does not imply establishment; many complex rites that exist in rather
'simple' communities, are not, it is argued here, well established. This is
because complexity does not imply formalism, invariance or any other trait of
the establishment of ritual. Thus, one may perform a complex ritual which
may vary from performance to performance in many respects, it may not
have a distinct material culture or space defining it, and so on. The examples
of the unstableness of some very complicated, orally transmitted rituals of the
Papua New Guinea by Barth (1987) support this argument. These examples
also show that inventions, such as literacy or mass media, influence the
establishment of ritual, as they contribute to the establishment of the rite.
2.5.2 The Establishment of Ritual, the Establishment of Society

It was argued above that the study of the establishment of ritual can give us
an insight into its capacity to influence beliefs or identities and by extension
into the greater study of social dynamics. But that is not the only contribution
of such a study. It is claimed here, that the establishment of rituals often
reflects the overall establishment of society. This is so for two reasons: a)
because the establishment of rituals and that of the society interact, i.e. an
established society may create established rituals, and the established rituals
may induce further establishment in the society. And b) because the
establishment of society can be seen as that of all its spheres together. If that
is so, then the establishment of the ritual sphere will be a portion of the
overall establishment of society.
As far as the mutual influence between rituals and society is
concerned, a society that is well established and has an established political
structure, for instance, will influence the important rituals that concern it.
There are many examples of creations, manipulations and reinterpretations of
rites made to propagate, or even create the political and social status quo.
The example of the totalitarian governments, which created a complete ritual
system in order to 'control' their subjects is one instance (e.g. McDowell 1974,
265-79). The creation of calendrical rites by other types of government,
including democratic ones, such as Independence days, flag days, labour
days, are another manifestation of that idea. In general, the devised rites are
good examples of the claim made on the influence of political organisation to
the ritual sphere. Together with the latter's establishment, special buildings
have been built, a certain canon of proper performance has been established,
the roles have been clearly laid out and so on (Lane 1981, 67-69). The
28
already existing rites, have also to be altered or reinterpreted as the regime
changes.
On the other hand, by the transferral of the elements of the ritual
world to the mundane that we discussed earlier (2.5.1) the establishment of a
ritual or rituals may also influence the establishment of society. The
stabilisation of authority and of social roles, the establishment of social rules
and of rules of conduct, the establishment of formal behaviour in human
interaction, of certain types of 'symbolism' and of a group identity are a few
things that may be transferred from the ritual sphere to the mundane. In
Shanks' and Tilley's words, "the performance of ritual can serve to legitimate
the social order" (1982, 21-62; for similar arguments see Hughes-Freeman
and Crain (eds.) 1998). For instance, the role of the priests may become also
a social role, the prayers or parts of them may become standardised
expressions ('God willing', 'in the name of God…'), and the ritual symbols may
become secular ones (such as the Red Cross or the cross on the Greek flag).
Moreover, the rules of the rituals may be compared to or influence the rules
of everyday life (taking the hat off in a church and out of politeness
elsewhere) and the identity of the ritual performer may become the identity
of a social group (Protestants and Catholics in northern Ireland). The greater
the establishment of a rite, therefore, the greater its effect to the
establishment of society.
The two way relation between human actions and society has been
stressed by many scholars such as Bourdieu (1977), Giddens (1984), Cohen
(1990, 33-45), Pred (1986), and others. In the more specific case of ritual, we
did show that the establishment of the action partially reflects that of society.
An established political structure for example, may create established rites
and vice versa, established ritual structures may stabilise various aspects of
the given society such as the authority, the symbolism, the rules of
interaction, the identity etc.
The establishment of one or more rituals can reflect the establishment

of society in another way. The latter is usually seen as the summation of all
its spheres or sectors, be they political, military, ritual or other. The rituals,
because of their influencing nature discussed earlier, play a fairly important
role in most societies. Thus, a great degree of the establishment of ritual
would perceptibly contribute to the overall establishment of society. According
to the previously (1.4) quoted passage from Renfrew's, Peer Polity
Interaction, the emergence of an established structure or practice, in our case
a ritual one, may be indicative of similar processes, taking place in
homologous ones (political, financial, etc.); or as Mann put it in another
context: "A regionally dominant, 'institution'-building, developing power also
upgrades the power capacities of its neighbors, who learn its power
techniques but adapt them to their different social and geographical
circumstances" (1986, 539).
Thus, ritual consists of a number of traits each contributing to its

influencing power. The establishment of these traits collectively equals that of
ritual. The establishment of ritual, moreover, reflects that of society as the
29
two influence each other and as the establishment of the ritual sphere can
contribute to that of the entire society. For these reasons the study of the
degrees of the establishment of ritual is justified as an integral part of the
study of society.
2.6 ASSESSING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL

The study of the establishment of ritual is not new; it has already been
fleetingly referred to by several scholars. To mention two examples, Turner
has proposed that there are two forms of rites which are more
'institutionalised', the 'life crisis' and the 'calendrical' ones (1969, 168-70),
while Weber and subsequently his colleague Troltsch (1902) discussed the
various degrees of establishment of religious rituals that account for the terms
'cult', 'sect' and 'church'. Here the term will be treated in a similar but not
identical way. The notion of the establishment of ritual is referred to as
meaning the stabilisation, or foundation of all its traits, i.e. the becoming to a
greater extent of what ritual is, an increase of */ritualness/.
2.6.1 Primary Evidence: The Traits of Ritual

Having discussed the importance of the study of the establishment of ritual it
is time to look at the ways one can assess it. As also proposed above, the
degrees to which the traits of ritual are established, demonstrate as a
polythetic set the establishment of the given ritual. This means that the
graded characteristics of ritual can exist (or not exist) in any degree.
Therefore, in order to determine the establishment of ritual, the degrees to
which the traits of performance, repetition, invariance, rule governance,
formalism and 'symbolism' exist should be assessed.
The establishment of ritual could range from the very established
group of rituals of the Catholic church, for instance, to the not well
established, fortunately for some, ritual of throwing items at referees in
football matches. Had the latter example become an established ritual, there
could be, for instance, a prescribed time in every match (rule-governance) for
everyone to throw in a certain way (formalism), a certain type of item
(repetition, invariance), which could have been particularly constructed for
this purpose (formalism). Moreover, special hymns would always accompany
the throwing (symbolism), and all the participants would follow these rules
and would have an idea on how things should be done for this occasion
(special frame of mind) and how they have 'always' been done (air of
tradition).
2.6.2 Secondary Evidence: Traits Pertaining to 'Institutions'

In some cases, rituals comprise the central practice of 'institutions', be they
churches or registry offices (British) for civil marriages. 'Institution' is taken
here to mean an entity or organisation that contains people (adapted from
Wallis 1996, 417) which deals with major interests and problems of social
concern (adapted from Wallis 1996, 417). This also means that an 'institution'
can be seen as an acting entity, an agent; though a mere ritual cannot be
30
seen to have a will of its own and cannot be taken as an agent, a ritual
'institution' can.
The existence of a ritual 'institution', moreover, is presumably
indicative of the great establishment of the respective ritual(s). It is also
logical to suppose that the establishment of ritual would grow together with
the establishment of the entire respective 'institution'. It follows therefore that
the more established the 'institution' itself, the greater the degree of
establishment of its rituals.
'Institutions' can be seen to manage a turnover of wealth
(accumulation and consumption), to have a capacity to produce it, store it
and consume it. They also can be seen to have an infrastructure and an
administrative organisation. These financial and administrative aspects are
arguably indicative of the establishment of the given 'institution' (Smith
1991). Although the study of ritual 'institutions' is not our aim, these aspects
which can indicate their financial and administrative establishment, can also
be used for the study of the establishment of ritual.
In other words, an activity that has been reconstructed as ritual may or
may not be the central activity of an 'institution'. Nevertheless, if financial and
administrative activities seem to be related to the ritual activity, they should
be studied as indications of the existence of such an 'institution' but also as
demonstrative of the degree of its establishment. The financial wealth and the
administrative infrastructure should be therefore considered as indicators of
great degrees of the establishment of the respective rituals.
2.6.3 Different Degrees of Establishment: An Illustration

The different degrees of invariance and codification of liturgical life, of claims
to long lineages rooted in tradition, of (divine) models, of canonical texts, the
hierarchy within the rituals and last but not least the amount of calendrical
festivities and rites, reflect the higher degrees of establishment of ritual.
These distinctions exist in both religious and non-religious rituals. Those of
the latter which attempt to replace the religious with secular ones (as in the
example of the Soviet Union 2.5.2) are often very established indeed. More
spontaneous less established rites would not have established any of the
above discussed traits.
An example will illustrate the difference between rituals at opposite
ends of the scale of establishment: the comparison of the different degrees of
establishment between two extremes, the collection of rituals performed by
the east Orthodox church and the rite of shaving in a bathroom.
In the former, the clergy is clearly distinguished from the laity, not only
by the lifestyle but also by the garments worn, their language, their role in
the rites etc. The equipment used is extremely standardised and so are the
materials employed; in addition neither of them can be found outside the
sphere of the church. The belief system too, is very standardised, with books
reflecting more or less the common beliefs. Several of these doctrines of
course, do not represent the general consensus. The rituals are extremely
formalised and the sequence of liturgical acts is established; there is no
chance to interrupt or abruptly terminate any of the ceremonies. The
31
traditions evoked span two millennia and a claim is made for the oldest
Christian establishment in the world. The language of the liturgy is a mixture
of Greek from various phases of the language predominated by the Koine.
The same form was the official language of the state during the late
Byzantine period. Throughout the year and on a daily basis there is the
commemoration of a certain saint or event, in a very fixed way. The
'symbolism' within church is precise and set, with many 'symbols', linguistic or
pictorial, representing the saints or God together with the Holy Trinity; the
Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost.
On the other hand, in the shaving ritual, one may employ very
mundane equipment, and the whole procedure may not bear any intentional
'symbolic' meaning (except, possibly, the symbolic value of the rite as a
whole, invoking manhood, the start of the day, or other); it is not necessarily
intended to be communicative as only one person is involved. Certainly,
messages are evoked but that may not have been the intention. It may have
an established order, but this may only be for functional reasons (one cannot
clean the razor before shaving, or cannot spread the lather on the face after
having used the razor but only before, and so on). It may be calendrically
fixed (every two days, for example), but that may also be for practical
reasons. The two examples can be contrasted as extremes of establishment.
2.6.4 Problem: Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy

The Orthodox and Orthopractic rites are difficult to distinguish when they are
well established. The problem arises due to the fact well-established orthodox
rites may resemble well established orthopractic rites. This is an illusion,
however. The apparent aspects of ritual are confined to practice, behind
which there might be underlying beliefs. When an orthopractic or orthodox
ritual becomes more established, it always becomes more orthopractic
(orthopractic meaning based on practice). In other words, an orthopractic
ritual through its further establishment can become more orthopractic. On the
other hand, the establishment of an orthodox ritual does not necessarily
affect its belief system, but the apparent practice, so that is also becomes
orthopractic. It is difficult to distinguish however, whether orthopractic rites
are also orthodox. It is generally true however, that very established rituals or
ritual systems also have well established beliefs accompanying them.
2.7 SUMMARY
In this chapter we addressed questions about what is ritual and how we can
assess the extent of its establishment, demonstrating the latter's importance
to the study of society. Their study was a prerequisite for a further inquiry
into the recognition of ritual and the assessment of its establishment in
prehistoric archaeology, one of the humanities with the most limited
evidence. But for this we have to turn to the next chapter.
32
1
He also argued, in more extreme tones, that «Anything -a person, a material thing, a place,
a word or name, an occasion, an event, a day of the week or a period of the year- which is
the object of a ritual avoidance or taboo can be said to have ritual value» (Radcliffe-Brown
1952).
2
Often people attend rituals because they are forced to do so, e.g. children dragged by their
parents to church.
3
By the term 'size' for gestures or movements, one means the distance between the body
and the tips of the limbs that is needed for the actions to be performed.
4
A polythetic set is one of multiple variables, either dependent or independent of one
another.
33
3.
The Archaeology of Ritual and of its Establishment
The assumptions which have already been mentioned concerning the

results of ritual activity must be replaced by a methodology which links
theory to the archaeological evidence (Richards and Thomas 1984, 190).
The recognition of ritual in archaeology always presented a problem. Views

like those of Burgess (1980, 326), who speaks of "the general aura of the
site" are not specific enough or helpful in any theoretical approach. Moreover,
for some scholars, as Richards and Thomas point out (1984, 189), the term
ritual has been "used as a catchall designation for anything which defies a
crudely utilitarian explanation". The very opposite, yet quite similar view that
ritual is analytically worthless, is also held by few.
Although some of the ideas for the study of ritual that were applied to
archaeology were developed elsewhere, almost none of them was really
developed for the purposes of the discipline. In other words, very few
archaeologists studied the phenomenon and even fewer came forward with
any implications for the uncovering of the past. Colin Renfrew has mainly
studied the religious aspects of ritual; here we shall also include its secular
aspects. The need, however, is not for more complete and complex
reconstructions of ritual. What is called for, is a distinction between those
elements that can be supported by the available evidence, and those others
which, however plausible to some contemporary writers, cannot (Renfrew
1985, 11).
Having proposed a methodology for the attribution of ritual value to an
activity and the assessment of its establishment in the previous chapter, it is
time to turn to prehistoric archaeology and discuss how this methodology
needs to be adapted to the particularities of the limited material the discipline
has at hand. The determination of the relative importance of practices or
beliefs and the distinction between secular and religious ritual will also have
to be discussed for the sake of completeness.
3.1 THE NATURE OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD:

3.1.1 Ritual Cores and Common Denominators
The formal establishment of ritual paraphernalia and of ritual behaviours in
well established rituals may cause problems for archaeology. There is often a
tendency in rituals, and especially of the well established sort, to borrow
items or behaviours from each other. Moreover rituals that belong to the
same belief or ritual system will very possibly have the same symbols and
icons, similar songs or dances that may identify them as such and will
distinguish them from rituals of different belief or ritual systems1. So, the
religious ritual of Easter that takes place in the Christian church will be very
similar in many respects to that of the Sunday service, not only in terms of
material culture, but also in its prayers, its structure, its location, its type of
chants, its symbolism, the performers or participants and so on. Most of the
ceremonies of the Cameroon Dowayos, to offer a second example, seem to
34
have been "…'quotes' from circumcision, reproducing exactly what happened
on that occasion" (Barley 1983, 171); the symbolism and the items used
belonged to the same ritual system.
Moreover, in the cases of established endroits, locations, or buildings,
for the performance of rituals, the possibly different rituals that take place
there, employ the same building, the same landscape (be it interior or
exterior), possibly similar icons or symbols, same performers (or priesthood)
and so on.
In other words, for every group of rituals that possibly belong to the
same system, or belief system, and share a common area for the
performances of the rites, there are a number of common traits that comprise
a common denominator. This means that the archaeologist that excavates
this potential ritual site does not usually find evidence for just one ritual, but
for an entire ritual pattern.
The more the 'symbolism' of ritual is established the more similar the
signs (symbols, indexes, icons, etc.) employed by different rituals will be.
Therefore, great formalism, and the establishment of ritual space, but also
great 'symbolism', invariance and rule governance, lead to ritual
homogenisation. In other words, great degrees of the establishment of ritual
as we have defined it, leads to less varied rituals within a system.
So the search for specific rituals within established ritual systems
becomes almost futile for archaeologists, who generally will have to content
themselves with ritual patterns of common denominators. There is,
nevertheless, some hope; there are, occasionally, some items (lexical,
material, spatial, etc.), that are peculiar to a certain ritual and are not
repeated in any other. These items may be rare, or even unique, and
sometimes are immaterial, but when traced, they can differentiate one ritual
from another. They will be called here ritual cores. It must be reminded that
ritual cores are particularly useful in well established ritual systems that have
relatively indistinguishable rituals.
As archaeologists usually do not trace individual rituals but ritual
patterns the two terms will be used interchangeably here to mean the latter.
3.1.2 Some Problems Pertaining to Storage

The nature of the archaeological record may, however, create problems also
on the identification of certain ritual items as such. Quite often, and for
different reasons, items that may be exclusively ritual in their use, have to be
stored2, not necessarily in special rooms or places. A mundane storeroom can
house several valuable ritual items or symbols just due to convenience, or
because there is no alternative. We should not therefore recognise an area as
ritual based only on the presence of certain ritual items there, and vice versa,
we should not exclude an item's ritual value only because it was found in a
mundane context.
3.1.3 A Traditional way of Tracing Ritual in Archaeology

Archaeologists have, very often, intuitively recognised a site as a ritual one
due to the existence of few items common to other sites they consider ritual.
As we have seen above however, there are many problems with such a view.
35
Although it is still useful to assess the ritual character of a site by means of
the presence of already recognised ritual common denominators of a ritual
system, single or few items can be misleading.
The aforementioned common denominators are useful, as they are a
tangible basis for comparison, between ritual and mundane sites or between
the ritual sites themselves. They are behaviours that may be easily traced,
sometimes easier than the various traits of ritual. The number of items and
the context, therefore, would have to be sufficient to argue for the attribution
of ritual value to a site.
Common denominators of ritual patterns are useful for comparison and
contrast, only when they have been traced elsewhere. But how can one
archaeologically make the primary attribution of ritual value to an activity?
3.2 RITUAL IN PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY

As we discussed in the previous chapter (2.2.1), the only criterion for the
inclusion of activities in the category of ritual is the proper 'frame of mind'.
One may argue that this does not necessarily influence the material culture,
and that it cannot be used for our purposes, anyway, as archaeology (like
anthropology and sociology) does not employ the performer's perspective
(emic's), but the observer's (etic's). If one adopts these views, then one
cannot accurately define ritual since the only criterion to define it has been
discounted. This view has a great portion of truth, and it can be positively
argued that in archaeology not all actions can be characterised as ritual with
complete success of the term. Once we deal with slightly established rites,
however, the characteristics mentioned in chapter one (from 2.2.2 to 2.2.7)
would be attested in various degrees. Moreover, it is arguably possible, in
certain special cases and under favourable circumstances, to deduce or
extrapolate the collective 'frame of mind' through contextual analysis,
comparison to known ritual environments, and apposition to non-ritual ones.
Rituals are impossible to trace therefore, when not established.
One may shave ritually, to use the example of the second chapter, but
nobody will be able to infer that from the equipment used if it is the standard
shaving kit. In more established rites, though, the ritual characteristics all
exist to some degree and may be more easily traceable as they may affect
material culture.
In every society there is a great number of more established rites.
Communal rites, for instance, which appear in most societies, are somewhat
established due to their communal nature. The characteristics of repetition
and of participation to performance are present to a significant degree, due to
the mere number of participants. Rule governance is also present in
communal rites, because of the mundane social rules that are transferred to
rituals with wide participation such as respect of age, rules on what is dirty
and what is clean and so on.
Here we shall revisit all the traits of ritual and discuss how they can be
traced and how can their degrees be assessed in prehistoric archaeology.
These traits are essential, as we say in the previous chapter, not only for the
attribution of ritual value to an activity, but also for the assessment of the
36
establishment of ritual. Particular emphasis shall be laid upon the aspect of
'symbolism' which is very important for the distinction between orthodoxy and
orthopraxy but also for the differentiation between secular and religious ritual
(we shall discuss in 3.4). Furthermore, the term has often been the object of
misinterpretation and varied use.
3.2.1 Formalism can be traced archaeologically in its greater degrees, where

the distinction between the personnel and the laity or between the performers
of the rites and the other people, would be marked by the different outfit or
even different status, often also reflected in everyday life. In many religions,
including Christianity and Judaism the priests have different status, and
garments from laymen.
Moreover, a limited number of gestures, motions, dances and sayings
as depicted or written also demonstrate degrees of formalism. The latter can
also be traced by the ritual equipment; the greater the formality, the more
different the ritual equipment from its non-formal parallels. More lightly put,
in a well formalised shaving ritual one would expect to find sophisticated
razors, or more expensive materials, specially prepared lather, and other
expensive or impressive accoutrements together with a possible iconography
depicting specific shaving moves. The study which will analyse the formalism
of the equipment, or of the depicted gestures, motions etc., must be made in
a relative way, always by contrast to what is not formal in that particular part
of society and in that specific time. This relative and contextual study, will
also give us the degrees of departure of the equipment from its everyday
non-formal counterparts and thus, the degrees of its formalism.
3.2.2 Repetition. The repetition of a sequence of actions, in any sense of

order, is one of the most common aspects of ritual. The repetition of an
action can be assumed from that of the depositional and behavioural patterns
unearthed. Due to repetition, but also to the rule governance of rituals, one
would expect the depositional patterns observed in the archaeological record,
to maintain a level of structure analogous to the degree of the establishment
of ritual (Richards and Thomas 1984, 191). The temporal repetition in one
area is as interesting as the spatial repetition in the form of distribution,
though they tell us different things about the respective activities.
3.2.3 Invariance. The degree of invariance is quite easily traced. The use of
the same type of equipment, the accurate repetition of acts, the similarity in
the types of items brought or used, and the invariant use of an area for the
performance of certain actions are indicative of that trait. It must be stressed
here, that even in the most formalised and invariant rituals, some acts or
patterns are at times omitted, inserted or altered.
3.2.4 Tradition. The sense of tradition, can be traced by the use of relics
(artefacts belonging to earlier periods), and the continuous use of certain
spaces or types of items for the same activity. The sense of a long standing
tradition shared by the participants could be inferred by the continuation of
the same activity over a long period of time. On the other hand, the creations
37
and inventions of 'traditions' such as those discussed by Canadine (1984 101-
164), cannot be traced archaeologically as they are claims made with no
effect to material culture. Such inventions can only be inferred by the sudden
formalisation of a certain action. It is often the case that formal actions
promote a 'certain way of doing things' that implies, an often fictional,
tradition.
3.2.5 Rule-governance. The various degrees of rule-governance can be

investigated in a number of ways. The rules regarding the use of ritual space,
for instance, can be traced by the accidental depositional patterns of the
micro-finds (Hodder 1998; T. Whitelaw 1994, 217-143). The rules regarding
movement and its formalisation, however can be traced only through
iconography and the depiction of humans in certain poses, that are often
unnatural. Most of the other rules can be followed, if at all, through the
behaviour reconstructed by the depositional patterns and architecture.
3.2.6 Performance. In short, the degrees of the establishment of performance

and participation may be spotted through the spatial analysis of the finds in a
given context, and in relation to the respective architecture. Iconography, at
times, may prove very interesting, giving unexpected clues on these matters,
despite the difficulties surrounding its association to a particular place or
ritual. The existence of an established status differentiation between the
performers and the ritual personnel is also indicative for the organisation of
performance.
The location of ritual places in areas far from settlements, or the
discovery of items used in the ritual originating from elsewhere, hint that the
ritual performance may actually take place in more than one location. It gives
rise to the possibility of having long processions or mini-rituals before the
main ones. Ritual in general does not necessarily take place in the area where
the evidence for it comes from (e.g. 3.1.2).
3.2.7.1 'Symbolism': Signs in Prehistoric Archaeology and the study of ritual.

The study of signs and especially of the symbols used in ritual is one of the
few ways Archaeology can infer the underlying belief system(s). The difficult
reconstruction of past sign-ificance, however, has lead to over imaginative
theories and absurd models. It has also caused the term 'symbolism' to be
used generally, and the lack of more precise terminology for each sign type.
It is not so much the sign (the signifier) itself that we find difficulties in
tracing, but its denotatum, the signified that, according to Heidegger, does
not show itself ([1993], 74). Without the latter, though, it is impossible to
determine the link between the two. We are confined, therefore, to
hypothesise as to the very existence of the sign. Let us, however, examine
the three main categories of sign (icons, indexes and symbols) once again
and see how they can be traced in prehistoric archaeology.
The existence of icons, indexes and symbols is useful for both
archaeology and the study of world rituals. The icon and the index embody
sign relations in the natural mode, of likeness and of existential connection
respectively. These sign relations render them more resistant to change over
38
time. Icons do not change their value, while indexes, might do only through
the generalisation of their denotatum (e.g. a foot not only seen as part of a
certain human body, but also of the human body in general). Their
reconstruction moreover, is easier, as they have natural links with their
denotata.
On the other hand, the symbol embodies sign relations in the
conventional mode, or reflective of a relation characterised by "an imputed
quality", to cite Peirce's words (1935-66, 1:588) (Sebeok 1994, 81-2). It is
this lack of factual link that makes the symbols so susceptible to change over
time.
Of the three above types of sign, it is the value of symbols that is the
least retrievable. The associations of symbols with their denotata are mainly
by artificial or conventional means (which usually belong to the cognitive
sphere) and therefore difficult to reconstruct. Moreover, as symbolic values
change more easily over time than iconic or indexical ones, it is impossible for
the archaeologist to reconstruct the exact symbolic value of an item at a
given time and for the given number of beholders. So the archaeological
endeavour has to be confined to the most difficult task of tracing the most
potent symbols. Moreover, if a certain symbol is traced, the archaeologist
should always restrain his/her interpretation to the approximate value of the
symbol and not use it for further reconstructions.
In some rare cases, such as the alternation between items in
iconography or in real life, it may be possible to trace a symbol; the identical
employment of objects that have nothing obvious in common may be
interpreted as a result of their symbolic link.
Symbolism, when used in its specific sense, is also a ritual trait
(2.2.6.3) together with iconicity and indexicality. The term 'symbolism' as
commonly used comprises all three. This characteristic of ritual is graded; the
degrees of its establishment depend on the amount of signs used, their long
standing use, their dissemination and so on.
What remains a problem is the relative importance of the
reconstructed sign value of a certain object. How do we know, that the
symbol or icon or index values reconstructed are of any importance.
3.2.7.2 'Symbols' and Function. A traditional way of attributing a primary

'symbolic' value to an item is by assessing its functionality. It is a common
phenomenon that some otherwise physically functional items can also be
'symbols' (any type of sign). If, however, their primary purpose is
communicative, and is not directly related to their function, then the latter
might fade over time. This might render these signs non-functional as
objects, without significantly changing their communicative value. When that
happens, and whatever the primary significance of the items, it is possible
that they also become icons of the original functional objects.
Similarly, items that are not primarily functional otherwise have usually
some communicative value. When they are not primarily functional and they
are not icons or indexes, then they may well be symbols. It is very difficult, if
at all possible, however, to determine the lack of a primary physical function
without comparison to clearly functional equivalents.
39
3.2.7.3 'Symbolism' in rituals. There are some additional difficulties as regards
signs in rituals. It is wrong to interpret automatically the 'symbols' in a ritual
building as ritually significant. The 'symbols' that can be safely interpreted as
such are those exclusively employed by ritual actions. There is a danger that
some secular, non-ritual 'symbols' may be attributed a false value. In many
Christian churches today one can see a lot of secular, non-religious symbols.
Several crests, crenellations, and swords, for example (Moule 1998, 3), are
not religiously significant but are there to be associated with religion.
Moreover, as Maurice Bloch stressed, a very large part of the symbols
in ritual are linguistic, or have to do with singing and dancing. Unfortunately,
in prehistoric archaeology, it is almost impossible to get linguistic, or other
related information, as e.g. about dance steps, and their significance. So, a
great deal of the ritual symbolism cannot be retrieved or even hypothesised.
Although, iconography can enlighten us on some aspects of dance, such as
the formalised moves that might be depicted, or on the presence of music in
ritual, it is usually insufficient for the reconstruction of the related
'symbolism'.
Despite the difficulties inhibiting the study of signs and especially
symbols in ritual, some are easier to trace, such as icons or indexes. Items
moreover that have a symbolic value often have an iconic or indexical value
too. One should look, therefore, for their existence and assess their
reconstructible meaning or function.
One danger would be that fake links based on shared physical
properties could be reconstructed by the archaeologist. Thus we need to see
'symbols in action', to paraphrase Hodder's famous title in another context,
we need to be certain that the signs were active, i.e. commonly perceived as
such, while being aware of their multivalence and their different behaviours.
It must be noted here that one phenomenon may demonstrate more

than one of the above traits, e.g. the extensive use of a specific symbol in a
ritual may argue for symbolism but also for repetition and invariance. In the
same way one item can be interpreted as more than one type of sign. For
example, a clay foot, could be indexical of a clay human figurine, iconic of a
foot, symbolic of walking, and a symptom of a certain belief system.
3.2.8 The traits of Ritual: a Summary. All traits of ritual can be, under
favourable circumstances, traced by prehistoric archaeology, and the degree
to which they exist assessed. This means that some rituals, or ritual patterns,
are retrievable through the study of material culture, and that their degrees of
establishment can be assessed. It must always be borne to mind of course
that there are many more that are irretrievably lost.
To recognise the extent to which a site was used for ritual, the site
must be compared and contrasted with other mundane ones. Moreover, it is
necessary within each site to compare the difference in quantity between the
items that point to ritual and those that do not. This ratio must be then
contrasted to that of other sites in the same area where the same rituals take
place.
40
3.3 ICONOGRAPHY AND RITUAL, A NOTE
In the second chapter we proposed a methodology for the attribution of ritual
value to a given activity and for the assessment of its establishment. In this
chapter we discussed how the traits of ritual, which are fundamental to both,
can be traced in archaeology. But how can we decide on whether an activity
depicted on iconography has ritual value or not?
Iconography follows the same rules as any archaeological site. In some
ways, however, iconography is clearer due to the depiction of people acting.
In the archaeological sites, human actions are always inferred with some
degree of uncertainty. In iconography this is not necessary.
As for the attribution of ritual value to the depicted actions, the fact
that certain scenes were consciously chosen facilitates recognition. Art
transfers what is temporal into the permanent sphere, and satisfies the
criteria of invariance and repetition by its nature. Moreover iconography has
significance ('symbolism'); it often represents events, and in this it partly
satisfies the criterion of performance. It can, of course, be misleading, as the
rule-governance that it portrays, may be that of the artist's mind and not of a
rule-governed performance; that will have to be clarified in each case. In any
other way, iconography should be treated like anything else in archaeology
and it should comply with the rest of the criteria to be able to be
characterised as ritual.
The traits of ritual that have been discussed in the second chapter can, under
favourable circumstances be identified in archaeology. Once ritual value has
been attributed, however, to an activity, it is possible to refine further and
attempt to discover the degrees to which the given ritual(s) is/are dependent
on beliefs and/or practice (Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy). Once a ritual with
strong dependence on a belief system is recognised, we can try to determine
whether it is religious or secular. But let us first concern ourselves with the
tracing of the degree to which the given ritual(s) is/are dependent on belief
and/or practice.

Orthodox rituals are those that are based on beliefs and it is very difficult to
trace them, as, of all the traceable characteristics of ritual, only 'symbolism' is
directly connected with beliefs. It follows therefore, that only the consistent
use 'symbols' in a ritual can demonstrate its orthodoxy.
Since symbols, however, change values, our task becomes even more
difficult. Nevertheless, the beliefs of orthodox rituals also change, even
though they stress their supposed invariability. Symbols are bound to change,
and so are beliefs.
The relative invariance in the use of symbols, therefore, points to an
orthodox system. The finds of archaeology will very rarely give us any clues
on the varied use of any particular symbol. They will tell us, however,
41
whether any symbol was continuously employed for a long period of time.
These ritual systems which employ the same set of symbols for a long period
can be called 'orthodox', as far as archaeology is concerned. Since orthodox
systems are very important for the better understanding of the belief systems
in a given society it is very interesting to study orthodox rituals, both in
archaeology and anthropology. Such a study can clarify what are the reasons
behind the development of orthodoxy, and what are its consequences.
An orthopractic system, on the other hand, is much easier to spot in
archaeology. Invariance in the equipment used, a continued tradition of ritual
behaviour (deposition patterns, buildings etc.), great formality, strict rules
and so on, all point to an orthopractic ritual system. In other words,
symbolism apart, all other traits of established ritual that are traceable by the
methods of archaeology can show the degrees of orthopraxy a rite has.
Highly established rites, are bound to be orthopractic. Orthopraxy, does not
overrule orthodoxy, and the Christian communities mentioned above, are
good examples of both traits.

Once the studied ritual is shown to have been dependent on beliefs, it is
important to see whether this ritual is religious or not. To formulate our ideas
on the attribution of religious character to ritual we should look at the most
complete, comprehensive and influential treatise on the topic, Colin Renfrew's
'The Archaeology of Cult'. By reviewing or commenting on it, and with
reference to the above, we shall attempt to update, when possible, the major
points of the model proposed by Renfrew.
3.4.2.1 The Archaeology of Cult. Renfrew sees religious ritual as the

'performance of expressive actions of worship and propitiation by the human
celebrant towards the transcendant being' (1985, 18). Obviously, his view
does not refer to ritual in the complete sense of the term. What he gives is
some definition of religious action. It has been the misconception of many
scholars to consider religious action tautological to religious ritual. In many
cases it is, but in some it is not. One may act according to religious beliefs,
without performing any ritual, just as one may perform a ritual without
following any religious beliefs, as in the case of secular ritual. It has to be
shown therefore, that we are dealing with a ritual action in the first place
before attempting to demonstrate that it is a religious one. Nevertheless, this
definition is useful in order to distinguish religious from secular ritual, once
the existence of a ritual is established.
Renfrew proposes four characteristic traits of religious rituals: a)
attention focusing, b) liminality, c) presence of transcendent and its symbolic
focus, d) participation and offering. These points are further clarified
elsewhere by him (1994, 51-2).
For 'attention focusing' he mentions the existence of a special area for
ritual and the special definition of sacral space, of cultic equipment and
features, and the repeated, often redundant, presence of symbols, which
become standard. All of these points are influenced by the establishment of
42
ritual and hold only in some well organised rites, falling well into the traits of
ritual we have discussed above.
As far as 'liminality' is concerned, Renfrew very usefully stresses the
marked difference between public display and hidden mysteries, as well as
the contrasts between cleanliness and pollution, sacred and profane and so
on. These contrasts, he argues, are reflected in the facilities and the
architecture. We would further add that these distinctions are often reflected
in the area chosen for the performance of the rituals, in the event they are in
liminal areas (away from the urban area, on a peak of a mountain, in a cave,
on the seashore etc.). Several cults chose liminal areas for their exercises. As
far as the notional contrasts are concerned, it may sometimes be problematic
that one does not know whether they were important for the people of that
place in the given period. Their proliferation, however, is indicative. This trait
is connected to the degrees of rule governance and therefore to the
establishment of ritual.
With regard to the presence of the divinity, Renfrew mentions the
frequent recurrence of a cult image or a symbol (like the XP for Christ in the
Christian religion). He supports the view that the ritualistic symbols relate
iconographically to the deities worshipped and to their associated myth. He
also claims that animal symbolism of real or mythical animals is often related
to specific divinities or supernatural, transendental powers. We can also add
that abstract forces can be personified too, such as the cloud and element
gods in Zapotec culture (Marcus and Flannery 1994, 56-74, esp. figs. 7.2,
7.3). The main problem therefore, is to decide whether a type of iconography
is religious or not. Usually the context is helpful in this respect. If, for
instance, a large concentration of items that could qualify as gifts or offerings
is observed around an image, then it is very likely to be a religious one; ritual
imagery may sometimes have religious affinities too. A depiction that does
not follow the rules of nature is bound to depict a being of supernatural,
and/or religious nature. In some cases, also pointed out by Renfrew, one
deals with aniconic religions, and no imagery of the god is found. Renfrew
proposes that other symbols personify or represent the god. The very notion
of liminality can sometimes act as a symbol of divine representation, too. The
presence of the divinity is not to be found in the aforementioned traits of
ritual and is an exclusive trait of religious rituals.
The fourth aspect that Renfrew mentions is that of participation and
offering. Although participation is a trait shared by all rites, offering is
common only in religious ones. Offering includes all types of sacrifice,
investment of resources, dedication of iconography and so on. Most of these
types of sacrifice are indeed obvious in the archaeological record. What is not
obvious, apart from several odd depictions in iconography, is the prayer.
All the above activities of sacrifice and devotion, together with many
more, can be collectively called 'sacrifices of effort and resources'. They
include the effort 'sacrificed' when climbing to the peak of the mountain, or
travelling long distances on a pilgrimage. The construction of religious
buildings and the use of specific cult equipment, influenced by establishment,
are also encompassed by the term 'sacrifice of effort and resources'.
43
As an aspect of participation, Renfrew has pointed out the devices, or
actions one would employ, by which certain experiences are induced. It is
true that certain moods are often evoked, which are not random. They are
evoked, however, by any type of ritual, religious or not. These experiences, or
moods, are the most effective in the influence of the belief systems of the
participants. The careful planning of these devices is also a matter of
establishment. Gell has made a very insightful study of various ritual actions
which evoke certain, often guided, emotions, and sentiments (Gell 1980).
At the end of the relevant chapter in the Archaeology of Cult, Renfrew
discusses domestic cult. According to Renfrew, domestic cult would be
defined as the non-communal religious ritual which takes place, often in a
recurring pattern, in households, the participants of which are members of
the family nucleus. Renfrew argues that liminality (a room or part of a room
in the house), the use of special equipment and symbolic media, as well as
patterns of use of these special spaces between the households will still
appear in the households. As far the participation is concerned, domestic
ritual is in most cases, less established than communal rites are. The same
holds true for religious domestic ritual. Apart from the decreased
participation, however, all the other traits of domestic ritual purported by
Renfrew, are bound to the establishment of the respective rituals. In other
words, the invariant use of special spaces with special rule governance, the
existence of symbolism, together with the formal and repetitive use of special
equipment are all traits of the establishment of these rituals.
The above ideas are very useful for the excavator and the interpreter.
In fact they have been employed by a few Aegean or other archaeologists for
the recognition of their sites, the most recent one being the publication by
Moore and Taylour (1999, 77-81). They remain, however, ideas that may
distinguish the non-religious from the religious ritual, but do not define ritual
by themselves. In order to define a certain archaeological horizon as a
reflection of a religious ritual, one would have to show the existence of a
ritual in the first place. It seems that Renfrew has not followed his own
warning. He has answered first the more interesting question (what is a
religious ritual?) without addressing the more urgent query as to what is a
ritual.
More importantly, these criteria, if employed for the identification of
several sports, games, or even secular areas such as a kitchen, a chess
board, and a baseball ground, would suggest that all the above are quite
religious. That would certainly be a very redundant extension of the term
religious or even of the term ritual. Thus all the characteristics or criteria
offered by Renfrew, though useful as reminders of what one should look for,
or what one should take into account, are not sufficient to indicate anything
by themselves. A relative and comparative approach needs to be employed
for the respective social group(s) to which these spaces, or activities belong.
Only then will more complete and conclusive results appear. The cross-
cultural and universal approaches have the danger of neglecting details, or
being prejudiced by cultural specific factors. Most certainly, this stands for the
present study as well.
44
3.4.2.2 Tracing Religious Rituals in Prehistoric Archaeology. In order to
distinguish between religious rites and secular ones, one has to look at the
various criteria, set above, and decide if they can be traceable in an
archaeological excavation. As we discussed above, ritual place has to be
recognised through the tracing of the ritual characteristics (discussed above)
bearing in mind the apposition with non-ritual acts in the very context of
society. Once we have done that, the religious value of the rituals can be
tested. Religious rituals have the following characteristics.
 The presence of the divine can sometimes be seen in images, iconography,
or in symbolism. In some rare occasions some central features such as a
column or a rock may represent (symbolically) the deity (Gell, 1980, 224-
6). Objects such as these are extremely difficult to be assigned divine value
and only the artefacts around them and their central position can give us
clues on their significance. In some of the cases, it is possible to have the
communication with the divine through other means; in those instances the
notion of liminal areas occasionally comes into play.
It would be difficult, however, to directly distinguish between images
of a political leader displayed in a ritual dining hall, and those of a divinity
in a temple. It is always necessary to study the context of any item (e.g.
the depositional patterns around it), iconic or not, before deciding on its
nature. Moreover, the relative approach would be very useful here, as it is
important to decide for every different society the way iconography is
treated in religious, ritual and non-ritual contexts. It has to be said,
however, that when we have rituals for the veneration of a leader, and
especially in the cases that these rituals continue post mortem, then we
are actually dealing, once more, with religious ritual.
 The 'redistributive' aspects of religious ritual are usually seen in the form of
offerings. These tend to follow certain depositional patterns, occasionally
around 'attention focusing devices' (Renfrew 1994, 51). The material
offerings may be perishable (foodstuff, first fruit offerings, sacrifices,
drinks, blood, art in wood or other perishables) or non-perishable (metal
objects, pottery vessels, figurines or other, sacrificial animals with bones,
art on non-perishable materials, etc.). Non-perishable materials may be
employed to store, or carry the perishables. Furthermore, the latter may be
spotted in a careful excavation with favourable preservation conditions
(fruit pips, calcinated material, spores, lipids, depressions on other material
and so forth). Special areas were always used for the deposition of material
offerings, such as tables, altars, special natural formations (lakes, cavities
in rocks etc.), especially designed areas, hearths, or even random places
which traditionally concentrated offerings. When the spatial distribution of
non-utilitarian and/or out of place artefacts shows a distinct concentration
in a specific spot, in an area associated with ritual, it is logical to infer a
religious ritual. No doubt many places, which would have held offerings
during a rite but were cleared off after it, will be missed by spatial analysis;
other features of these spots, therefore, would have to be analysed by
other (complimentary) methods. Non-material offerings, and the
'consumption' of effort, which does not go towards the building of an
edifice or the making of an offering, are more difficult to trace: Climbing to
45
a peak, or travelling to a distant spot for ritual purposes should be
considered as 'consumption' of effort. A small number of such activities can
be inferred by the location of the very ritual space.
The above, when combined with the presence of a ritual, give us a
good indication as to whether the ritual has religious affinities or not. It may
happen, however, that a given ritual may be an ex-religious one; this means
that, over time it has changed its meaning and the symbolism it uses is void
of religious messages. Archaeologically, that distinction between religious and
ex-religious rites is very difficult to discern as it is based on the untraceable
views of individuals. Thus what one can trace is the rituals created for
religious purposes, no matter how and for what purposes they were
continued. More generally, the original function of an action determines its
subsequent structure and traits making it harder to discern a change of
purpose. This is also an explanation of the difficult differentiation between
theatre and ritual we mentioned above, as the former sprung from the latter.
One other difficulty for the differentiation between secular and
religious ritual is the possible reference to the supernatural in the former.
Many secular rituals may contain discursive or representational references to
the supernatural without the latter being the aim of the action. Dining halls,
where dining, a secular ritual, takes place, have crosses or other religious
symbols without becoming religious themselves, in the same way as secular
symbols often appear in religious sites. The difference, therefore, between
religious and secular ritual should be based on the ritual's purpose (if there is
any), and the attention paid to the supernatural. As we stated above (2.2.1),
however, only in rare instances are we able to infer the purpose of a ritual,
even as far as the very important issue of the presence of the supernatural is
concerned.
3.5 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL

As we have argued in the second chapter (2.6.1), all the above characteristics
of ritual (formalism, repetition, invariance, traditionalism, performance, rule-
governance, and symbolism) exist in various degrees and are related to the
establishment of ritual. In other words, by assessing the degrees of the above
traits for a given ritual, we can also assess the extent of its establishment.
The ritual traits, however, are not the only means to assess the
establishment of ritual, especially in the cases of well established rites that
form the central activity of an 'institution' (2.6.2). There are some traits,
which pertain to the establishment of 'institutions' that can be useful to the
study of the establishment of ritual.
These pertain to financial power, such as the turnover of wealth
managed (accumulation and consumption), the capacity to produce it, store it
and consume it (such as the investments carried out). They also have to do
with the infrastructure and the extent of administrative organisation.
Storage capacity is indicative of the wealth turnover managed and the
capacity to store it; workshop evidence demonstrates the capacity to produce
wealth; building programmes can demonstrate the extent of investment
46
carried out, while administrative records can reveal the extent of
administrative organisation.
In order to assess the establishment of ritual, therefore, a study of the
ritual traits can be coupled by a study of the traits that pertain to the
establishment of 'institutions' (structural and financial) where these are clearly
connected to rituals.
3.6 SUMMARY
In this chapter we discussed the ways by which the traits of ritual can be
traced in prehistoric archaeology, taking into account the particularities of the
discipline and its record. Particular attention was paid to the trait of
'symbolism' that has been both mistreated and misinterpreted by
archaeologists. We then revisited those points proposed in the Archaeology of
Cult, which could prove useful for the determination of religious rituals,
having also discussed the distinction between orthodox and orthopractic
rituals in archaeology. Finally, we looked at how we can trace the
establishment of ritual, not only through the traits of ritual but also through
financial (production, accumulation, investment) and administrative traits,
that pertain to the study of 'institutions'.
47
1
Sometimes, even rituals of different belief and ritual systems will copy and imitate each
other due to a general trend of cultural assimilation or imitation. So the eastern Christian
church has widely influenced the Ottoman Islamic 'institutions' in architecture, music, etc.
2
There are many reasons why items would have to be stored. Apart from the obvious reason
that they may not have been needed any more, some items with important 'symbolic' value
may be stored for an extra reason: Signs acquire more associations the greater their
exposure to events and observers. Because of this, they lose their initial focus, their confined
meaning. As the relation between the symbols and their denotata is cognitive, i.e. it is not
necessarily determined by some sort of physical correspondence, they are much more
susceptible to such loss of focus. This may lead to the protection of several symbols by the
'institutions' that employ them, in order to preserve their focus; consequently some portable
items that act as symbols, or even as signals, indexes, or other might be stored away.
48
Part Two
49
4.
Evidence of Ritual Value
For the sites and in the iconography discussed
4.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous chapters we answered the main questions on how to trace ritual
and the degrees of its establishment. We therefore proposed a methodology for
the attribution of ritual value to an activity and for the assessment of its
establishment. This methodology was further developed for the special needs of
the discipline of prehistoric archaeology and more specifically for Minoan
archaeology that is our special area of interest.
As we mentioned before, the attribution of ritual value to Minoan sites and
patterns of action would bridge the "gulf" between the material and the theories
put forward by various scholars on Minoan religion and ritual. Moreover it can act
as a basis for the study of the establishment of Minoan rituals, and especially the
open-air rituals that took place in the architecturally independent or semi-
independent non-funerary Minoan sites to be studied here. The assessment of
the establishment of the rituals in these sites would also be an indication of the
capacity of these rituals to influence, or shape identities and beliefs, i.e. their
importance to the dynamics of the Minoan society. In this way the gap between
the material and theories on the politics and the dynamics of Minoan society,
such as those put forward by Cherry (1986) or Knappett and Schoep (2000)
would be bridged.
Before we attempt to assess the establishment of the rituals taking place

in the architecturally independent or semi-independent non-funerary sites,
however, we need to demonstrate their ritual value. This chapter will be
dedicated to the attribution of ritual value to the sites and iconography used.
First we shall introduce our material. Then we shall attempt to attribute ritual
value to the sites (4.2) and the iconography (4.3) to be studied. A firm claim on
the ritual character of some of these sites will not be attained without further
consideration of the iconographical evidence. Once we have attributed ritual
value to some iconographical depictions and using that material we shall be able
to make further observations that will allow us to argue afresh in favour of the
ritual character of these sites (4.4). Finally, all these discussions will give us a
better insight into the locus of the rituals and on the use of the indoor 'facilities'
that are available in some of the studied sites (4.5). But let us introduce our
material first.
* * *
50
In order to study the non-domestic non-funerary open-air Minoan rituals that
were associated with architecturally independent or semi-independent sites, we
shall have to look for evidence not only at the open-air spaces, where special
activities took place, but also at the buildings associated with them and the
contemporary iconography when that is relevant to our argument.
As far as the archaeological sites are concerned we shall exclude from our
study all funerary rites that took place within or immediately outside of tombs,
not only for the sake of limiting our material but also because the focus of such
activities is mostly indoor (in the tomb). The rituals that may have taken place in
palace central courts will also be excluded as the latter are located in the centre
of not exclusively ritual buildings and are therefore not independent. Moreover,
the nature, not to mention the size, of the material in the rooms directly
connected with the central court, cannot offer any clear picture as to the
character of the activities taking place there. Thus the preponderance of the
open-air ritual activities there cannot be demonstrated. Similarly, the various
cave 'sanctuaries' will not be considered in detail in this work, as the
performances there seem to have taken place mainly inside the cave and cannot
be thus called 'open-air'. On the other hand, evidence from the iconography of
the New Palace period on wall paintings, seals and stone vessels, will be used to
illuminate certain issues on the nature of the ritual performances.
There are five types of sites traditionally associated with ritual preparation
or performance that are to be discussed in greater detail: Peak 'Sanctuaries',
sites associated with Peak 'Sanctuaries', an independent site in a cemetery
(building 4 at Arkhanes), semi-independent sites connected to larger structures
(palaces), and other independent 'sanctuaries'1.
The so-called Peak 'Sanctuaries' (Rutkowski 1988, 71-98) are the sites
that are traditionally most commonly associated with Minoan rituals. They are
situated on peaks, though not necessarily the highest peaks of each specific
mountain, and are often associated with one or more settlements. They are easy
to find, as peaks do not accumulate much soil and most of the finds can still be
seen in clefts or even lying on the ground. Apart from their location, which
seems important as it grants them significant visibility, they are also
characteristic for the large number of human and animal figurines they include.
In one case, the most impressive Peak 'Sanctuary' of Youkhtas, was
located very near to two other sites, Anemospelia (Sakellarakis and Sakellarakis
1979, 331-392) and Building B (Karetsou 2001, forthcoming). The former was
clearly connected to the 'Peak Sanctuary' by road, while the latter was in
extreme proximity. Both sites, which will be treated independently, are seen
therefore as somehow related to one another and will be conventionally called
here 'auxiliary' to the 'Peak Sanctuary'.
Building 4 at Arkhanes Phourni and its paved court, are presumably
associated with the rituals that have to do with the dead, as they are located in
the heart of a large cemetery. They are independent from the surrounding tombs
51
(which will not be discussed here) and belong to a different date to them
(Deligianni 2001, forthcoming). They are possibly connected to ritual practices.
The semi-independent sites, that belong to the fourth category, are
mostly incorporated into palaces, though they do not communicate internally
with them (Pernier and Banti 1951; Carinci 2001, forthcoming; Pelon 1980). This
means that, despite their strong link, they are independent as far as the
circulation in the building is concerned. It will be supported that these sites are
associated with open-air ritual sites directly, and thus qualify for a discussion on
open-air ritual in Crete.
The category of 'other sanctuaries' includes several miscellaneous rural
sites that range in size and quality from the largest Minoan 'sanctuary' of Syme
(Lebessi 1997, 191-209) to the quite small 'stous Anthropolithous' (Brown and
Peatfield 1987, 23-33)
Apart from the sites that fall into the above categories, St. George on the
island of Kythera will also be examined (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99). This Peak
'Sanctuary', though not located in Crete, is closely comparable to those on the
island. It will be taken into consideration here, as it is interesting to see how
sites that do not belong to the strict geographical borders compare to those that
are within.
A more complete description of the discussed sites is made in the
appendix.
By no means do we claim that we will cover all the sites that are
associated with open-air ritual in Crete. Many sites are not discussed or reported
at all, whereas others have been fleetingly mentioned. Several of the sites not
referred to have not been sufficiently reported in order to draw any information
and may never be published. The studied sites, however, will be adequately
representative to test our methodology.
The fact that none of the sites discussed here has been exhaustively
published, studied or analysed also means that not all the information we would
be looking for, according to our methodology, is available. We shall try, however,
to make out as much as we can with the material at hand. A brief example will
suffice; in order to determine the rule-governance of a candidate ritual site, a
detailed spatial analysis would be needed not only of that site but also of secure
mundane ones for comparison. This however has not been done, nor is it
attainable for Minoan Crete. For this example, therefore, we will have to base our
examination on the extant material and study the existence or non-existence of
certain items, their approximate position when known within the site, the
location of the site itself, the relevant iconography and so on.
The iconography to be discussed was mostly found on the island and is arguably
of Cretan provenance, belonging to the New Palace period. Due to the large
number of items that could be examined individually, we are going to study the
iconographical 'situations' or configurations repeated on more than one piece.
The iconography will then assist us not only to the attribution of ritual character
52
to some somewhat 'dubious' sites but will also offer us a valuable insight into
Minoan ritual.
In this chapter we shall apply our methodology for the attribution of ritual
value to the sites and the iconography we propose to study in order to
determine, if we can, whether they should be employed in the ensuing
discussions. We will only attempt to trace the characteristics of ritual in the sites
under investigation and not exhaustively analyse how or whether all items found
in each site were employed in ritual.
We must note however that we can demonstrate ritual character, but
cannot definitively discard items or sites as non-ritual. They either qualify
according to our criteria or do not and new information in the future might affect
anew this qualification. All we are able to say at this moment, therefore, is
whether an item/site qualifies as serving ritual, in preparation or performance,
according to our criteria and the information at hand.
The various sites will be examined first, followed by the iconographical
situations.
4.2 THE RITUAL CHARACTER OF THE STUDIED SITES

The sites we propose to examine are the architecturally independent or semi-
independent sites that have traditionally been associated by scholars almost
exclusively with the performance or assistance of non-funerary open-air ritual.
We have classified them under the following categories:
a) Peak 'Sanctuaries' (with and without buildings) (4.2.1) (Figure 1).

b) Sites associated with Peak 'Sanctuaries' (Anemospelia and Building B)
(4.2.2) (Figure 1).
c) Semi-independent sites connected to larger complexes (palaces) that
for the sake of convenience will be called 'Sites associated with palaces'
(4.2.3) (Figure 2).
d) Building 4 at Arkhanes (4.2.4) (Figure 3).
e) Other (miscellaneous) open-air sites (4.2.5) (Figure 3).
This classification is useful for the ensuing discussions, as it is not

conceivable that all open-air sites served exactly the same purpose. In our
attempt to demonstrate their prevailing ritual character, some sites will be
discussed as groups, while others, more distinct, will be discussed individually.
According to the methodology of the previous two chapters, the
attribution of ritual value to a given activity requires the prior tracing of the traits
of performance, repetition, invariance, traditionalism, rule-governance,
formalism, and symbolism.
A site in which ritual activities prevail can be characterised a ritual site. In
order to attribute ritual value to the given sites or types of sites, therefore, we
shall attempt to trace all the above ritual traits in items or features that are
either central to the entire site or that prevail in numbers. When possible, the
53
differentiation of these sites from the mundane world enhances their recognition
as ritual ones.
4.2.1 Peak 'Sanctuaries'
Figure 1: The Peak Sanctuaries discussed here and the sites Associated with them.
The sites collectively called Peak 'Sanctuaries', share a number of traits (Peatfield
1983, 273-279, Peatfield 1990, 117-131, Rutkowski 1988, 71-98; Jones 1999)
(Figure 1):
a) They are all located on peaks.
b) They all contain an abundance of figurines.
c) They all are open-air spaces, while some have also buildings.
Due to these common properties, they will be considered together.
The fact that these sites are located on peaks, distances them from the
majority of residences or settlements and renders the journey to them a
conscious effort. Their very location therefore, differentiates them from other
mundane areas. But this is not the only reason why they are special. Although
several of the items found in the so-called Peak 'Sanctuaries' are also common in
the mundane sites, such as cups, amphorae, pots, etc., there are some well
attested classes of items that are not found in the latter, at least not in the same
quantities. Whereas figurines, for example, constitute a great proportion of the
overall finds of most Peak 'Sanctuaries', in mundane sites there are rarely more
than one or two.
54
The location of the Peak 'Sanctuaries', and the fact that they are open-air,
together with the abundance of items in them argue for a wide participation in
performances there. Moreover, the sites were used for a long period -several of
them lasted from the early MM to the LMI period- with the essential
characteristics invariantly preserved (the site's location, and the figurines found
for instance). This also gave them an air of traditionalism. Their wide
interspersion and the recurring appearance of the same item types (certainly the
figurines) argue for the element of repetition of the relevant performance. The
restricted forms and gestures of the figurines, together with the repeated pattern
in the choice of site demonstrate the element of formalism. Moreover, special
signs have been employed in Peak 'Sanctuaries' (as we will argue in 5.4), such as
'Double Axes' or 'Horns of Consecration' which, together with the abundant
figurines, account for a widespread symbolism in the site.
Although only one peak 'sanctuary' has been studied extensively, and
another is well reported, the material still suggests that the rule governance of
the peak 'sanctuaries' is different from that of other mundane sites, is special,
not only in the find types and their proportions (to the total), but also in their
distribution.
In other words the Peak 'Sanctuaries' are not only set apart from the
purely mundane world but also concentrate all the ritual traits of our proposed
methodology for the attribution of ritual value. Moreover, the items that point to
ritual activities, and especially the figurines, form a great proportion of the entire
inventory in these sites, so as to characterise the latter as preponderantly ritual.
4.2.2 Sites Associated with Peak 'Sanctuaries'

The greatest of all Peak 'Sanctuaries', that of Youkhtas (Karetsou 1981b, 137-
153), was also connected with two other sites by means of location (Figure 1).
The sites of Anemospelia and the so-called Building B near Youkhtas were both
located on the same hill as the Peak 'Sanctuary'. Building B was also in close
proximity to the latter which was connected by road to the not so distant
Anemospelia. The two sites will be conventionally taken here as associated with
the Peak 'Sanctuary'.
4.2.2.1 Anemospelia. (Figure 43) The existence of a human sacrifice, though

much doubted, suggests that the Anemospelia building is special (Sakellarakis
and Sakellarakis 1979, 331-392; Sakellarakis and Sakellarakis 1997, passim).
There are several other items contributing to this interpretation, such as the two
clay feet (signs of some sort), the exceptional quality pottery of many different
types, and the rare spear or dagger that was apparently used for the sacrifice.
Moreover, animal bones and large clay discs under them are evidence of large
scale feasting.
The site is also built away from the settlement and was connected by road
to the Peak 'Sanctuary' of Youkhtas, possibly even serving it. The physical
connection argues for a functional one. So, like the Peak 'Sanctuaries',
55
Anemospelia can be distinguished from other mundane sites both due to its finds
and its location. Unlike them, though, the overall proportion of special finds is
quite small.
The large serving trays found with bones on them argue for a large
participation in activities that could have been performed in the large open-air
space near the building. An element of performance can be seen in the west
room, where, in the excavator's view, the sacrifice took place, but also in the
feasting activities. Moreover, feet similar to those at Anemospelia, were also
unearthed elsewhere in various parts of Crete, and are indications of repetition
and invariance. The good quality of the building itself and the special items
found, such as the iron ring on the hand of a victim, argue for formalism.
Apart from the human bones of the 'sacrifice', the river or sea pebbles,
the few special items and the relatively empty west room (that of the sacrifice),
the rest of the building is quite mundane, as far as its layout and item deposition
is concerned. These traits are however enough to give to the building, and
especially the west room, an air of special rule governance. The clay feet and the
decorated spear/dagger are elements of 'symbolism'. Although the interpretation
of the former as cult statues has often been challenged, their symbolic aspect
has not. But that will be dealt with later (5.4.3). Finally, an air of tradition can be
evoked through the long standing use of the mountain peak as a Peak Sanctuary
that was the largest on the island and was directly connected to Anemospelia.
In other words, Anemospelia fulfills the criteria for its characterisation as a
ritual site. Apart from the west room, however, where most such indications are
concentrated, the evidence for rituals is scarce and therefore too weak, to argue
for the exclusive ritual use of the entire building.
The feet (possibly belonging to statues) and the evidence for feasting, on
the other hand, are connected to ritual activities that could have taken place
outdoors and will be discussed at a later stage (in 5.4.3.3 and 5.1.2.1
respectively). Moreover, the connection of Anemospelia to the Peak 'Sanctuary'
of Youkhtas, and its other finds (storage and food preparation items), might
argue for its role as an auxiliary ritual site.
The storeroom shape that has been attributed to the building by Driessen
(2001, forthcoming), and its mundane character hardly match with its location,
far away from any type of settlement, except if it functioned as a storeroom
belonging to the Peak 'Sanctuary' of Youkhtas, to which it was connected by
road.
4.2.2.2 Building B. Building B is very close to the Peak 'sanctuary' of Youkhtas

and has similar types of storage vessels to Anemospelia (Karetsou 1988, 160-
165; 1989, 147-152; 2001, forthcoming). It is possible that their function was
also similar. On the other hand, the lack of feet and of any type of sacrifice, may
show a somewhat different function. Moreover, the fact that the building is
associated with a paved courtyard, might mean that there is a clearly defined
space for activities there. At Anemospelia the unfinished excavation has not
56
offered yet such a space. The lack of publication does not offer any more
arguments for the clear and preponderant association of this site to ritual (A.
Semandiraki is studying some material from the building).
4.2.3 'Sanctuaries' Associated with Palaces

Some sites that have been traditionally associated with ritual are architecturally
independent parts of greater structures, in our cases palaces. The Lower and the
Upper West Court 'Sanctuaries' at Phaestos and the Quartier 18 at Mallia are the
sites that we are going to examine. All three communicate directly with open-air
areas and will therefore be taken as associated with them.
Figure 2: The Palaces of Crete
4.2.3.1 Phaestos Lower West Court (LWC) 'Sanctuary'. (Figure 44) The Lower
West Court 'Sanctuary' at Phaestos, in its first phase and before the destruction
of its greatest part in MMIIB, formed an independent unit that communicated
only with the west court (Carinci 2001, forthcoming; Levi 1976, 74-96, 105-120).
There is no possibility that it was a single household, however, as it still was a
part of the palace. Moreover, it was mainly used as storage and workshop space.
The amount of drinking cups stored in its central wing, together with that of
plates and jars in the south suite, point to extensive drinking and possibly eating
activities that may have taken place in the west court. It is rather unlikely,
though, that cups and dishes would be stored in a space dedicated exclusively to
a stone workshop (contra Branigan 1987, 245-9).
57
Several of the elements of ritual are traceable in the complex. Formalism
is apparent from the lavishness of some of the items, and part of the
architecture, while a repetitive performance of drinking and possibly feasting
activities can be evoked by the presence of large numbers of cups and dishes.
Moreover, an air of tradition can be reconstructed by the long standing use of
the palace and the complex, together with the latter's replacement when it was
destroyed in the MMIIB period.
Although there is nothing obvious to support the occurrence of an
invariant action, with a special rule governance within the complex, the existence
of the dromoi in the adjacent west court point to invariant repeated activities
with a special rule governance there. Our reconstruction is further enhanced as
all palace west courts have these dromoi in a similar pattern. In fact, one of
these dromoi, or alley-ways, lead directly to the entrance of this complex.
Moreover, the drinking and the possible feasting would certainly have
taken place outdoors in the court, as the number of people implied by the
number of cups stored could not have been accommodated within the rooms of
the complex. This would argue for large participation in the respective
performances of the west court, as is also implied by the latter's size. It has to
be repeated here that the feet at Anemospelia can been linked with outdoor
activities due to the small negotiable space left in the room they were found.
This could well be the case for the foot found in room LXIX of the LWC
'sanctuary'. In any case, the existence of the foot, but also of the lavish
'fruitstands' in the LWC 'sanctuary' argue for the element of symbolism.
The element of formalism can be supported through the limited space in
the complex that would allow only a small number of more 'initiated' people in
the building (5.3.2.1).
Thus, the LWC 'Sanctuary' complex may have been associated with ritual
and possibly also served it; the rituals however, may not have taken place within
the complex but outside it in the west court. A small question mark will have to
be attached to the building as we do not consider that it fulfilled well all the
criteria of our proposed methodology developed in the previous two chapters.
Moreover, the relatively large number of 'special' or unique items is not that
striking in the palace that produced a great deal of unique pieces and prestigious
items. The complex cannot be easily set apart, therefore, from the mundane
world.
4.2.3.2 Phaestos Upper West Court (UWC) 'Sanctuary'. (Figure 45) A large part
of the Upper West Court 'sanctuary' at Phaestos was built after the destruction of
the Lower West Court 'sanctuary' (P. Carinci, pers. com 2000, contra Pernier
1935; Pernier and Banti 1951, 572-581 and Gesell 1985, 120-124). One of its
many benched rooms, number VIII, may have been used mainly for special
activities. This is implied by the fixed 'offering table' in its centre (Muhly 1984b,
110, 117). The location of the latter demonstrates its key role in the activities
taking place within the room. The majority of the vessels found in the entire
58
complex, however, are not special in any way. The 'fruit stands' or lamps, the
'libation' cup, the dagger, and the stone receptacles (or libation tables) are only
a minority of all the items found and do not suffice for the complex's
interpretation as preponderantly ritual, especially when one bears in mind the
rest of the palace, full of unique items or features. This means that the site,
apart from its central feature and a few other items, does not seem to be
sufficiently different from others.
This central feature, though, is not common and should be given serious
consideration. It is permanently installed there, and would thus affect the rule
governance of the room. The trait of repetition can be partly claimed by the fact
that this type of table exists, at least once more, at the dubious MMII 'sanctuary'
at Mallia. Based on the similarity with the Mallia 'table', invariance could be
claimed and due to the latter's earlier date, traditionalism. Whatever the exact
use of the central 'table', it could require a performance, which would also be the
main function of the room. Symbolism, however, is impossible to reconstruct; the
table is decorated, but the decorative elements (animals), in this medium and
form have not been identified as established symbols. The use of this 'table' as a
hearth, however, has to be excluded due to the lack of any signs of burning. This
room (VIII), therefore, could possibly be mainly ritual in function, although it
does not fulfil all the criteria. We cannot argue for the ritual value of the other
rooms in the complex as there is no supporting evidence.
The complex does not communicate with and is possibly independent
from the rest of the palace as far as circulation is concerned. Like the LWC
'sanctuary', it communicates directly with the west court. If rituals took place in
the latter, the complex, like its predecessor in the lower west court, would be the
best candidates for the assistance, preparation and support of these activities.
One other feature that is directly associated with this complex and is
always described together with it, is the pyre: a large offering-table-shaped
depression has many objects inside it: terracotta, ashes, carbon, burnt animal
bones, pottery and other material (see also Muhly 1984b, 117). With the pyre
depression, one recalls the much more modest depressions of Mallia Quartier 18,
room 2 and Palaikastro Building 5, room 2.
To summarise, the UWC 'sanctuary' is broadly similar to the LWC one.
Rituals could have taken place in it, though in a limited scale. If any rituals were
associated with the complex they would also be associated with the west court.
Unfortunately, however, we do not have sufficient evidence to support the
association of this complex with ritual as it does not fulfil our criteria as set in the
previous chapters.
4.2.3.3 Mallia, Quartier 18. (Figure 47) The quartier 18 at Mallia has at least two
rooms (1 and 2) that were possibly connected with ritual (Chapouthier et al.
1962, 9-13, 50-54, 58; Pelon 1980 28, 33, 213-221; van Effenterre 1980 337-
338, 380-382, 445-446). Significantly, it is not connected to the rest of the
59
palace but to the open-air South Area (through room 1) and indirectly to the
west court which is literally around the corner (Pelon 1980, 213).
In three different parts of room 1, which has the clearest ritual
indications, there were pots that have been interpreted as fumigators. When
active they would have created a very smoky atmosphere, perhaps fragrant too.
Their existence would alter the entire environment and would evoke certain
moods, different from anything mundane or normal. The rule-governance of the
room would therefore change.
These fumigators (or aromatic braziers -Pelon 1980, 218) are much larger
and heavier than the well known portable braziers (depicted in the West house
at Akrotiri; Doumas 1992, 57) and were possibly not to be carried at all. They
were probably found in their proper place for the additional reason that they do
not seem to have been just stored there; the number of items retrieved from the
room cannot characterise it as storage space. Conversely, other rooms of the
complex, such as room 4, could and have indeed been characterised as such.
The fumigators can be used many times, while their form dictates the
results, i.e. the direction and the amount of smoke coming out etc. This argues
for the reconstruction of a repetitive and invariant performance that took place in
that room, as far as these items were concerned.
Furthermore, the two feet found in the room, are either symbols
(representing something else), indexes (as parts of an entire human), icons (as
representations of feet), or all of the above. In any case, they are very obvious
signs, and have been found in various places in Crete and from previous periods.
So, based on their existence we can invoke symbolism, repetition and
traditionalism. The small size of the room, and the great number of the
fumigators, would have created thick smoke. The lavish furnishings such as
those of the door-posts, when considered together with the possible incurved
altar, and the small size of the room (1), that did not allow many people in
(5.3.2.1), show that formalism was associated with the activities in this room.
Furthermore, the possible existence of an incurved altar, the two feet, and the
fumigators would have created a unique environment for the site that is not to
be paralleled with anything quotidian or mundane.
It must be stressed here however, that, apart from these two rooms
(1,2), there are no other indications of ritual activities taking place elsewhere in
the complex. Moreover, the fact that several drinking vessels were recovered in
room 4, may argue that some large outdoor gatherings may have taken place in
relation to quartier 18. In other words, and similarly to the sites at Phaestos,
there is evidence for the characterisation of only a part of the quartier as ritual,
while it is possible that the activities of the entire complex were related to rituals
in the west court of the palace. It must be borne in mind that this quartier is the
only area directly associated with the south area and west court but not with
other parts of the palace.
60
This group of rooms therefore, can be associated with ritual, fulfilling our
criteria for the attribution of ritual value as far as two rooms are concerned, but
also hinting at performances outdoors.
4.2.3.4 Consistency. All four sites above share a number of traits. Superficially,
they are all associated with palaces, whilst being still independent. Moreover, all
sites communicate with a west court, and seem to serve similar functions; for
instance, they all have benches that do not indicate ritual actions but a shared
function. It has to be recalled that according to Carinci (1999, pers. com.), the
UWC 'Sanctuary' seems to have replaced the Lower one after its destruction. The
UWC 'Sanctuary' at Phaestos and the Mallia quartier 18, though of different
periods, are both associated with an eschara (a large one for Phaestos, and a
small one in room 2 for Mallia). Moreover the Phaestos UWC sanctuary offering
table and the eschara outside it share morphological features.
In other words it seems that, although they belong to somewhat different
periods (actually only the Quartier 18 at Mallia is NP), the four sites share several
traits that may identify them as a loose group. Their identification with ritual,
however, is not as strong as that of the Peak Sanctuaries or their associated
sites, and will therefore need to be further discussed and validated.
4.2.4 Building 4, Arkhanes, Phourni

Building 4 at Arkhanes (Figure 49) is, so far, a unique site. Located in the centre
of the long used cemetery at Arkhanes, Phourni, though built and used during
the early NP period when no funerary activities were taking place in the
cemetery (Deligianni 1995; 2001, forthcoming; 1995b 187-196).
The location of building 4 is the most important argument for its relation
to rituals. It is placed in the centre of a large cemetery, with a long-standing use,
from the Early Minoan to the Mycenaean periods. The building was associated
with a not very large but clearly designated and well paved court; it also had a
few objects that could be used in ritual, such as the so-called 'offering' table.
Besides, a great amount of drinking vessels were associated with the building.
Although no figurines were found in the building, and apart from the industrial
activities that may have taken place in the building, the combination of drinking
vessels and of a paved court in a cemetery area is taken as a very strong
indication that rituals of the dead were held there. The building, to my
knowledge, is unique. The amount of vessels, however, shows a repetitive
activity that was performed for a long period as more of the same drinking
conical cups were discovered under the foundations of the building. This must
have evoked to the activity an air of tradition. The carefully built court implies a
performance that was well formalized, while the long use of the cemetery, a
traditionalism in the action. The symbolism and the rule governance of the site
are exclusively determined by the surrounding well-established cemetery. In
other words, building 4, owing to its association to the cemetery around it, but
also to a great number of conical cups found in and under it, can be associated
61
with ritual. It must be stressed again, however, that the open-air space
associated with the building (the paved court) is a stronger candidate to ritual,
than the building itself.
The building and its adjacent open-air area can be associated with ritual
as they fulfill all our criteria.
4.2.4.1 Consistency. The only site discussed from this category is Building 4 from
Arkhanes. This is because it is the only independent complex that does not
function as a burial but is still associated with ritual. The reason why no more
such buildings are known may be due to the fact that no other Minoan
Cemeteries have been discovered to such an extent.
Figure 3: The ‘Other’ Sanctuaries discussed and Building 4 (at Arkhanes)
4.2.5 Other 'Sanctuaries'

In a very similar manner to the Peak 'Sanctuaries' the sites of Stous
Anthropolithous, Efentis Christos, Piskokephalo, Kophinas and Syme (in reverse
order of size) can also be proved to be ritual. Their location, though not on
peaks, far from possible habitation sites and in the open-air, together with the
figurines in them, can work in exactly the same manner as for the
aforementioned Peak Sanctuaries. Moreover, Syme and Kophinas share the trait
of the open-air enclosure, which has been compared, for the case of Syme with
the Zakros rhyton (Lebessi and Muhly 1990, 328). All these sites therefore fulfill
all the criteria for the attribution of ritual value to them.
Although it is possible to argue that there are similarities between Syme,

Piskokephalo (Platon 1952, 631-636) and Kophinas (Karetsou and Rethemiotakis
1991/3, 289-292), on the grounds of choice of site, it is very difficult to compare
most of the items in them, as those of Syme are infinitely more numerous, and
of greater variety of material and type. Moreover, Syme has so many more
62
periods of use, that the mere resemblance of the Krepis there to the enclosure of
Kophinas is not sufficient to offer any solid grounds for comparison. It must be
mentioned here, however, that the reports of Kophinas are more detailed than
those from the three minor sites from which several types of items will have
been missed.
Some more words are therefore required on Syme.
4.2.5.1 Syme. (Figure 50) The location of Syme, situated far away from
settlements, the open-air parts, the finds, and the long use of the site are all
very clear indications as to its function. The activities reconstructed in its various
phases are strikingly different to those of mundane sites. The activities that can
be characterised as ritual, however, were mostly confined to the open-air spaces
(e.g. Lebessi 1997, 191-209).
In all Minoan phases, there was a specially constructed open area where
activities took place (see Appendix E.5.2.1.2, E.5.2.3, E.5.2.4, E.5.2.5). In the
later Minoan ones fire was often attested, while in the earlier ones it was not.
Apparently, the main priority of the overall architectural layout in each period,
moreover, was to accommodate the open-air activities (Lebessi 1997, 191-209
and pers. com. 1999, 2000, 2001). This demonstrates a special rule governance,
not attested in mundane sites.
The long duration of the site demonstrates its air of tradition, while the
existence of large numbers of the same item, such as the so-called offering
tables (above 500 in number), show the invariant repetition of certain actions. In
some of the periods, fire was also a repeated element. The extent of the
investment undertaken in the site, but also the more costly bronze figurines
argue for formalism. The finds in the open-air spaces and their size demonstrate
the extent of the performances that took place there. The double axes and the
figurines exist in great numbers, the former to a greater extent than at other
ritual sites, and point to a widely perceptible symbolism in the site. The
preponderant ritual character of Syme was evident in all its Minoan phases.
4.2.5.2 Consistency. The consistency of this group is not so great as of the first
category. Kophinas and Syme do not have comparable size but share the
characteristic enclosure. All of these sites resemble the Peak Sanctuaries, and
some have been confused with them. Not only the nature of several finds is
different, however, but also the site's location. None of these is located on a
hilltop; they are on a relatively high altitude, but always not on the peak.
4.2.6 Some Notes on the Ritual Character of the Discussed Sites

Most of the above discussed sites can be characterised as preponderantly
associated with ritual as they performed well according to the methodological
criteria set out in chapters two and three for the attribution of ritual value. This
means that the ritual traits of performance, repetition, invariance, tradition,
formalism, rule governance, and symbolism were all present in these sites. The
63
latter were also set apart from other mundane sites because of the proportion of
special items or features they included.
A small minority of sites, however, did not fulfill all these criteria. They are
the LWCS at Phaestos for which we would need some further validation as to its
association with ritual and the UWCS at Phaestos for which we are more
uncertain. It is not claimed here that rituals took place in these complexes, but
that they were merely associated with them. That association, however, will have
to be proven.
Both buildings share the following features:

1) They are buildings (indoor spaces).
2) There are some indications as to their associations with ritual.
3) They are directly connected to outdoor spaces.
4) There is ample indication in them for outdoor activities.
5) This outdoor space (west court) was well made (paved) and specially
designated.
6) They have been associated traditionally with ritual by most
archaeologists that studied them.
At the end of this chapter, we shall argue that there was a connection
between these built complexes and the immediately adjacent open-air spaces
but also that the latter were associated with ritual. By doing so we can argue
also for the association of these complexes with ritual. In order to do this, we will
have to draw several strands of evidence, some of which are related to
iconography. It is important, therefore, to assess the ritual value of certain
Minoan iconographical depictions, so as to clarify the ritual value of our sites and
to further serve our purposes.
4.3 RITUAL AND SITUATIONS OF ICONOGRAPHY

4.3.1 Introduction
The association of iconography with ritual is important, and not only for
attaching ritual value to otherwise dubious sites. As we mentioned earlier (1.2),
the iconography was extensively used in Minoan archaeology for the
reconstruction of the various rituals. It has been supposed by scholars of Minoan
religion that a great deal of the iconography represents rituals and that these
rituals were religious. Thus, the implementation of our methodological criteria
proposed above (in chapters 2 and 3) for the attribution of ritual value to parts
of Minoan iconography will be beneficial for two reasons. First, it will render
these parts of iconography useful to our study, by assisting the attribution of
ritual value to the aforementioned dubious sites (4.2.6), by illuminating the ritual
use of certain elements such as 'symbols' (double axes, 'horns of consecration',
etc.), and by giving us clues regarding several ritual traits such as participation
and performance, formalism, etc. Moreover, it would bridge the gap between the
iconographical interpretations of Minoan rituals as proposed by many students of
64
Minoan Crete and the material at hand. It would be futile, however, to test every
single depiction. There are three reasons for this:
 First, the various depictions either overlap or are repeated elsewhere.

 Second, there is a finite number of useful depictions.
 And third, the items are too numerous.
The term iconographical 'situation', following Langer (1951, 76), is here

defined as the identified combination of a number of iconography signs (people,
animals, items, trees, etc.). The situations are either a subset or equal to entire
depictions and can be found alone or in further combinations. The majority of
the situations are by their nature repeated, as they must be depicted more than
once to be identified.
We will therefore study iconography by looking at situations and not
individual depictions. The majority of the depictions come from seal iconography
(especially signet rings), decorated stone vases (mainly in fragments) and wall
paintings. It has to be borne in mind, however, that although some of these
situations may have had predecessors, they mostly belong to the New Palace
period. New Palace Iconography was chosen as it had ample evidence of human
forms unlike previous periods. The activities depicted involving humans in earlier
iconography were obscure and indecipherable as they comprised fewer signs.
The smaller number of signs rendered their combinations less intelligible.
Moreover, the situations studied here will all be considered 'Minoan', as
opposed to Knossian or Rethymnian, due to both the lack of regional studies on
Minoan art and the transportability of the material; wall paintings are the only
medium that can be somehow linked with a specific location. The word
medium/a is employed here replacing the much used and semantically loaded
term 'art form'.
In order to attach ritual value to the studied situations we have to follow our
methodology developed for the purposes of iconography (3.3). We shall attempt
to trace therefore all aspects of ritual: performance, repetition, invariance,
tradition, rule governance, formalism and symbolism.
Some of the elements of ritual are inherently present in the situations that
we are going to study.
Once the fact that actions are depicted is established, we do not need to
argue any further for the existence of set actions or performances as we are
studying situations that are repeated and therefore set. All situations include
some form of action, which becomes explicit in some of the relevant
iconographical pieces or through their combination.
The depiction of the individual situations is repeated, a requirement for
their recognition as such. In fact, the term situation can be also defined as a
repeated configuration of signs. In order to stress that aspect of repetition, more
than one example will be referred to for each situation in the ensuing study.
65
The non-perishable materials used for the depiction of these situations
transfer them from the temporary sphere to that of invariant permanence though
that is not necessarily sufficient for the reconstruction of the element of
invariance in all depictions. Invariance, though often present will have to be
closely scrutinised as it is cardinal to the distinction between ritual and game.
Some of the depictions, although apparently invariant, when studied in a more
detailed manner, reveal quite the opposite (4.3.2.14, 4.3.2.15, 4.3.2.17,
4.3.2.18).
The air of tradition is evoked by the depiction itself as the art medium
elevates the temporary to the sphere of permanence. Moreover many signet
rings had been used for more than four centuries as they were produced in the
New Palace period and were buried with the dead at the end of the Bronze Age
(Pini 1983, 39-49). Many of the sealings frm these rings were discovered in LMIB
destruction deposits in Crete, or LMIA2 at Thera (Doumas 2000, 57-65). In fact,
only one signet ring from Poros (HM Gold 1629; Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis
2000, 39-56) has been found in such context (LMIB), whereas all the others
have been discovered in post LMII, for their majority LMIIIA2 or LMIIIB burials.
As the scenes depicted on these rings may have been seen and recognised for
centuries, an air of tradition may be reconstructed as surrounding them.
The making of any situation into an art form argues for the element of
formalism. Moreover, the limited 'iconographic language' and the formalised
stances or gestures that become apparent after a detailed study of Minoan
iconography, also argue towards the same direction. The tracing of status
differences, moreover, is also relevant to this trait of ritual. Status differences are
indicative of another ritual element, that of rule governance. Furthermore, the
fact that situation means a specific sign configuration may well imply that all
situations follow certain rules, i.e. are rule governed.
Finally, the existence of 'symbolism' will have to be further established. It
is often the case however, that the association of a situation with the element of
symbolism can be helped by its connection in the same depiction with another
one that is symbolic or is already associated with symbolism.
All situations, therefore, inherently share a number of ritual traits, to
which there shall be no further reference.
In order to trace all the other aspects of ritual, therefore, the study of
each individual situation will comment on the lack of invariance when that is
striking, and will remark on the existence of symbolism when that is present. It
will also be accompanied by a study of the relative status2 of the humans
presented in these situations. The latter will be useful for two reasons; first, the
distinction in status can demonstrate the existence of hierarchies and therefore
will ascertain the presence of the ritual elements of formalism and of rule
governance that are essential for the attribution of ritual value to the respective
situation. Second, the depiction of superhuman elements may be particularly
useful for the attribution of religious value to the reconstructed rituals depicted.
66
4.3.2 Ritual and Minoan Iconography
Here follows the examination of all New Palace iconography situations
traditionally considered by archaeologists to be of ritual value, or related to
ritual. Their examination will also attempt to trace the remaining characteristics
of ritual that are not shared by all situations, namely symbolism, invariance,
formalism and rule governance. According to our methodology, proposed in the
preceding chapters, we will then have sufficient evidence to attach ritual value to
some situations.
As mentioned before (4.3.1), the attachment of ritual value to some
iconographical situations will render them useful to our study in several ways. It
will assist the attribution of ritual value to the aforementioned sites (4.2.6) that
do not yet fulfil the criteria. It will also illuminate the use of certain elements
such as 'symbols' (double axes, 'horns of consecration', etc.) in ritual and will
give us clues on the presence of several ritual traits such as participation and
performance, formalism, etc. Finally, it will bridge the gap between the
iconographical interpretations of Minoan rituals as proposed by many students of
Minoan Crete and the material at hand. But let us begin with the examination of
each individual situation.
4.3.2.1 Person with Arm Extended Holding Staff. There exists a recurring scene
of a person with one arm extended holding a staff. This can be male or female;
the figure often stands on higher ground, and extends one arm to the front,
parallel to the ground, and holding a staff. The staff is simple and has no
ornamentation. The floating version appears only on the signet from Poros
(Ashmolean 1938, 1127), while the standing-on-something versions are depicted
on the sealing of the 'Master' seal impression (Hallager 1985), the Ayia Triada
stone cup (HM 341) and the new ring from Poros (Figure 4; HM Gold 1629;
Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis 2000, 39-56). In all these attestations the figure
is male; there is, however, a female counterpart on some sealings from the
temple repositories (Popham and Gill 1995, pl. 27, M 1-5). All the standing-on-
something figures are clearly of high status as their majority stands on elevated
ground, be it mountain, built platform, houses or other. As for the lady, she is
flanked on either side by inferior status animals and there is a human in lower
ground, with his fist on the head (cf. Ashmolean 1938, 1127) that is also of
lesser status.
67
Figure 4: The New Ring from Poros. Courtesy of I. Pini
The man holding the staff on the vessel from Ayia Triada is still of
superior status, but for different reasons; he is single (facing four persons),
taller, and more lavishly ornamented, with longer hair. All these distinguish him
from the rest. As for the floating male of the Ashmolean ring 1938, 1127, it is
impossible to view him in any way as equal to the lady standing below with her
fist on her head.
The fact that he is floating, associates him with the supernatural, and
therefore the religious sphere. He is also part of the abstract floating object set
that must be symbolic. It is arguable therefore, that this situation is part of a
ritual as the aspects of ritual not shared by all situations, i.e. symbolism (floating
abstract object), invariance (invariant stance), rule-governance (superior status
in one case) and formalism (superior status in one case, invariant stance of them
and of people in their presence) are all present.
4.3.2.2 Females Seated. The wall painting of Aghia Triadha room 14 (Figure 24)
shows one sitting lady on the central wall and another kneeling on the right hand
side. The seated figure, placed on the east wall of room 14, can be seen,
completely isolated from the rest of the iconography, through the pier-and-door-
partitions and from the west wall of room 13, opposite, more than six meters
away. Moreover, there are numerous parallels that also show the same situation
such as the seated lady of Xeste III (Figure 5) and the numerous seal or sealing
examples provided by Rehak (1997, 710-11).
Incidentally, Rehak has recently challenged the reconstruction of the exact
pose of the seated female of Ayia Triada room 14 (1997, 167-8). He holds that
her feet, pointing downwards, and the direction of her lower body (which
survives) are very confusing as reconstructed. He further argues that it is difficult
to imagine the lady having a frontal face and her back turned to the other
kneeling lady. It has been argued elsewhere (Kyriakidis, forthcoming), however,
that the downwards pointing feet, generally represent nature and are often used
as a convention to denote that the respective figure does not support its weight
on its feet. This, however, would argue that she is seated. At any rate, all the
68
parallels of seal iconography and the wall-painting of Xeste III at Akrotiri3, that
Rehak himself quotes, support the original reconstruction that she is seated.
Figure 5: Fresco of the Seated Lady, Xeste III. Doumas 1992, 152-67
The situation of the seated lady is well attested in iconography, as it exists

in both seal iconography and wall paintings. It is possible that not all seated
ladies are the same in the latter, though the Ayia Triada room 14 and the Akrotiri
Xeste III ones seem of that type. The ladies are often depicted together with
supernatural beings such as human-like-monkeys, or griffins. They are also
shown at the receiving end of offerings; the offerings given by a human or a
human-like-monkey. Animals not taking human roles also attend the ladies. This
supernatural air surrounding them is further enhanced by the fact that they are
also seen as floating in the new Poros ring (HM Gold 1629) and can associate
them with the religious sphere.
For humans offering to a seated lady see the sealings from Zakros (II7, 8;
HM 85), Ayia Triada (II6, 8; HM 507), Knossos (Popham 1995, pl. 28, R1, 51, 54;
HM 277-282; Popham 1995, pl. 30, U2 and pl. 7, Q22), and Chania
(Papapostolou 1977, pl. 42, 30). For humans together with animals offering see
Ayia Triada (II6, 30; HM 584 with goat; II6, 32 with boar's head), Chania
(Papapostolou 1977, pl. 44, 32) and 'Knossos' (II3, 168). For the supernatural
element, apart from the wall painting of Xeste III (Figure 5), see also the seal
from Tiryns (Figure 6; I, 179; NM 6208). The griffin is shown on both depictions.
Moreover, the bronze signet from 'Kavousi' II3, 305; HM 970 and the new Poros
ring (HM Gold 1629) connect this situation with the floating humans. The seated
69
lady, however, is also shown on her own (Knossos, II2, 210; HM 676). In the
Minos ring the seated lady appears in a more complicated scene. The ring from
Kalyvia (II3, 103; HM 44) is somehow an exception to the repeated scene of the
female that is sitting on an architectural platform, as the rendering is of bad
quality and the architectural platform vague and different.
The new ring from Poros (Figure 4; HM Gold 1629; Dimopoulou and
Rethemiotakis 2000, 39-56) is the first instance where the motif of the seated
lady and that of the man standing with arm extended holding a staff are
connected. The ring from Kalyvia (II3, 103; HM 44) is similar to the Xeste III
fresco and also associates this situation with the one discussed next.
The 'seated female' situation is associated with horns of consecration,
which are arguably symbols (5.4.5). These horns are often located on a structure
where a female is seated. Moreover, associated with the seated lady are the
abstract floating objects that may be symbols but also the interchanging human-
like-monkeys and humans that may demonstrate a symbolic link between them.
In other words, the superior status of the seated females and their symbolic
associations argue in favour of them being part of rituals, possibly religious.
4.3.2.3 Procession of Women with Raised Arms. The two figures on the left of
the Isopata seal (Figure 14; II3, 54; HM 424) have the same dress style, the
same stance and the same size. They extend their arms in a sort of a greeting
pose, although the meaning of this gesture is not entirely clear.
The West Grove miniature fresco from Knossos (Immerwahr 1990, 63-4)
depicts women proceeding not in line, and attended by a large crowd, both male
and female (Davis 1987, 157-61). The women seem to be directed towards a
building, in a similar pose to that of the figures on the Isopata seal. Moreover,
the entire situation shown on the fresco is probably similar to that of the Isopata
seal. It has to be borne in mind that due to the available space and size of seal
iconography, only the very basic information is included in the latter.
It is also possible that another miniature fresco from Tylissos, of the same
date, depicts the same or a similar situation (Shaw 1972, 171-88). The lady on
the left end of the signet ring from Kalyvia (Figure 9; II3, 103; HM 44), though
with arms bent, may also be in a very similar pose.
The stone vessel fragment from Knossos (AM AE 1247) almost certainly
depicts a similar situation to the West Grove miniature fresco, though only males
are depicted at the epicentre of action. The common elements are the roads
depicted, the trees, the strange straight line connecting two roads, and the
strange poses by the males or females in the procession. On the vessel fragment
the first of the two males has one of the arms raised behind his back. This can
be contrasted to some of the females in procession on the fresco.
It has to be noted, however, that the activity presented in this situation
may have been also a dance. We chose to call it a 'procession', which does not
altogether exclude the possibility of a dance element, since a certain direction of
70
movement is shared by all the figures in question, with the exception of the
procession targets.
The status of these ladies or males may be intermediary. On the Isopata
ring, the largest lady on the far right is singled out by her pose and size, whereas
the ladies with their arms extended are not alone but in a pair. The position of
the left lady on the Kalyvia ring in relation to the monkey is similar to that of the
Xeste III ladies gathering saffron. That position is of inferior status when
compared with the lady on the right. As for the miniature fresco, the ladies are of
a more elevated status than the crowd, but they seem to be heading towards
somewhere, which is perhaps a building or a person of higher status. In other
words, the status of these ladies may be between that of the large crowd and of
the unique lady (Isopata and Kalyvia rings), or building (fresco).
Although the situation does not include any symbols itself, it is often
associated with some, such as the abstract floating motifs that are found in the
ring of Isopata and the horns of consecration on the reconstructed edifice in the
west grove miniature fresco (Davis 1987, 157-161). Symbolism is therefore
associated with this situation as is formalism and rule-governance due to the
status differences traced. Rule governance can also be argued on the basis of
the obvious separation of space, as the individualised women are in an area that
cannot be entered by the crowd. Thus we can safely say that these women
participate in rituals.
4.3.2.4 Floating Person. In many instances, a floating person appears in

iconography. These depictions are confined to seal iconography (e.g. Figures 4,
9, 14, 15, 16, 17). They almost always face a person that stands on earth, and
only rarely do the floating figures themselves become the centre of attention.
The majority of these depictions are found on signet rings or sealings from such
rings. These floating figures must be of an elevated superhuman status, as they
seem to defy the laws of gravity, and they may belong to the religious sphere.
Table 1: Some traits of floating persons as they would be shown on sealings

Signets Woman Man Face Person Look Look Face side
(feet on earth) right left opposite sealing
sex
Elateia 1 1 1 No Left
Isopata II3, 51; HM 424 1 1 1 No Right
Ashmolean 1919,56 1 1 1 Yes Centre
Ashmolean 1938,1127 1 1 1 Yes Centre
Poros HM Gold 1629 1 1 1 Yes Centre
Minos 1 1 1 No Left
Kavousi II3, 305; HM 970 1 1 1 No Right
Sealings
Master Seal impression 1 N/A 1 N/A Centre
Pylos I, 292; NM 7985 1 1 1 No Right
ZK II7, 1; HM 47/1-3 1 1 1 Yes Left
AT II6, 6; HM 522 ? 1 1 ? Left
71
It has to be noted that several other floating objects can be observed in a
similar manner to these persons. These objects are of varied nature and their
function is not very clear. They must all operate as signs, thus enriching the
symbolism of the iconography. A separate study forthcoming is conducted at the
moment, trying to define their nature. They are however of superhuman value
although they do not actively engage in any depiction they are attested in.
4.3.2.5 People in Procession. There are several depictions that show a single
person or, less frequently, two to three people walking in procession and
carrying items. In the former case a procession can be reconstructed only if we
suppose that more than one person is actually meant. Both men and women
participate in the processions. A signet sealing from Zakros (II7, 7; HM 71/1-2)
shows two men, one holding a double axe and another with a garment, while
both items are carried by a woman in the round seal from Knossos (II3, 8; HM
200). A round sealing from Ayia Triada shows a woman carrying a long item, like
a yoke and a garment (II6, 26; HM 532, 535).
More common are the depictions of men or women in procession, but not
carrying any items. There are at least four signet sealings from Zakros (II7, 11,
12, 13, 14; HM 64/2, 18/2, 44/9, 18/1) with men in procession and one square
seal from Knossos with women (II3, 17). Wall-paintings, on the other hand,
allow a greater number of people to be depicted in procession, mainly men,
carrying a variety of items not only at Knossos but also at Xeste IV at Akrotiri. At
Akrotiri Xeste III two ladies in procession carrying flowers and a person carrying
a stone vase were directed towards the aforementioned seated lady (Warren
2001, forthcoming).
A procession, though somewhat different, is also depicted on the stone
vessel fragment from Knossos (HM 426) where men are processing with
extended arms and holding small vessels.
Another type of procession is the one depicted on the Harvester Vase
(Ayia Triada HM 184). It is possible that a similar situation is shown on a sealing
from Ayia Triada (II6, 11; HM 441/1-28 et al.). In the latter, the musician and
the majority of the crowd are missing due to the lack of space.
Apart from the possible target of some processions that would be of
elevated status, the people that participate in them generally seem to be equal.
That is not the case with the Harvester vase, where the participants do not seem
to be of equal status; the singers and the leader are singled out by their outfit
and their stances.
The postpalatial (LMII-LMIIIA) sarcophagus of Ayia Triada depicts a
similar procession, with men carrying items, accompanied by music. The target
of the procession is an armless figure 'standing' outside a building. There are
stairs leading, possibly, to the roof of that building. This figure has been
considered as the dead person in front of his tomb (Long 1974), mainly because
the painting belonged to a sarcophagus. However, our knowledge about Cretan
tombs of the period would probably exclude this association. Furthermore we do
72
not know whether the dead were covered with sleeveless gowns. It is possible
that this might be a cult statue (see 5.4.3.3.3).
It has to be mentioned here that the processions depicted possibly involve
different types of action. Some of them are clearly bearing gifts or offerings,
while others just move towards a certain target. In neither of the cases can we
clarify their exact purpose. For this reason we have classified them together.
Warren has offered a more detailed distinction among types of processions
(2001, forthcoming). In many cases processions carry symbols such as double
axes (5.4.6) and argue for the presence of the element of symbolism, though
that cannot be held for all procession cases. Symbolism and status differences
fulfil the requirements for the association of the situations of the processions or
at least some of them with ritual.
4.3.2.6 Libations or Carrying Libation Vases. There are a large number of items
that depict the so-called genii carrying libation vases. Only once do we see them
actually pouring (Ayios Nikolaos Museum 11 246), on a stone triton vessel from
Mallia that depicts a genius with a libation vessel pouring into the hands of
another. The second genius seems to be drinking what is being poured. A great
deal of these depictions have been studied by Weingarten (1991), while some
more were later published by Weingarten and others (2000). The whole situation
has an air of fiction about it as the genii are clearly not humans. On the ring of
Tiryns (Figure 6; I, 179, NM 6208) it is clear that the genii are attendants of a
seated lady who is holding a chalice. There is a direct analogy between the
seated lady in that ring and the one in Xeste III at Akrotiri. The analogy is not
only based on the offerings given to the seated ladies, but also on the
accompanying bird. As the genii belong to the sphere of supernatural, it is
possible that they depict a religious scene. The genii are of lower status to the
seated lady and of apparent equal nature to each other when more than one is
depicted. In the Tiryns ring some more symbols were depicted such as branches
or other.
Figure 6: The Ring of Tiryns. Courtesy of I. Pini
73
This situation is associated with ritual, not only as there is a procession
involved (already associated with ritual), but also because of the status
differences accounting for the elements of formalism and rule governance and
the present symbolism. Rule governance can also be accounted for due to the
fact that the 'libation' vases are carried only by the genii, and are held or poured
in a particular way. This situation possibly also belongs to the religious sphere as
the genii are supernatural.
4.3.2.7 Laying the Branch. In the Zakros Rhyton there is one 'altar' with a bough
on it. Boughs are not absent from the rest of the Minoan iconography, and are
often depicted on seals. On the sealing from Zakros (II7, 1; HM 47/1) the
structure on the left has two pairs of horns of consecration, one with a diagonal
line in it, and the other with dots between the horns. It is suspected that both
depict boughs that have been laid in the pairs of horns.
The unclear sealing from Chania no. 2055 (Papapostolou 1977, pll 38-9),
when seen under the microscope, shows some very interesting details; the arm
of the lady that is extended over the structure holds something long and almost
straight, whereas the structure is topped by a pair of horns of consecration. It
looks as though the lady deposits something between the horns, probably a
bough.
In the famous case of the round seal from the Idean Cave there are horns
of consecration with two boughs (II3, 7; HM 24). Moreover there are several
instances of genii or people holding boughs (Mallia II2, 159; HM 1831 and Vafeio
I, 231; NM 1776 are two examples). In this situation, there is no person with
more elevated status in relative terms and that of the ladies does not seem to be
particularly high.
The often attested horns of 'consecration' (5.4.5) give to the situation an
air of symbolism, moreover the standardisation of the stance of the person laying
the branch argues for the elements of formalism and rule governance and
therefore fulfilling all the criteria for the association of this situation with ritual.
4.3.2.8 Hugging the Rocks or Rocks for Hugging. There are various instances,
exclusively on seal iconography, where men or women are depicted clasping
single or double rocks. The women, contrary to a common reconstruction, are all
dressed (Kyriakidis 1997). The position of the persons hugging the rocks is fairly
standardised (Kyriakidis 2001; see Figure 7 and 8)) and argues for the presence
of the element of formalism. These rocks are also seen unhugged but with the
presence of a standing person, as on the sealing from Ayia Triada II6, 2; HM
523. Peter Warren has studied the majority of the depictions of these rocks more
closely (Warren 1990, 193-206 and Warren 1988).
Quite often this situation is associated with the abstract floating signs. In
one specific case, namely the missing signet from Mochlos (Figure 15), these
rocks are depicted as floating (see 4.3.2.4) and therefore arguing in favour of
their symbolic status. Status is not apparent in this situation.
74
The standardised position of the persons hugging the rocks account for
the elements of rule governance and formalism, fulfilling therefore the criteria for
the association of this situation with ritual.
Figure 7: The Ring of Sellopoulo. Courtesy of I. Pini
4.3.2.9 Hanging from Trees. On several occasions, men or women appear to be

hanging from trees. The trees grow above a building or rocks. These depictions
are confined to seal iconography and especially signet rings, where men and
women take up the role of the hanging person (Arkhanes Tholos A gold signet,
HM 989 -man hanging-; The Minos ring, -Woman and Man hanging; The Vafeio
ring I 219, NM 1201 -man hanging; Kalyvia, Figure 8; II3, 114; HM 45-woman
hanging). Quite often there is a combination with scenes of rock clasping. This
situation involves only one person, and when it coexists with others it does not
interact; thus, we cannot infer its relative status.
Like the previous situations, the elements of rule governance and
formalism are present because of the standardised stance of the persons
hugging. The situation is also associated with the element of symbolism due to
its frequent connection with the abstract floating objects. These ritual elements
together with those that are shared by all iconographical situations argue in
favour of the association of this situation with ritual.
Figure 8: The First Ring of Kalyvia. Courtesy of I. Pini
75
4.3.2.10 Garment Carrying, Giving, or Laying. Connected with the situation of the
procession, is the situation of giving a garment. Carrying the garment refers to
the situation of procession (Figure 23), while giving or laying it refers possibly to
a subsequent event (as in 1- the Ayia Triada sealing II6, 7; HM 586, 2- Mallia
II3, 145 and 3- the wall painting at Akrotiri, House of the Ladies). The depictions
of laid garments would represent an even later event. Examples of the latter
include the garment and sword with a figure-of-eight shield depicted on the
Vafeio signet (I, 219, NM 1201), and a similar depiction on a Zakros sealing (II7,
5; HM 1135)4. Interesting are the situations where garments seem to float in
mid-air (see 4.3.2.4).
The garments in the carrying, giving, and laying situations may have
symbolic value. Although their independent appearance either as laid or as
'floating' argues in favour of such a value, the connection between the isolated
cloth symbol and the garments handled by the ladies is still tentative. The limited
possible movements in the situations related to garments, but also the elaborate
materials argue for their association with the element of formalism, while the
former argues also for the element of rule governance.
4.3.2.11 Saffron Gathering and Offering (two situations clearly connected). There
are two instances on wall paintings with crocus gathering. The one is the famous
Saffron Gatherer from Knossos (Immerwahr 1990, 41-42) where monkeys are
gathering saffron. This wall painting belongs probably to the MMIIIB-LMIA
period. Almost contemporary to it is another wall painting from room 3a on the
upper floor of Xeste III, at Akrotiri (Doumas 1992, 152-67); several ladies are
represented there, gathering saffron into baskets, carrying the baskets and
pouring the saffron from their basket into a greater one. Finally, a monkey is
portrayed offering the saffron to a seated lady (Figure 5; 4.3.2.2). There are two
common aspects suggesting that the Knossos and the Akrotiri murals depict the
same situation: the common saffron gathering activity and the presence of
monkeys. The Akrotiri example shows several people and only one monkey
performing human activities, while the Knossian one exclusively portrays the
animal.
One could possibly also reconstruct the Knossos rhyton fragment (HM
2397, see Smith 1965, 71, 76, fig. 93) where a male lays down an identical
basket in front of the entrance to a tripartite Peak Sanctuary, as an offering of
saffron. An abridged version of the entire situation might be that found on the
signet from Kalyvia (Figure 9; II3, 103; HM 44) where an almost seated lady is
portrayed on one side, while a lady and a monkey are depicted on the other (as
discussed in the 'Females Seated' situation, 4.3.2.2).
76
Figure 9: The Second Kalyvia Ring: Courtesy of I. Pini
Monkeys often replace humans in their activities. Not only in the cases
mentioned here, but also in another Xeste III fresco (Akrotiri, Santorini), this
time from room 4, where at least four monkeys are represented with swords and
musical instrument(s) (Rehak 1999a, 705-8). This replacement might argue for a
symbolic link between the two (3.2.7.1) and argues for the association of this
situation to symbolism.
The offering of the crocus flowers to the lady of Xeste III by a monkey,
and its parallel to other situations where persons are depicted giving to a seated
lady, shows the inferiority of all the gatherers when compared to the seated
lady.
Incidentally, the gathering of saffron has been challenged by Frangakis
(1969, 122) who argues that the flower gathered is Sternbergia lutea.
The connection of this situation with the situation of the seated lady lends
support to its association with religious ritual (4.3.2.2).
4.3.2.12 Boats Carrying Structures. The situation of boats containing small

structures is depicted exclusively on seals or sealings. The most famous
instances are those of the signet ring of Minos (Figure 10; Pini, 1987, 441-5) and
the now stolen one from Mochlos (Figure 15; II3, 252; HM 259). The former has
a double structure, one half taller than the other, crowned with two pairs of
horns of consecration. The latter has a similar double structure with a plant
protruding. There is one more sealing from the East Temple Repositories of
Knossos (II8, 135), which depicts three boats (or one with three divisions). One
of these boats contains a structure that does not appear to have anything on
top. The other difference between the sealing and the signet rings is that the
former does not depict any persons. The 'boats carrying structures' situation is
associated with horns of consecration, which are arguably symbols (5.4.5).
These horns are often located on a structure where a female is seated. It must
be noted that the seated lady may belong to the aforementioned eponymous
situation having also the same function. There, the seated lady is associated with
monkeys and griffins that are unreal and possibly symbolic. The elegance of the
boats involved, moreover, argues for the element of formalism. The connection
77
of this situation with that of the 'seated lady', argues for its association with
religious ritual.
Figure 10: The Minos Ring. Courtesy of I. Pini
4.3.2.13 The Grandstand Miniature Fresco. A large mixed crowd is depicted

attending an activity where some distinct women are seated in the centre,
possibly exchanging something small with their hands. Some pairs of women are
standing on pedestals with their arms up (Immerwahr 1990, 65-6). It is clear
that the women, which are the centre of attention, being depicted in larger size
and greater detail, must be of a more elevated status in this specific piece of
iconography. The situations of the women seated, possibly exchanging items,
and of the standing women with raised arms up high, although not repeated
elsewhere are repeated several times within the same depiction. The stance with
high raised arms as assumed by the ladies in this miniature fresco may be
symbolic and does not seem to be directed towards any of the other persons
depicted. The horns of consecration do not play an active role. The fact that they
are not purely architectural, however, together with their size might argue for
their special character as 'symbols'.
The status differences account for the elements of rule governance and
formalism. A certain rule governance can be demonstrated also by the separation
of space, as the crowd cannot enter the area of the individualised women and
vice versa. These elements together with the tentative symbolism may argue in
favour of the depiction of rituals in these two situations.
78
4.3.2.14 Trapping the Bull. There are a few scenes depicting a bull, either being
entangled into nets or being captured by human force (by pushing the horns
down) (Rehak 1999c, 233; Xenaki-Sakellariou 1991, 45-64). The scene is
famously depicted on the golden Vafeio cups (Figure 11; NM 1758 and 1759), on
the stone vessel from the Little Palace of Knossos (Rehak 1999, no.25), on the
new Minoan wall paintings from Tell el-Dab'a in Egypt (Marinatos and Bietak
2000, 229) and a stone vessel fragment from Arkhanes. It is possible that it is
also depicted on another stone vessel from the Little palace at Knossos, again in
the Herakleion Museum (Rehak 1999, no.27). This seems to be a dangerous
activity that, like bull leaping, is of unknown result. It is often completed
successfully and at other times results in human victims (Pylos I 274, NM 8324).
This activity may be of a similar nature to that of bull-leaping, and may actually
precede it. There is no clear symbolism associated with this situation. Rule
governance can be argued as the trapping of the bull is achieved only with nets.
Formalism cannot be easily accounted for.
Figure 11: Two Cups from Vafeio. Karouzou 1977, 36
4.3.2.15 Bull Leaping. The most repeated subject in Minoan iconography is bull
leaping (Pinsent 1983, 259-271). It is also the one that spans the media. It is
found on wall paintings in both Tell-el-Daba (Marinatos and Bietak 2000, 278-
280), and Crete; the Cretan examples may be later, LMII-III, though they surely
had antecedents in the MMIIIA-LMIA period (Immerwahr 1990, 64-5, 90-2).
Moreover, there were some MMIIIB-LMIA fragments of stucco reliefs from
Knossos East Hall showing athletic male figures, probably boxers and bull leapers
(Immerwahr 1990, 53). Bull sports are also depicted on the stone rhyton from
Ayia Triada (HM 342, 498, 676) together with boxing. Signet rings and their
sealings show bull leaping scenes too: from Gournia (II6, 161, HM101; II6, 162;
HM 102), Sklavokampos (II6, 255-259), Zakros (II7, 34-39), Ayia Triada (II6, 41-
43), Arkhanes (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1991, 15). Some of the seals with
such representation are round, as the one from Gournes (II4, 157), Praesos (II3,
271, HM185), and two of unknown provenance (I, 517, NM 5404c, and II3, 175).
79
Almost invariantly a man is depicted together with a bull in various
'frames' of the whole leap, either standing in front of it, or in the air over the
bull, or nearly behind it. What is not invariant is the success of the attempts;
sometimes unsuccessful attempts that result to the goring of the leaper by the
bull's horns are depicted on sealings (Ayia Triada II6, 39, HM1673 and II6, 40,
HM544) but also on the aforementioned Ayia Triada rhyton.
The fact that on some occasions persons are shown to have failed in the
leap, makes it clear that the activity can fail and is dangerous. This gives an
elevated, almost heroic status to the leaper, and possibly even to the person
who is carrying the respective seal. There is no apparent symbolism associated
with this situation, although, like the previous one, formalism and rule
governance could possibly be argued.
4.3.2.16 Bull on Table. There are a few instances, where a bull is being tied by
the legs (Zakros, II7, 32; HM 1139) or is seen on a large flat table (Unknown
provenance, II3, 338, HM 877 and I, 515, NM 5404a). On the slightly later Ayia
Triada sarcophagus a similar situation of a bull tied to a table is depicted
(Immerwahr 1990, pl. 51). This case is the only instance, however, where blood
is shed from the animal. It is conceivable that this situation is somehow related
to the previous two. There is no New Palace depiction that associates the bull on
the table with any symbol. The slightly later depiction on the Ayia Triada
sarcophagus favours the elements of formalism and rule governance, as the
ladies participating follow standardised moves, and use elaborate materials. It
also favours the element of symbolism with the association of this situation with
the symbolic double axes (5.4.6).
4.3.2.17 Fighting with Weapons. Especially on seal iconography, men are often
portrayed fighting with weapons, usually resulting to the death of one or more
people on each depiction (Ayia Triada, II6, 15, HM526/1-3 et al., II6, 16; HM
1653 and II6, 17; HM 483; Zakros II7, 230). The motive is well attested, also at
a later period, in the Mainland too (Figure 12; Mycenae, I, 11-12; Pylos I, 263,
NM 8404 and sealing I, 306, NM 8476; Vafeio, I, 228, NM 1783). The origin of
these seals, however, is uncertain and needs a separate study. It is not clear
whether this situation refers to a generic battle or a specific one. The fighting
warriors, as opposed to the dying ones, have a more elevated status, possibly
heroic, thus pointing to the presence of the element of rule governance and
formalism. Rule governance may be also present due to the specific gear used in
each fighting depiction. The winner can be on either side, however, and with any
of the standard combinations of weaponry and armour, if these were ever used
for identification of specific personage. This means that the outcome of the
depicted battles would have been unknown. We are unsure as to the symbolic
associations of this situation.
80
Figure 12: Ring from VIth tomb of Mycenae. Karouzou 1977, 24, fig. 241
4.3.2.18 Fighting without Weapons, Boxing. Fighting without weapons is not as

often attested on seals as on stone vessels, and is contrasted to armed fights
that appear mainly on seals. Fighters appear with gloves, hence the boxing
characterisation, but also with helmets. They are attested on the Ayia Triada
boxing rhyton (HM 342, 498, 676) some or all of them with helmets, and on a
Knossos stone vessel fragment without a helmet (HM 255). The fresco from the
Building B at Akrotiri also shows two boys boxing (Figure 13; Doumas 1992, 112-
5) without helmets. Rethymiotakis argues that boxer’s figurines have been found
at at Kophinas. The standardised gear used within each depiction and the
defined grounds on the Boxing rhyton argue for the elements of formalism and
rule governance respectively. Also like fighting, the outcome of the fights would
have been unknown and the symbolism of the situation is unsure.
Figure 13: Boxing Boys from Akrotiri. Doumas 1992, 112, fig 79
81
4.3.3 The Depiction of Ritual in Iconography
Table 2: The presence of ritual traits in the iconographical situations

Performance Repetition Invariance Traditionalism Formalism Symbolism Rule
governance
Person-staff       
Females       
seated
Women       
raised arms
Grandstand    ?  ? 
Floating       
Procession       
Libation       
vases
Laying       
branch
rocks for       
hugging
Trees       
hanging
Garments      ? 
Trapping ?     No 
bull not totally,
Sport
Bull leaping      No 
not totally,
Sport
Bull on table       
Weapons      No 
fighting not totally,
Sport
Boxing      No 
not totally,
sport
Saffron       
Boats, with       
structures
The table summarises the above discussions showing with -X- all the traits of
ritual that are arguably present in each situation. As already mentioned (3.3), all
the aforementioned situations share some of the traits of ritual due to their very
nature. The traits of invariance, rule governance, formalism and symbolism
however needed a further qualification for each individual situation or at least for
some of them.
Although all situations were more or less invariant, some of them were
not entirely so. 'Trapping the Bull' and 'Bull-leaping', for instance, do not always
have the same outcome. As we saw above, men are occasionally gored by the
horns of the bull, which shows that the outcome of the leap is not always
successful or predictable. Similar is the case with fighting. In many instances
there is a loser and a winner, the former lying on the floor, the other standing.
We have to conclude therefore that these activities were probably sports (2.3),
as the invariant outcome is what differentiates ritual from sport. At any rate, it
must be borne in mind that the boundaries between sport and ritual are fuzzy.
The limited number of situations, that is iconographic sign configurations,
also shows the limited number signs involved, i.e. a limited iconographic
82
vocabulary. This is indicative of the formalism of the entire iconography. Limited
stances, moreover, or status differences in specific cases demonstrate not only
the formalism but also the rule governance of these situations.
Symbolism was more difficult to trace, and can be argued with certainty
only in few cases. The association of several of the situations with each other5,
however, was most helpful for the association of the element of symbolism with
many of them.
In other words, ritual value can be attributed to many of the above

situations depicted except those associated with sport ('Trapping the bull', 'Bull-
leaping', 'Weapons fighting', 'Boxing'). Certainly these sports may well be parts of
larger festivals with important ritual character. Funerary athletic games, for
instance, were very common in classical Greece. There, sports took place in
honour of the dead, as part of festivals with significant ritual character.
Moreover, sports may themselves include rituals such as the ritual slaying of the
bull as happens after the bull-fighting in Spain, south France and Portugal, or like
the mini-rituals baseball batsmen often perform for good luck before their turn.
Some other situations such as 'Holding a Garment' may not actually be
ritual. The situations that are related to garments are of too varied a nature to
be clearly distinguished and may not all be associated with ritual, though they
have most ritual traits.
* * *
As mentioned before iconography has been used by the students of Minoan ritual
and religion extensively. With the attribution of ritual value to parts of Minoan
iconography the gap between the theories of these students and the Minoan
material has been bridged. Moreover, these parts of iconography that have been
characterised as associated with ritual can throw light on our study by validating
or enforcing our arguments from the iconographical point of view. We shall
immediately turn, therefore, to the pending issue of the still uncertain ritual
character of some of the aforementioned sites.
4.4 FILLING THE GAPS, THE RITUAL VALUE OF THE DISCUSSED SITES
In our attempt to attribute ritual value to sites in the first half of this
chapter, two of the complexes connected to palaces, the Upper and the Lower
West Court 'Sanctuaries' at Phaestos, and especially the former, did not
satisfactorily fulfil our criteria for the attribution of ritual value (4.2.3.1 and
4.2.3.2). As mentioned before, we do not claim that rituals took place in these
complexes but that they were associated with them. We shall attempt to argue,
therefore, that there was a connection between these built complexes and the
immediately adjacent open-air space, i.e. the west court of the Phaestos palace,
but also that rituals took place in the latter. By doing so we can argue also for
the association of these complexes with ritual.
83
In more detail, we will attempt to show that open-air ritual is the
predominant type of communal ritual in Minoan Crete as far as iconography is
concerned. Then we will argue, again from the iconographical point of view, that
some of the open-air rituals often took place on clearly defined areas, some of
which were possibly paved. The iconographically observed occurences of ritual
taking place in defined open-air spaces can be validated through the comparison
with already known Minoan independent ritual sites that do demonstrate defined
open areas. Moreover, it will be shown that when roofed buildings appear in
these sites, it is still their open-air element that is essential. All this evidence will
be employed to demonstrate the association of defined open areas and, more
specifically, palace west courts with rituals. The evidence for the taking place of
rituals in palace west courts will be given some further iconographical support.
As both sites in question are demonstrably closely associated with the
west court of the Phaestos palace by means of their architecture and their finds
that support activities in less confined spaces that would certainly take place in
the court, the above evidence will suffice for their association with ritual.
Although the above inferences have far reaching implications for the study
of Minoan ritual and iconography, they will only be employed here with the
limited aim to prove the ritual associations of the sites in question. But let us
start with the depiction of open-air rituals in Minoan iconography.
4.4.1 Open-air Ritual and Iconography

Ritual iconography, with very few exceptions, depicts open-air rituals. This
implies that many of the Minoan communal rituals were open-air. All different
iconography media, however, will have to be examined in order to validate such
a claim.
4.4.1.1 Seal Iconography. The image depicted on seals is almost always an

outdoor activity. There are virtually no cases that could arguably be otherwise;
according to Pini (1999, pers. com.), there is only one Minoan seal from the
Hieroglyphic Deposit at Knossos (CMS II, 8 376/HM 126) that may not depict an
outdoor scene, showing a goat crouching in a cave.
Many of the situations portrayed, moreover, as we have seen above
(4.3.3), are ritual or associated with it. The space available on signet rings
allowed artists to render more than one iconographic item. Consequently, of all
types of ring, signet rings concentrate the largest number of situations.
The monopoly of outdoor scenes could be explained as a result of the
difficult rendering of indoor ones. The high artistic skill demonstrated on
numerous rings (especially signet ones), however, throws doubt on such an
argument. The horizontal and vertical straight lines of a built background would
be much easier to render in convention than, for instance, the wavy free-style
floral, and rock backgrounds that are often portrayed.
It could also be argued that some of the iconographic items are only
conventionally shown to be outdoors and are actually meant to be indoors. Such
84
a convention could be employed for two reasons: either to accommodate for the
simultaneous presence of important items both indoors and outdoors, or because
of a temporal distortion in a known series of actions. Indoor actions, for instance,
that precede outdoor ones, may well be depicted together with the latter. In any
case, the depiction of a scene indoors or outdoors is a conscious choice and lays
emphasis on either of the two contexts. A situation that is rendered outdoors is
one that is focused, or is better associated with the open-air.
Thus, one has to conclude that the majority of scenes depicted, or at least
their primary focus, took place outdoors. This means, then, that if some of these
'situations' were indeed ritual, most of them were mainly focused outdoors. This
information would suffice to argue independently that a great deal, if not the
majority of public ritual was an open-air performance. We should, however, look
at the other iconographic media before attempting such a reconstruction.
4.4.1.2 Wall painting. In wall painting both mundane and ritual scenes may be
depicted. The non-ritual character of some of the depictions in wall-paintings
may be seen in the painting of the fishermen at Akrotiri (West House), but also
by the abstract motifs rendered in Crete (Immerwahr 1990, 23). There are at
least some wall paintings, however, which seem to be ritual in character. These
include the miniature frescoes (4.3.2.5), or the saffron gathering (4.3.2.11)
monkey frescoes from Knossos, the room 14 at Aghia Triada, and the room 3a of
Xeste III at Akrotiri already discussed. The latter shows some ladies gathering
saffron and a seated lady being offered it by a monkey. All these seem to take
place outdoors, or at least to have their main element there. The Xeste III
example is given here as it has been extensively argued by Rehak (1997, 167-
71) that it is indeed a Cretan Minoan theme.
No clear indoor ritual scenes survive in wall paintings apart from the
processions and the female-holding-a-garment part of the garment-carrying-
giving-or-laying situation, which, unlike the other parts, is not clearly outdoors.
One should also bear in mind that the camp stool fresco, where possibly indoor
ritual feasting is depicted, is of a later period (LMIIIA) (Cameron 1987, 324). Of
course, one cannot claim that indoor ritual feasting did not take place in Minoan
Crete. It can be supported though that, if it occurred, it did not appear in the
extant contemporary iconography.
Despite the difficulties of attributing Cretan and non-Cretan paintings to
any Minoan period, we could say that wall painting evidence argues that several
important rituals took place outdoors, except possibly processions or parts of
them.
4.4.1.3 Stone Vessels. As far as the stone relief vessels are concerned, one could
argue along similar lines; there is no indication of indoor activities depicted in
any relief vase, not even in the small fragments where buildings are rendered.
The only two examples that are unclear in that respect are small
fragments from Knossos (HM stone 2358, HM stone 258) which have been
85
identified by Rehak as depicting some structure with a bull on it (1999b). A third
one, interpreted by Rehak as such, is actually an ear of a bull (Chatzaki 2001,
forthcoming). The nature of the animal itself would argue that these two
depictions are taken from outdoor scenes. Another example, the boxer's rhyton,
sportsmen boxing in a palace court, within the confines of a larger building
group, but still outdoors. It must be recalled however, that boxing is considered
here a sport.
4.4.1.4 Open-air Ritual and Iconography. Thus, these and other minor media
support the preponderance of open-air rituals in iconography. This means that
the majority of communal rituals may have taken place outdoors, or may have
had their main focus there6. As will be discussed in another chapter (5.1.1),
open-air rituals in wide defined spaces can inform us about the participation
capacity of these rituals and thus on their establishment.
4.4.2 The convention for paved ground

Showing that open-air rituals prevail in Minoan iconography has contributed only
a little towards showing that rituals took place in the well defined palace west
courts and more specifically the Phaestos palace west court with which the two
sites in question are associated. Here we shall go one step further and discuss
the iconographical evidence in favour of rituals taking place in specially defined
spaces, as west courts belong to this category. Seal iconography, and more
specifically, the well made gold signet rings, seem to provide such evidence.
Very often in small-scale iconography certain conventions are employed

(net pattern convention for sea and rock coral motif denoting sea-coast (Hallager
1985, 16), few rocks standing for land -as opposed to sea- (PM IV, 955), and
other conventions on miniature frescoes (Morgan 1988, passim); on different
types of clothing material see Morgan 1988, 99-101 and on some small marks
denoting dress, see Kyriakidis 1997, 119-26). Here the lines of various types
depicted at the lower part of many seals will be looked at. It will be argued that
they stand as a convention for ground, often constructed.
These lines are either single, double, or multiple and often have
something between them: a wavy line, diagonals, verticals or even spirals. They
appear from early times in seal iconography (MM times) and continue well into
the Mycenean period; moreover, they do not appear only in one type of seal or
one type of depiction, but exist in all shapes and types.
There are a few problems however, with the attribution of a specific value
to these lines. It is possible that they may not represent exactly the same or
even one specific thing in all different seal types. The iconographical situations
where these lines exist also vary; single or groups of animals are the most
frequent cases in non-signet seals. Groups of people and bull leaping associated
with 'ground'-lines, however, are portrayed mostly on signet rings. This also has
86
to do with the fact that the different themes are associated with the respective
seal types.
Interpreting these lines uniformly would create several further problems:
their association with animals would possibly negate the interpretation of the
lines as streets, courts or paved areas, as these may represent natural scenes.
Conversely, the association of the lines with people, especially people in
procession, would favour the interpretation of these lines as flat ground (streets,
or courts), paved or not paved.
Furthermore, it is difficult to argue that all the animals are on a court or
paved ground and that they are sacrificial or belong to humans, although such a
possibility exists. On the other hand, we cannot support, with knowledge of
Minoan Crete, that all processions took place on soil, neither can we overlook the
resemblance of some of these lines to built structures.
Stylisation and conventionality vary from one seal type to another;
talismanic seals, where these lines appear in a quite elaborate form, seem to be
very stylised, and decorative. On the other hand, signet rings employ
conventions for more specific ideas; the majority of them have no features that
are purely decorative without any role in the iconography. We shall focus mainly
on the Minoan signet rings, therefore, as they are the most accurate and
informative pieces; moreover, most of them were made in a relatively short
period of time and are easier to study (Pini 1983, 39-49).
Figure 14: The Isopata Signet ring

Courtesy of I. Pini
A single line may have a multiple purpose. On the ring of Isopata (Figure
14; HM 424, CMS II3 51) we see that only one figure treads on the rendered
line. The others are above and below it. We can overrule the possibility of it
being a mere aid to the engraver, as there is a total absence of such lines
anywhere else in this and other depictions, but also because only the partial
engraving of two figures would have been assisted. The line creates an
elementary perspective and gives depth to the picture. With its help, and in
reference to it, we know that the figures do not walk/stand in line but in different
locations on the plain. Moreover, the single line offers a second straight contour
for the round lower end of the seal, which is easier for the artist to employ.
There is no need for a line to straighten the upper round end, on the other hand,
as that serves the depiction purposes better as it is.
87
One of the first things that even young children often draw is the line that
will enable them to place the other items of their drawing on the paper. That line
may just represent the flat surface of the ground.
When the line becomes more elaborate however, double, multiple, or with
other elements (vertical and diagonal lines, dots etc.) it may denote more things
than just the ground. In this case, the signet rings would a be more reliable
source of information, as it is easier to argue against the redundant or decorative
character of their elements. The multiple lines there seem to represent more
elaborate forms than the plain ground. Also, the vertical and diagonal features,
combined with the straight lines, resemble building blocks or plaques.
Moreover, clearly built structures within the signet ring iconography are
rendered in an identical way. The ring from Poros (Ashmolean Museum
1938.1129, see Sourvinou 1973, pl. 2a) for example, has lines and dots
alternating to show the wall of the building, while the ring of Minos (AM 1938,
1110 or 585, see Pini 1987, 441-45 and Warren 1987, 485-500), the ring of
Sellopoulo (HM 1034; Popham 1974, 217, fig. 14D, pl. 37a,g.), and the ring of
Arkhanes (Figure 16; HM 989; Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1991, front cover)
denote walls by horizontals intersected by verticals. On the latter ring, the
ground is rendered in the same way as the built structure. It is unlikely that the
same artist on the same ring would render two different features in the same
way if there was not some obvious resemblance. The only possible common
feature between the ground and the structure on the Arkhanes signet is that
they are both built. In fact, the identification of the convention for paved ground
could be adequately supported on the basis of this ring. In some cases of more
crudely made rings, moreover, like the lost ring from Mochlos (Sourvinou 1973),
built walls are rendered simply by multiple parallel lines.
Figure 15 Figure 16
The lost signet ring from Mochlos The signet ring from Arkhanes
Courtesy of I. Pini from Y and E Sakellarakis 1997, 655, fig. 722
On stone relief, rhyta and other vessels, the same convention seems to
have been followed. On the stone fragments of the boxer's rhyton from Aghia
Triada (HM stone 342, 498, 676), the registers are divided by triple lines. We
know that these lines represent built ground as there are also columns depicted;
88
the columns have to stand on built ground. The case is probably similar with the
Chieftain's cup, also from Aghia Triada and also of LM I date (HM stone 341).
In contemporary wall painting, paved streets or 'causeways' may have
been depicted in the sacred grove miniature fresco, as Graham (1969, 74; n. 1),
Platon and Davis (1987, 157-8) extensively argue.
It seems that to the eyes of the Minoans this convention of two-
dimensional art was pretty uniformly interpreted as built ground (paved in this
case). This interpretative suggestion certainly requires further study. To this
purpose we should have a closer look at signet rings where most of the material
belongs.
The convention of built ground is used quite widely, in several ritual and
sport situations together with some odd pieces:
First of all come the well known ritual situations of Tree-hanging and
Rock-hugging. Three persons are depicted on the Arkhanes ring; one hugging a
rock, the other hanging from a tree and the third, a lady, standing. The ground
is denoted by a double line with intersecting verticals. The ground on this ring is
made in a remarkably similar fashion to the walls of the building to the right of
the depiction. On the Ashmolean museum ring (Ashmolean Museum 1919,56,
Sourvinou 1971, 60-9) a rock-hugging scene is rendered, while a single line with
several vertical ones below denote the ground. Several cases of rock hugging
and, incidentally, of tree hanging are mentioned by P. Warren (1990, 193-206):
some have nothing more than a simple line representing the ground. This
contrast between elaborate renderings of ground and non-elaborate ones, either
means that the single line could also stand for built ground (street or court) or
that these activities took place both on paved and unpaved grounds.
One other common situation, is that of procession. A sealing from Aghia
Triada (CMS II6 12; HM 583) shows men walking on a double line with
intersecting verticals. In this case, these 'building blocks' may denote a street.
On the ring found at Elateia (Figure 17; CMS V, suppl. 2 106, Inv. Nr. M845)
there seems to be a similar procession, with a floating figure and a group of
stairs at the one end of the depiction. The ground is denoted by a triple line,
with dots in between them in such a way as to imply some built structure (cf.
Ashmolean Museum 1938.1129 from Poros).
Figure 17: The signet of Elateia

CMS V supp. 2, 106, 81
On the other hand, the ring from Isopata (CMS II3, 51) has only a single,
plain line with flowers depicted all over the picture. This means that this
89
procession (4.3.2.3) took place outdoors, in the country, or in a garden. In all
likelihood, the line on this ring would be just a mere ground line, although it is
always possible it represents a path in the country or a garden.
As for bull leaping and spear throwing, they are very often associated with
paved grounds. These situations of sport and fighting respectively cannot be
argued to have been rituals with any degree of certainty.
Apart from the above situations, several odd cases are also associated
with more elaborate grounds in seal iconography. Examples include the three
standing ladies with their hands on their waist (Ayia Triada II6 1; HM 505,
506/1,2, sealing), or the man pointing his arm towards a woman
(Antikenmuseum Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin), or the lady
that stands in one case between two buildings (CMS II3 15; HM 2490) and in
another between a building and a pole (Ashmolean Museum 1938.1129). These
may be associated with ritual, though we are unable to to prove such a
speculation.
Most of the scenes on signet rings (or their sealings) with more than a
single plain line for ground, show or imply the presence of humans. Overall, the
scenes (cf. situations) can be divided into three types: ritual action, sports
(games) or battles, and 'others'. Battles and sports cannot be clearly
distinguished. Of all these activities, the sports (bull leaping) require a greater
and wider space than just mere streets, as far as the spectators and the
participants are concerned. So, although not clear from the depictions
themselves, if there was a paved structure on the ground, it would be a wider
area, more like a court.
The above are strong indications for the rendering of paved areas used for
special activities in iconography, some of them ritual. It cannot be ascertained
that the single lines stand for paved structures, as they may well do sometimes.
The lines which are more elaborate than the plain single ones however, seem to
be always indicative of some type of built structure on the ground: be it paved
area or street. This is no surprise because, as we shall see later (4.4.3), these
paved areas have been widely attested in archaeology.
It cannot be claimed that all situations taking place on these paved areas
are ritual, but it is interesting that the majority of those that we recognise are.
To conclude therefore, although not only ritual actions took place on these
paved grounds, their main purpose, according to iconography, must have been
ritual. Undoubtedly, many other activities would have been held there, but the
design and layout of these grounds would also be expected to also follow the
rules of rituals.
4.4.3 Archaeology and Open-air Rituals

We showed previously that all rituals depicted on iconography take place
outdoors. Furthermore, seal iconography and some wall paintings support the
existence of paved courts or streets, where many of these activities could be
held. It is not clear whether these 'situations' would always take place in courts
90
or not, but it seems that on some occasions they did. Neither do we know
whether the activities that took place on these paved areas were exclusively
ritual, although it appears that these courts are well associated with ritual
'situations'. Certainly as far as iconography is concerned, the main activities in
these paved areas were ritual.
The apparent connection between outdoor paved ground and ritual
performances, as far as iconography is concerned, is an important argument in
favour of the taking place of such activities in palace west courts and more
specifically in the west court of the Phaestos palace to which the two sites in
question, the UWCS and LWCS of Phaestos, are obviously attached.
But in order to validate these claims made on the basis of iconography,
we need to turn to the rest of the archaeological record and see how far such
conclusions can be seen there.
There are several places, identified above as primarily serving ritual, that
are closely connected with open-air space. To begin with, all Peak Sanctuaries
are open-air sites. That can be argued by looking at the less built-up ones; Peak
Sanctuaries without buildings are nothing but large open-air spaces. In fact, in
the beginning of their use all Peak Sanctuaries had no buildings at all. Even later,
when some acquired buildings, an open-air space always existed that was with
few exceptions retained by walls, and often, further elaborated with a flat
ground, an enclosure, or otherwise.
At most Peak and other Sanctuaries much work and effort was invested to
the arrangement of the space. In the majority of cases there was some levelling
by means of retaining walls, some type of demarcation by a surrounding wall, or
even a clearly paved ground.
Here follow some examples, not only from Peak Sanctuaries, but also from
the other identified ritual types that were discussed above.
4.4.3.1 Peak Sanctuaries. In Youkhtas, an outdoor beaten kouskouras floor with

another layer of small rocks under it (Karetsou 1978, 274), similar to that of the
rooms, is clearly demarcated. Retaining walls levelling the site (Karetsou 1974,
1978, 1985), a surrounding (Karetsou 1979) wall and a wider, all embracing wall
are also found. The retaining walls I-III were built in the first part of the NP
period, and are all founded on rich OP sacrifice deposits. The retaining wall III
abuts on the walls of the rooms. The dating in the NP period was given by
several MMIIIB-LMIA sherds that pervaded into the gaps of the retaining walls
(Karetsou 1984, 602). It is possible however, that these NP walls were built on
earlier walls (OP) and that these levelled the site, even before the foundation of
the OP building.
The dating of the surrounding wall of the sanctuary has been given by the
sherds discovered in it, which range from the OP to the MMIIIB-LMIA period
(Karetsou 1980, 353). According to the excavator, in OP times the ritual took
91
place outdoors as the widespread layer of fires shows. A limestone building of
unknown shape must have existed then (Karetsou 1976, 417)
At Pyrgos (Alexiou 1963b, 404-5), a small 'temenos' wall survives while a
retaining wall levelled the site. At Philioremos, one retaining wall exists
(Rutkowski 1988, 76), possibly of an early date.
The fact that the essential element of a Peak Sanctuary is open-air,
suffices to show that most of the rituals taking place there were performed
outdoors, irrespective of the presence of buildings.
4.4.3.2 Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. Building B, dated to both the OP and
the NP, has a paved court (Karetsou 2001, forthcoming). The site possibly served
Youkhtas to its South. The activities there, but also at the other auxiliary NP site
of Anemospelia would be closely connected to those at Youkhtas, and would
therefore be mainly outdoor.
4.4.3.3 Building 4 at Arkhanes. In front of building 4, in the centre of the Fourni

cemetery at Arkhanes there is also a paved area (Deligianni 1995a). The
evidence from inside the building argues that the open-air rituals in building 4
were the main ritual activities associated with the building (4.5.3).
4.4.3.4 Other Sanctuaries. In Kophinas a perivolos wall is still visible (Platon and
Davaras 1960, 526; 1962-3, 287-8; Karetsou, Rethemiotakis 1991/3 289-93). At
Syme, different paved streets appear to have existed in both the OP and the NP
times, which led to the open-air areas. Moreover, these open paved areas seem
to have existed throughout Minoan times. Retaining walls supported throughout
Minoan times large flat areas or courts, some of which were paved (Lebessi
1995, pl. 110). The grand scale and the permanence of the open-air spaces at
Syme argue in favour of the reconstruction of open-air rituals as the main
activity. The situation at Kophinas and Piskokephalo argues along the same lines.
In other words, the epicentre of independent communal ritual activities in all the
above sites is outdoors and a great effort has been made for the arrangement of
the open-air space into flat sometimes built surfaces. This confirms both the
preponderance of open-air ritual as seen in the iconography, but also the
association of built open-air grounds with ritual. As palace west courts and
especially that of Phaestos are very elaborate built grounds, the above can be
seen as strong indications in favour of the taking place of rituals there. The
taking place of rituals in the west court of the Phaestos palace would also
associate the two complexes in question, the UWCS and LWCS, with ritual, as
both are clearly connected to the activities that took place in the court by means
of their architecture but also their finds in them.
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4.4.4 The Ritual Value of the Semi-Independent Sanctuaries
To recapitulate, in many different types of site recognised as preponderantly
ritual the activities seem to be concentrated in the open-air. In fact, there is
evidence in favour of the reconstruction of open-air ritual performances in all
discussed types of sites, that would take place in specially designated or built
open areas. Moreover, these open-air activities seem to be the main activities
associated with these sites (4.5.5). Several types of courts and demarcated
open-air sites, therefore, were preponderantly associated with the performance
of rituals. This, however, verifies our finds from iconography on the exclusive
performance of communal rituals outdoors, and on the frequent connection of
courts and demarcated open-air spaces to these rituals.
The characterisation of the aforementioned semi-independent sites,
associated with palace west courts, of which the ritual value was uncertain, may
be illuminated by the above. The palace west courts are open spaces, nicely laid
out and featured with 'streets' that may have demarcated the possible routes to
be followed. The association of west courts with ritual was initially proposed due
to the existence of a miniature fresco at Knossos (Sacred Grove fresco), which
depicted a ritual performance, most probably in the west court of a palace (Davis
1987, 157-8). The fact that open courts in general are often associated with
rituals, moreover, would further strengthen such an association.
As mentioned above, the three sites that could be associated with ritual
but also with palace west courts are: the Quartier 18 at Mallia (through the south
area) together with the UWCS and the LWCS at Phaestos. All three are directly
and exclusively connected architecturally to the courts, but also by means of
their finds that point to drinking or other activities in less confined spaces (the
courts are the only less confined spaces directly associated with these
complexes). As mentioned above, only one of these sites, the Quartier 18 at
Mallia (Pelon 1980 213-221), can be attributed with ritual value independently.
The other two would have to be considered together with the open-air site that
was directly connected to them, i.e. a palace west court, in order to be
associated with ritual.
The evidence from the above courts and demarcated open spaces in
conjunction with the NP miniature frescoes, the prevalence of open-air ritual in
open courts as supported by all iconography, and the existence of drinking or
other activities in the west palace courts, all argue towards the same direction:
the ritual use of the palaces' west courts. The aforementioned three complexes
at Phaestos and Mallia (through the south area) are the only ones in their
respective sites that communicate with the west courts; moreover, their
architectural independence from the rest of the palace is marked, and their finds
point to activities outdoors, in the courts. All these assist us in concluding that
these three complexes are directly associated with ritual as well. Moreover, the
similarity of all three sites argues also in favour of such a reconstruction, as ritual
value had already been attributed to Mallia Quartier 18.
93
Having demonstrated the association of the LWCS and UWCS at Phaestos
with ritual, we can proceed to the study of the establishment of these rituals that
will follow. It is quite interesting however to open a small parenthesis regarding
the relation between indoor and outdoor as far as rituals are concerned for our
case study. This will also demonstrate the reason why the attribution of ritual
value to sites like those at Phaestos was so problematic in the first place, and will
throw light to the observation made through the iconography that the communal
rituals were almost exclusively performed outdoors. The readers who are not
interested in this topic can continue reading the next chapter. It will suffice for
them to know that only few rooms of the buildings associated with ritual could
really have been dedicated to it. The rest of these buildings was employed for
storage or workshop/ preparation activities.
4.5 OPEN-AIR RITUALS AND BUILDINGS

We have seen already that rituals mainly took place outdoors and that large
defined spaces were often exclusively dedicated to them. Moreover, these
outdoor spaces, as in the case of Peak Sanctuaries, were shown to be
fundamental to rituals.
Having established the ritual character of the sites discussed we are ready
to reconsider the roles of the buildings which are sometimes associated with
some of them. In those cases where the function of the rooms can be
extrapolated, it is rarely a ritual one. As we will see below, storage, industry or
workshop activities were all widespread in sanctuaries. Some of the rooms were
too small to have accommodated rituals with considerable participation. Some
others had very little negotiable space due to the items stored there. Let us see,
therefore, which are the possible spaces that would be available for ritual in the
buildings we study.

The building of Youkhtas does not have many indications as to the use of its
rooms. Only one small pithos base was found in situ (Karetsou 1975, 334). There
is no indication, however, of ritual activities performed within the building. It
should also be noted that the rooms were too small to fit several people. There is
only one room that could possibly have housed ritual acts for a few people. This
was the earlier phase of rooms III and IV, which seem to have been one single
room with one or more columns in the centre supporting the ceiling (Karetsou
1978, 243). Certainly, there is considerable evidence for grand scale ritual
outdoors at all periods, on retained platforms or around the chasm, within the
confines of the peribolos wall (4.2.1).
The Peak Sanctuary of Philioremos does not seem to house any ritual
activities in its indoor areas. Bones were found from all over the site, but these
are not enough to reconstruct ritual. Bones, in fact, may point to preparation
activities (Alexiou 1966, 322; 1967 480-88).
94
Similar is the situation in Petsofas (Myres 1902-3, 356-387), which only
had one surviving well built room. The evidence, though, does not allow any
accurate reconstruction. The use of the buildings at Pyrgos, Traostalos etc. is not
reconstructible either.
4.5.2 Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries

At Anemospelia, only the west room can be easily associated with ritual. That
room was empty of finds, except for one vessel fallen from above, and a
platform at its centre, on which the human sacrifice took place (Sakellarakis
1997, 223-9). The type of the killing weapon, the position of the body on the
platform, the fact that he was laid on a platform, but also the characteristics of
the other people there, make it quite certain that there has been a ritual
ceremony. It is possible that this small room was for rituals, not necessarily only
for human sacrifice which may be considered rare.
Moreover, there are some indications, which could support the view that
ritual took place in the west part of the antechamber too. The other rooms,
however, are so crammed with vessels and other utilitarian objects, that they
could only have been storage or working places for few. This is also the case of
the central room, where the clay feet were found. It may have been a storeroom
where the cult statue was deposited when not used in a ritual performance (for
the possible existence of cult statues see 5.4.3). Outside the building, there is a
large open space that could have hosted ritual activities, but unfortunately it has
not been excavated. Furthermore, there is a Minoan road that connects
Anemospelia to Youkhtas; so it is possible that rituals with larger participation
could therefore have been performed on the Peak Sanctuary.

Building 4 does not have any room which could have hosted any type of ritual.
This means that there is no space for ritual indoors, unless it took place in the
upper floor, in a small room between huge storage jars and a loom (Deligianni
1995a). The court, which communicates with its west wing, on the other hand,
would have been a ritual ground. The finds from there also support this
argument (Appendix D.1.3).

In Syme, whereas there is ample evidence for the performance of rituals in open
courts, there are very few rooms which could possibly accommodate rituals.
These are mainly the larger rooms 5, 6, 8 and 9 (Lebessi 1997, 191-209 pll. 110-
122). As 8 and 9 have no real evidence as to their use, and the entrance to 5
was closed at a later period, the only room, which could have arguably
accommodated ritual throughout the use of building U would be 6. This room
had access, through a wide entrance, to a paved court. The room was featured
with benches and platforms, while offering tables etc. were found therein. Syme,
being the largest ritual building complex in Crete, would be expected to have the
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largest-sized rooms so as to accommodate larger rituals; nevertheless, the size
of the rooms that could be allocated to ritual use was very small. The size of
room 6 was not large, not more than 36 sq. meters, and all the four candidate
rooms together cover less than 120 sq. meters. This space is not enough to
accommodate activities for many people. In any case, the fact that room 6
communicated with a court argues that the rituals outdoors would have been for
the many while those indoors, if any, would have been for the few (5.3.2.1).

4.5.5.1 Mallia, Quartier 18. The case of the semi-independent ritual complexes
connected to a palace is similar (see 4.1). Only the very small room 1 in the
MMIIIB-LMIA Quartier 18 at the palace of Mallia (Poursat 1962, 7-13) could have
hosted rituals. It included two clay feet, possibly of a cult statue (5.4.3.3.1),
several tubular and other vases for incense burning, a bench and an altar. The
free space available, which was further reduced by the features and objects in it,
would have been very small for the accommodation of any large scale ritual. The
rooms around, with the possible exception of room 2, were storage and
preparation rooms. Room 2 could have been a food preparation room, though
the pit that was dug into the ground, filled and then covered, could have been a
ritual pit or an eschara, though this would have to be clarified in a separate
study. Undoubtedly, room 1 communicates with a space outdoors (certainly with
West court and possibly with some space to the south). The correspondence
between the open south area, where rituals could be performed in grand scale,
and smaller indoor space, where rituals could take place only in a small scale, is
repeated here too.
4.5.5.2 Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos (OP). At Phaestos (Levi 1976, 74-
96, 105-120; Carinci 2001, forthcoming), the earlier MMIIB Lower West Court
Sanctuary also communicated with the court. The complex, like the Mallia
quartier 18, did not communicate directly with the palace. Of all the rooms of the
north complex, only room LIII, that leads to both wings, could have hosted some
ritual activities, though this is not very clear (6.2.4.1). The objects found in it,
the terracotta offering table, and pottery, including the bowl of the snake
goddess, could possibly argue to the same effect due to their small numbers and
their special nature. The group of rooms, all numbered together as LVIII, seem
to be storage space. In the early MMIIB phase predating the small-scale
catastrophe that destroyed the complex, rooms LIX, LX, and possibly LXIV,
served as storerooms too. Their exit to the court was not open then, and they
possibly communicated with LVIII only. When the complex was initially built,
very early in MMIIB, rooms LVI and LVII did not exist. So the two groups (LVIII
and LI, LIII, LIV, LV, LXII) formed a small square with a very impressive façade,
leading to the lower west court. It is quite likely then, that all these rooms, which
were associated with ritual, yet not so clearly, were non-ritual themselves. They
96
were just catering for ritual, offering storage and preparation space (Levi 1976,
74-96 for rooms LI, LIII-LV and corridor, 105-120 for rooms LXII and LXIII).
4.5.5.3 Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos (OP). When the rooms of the
LWCS were destroyed, some time in the MMIIB period, several extra rooms were
built, according to Carinci (pers. com. 1999), in the upper west court sanctuary,
in order to replace those destroyed. The post destruction MM IIB date of these
rooms, argues in favour such a reconstruction. Before the building of the rooms
on that location, it is possible that the space had already some ritual value, as
the eschara existed from earlier. So it was appropriate to build there. The
eschara of the upper court and that of quartier 18 at Mallia (room 2) are possibly
comparable.
Several rooms in the upper west court sanctuary included benches.
Judging from the space available and the finds in them, no other room, apart
from VIII, which was older, could accommodate the performance of ritual. Room
VIII, though quite small (10 sq. m.), was the largest of all the rooms of the
complex. In it, a fixed terracotta offering table with cupule and decoration with
provision for liquid use was found. In the room, three of the walls had benches.
The east bench had a cupboard of some sort in it, with four pestles, a
rectangular stone palette and a simple bowl with an impressed sealing. In the
northeast corner a triton shell was found and, further to the north, a small basin
and many pottery sherds. Some were polychrome (a cup, an amphora and a
fruitstand like the one of room V), and others belonged to two spouted jars. In
the southeast corner a receptacle of steatite was found (a quadrangular libation
table according to Gesell). Several stone cups and a sealing were also found. In
other words, if it were not for the fixed offering table, the room would not be
much different to the other rooms of the complex.
The above show that the only possible ritual place, according to the finds
and space available, would have been number VIII, the largest of all the rooms
of the complex, but still quite small. The entire complex has a direct link to the
west court, which could have accommodated ritual performances with a large
participation (Pernier and Banti 1951, 572-581). In the initial MMIIB phase, room
VIII would have direct access to the court and the eschara.
4.5.6 Buildings and Rituals: A Verdict

A closer look at the function of every room of the independent or semi-
independent Minoan ritual building complexes that are associated with the open-
air, irrespective of period, reveals that most of the rooms could not have hosted
any rituals at all, but were used instead for storage or preparation activities. In
other words, this discounts the pure ritual role ascribed to the buildings.
Certainly they were associated with rituals and will be so treated in this work, but
these activities took place mainly outdoors. This suggestion corresponds to the
conclusions drawn from iconography that all communal rituals take place
outdoors, although some relation to buildings is not excluded. In other words,
97
what we see in the archaeological record fits very well with what we notice in
iconography; but is not entirely so.
The archaeological record seems to argue for the impossibility of large
scale participation in indoor ritual performances in the sites studied, for the
association of 'ritual' buildings with large open spaces, and for the outdoor
performance of rituals in these spaces, be they paved courts, bound areas, or
just open spaces. It also seems to show, however, that there may be some
rooms, one or two in each building, which could be reserved for ritual.
Positive evidence for indoor ritual performances comes only from the
human sacrifice in the west room at Anemospelia, and possibly from room 1 of
Quartier 18 at Mallia, with the incense burners, the possible 'altar' and the feet
that could belong to a cult image.
In the rest of the cases, we tentatively infer by elimination that rituals
could have taken place only in certain rooms. These rooms, despite their
relatively larger size when compared with other rooms in the respective sites, are
still very small. The largest of all, Room 6 in Syme, could have been something
like 36sq.m. These rooms, like most ritual building complexes we looked at, had
direct access to open areas.
4.6 SUMMARY
In this chapter we introduced the material against which we are going to test our
methodology on how to trace ritual and assess its establishment: some Open-air
Rituals of Minoan Crete.
The sites that are going to be dealt with were divided into five categories
(Peak Sanctuaries, auxiliary sites to them, building 4 at Arkhanes, sites
connected with palaces, and other sites) and their ritual value was assessed.
Then, several relevant iconographic situations were identified, and their ritual
value was also assessed.
As the ritual value of some sites was still uncertain, a further discussion
followed in order to clarify the issue. In that it was extensively argued, and with
the help of iconography, that the open-air areas directly associated with these
'doubtful' buildings were extensively used for rituals. This facilitated the
connection between 'doubtful' building complexes and rituals.
Finally, the open-air nature of the rituals and their relation to buildings
was studied. It was discovered that only a few rooms of the 'ritual' buildings in
our studied sites could really have been dedicated to ritual. The rest of these
buildings was employed for storage or workshop/ preparation activities.
98
1
The word 'sanctuary' for the purposes of this study, will mean ritual place and not religious
place as its etymology implies. In other words it is not implied, though it is not excluded either.
that religious rituals took place in the Peak Sanctuaries or in the 'Other' Sanctuaries. The term
'sanctuary' is most commonly used in the relevant literature and will therefore be maintained.
Until we demonstrate that the sites were actually used for rituals, the word sanctuary will be
written in quotation marks.
2
Greater status in iconography is usually expressed as a distinction: either relative, in
comparison to other persons or items, or absolute, when a figure or item is depicted on its own.
In a way, the absolute distinction is also relative; the depiction of an item on its own, means that
there is no competition with anything else; in other words, absolute prevalence is a relative one
with zero competition. Relative distinction can also be made between figures in different pieces
of the same iconography cycle by means of analogies.
Relative status can be expressed in terms of distinction in some trait, be it size, attention in the
treatment, outfit, musculature, disobedience to natural laws or other. Usually, though not always,
greater means better: greater size, greater amount of musculature, more impressive dress etc.,
are often considered of higher status. That is not always, however, the case: if all the figures are
very heavily dressed and only one is poorly dressed, it is possible that this figure attracts more
attention, and is of higher status.
3
On some occasions, Cretan art of the Minoan period has been compared to its Theran
contemporary. This is not only because they are contemporary but also because it is believed
that the relation between the centres of Crete and those of Thera was close. Actually some
Cretan centres are further apart from each other than from Thera; the trip from Knossos to
Zakros, for instance, is greater than that from Knossos to Akrotiri.
It is possible that in some details Theran art, and especially wall painting that concerns
us here, is somewhat different from some of the Cretan centres, either in technique or even in
subject matter. One cannot compare, however, Theran art with that of Crete as a whole. For
regional variability within Crete is as great as that between the Cretan centres and Akrotiri. The
technical, thematic or artistic difference between the frescoes of Ayia Triada and Akrotiri, for
instance, is not much greater than between those of Ayia Triada and Knossos.
When parallels in subject matter between Theran and Cretan art exist, they are always worth
noting, and may sometimes serve to bring together different elements of information. This is
exactly the case with the painting of the room 3a in Xeste III (the seated lady, the monkey, and
the saffron gatherers). As we shall see later, all the elements exist in Crete independently. Only
in Thera, however, are they brought together. It is worth using the Theran example, therefore,
to get closer to the fuller representation of the action.
4
For more on these situations see Warren 1988, 20-23
5
The situation of the 'seated female' appears in the same depictions with many others. These all
put together can be seen as a group. These are the following situations: 'Person with Arm
Extended Holding Staff', 'Procession of Women with Raised Arms', 'Floating Person', 'People in
Procession', 'Libations or Carrying Libation Vases', 'Laying the Branch', 'Hugging the Rocks or
Rocks for Hugging', 'Hanging from Trees', 'Garment Carrying, Giving, or Laying', 'Saffron
Gathering and Offering', and 'Boats Carrying Structures'. This means that most situations to
which we can attach ritual value are associated with each other. Some of the 'sport' situations,
on the other hand, and more specifically those associated with bulls, i.e. 'bull leaping' and '
trapping the bull' can also be seen as a group due to their numerous similarities.
6
It could be argued that several items with depictions on them, such as the signet rings, are of
Knossian provenance, and that they are not representative of practices throughout the island.
These items, however, are not only found in Knossos but all over Crete, not to mention mainland
Greece. If they were alien to the Cretans outside Knossos, then they would either have been
adjusted by the artists or they would not enjoy such a widespread acceptance.
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5.
The Establishment
of Some Open-Air Minoan Rituals:
The Analysis of the Ritual Traits
Having seen a large number of ritual site types and having clarified their
status, we can now begin to assess the establishment of the corresponding
rituals or ritual patterns. As we discussed in chapters two and three (2.5,
3.5), the main means to assess the degree of the establishment of ritual
analytically is by looking at the degrees to which each individual trait of ritual
exists. Doing this, we should bear in mind that it is only for the sake of
analysis that we have isolated each trait in our discussion. Despite this
conventional separation, the various traits should be considered irreducible
"networks of interrelated relationships", as Bourdieu would call them (1996,
107). According to what we said before (2.2.7), the traits constituting the
constructed class of ritual action depend on one another but not equally so,
and they reflect, each to a different extent, the degrees of the establishment
of ritual itself.
The traits that are to be discussed here are Performance, Repetition,
Invariance, Traditionalism, Rule Governance, Formalism and 'Symbolism'. The
trait of 'Symbolism', thanks to its special weight for the establishment of
ritual, its important role in the attribution of religious value to a given ritual,
but also due to the inconsistent way it is employed by archaeologists and the
frequent over-imaginative interpretations it has been subject to, will be given
a disproportionately large discussion.
The lack of good publication, as already mentioned, and the lack of
detailed information prohibits the meticulous spatial analysis of finds (mainly
for the sake of rule-governance). It also does not allow the analysis of, say,
pottery decoration, or typology, which would be useful to trace many traits of
the establishment of ritual. Having studied the already published material and
having extracted as much information as possible from the various reports, as
summarised in the Appendix, we shall proceed with the analysis of each
individual ritual trait trying to employ the data at hand.
We must always remember that a single piece of information can
contribute to our understanding of more than one trait of the establishment
of ritual. It must be borne in mind therefore, that the reference to specific
pieces of information under the rubric of one element and not another is
sometimes arbitrary. Cross-reference to other traits, to which the given trait
may be relevant, will be made. We shall commence with the traits of
performance and participation; then, the discussion on the other ritual traits
will follow.
5.1 PERFORMANCE AND PARTICIPATION

The expected participation but also the repetition, dissemination and
establishment of specific activities (performances) observed in open-air
sanctuaries will be discussed as aspects of ritual performance.
100
5.1.1 Participation, an Aspect of Performance
The evidence regarding participation will only be summarised here as it has
already been discussed in several other parts of this work.
By 'participate' we mean 'attend'. Although, we cannot be certain that
all participants were in the epicentre of all Minoan open-air rituals, we can say
that every attendant may have performed a type of ritual, even if as simple as
carrying a pebble, waving, or saying a prayer. Also, the role of a 'mute'
audience must be seen as a necessary ingredient of the respective rituals.
This can be applied to Minoan iconography. No large groups of people
are seen as acting in any Minoan ritual iconographical situation, though large
groups of people may have been implied by indexical reference. On the other
hand, in two cases (in the two miniature frescoes found at Knossos, see
above -4.3.2.3, 4.3.2.13), large audiences are depicted as watching. Although
a few people carried out the ritual acting, the 'mute' audience must also be
considered an aspect of these rituals.
As far as architecture is concerned, the large paved areas and the long
surrounding walls (4.5, 6.3) in many of the sites studied, demonstrate that
specific spaces were defined for the performances. The size of these spaces
argues that the attendance to the respective rituals was expected to be large.
The Palace west courts, the platforms and the paved courtyards at Syme,
together with the other platforms in the Peak Sanctuaries could fit hundreds.
The levelled areas in some of these sites could fit even more. In Building 4,
however, the participation in the rituals could not have been equally large,
since the paved open area could not fit many people. It is always conceivable,
however, that the rest of the crowd could fit outside, if the participation was
larger, in the model of the small rooms at Mallia (Quartier 18) and Phaestos
(UWCS, LWCS) that communicated with the respective west courts.
If any investments were carried out in these sites (especially of the
'Peak Sanctuary' and 'Other Sanctuary' categories), moreover, the levelling,
the definition and paving of the open-air site were carried out first, before the
not always likely erection of a building. In other words, the need for the
accommodation of a large crowd was, in these cases, more urgent than the
protection of mobile property or the housing of other activities.
The expected participation, therefore, of a large crowd can be
demonstrated in most site categories. Building 4, however, may have
attracted a crowd, though that could not have been very large. But that is
only one aspect of the trait of performance. Let us turn our attention now to
the repetition, dissemination and establishment of the various ritual activities
or performances.
5.1.2 Items and their Possible Related Activities

The performances traced through iconography have already been discussed
(4.3) and will be summarised later. Also, some illuminating item situations
(the active combination of certain items in certain activities of performances)
will be discussed at the end. But first, we shall look at the various item types
101
and their use in performances. The exact nature of these performances is
only a matter of informed speculation and should be treated with caution. It is
not the aim here to attempt a full-scale interpretation of the ritual
performances but to discuss their dissemination, repetition and establishment.
The various items found in the studied sites are seen as indicative of the
presence of related activities. The dissemination or repetition of these items is
therefore taken as an indication of the dissemination and repetition of the
related activities, whatever these might be.
For the sake of convenience, the various item types have been
arbitrarily classified under the conventional rubric of a general type of activity
such as 'drinking', 'serving', 'pouring liquids'. Although it is quite possible that
these specific activities actually did take place, it is not our aim here to
propose that they did in the way implied by their caption; e.g. it is possible
that the liquid pouring activities described may not have been for libations but
for washing the hands of the performers. The conventional rubrics, however,
are useful not only to present the studied material in some convenient form,
but also to make the reader realise that we are actually talking about
activities and not just object types.
In the comparison between sites, it must be remembered that the
nature of open-air sites is quite different to those with buildings. For instance,
open-air sites are occasionally swept clean either by people or by the weather
conditions. This means that many of the items that were used there may
never be found, or may be found in different places. Moreover, open-air sites
permit a large participation in activities and the respective items found may
be equally numerous. Consequently, other activities that may have had a
smaller participation would be more difficult to notice. Finally, the deposition
of the items found in open-air sites may have been the result of more than
one event in prehistory. Buildings, on the other hand, protect, when
destroyed, many of the items that were in them at the time. A finite number
of people can participate in the activities, and the numbers of items usually
reflect that. Moreover, as the items in them are protected from wind and
precipitation but also from petty thieves, more valuable materials can be
stored in them. This contrast is obvious in the comparison between sites such
as Youkhtas and Anemospelia that is closely connected to it.
Before we start the discussion of the various item types we must
present the trustworthiness of the evidence given here and in the appendix,
in order to facilitate the interpretation of the following discussion by the
reader. We should, therefore remember that of all the Peak Sanctuaries,
Atsipades and Kythera yield the most trustworthy accounts, followed by
Petsofas, Traostalos, Youkhtas and, recently, Vrysinas. Anemospelia and
Building B also belong to the same 'league' as Youkhtas and Traostalos.
Building 4 has been exhaustively published and any reference to its material
is most accurate. Although the palace associated sites have all been
published, due to the age of the publication, they should not be considered as
trustworthy as any of the above, especially as far as coarse ceramics and
organic remains are concerned. Syme, followed by Kophinas are the most
trustworthy of the 'other' sites, though Syme is, still, on the same 'league' as
102
Youkhtas, with detailed excavation reports but not much publication of the
Minoan finds.
It must also be borne in mind that the number of items found in each
site is by no means final and is quoted only when some sort of indication is
given in the reports. More information on each individual site and the stage of
its publication can be found in the Appendix. But let us start the discussion of
the various item types with those that could be related to drinking or feasting
activities.
5.1.2.1 Drinking or feasting related activities.

5.1.2.1.1 Consumption of food and drink. Cups, conical, tumbler, straight
sided, etc., and bowls point to the consumption of liquids in situ. Residue
analyses done on cups show that they may have carried certain liquids. These
could be wine, a fermented drink (possibly beer), a honey drink (Martlew
1999, 155, 167), or other. As for the bowls, residues of food have been
traced from vegetables, fat of some description, leaves of plants, fruit, traces
of meat (Martlew 1999, 82-3), lactone of unknown botanical origin (Martlew
1999, 112), and honey (Martlew 1999, 133). In other words, bowls are more
used for non-alcoholic food, possibly cooked, whereas cups for drinks mainly
alcoholic or sweet.
Figure 18: Cups from Building 4. Y. & E. Sakellaraki 1997, 432, fig. 404
Plates or clay discs are also associated with feasting. If they were used
for eating, they would contain solid food. As they are not very different from
the bowls, they will not be considered as an altogether different category.
Bones, shells, pulses, seeds, lipids and other non-perishable food
remains point to food consumption. Although bones and shells were not
attested in many sites, one has to be particularly careful, since many
excavations in the first three quarters of the previous century (20th) did not
record the bones. As for the shells, it is not certain whether they are evidence
of consumption, or if they were used in a similar fashion, whatever that might
be, to the faience shells found in the Temple repositories at Knossos
(Panagiotaki 1999, pl. 10, c); the latter, were most probably not associated
with eating. In other words, the presence of organic remains in excavation
103
records of the discussed sites is often more important than their absence.
Certainly in few cases of well excavated sites, their absence is also important.
The consumed commodities had to be carried and therefore stored,
even as raw materials, and may have been prepared on the site. In other
words, small closed storage vessels, serving jars and cooking pots are to be
expected. Certainly, one should not over-interpret the presence of such
vessels as they can also be used for other purposes.
Table 3: Evidence for Feasting1 Numbers

Atsipades-Bowls, clay
Atsipades-Dishes, large (some shallow), clay
Etiani Kephala-Bowls, clay
Karphi-Bowls, clay
Karphi-Dishes, clay
Karphi-Bowl, unfinished, stone
Petsofas-Plates, fine, clay
Philioremos-Bones
Prinias-Bowls, clay
Pyrgos-Bowls, fine and coarse, clay
Traostalos-Bowls, clay
Traostalos-Bones, some burnt, clay
Traostalos-seeds, one in a miniature clay pithos >1
Traostalos-shells, some burnt
Ano Vigla-Bowls, clay
Ano Vigla-Bones
Vrysinas-Bull's teeth
Xykephalo-Bowls, clay
Youkhtas PP-Clay discs
Youkhtas OP-Plates, shallow
Youkhtas OP-Bowls, clay, some stone
Youkhtas OP-Bones, some of small animals
Youkhtas NP-Plates
Youkhtas-Seeds
Youkhtas-Pulses
Youkhtas-Sea Shells
Kythera-Plates >29
Anemospelia-Discs clay >1
Anemospelia-Animal bones on discs
Anemospelia-Seeds, carbonised
Building B-Bowls, clay
Building B-Bones, Goat and/or Sheep
Building 4-Fruit bowls
Building 4-Bowls (some basket-like)
Building 4-Olive pips 3
Phaestos LWCS-Fruit bowls >14
Phaestos LWCS-Plates, clay and stone >3, >1
Phaestos UWCS-Bowls
Phaestos UWCS-Plate with relief deco on body 1
Kophinas-Plates, clay
Anthropolithous-Bowl, two handled, clay 1
Syme-Bowls, clay + stone (fewer)
Syme-Bones
Syme-Triton and other sea shells
Syme-Vegetal remains(?)
104
The possibility of eating activities in open-air sanctuaries, especially in
remote ones, demonstrates that the participants, when attending the feasts,
had a prolonged stay, an interesting aspect of performance. This, for the
remote sanctuaries, can be assumed by the time needed for the
transportation of the finished (cooked) goods and their consumption, or for
the transportation of the raw materials, their preparation (cooking) and
consumption.
Table 4: Evidence for Drinking Numbers

Atsipades-Cups (some blue painted), clay
Etiani Kephala-Cups, clay
Karphi-Cups, clay
Korakomouri-Cups, clay >10
Korakomouri-Tumblers, clay >1
Petsofas-Cups, small or conical, clay
Philioremos-Cups, clay
Prinias-Cups, clay
Pyrgos-Cups, fine and coarse, clay
Thylakas-Cups, conical, clay
Traostalos-Cups, clay >50
Traostalos-Tumblers, clay >10
Traostalos-Drinking vessels, clay
Ano Vigla, Cups, clay
Vrysinas-Cups, conical, clay
Xykephalo-Cups, fine and coarse, clay
Youkhtas PP-Cups, clay
Youkhtas PP-Tumbler, clay
Youkhtas OP- Cups, one handled, tumbler, goblet, carinated, egg-
shell, other types, clay
Youkhtas NP-Cups, conical, with or without handles, skyphoid
Kythera- Cups, conical, straight sided, tumbler, semi-globular, >10000 (the Peak
vafeio, all clay+ 2 stone Sanctuary of which the
pottery has been fully
counted)
Anemospelia-Cup footed and clalyx, clay 1+>1
Anemospelia-Teapot, stone 1
Building B-Cups, clay >60
Building 4-Cups, clay >900
Building 4-Cups, clay, fine ware (tubular, semi-globular, bell-like,
decorated)
Building 4-Cup, stone 1
Phaestos LWCS-cups, clay and stone >30+>1
Phaestos UWCS-cups, clay (one handled, conical, semi-globular
Mallia Quartier 18-cups simple and spouted >10+>2
Kophinas-Cups, clay >100
Piskokephalo-Cups, clay
Anthropolithous-Cups, clay >10
Syme-Cups, conical, clay Hundred to Thousands
Syme-Cups with or without handles, communion, vafeio, Tens to Hundeds
carinated, cantharoid, cylindrical, chalice, all clay
Syme-Cups, stone (conical, communion)
a) Peak Sanctuaries. The invariant presence of clay cups and bowls in most, if
not all, Peak Sanctuaries argues for established and repeated drinking and
105
feasting there. Cups seem to be represented more than the bowls, and that
might point to the more frequent consumption of the substances in them
(possibly alcoholic drinks). In several larger Peak Sanctuaries OP and NP fine
wares were found (Youkhtas -eggshell ware-, Petsofas, Philioremos -bowl
with animals inside it-, Pyrgos, Traostalos, Xykephalo and also Kythera -see
5.3.2.4).
It seems appropriate here to comment on the loss of information, as
illuminated by the enormous discrepancy in numbers between the cups from
St. George at Kythera that are more than 10,000 and those elsewhere. St.
George at Kythera was not fully excavated because of the chapel of St.
George that occupies the peak of the hill. On the other hand it is the only
Peak Sanctuary of its size (larger than Atsipades), of which the pottery has
been counted to a final degree. This discrepancy does not mean that more
people participated in the rituals at St. George than the other sites but that
we should expect such large numbers from all the other still unpublished
sites.
Several stone vessels, of these shapes were recovered from a small
number of Peak Sanctuaries. These include Karphi, Youkhtas (in great
numbers and especially in the NP), Kythera (see 5.3.2.4) and possibly
Traostalos and Prinias. In fact a great number of them are bowls which is
even more interesting when we consider that bowls are one of the constants
of Peak Sanctuaries.
Clay plates or discs are widely distributed, though not to such an
extent as bowls or cups. They were found at Atsipades, Karphi, Petsophas
(some fine ware ones), Kythera and Youkhtas, both from its OP and NP
phases.
Bones and teeth were less frequent than cups and bowls, as they have
been reported at only a few sites, namely Philioremos, Traostalos, Vigla
Zakrou, Vrysinas and Youkhtas, i.e. large sanctuaries of the NP period in all
parts of the island. It is not clear whether this means that there was total
absence of bones in the OP period; it is also possible that they were not
collected in some sites. In Youkhtas, the bones were of various animals,
mostly sheep and goats (some with slaughter marks), pigs being the next
most numerous, bovids coming third, birds and small mammals in the
smallest numbers. One wonders whether these animals were carried to the
peak to be slaughtered, or were already butchered down below. In the first
case, the effort needed to carry them to the peak would have been immense.
Shellfish were consumed, or their shells were used in Youkhtas, having
been brought already dead to the sanctuary (Columbella rustica, Pisania
maculosa, Murex trunculus, Porphyra, Thais (Stramonita haemastoma).
There, gastropods were also found. Traostalos gives evidence of shells as
well, though the relevant study has not been concluded. It is worth
mentioning that both Peak Sanctuaries had a close link to the sea
reconstructed on the basis of other evidence (fish and boat models were
found on them). Although shells were not collected or reported from the
majority of earlier excavations, they were not attested at the well dug
Atsipades or Petsofas and have not been reported from most Peak
106
Sanctuaries; the activity related to them, therefore, may not have been
widespread.
Seeds and pulses were reported only from Youkhtas, and seeds from
Traostalos which, apart from Atsipades, are the only Peak Sanctuaries where
careful sieving has taken place.
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. The evidence for drinking from
Anemospelia was less substantial, as only a few cups (>2) were discovered
there. The evidence for eating, though, was more significant, as many bones
on large clay trays and large quantities of stored seeds were found. At
Building B the evidence for both drinking and feasting was more abundant, as
a large number of cups, bowls, and bones has been reported. Pottery from
the site is currently studied by A. Semandiraki.
c) Building 4. Approximately 1000 clay cups (Figure 18) were recovered from
within the building or its court. Though the numbers of cups recovered from
Syme, Youkhtas or other large open-air sanctuaries, once counted, may be
greater, those from Building 4 argue for significant drinking activities in the
court of the building. A few of them were in fine, often decorated, ware, while
a stone one was also found in the building. The installation of a wine press in
the ground floor of the building is not surprising in view of the large number
of cups.
Bowls were also attested in the building, though their small numbers
and their variant types may suggest several uses. Moreover, olive pips were
associated with some of the eleven pithoi found in the building, so some
olives may have been consumed together with other types of food.
d) Palace Associated Sites. Again, as is the case with the Peak Sanctuaries,
cups, bowls and plates are always present in these buildings. They obviously
refer to drinking and eating activities, as argued above. In the Lower West
Court sanctuary (LWCS) at Phaestos more than 30 cups, 10 bowls and 3
plates were found, and in the Upper west court sanctuary (UWCS) more than
10 cups, 10 bowls and 3 plates. In the later NP quartier 18 at Mallia, a
number of simple cups (>12), some spouted, and a large amount of crockery
have been reported.
A great deal of stone vases were stored and may have been produced
in the LWCS at Phaestos. These may have been produced in situ, like Syme
and elsewhere. Also, an ostrich shell may have been used as a very
prestigious cup. The stone vases (>20) stored in the LWCS were of many
types, some of which were for liquid and food consumption (cups, bowls).
Similar is the situation at the UWCS, where stone cups (>5) and a plate point
to drinking, and possibly to eating. No evidence, however, argues for their
production there. No stone cups or bowls have been reported from Mallia.
A large number of bones were reported from room LXIII of the LWCS
together with a fossil shell. Sea shells were also discovered in the Quartier 18
at Mallia. These argue against the use of the shells for eating and for their
107
association with other activities similar to those of the Temple Repositories
(Panagiotaki 1999, pl. 10, c).
e) Other Sanctuaries. The cups of Syme are of various shapes, conical,

cylindrical, one-handled etc. and in great numbers (possibly thousands).
Similarly, hundreds of bowls, were found both in and outside the buildings,
made of both more and less valuable materials (coarse to fine ware clay and
stone). A large number of animal bones was also found on the site. Cups and
bowls of the various types are also found in stone, or very fine ware (e.g.
egg-shell ware). Often these stone vessels are stored indoors.
In any case, cups also existed in large numbers in Kophinas and
Piskokephalo, and in small numbers (>10) at Anthropolithous pointing to
drinking activities there. In Kophinas some stone cups and drinking related
vessels were also found. A few bowls were reported from Stous
Anthropolithous.
Triton and other shells were found at Syme. Some of the former were
interpreted as foundation deposits.
5.1.2.1.2 Serving or carrying. It is also interesting to discuss the medium

storage vessels that could be used to transport commodities from the nearest
settlement, or from the nearest storeroom, but also for serving. With them
the trays that were used for serving will be also mentioned. It is a well known
phenomenon that most non-complete coarse vessels excavated in the first
three quarters of the twentieth century were not collected, while many of
them have never been identified. Their smaller number to the cups and bowls
is, anyway, expected as one serving vessel or tray can serve many times, e.g.
one jar carries many cups worth of drink. For a discussion on the pithoi and
large storage vessels, see 6.1.
Table 5: Evidence for Storage and Serving Numbers

Atsipades-Jugs
Atsipades-Jars, bridge-spouted
Karphi-Pithos sherds
Korakomouri-Jars, spouted, clay >2
Philioremos-Pithos fragment
Traostalos-Jars, bridge spouted >10
Traostalos-Jars, storage >10
Vrysinas-Jars, Bridge spouted
Vrysinas-Pithoi, rope decorated
Xykephalo-Vases with handles, in blue paint, coarse
Youkhtas PP-Jar, spouted, bridge-spouted, sherds
Youkhtas OP-Pithos fragments
Youkhtas OP-Jars, bridge spouted
Youkhtas NP-Pithoi
Youkhtas NP-Jugs
Youkhtas NP-Jars, open or bridge-spouted
Kythera-Jars of various shapes
Kythera-Pithoi and pithoid jars >5
Anemospelia-Discs clay >1
Anemospelia-Askos 1
Anemospelia-Jugs, bucket-like >1
108
Table 5: Evidence for Storage and Serving Numbers
Anemospelia-Pithoi, some decorated >2
Building B-Amphoras
Building B-Trays, clay
Building 4-Pithoi 11
Building 4-Amphorae >3 (1 entire)
Building 4-Jars Many (3 types)
Building 4-stamnoi Few
Building 4- Bucket-like vessels, clay >1
Phaestos LWCS-Spouted vessels, clay (some basket or bucket-shaped) >10
Phaestos LWCS-Jugglets, clay >5
Phaestos LWCS-Pithoi, medium 8
Phaestos LWCS-Amphorae small or pithoid >5
Phaestos LWCS-Hydria, small 1
Phaestos LWCS-Jugs >5
Phaestos LWCS-Stamnoi
Phaestos LWCS-Jars >5
Phaestos LWCS-bottles, clay >3
Phaestos LWCS-Pilgrim's flask, clay 1
Phaestos UWCS-Jars (tripod, spouted, piriform, with one or two handles,
oval bodied)
Phaestos UWCS-Amphoras >2
Mallia Quartier 18-Jars, some large >6
Mallia Quartier 18-Oenochoe
Mallia Quartier 18-Crucibles, clay >2
Kophinas-Jars and Jugs, spouted >10
Kophinas-Pithoi, small <10
Kophinas-Vessels, large, open shapes <10
Piskokephalo-Vessels, large (small pithoi) >1
Syme-Amphoras
Syme-Jars, spouted or amphoroid, some with inscribed handles
Syme-Pithoi
a) Peak Sanctuaries. Clay jugs, and bridge-spouted jars were reported from
Atsipades (PP and OP) and from the same periods of Youkhtas. Vrysinas had
bridge spouted jars, and so did Traostalos, Karakomouri, possibly Xykephalo,
the NP phase of Youkhtas (Jugs, Jars and bucket-like vessels), and Kythera
(Jars and Pithoid jars).
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. At Anemospelia an askos, a steatite

teapot and large closed vessels that possibly carried liquids were discovered.
The latter will have to be seen, however, in conjunction with the hundreds of
cups found at Youkhtas itself. Interesting also is the presence of extremely
thin large clay trays, 1 meter in diameter, that carried animal bones and most
probably also meat.
c) Building 4. A few stamnoi, some amphorae, and some jars (some of which
spouted) were found there together with several pithoi that could have been
used to store both food and drinks.
d) Palace Associated Sites. In the LWCS pots, bottles, amphoras (some

small), an Hydria, Jugs and Jars of various types, a stamnos, a pilgrim's flask,
109
and various other types of spouted vases were found (>30). Similarly in the
UWCS jars of various types (some spouted) and several Amphoras (>10) are
among the finds. In the NP quartier 18 at Mallia six large jars, an oinochoe
and two crucibles have also been recorded.
e) Other Sanctuaries. Several jars, amphoroid or spouted, found at Syme

possibly contained the liquids consumed in the cups. Jars (>10) were also
found at Kophinas and possibly at Piskokephalo, though the latter is not
entirely clear from the report.
5.1.2.1.3 Preparation. For the preparation of food, cooking is of prime

importance. Tripod cooking pots, braziers, grilles and fire all can contribute to
the preparation of a meal. The latter is not necessarily only for cooking but
that will be discussed later in this section. All the above ceramic items are of
coarse wares, since they need to be fire resistant, and consequently were not
collected in most early excavations.
Figure 19: Tripod Cooking Pots from Building 4.

Y. & E. Sakellaraki 1997, 432, fig. 405
Table 6: Tripod Cooking Pots and other cooking implements Numbers

Korakomouri-Tripod cooking pots, clay >2
Petsofas-Cooking Pots, clay
Traostalos-Cooking Pots, clay >20
Traostalos-Grille (?), metal (?) 1
Vrysinas-Tripod Cooking Pots, clay
Youkhtas OP-Tripod Cooking Pots, clay
Youkhtas NP-Tripod Cooking Pots
Kythera-Tripod Cooking Pots >10
Anemospelia-Tripod Cooking Pots, clay >3
Building 4-Tripod cooking pots, clay >40 (4 entire)
Building 4- Discs for cooking, clay >3 (3 types)
Building 4- Cooking palettes, clay
Phaestos LWCS-Tripod cooking pots, clay >3
Phaestos LWCS-Graters, clay
Phaestos LWCS-Strainer, clay
Phaestos LWCS-Grills, metal
Phaestos LWCS-Spit holders
Mallia Quartier 18-Tripod Cooking Pots, clay >4
Kophinas-Tripod Cooking Jars, clay >10
Piskokephalo-Vessels, large (small pithoi), clay >1
Syme-Tripod cooking pots and other types of cauldrons, clay
110
Table 7: Evidence of Heating Sources Numbers
Traostalos-Brazier
Vrysinas-Brazier
Phaestos LWCS-Brazier, clay 1
Phaestos LWCS-Hearth, clay 1
Syme-Brazier 1
Table 8: Direct Evidence of Fire

Philioremos-Ashes
Prinias-Ashes
Pyrgos-sherds burnt
Traostalos-Bones, some burnt
Traostalos-Ashes
Ano Vigla-Ashes
Vrysinas-Ashes
Xykephalo-Ashes
Youkhtas-Ashes and charred wood
Syme, Wood burnt and ash
a) Peak Sanctuaries. Tripod cooking pots have only been reported at

Karakomouri, Petsofas, Traostalos, Vrysinas, Youkhtas (both OP and NP) and
Kythera, while braziers have been found at Traostalos and Vrysinas. Parts of a
grille were recovered from Traostalos, while cooking pots are also attested at
Kythera. Their absence from the well-excavated site of Atsipades argues that
no preparation of meals took place, at least, on some Peak Sanctuaries, while
in some others the respective sherds were not collected. It is possible that
cooking of meals in situ was taking place only at Petsofas, Karakomouri,
Traostalos, Vrysinas, Youkhtas and Kythera though that may be an extreme
interpretation.
There is ample evidence for remnants of fire (ashes) in many Peak
Sanctuaries. According to the relevant reports Philioremos, Prinias, Pyrgos,
Traostalos, Vigla, Ano Vigla Zakrou, Vrysinas, Xykephalo, and Youkhtas all
had traces of burning. These fires might have been either part of the ritual or
part of the food preparation activities.
It is interesting to compare here some of the above data. Bones,
cooking pots, and braziers all point to the possible use of fire for cooking.
They are found in the largest Peak Sanctuaries and may have been of NP
date, though it is not very easy to determine the date within Minoan times.
The presence of ash, both OP and NP, and from many more sites, indicates
the presence of fire, though not necessarily for cooking. Large bonfires for
night activities are a possibility (the presence of lamps argues for night
activities). Some sites of OP date, moreover, yield no ashes, bones or cooking
pots. Despite that, drinking and feasting probably did take place. The most
obvious example that follows this pattern is Atsipades, which despite the lack
of ash has many bowls and cups. This means that in some small Peak
Sanctuaries the preparation of food did not take place in the sanctuary (there
are no small NP sanctuaries). One other conclusion is that fires were not only
for cooking nor were they a necessary element of Peak Sanctuaries.
111
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. The tripod cooking pots at
Anemospelia, some decorated, may have been used for food preparation
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 415-416).
c) Building 4. Some cooking discs and palettes together with at least forty
tripod cooking pots (Figure 19) were recovered.
d) Palace Associated Sites. Evidence for cooking in the form of tripod cooking
pots was present both in the NP and the OP period. A few pots were recorded
(>3) at Mallia quartier 18 and at LWCS at Phaestos (>2). It is possible that
the tripod jars at the UWCS at Phaestos were also used for cooking. It is
interesting to note that in the LWCS at Phaestos graters, a strainer, a sieve
and a brazier were found, pointing to the preparation of food there.
e) Other Sanctuaries. An abundance of tripod cooking pots was excavated in

and out of the buildings at Syme, arguing, in both cases, for feasting activities
taking place in the sanctuary. The braziers found in several places could also
support such an interpretation, although braziers could also be a source of
portable heating. Feasting and drinking related items (cups, bowls, jars and
tripod cooking pots) were the predominant items at Syme, arguing therefore
for the preponderance of the relevant activities there.
5.1.2.2 Animal slaughtering. The killing of animals is not necessarily a ritual

activity. When it takes place, however, in a predominantly ritual place it is
most probably of ritual nature. In any case, the much repeated performance
of animal slaughtering, as the numerous bones reveal, in a ritual space is at
least associated with ritual. Here we shall look at all the other material (the
feasting and the bones were discussed above) that could possibly be related
to ritual animal slaughtering. We cannot be certain as to the exact use of
cutting knives (as opposed to non-functional ones), as they could also be of
votive character.
Bucket-like vessels could have been used for the collection of the blood
from the ritual killing, as the excavator of Anemospelia speculates
(Sakellarakis 1997, 594-611) based on iconography such as the Ayia Triada
sarcophagus (Immerwahr 1990, pl. 51). Even if that is not the case, these
items are found in small numbers in each of the sites where they are
attested, and may represent a ritual core (3.1.1).
Table 9: Large open shapes potentially used for blood collection Numbers
Youkhtas NP-Bucket-shaped vessels
Anemospelia-Bucket-like vessels, one with Linear A inscription 1>
Building B-Bucket-like vessels, stone >1
Phaestos LWCS- Bucket-shaped vase
Phaestos UWCS-Basin, clay 1
Phaestos UWCS-Receptacles, octagonal and quadrangular 1+1
Syme-Basins, some clay tripod, and one stone
112
Libations could have been also attached to ritual animal slaughtering
activities as the Ayia Triada sarcophagus also notes, though these are
discussed independently.
a) Peak Sanctuaries. A bucket-shaped vessel was reported at Youkhtas

showing that Peak Sanctuaries should be included in the types of sanctuaries
that host the activities related to that shape of vessel.
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. Several bucket-like vessels, some
of which are highly decorated and one which has a linear A inscription were
found at Anemospelia. If ritual animal slaughtering did take place, the west
room with its central platform feature, which was devoid of other features or
finds, would be ideal. It is the place where the excavator reconstructs the
human sacrifice. Interestingly the buckets, the platform on which the possible
human sacrifice took place, the clay discs carrying meat and the libation jug
can be connected to reconstruct animal slaughtering and feasting activities, to
which libations could be a part as apparently is the case with the Ayia Triada
sarcophagus where similar items appear together. Interestingly a stone
bucket-like vase was also recovered from the nearby Building B.
c) Palace Associated Sites. Bucket-like vessels were discovered at both the
UWCS and the LWCS, while in the former two stone receptacles were also
found. We are uncertain as to their original function.
d) Building 4. A large bucket-like clay vessel (with several sherds of others),
may point activities similar to those at Anemospelia.
e) Other Sanctuaries. Some basins exist both in clay and stone forms at
Syme.
5.1.2.3 Pouring of Liquids. Interesting are the perforated cups and the rhyta
pointing to liquid pouring activities (cf. libations). Possibly associated with the
libations were all the possible receptacles and bucket-like objects that have
already been discussed directly above.
Table 10: Pouring Liquids: Rhyta, Libation Cups and Jugs Numbers
Atsipades-Cups, perforated, clay
Atsipades-Rhyta, in vessel or animal form (1 perforated)
Prinias-Rhyton, beetle-shaped
Prinias-Rhyton, bull-shaped
Vrysinas-Rhyta, bull >2
Xykephalo-Rhyta, fine ware
Youkhtas OP-Rhyton, bull-shaped
Youkhtas NP-Cups, perforated
Youkhtas NP-Libation vases
Kythera-Rhyta >12
Anemospelia-Rhyton, globular 1
Anemospelia-Jug for libations 1
Phaestos LWCS-Rhyton, animal shape, clay 1
Phaestos UWCS-Cups, perforated, clay >1
Kophinas-Rhyta, bull-shaped <10
Syme-Cups Chalice, clay (1 stone)
a) Peak Sanctuaries. The rhyta found in Peak Sanctuaries are often very
elaborate, some representing animals or insects. Several rhyta were found at
113
Atsipades, in vessel and animal form together with one in the form of a bull's
head. A beetle and a bull-shaped (Figure 20) rhyton were found at Prinias,
while another common bull-shaped rhyton was reported at Vrysinas. Several
were disclosed at Xykephalo, and from both palace periods of Youkhtas, while
some (>12, 46% conical) were also found at Kythera. As for the perforated
vessels, several NP ones were reported from Youkhtas and some OP ones
from Atsipades Korakias.
Figure 20: Bull-shaped Rhyton from Prinias. Davaras 1982, fig.34

In other words, rhyta especially, but also perforated cups, came from
all parts of the island in both palace periods, from large and small Peak
Sanctuaries, though in small numbers. This might mean that the 'libation'
activities were performed by a small number of people, possibly by one
person each time. It has to be mentioned here that elaborate or fine ware
rhyta needed more skill to make and were obviously rare items.
a) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. A globular rhyton and a libation jug
(both with a hole at their bottom) were found at Anemospelia.
b) Building 4. The complete lack of any libation cups or rhyta is worth noting.
c) Palace Associated Sites. An animal-shaped rhyton was found in the LWCS,
while 'libation' cups were found in the UWCS. No such thing was recovered at
Mallia. It is conceivable to reconstruct a ritual core in Phaestos that is
associated with liquid-pouring activities.
d) 'Other' Sanctuaries. Some rhyta (<10) in the shape of a bull were
discovered at Kophinas. Although, the presence of rhyta at Syme is uncertain
it should not be overruled. Moreover,
5.1.2.4 Lighting or scenting. Although lighting is not a performance that might

constitute ritual by itself, it is nevertheless important for our reconstruction of
the approximate times the sanctuaries were in use. The presence of lamps in
all types of open-air sites we studied probably shows that some of the
activities, were performed under the shroud of darkness. This gives another
dimension to these sites, as they were used also in darkness.
Scenting is an activity that can be more closely connected to ritual. It
can act as an additional mood evoking mechanism (2.5.1). The two are
discussed together, however, as the same items could have been employed
for both.
'Lamps' were possibly used, at least partly, for lighting, as their form
and their burnt marks (or their lack) argue. If that was the case, then our
114
above speculation that some of the activities there were conducted after dark
would hold. It is noteworthy, that portable lamps were more difficult to trace
as their majority would return home with their owners.
Figure 21: Young Priestess from Akrotiri. Doumas 1992, 56 fig. 24
Table 11: Evidence for Lighting Numbers

Atsipades-Lamps, small, clay
Petsofas-Lamps, large, stone
Thylakas-Lamp, small, clay
Traostalos-Lamps, large, stone
Kythera-Lamp, rosso anticho, large
Building B-Lamp, stone, large
Phaestos LWCS-Lamps, stone, large
Phaestos UWCS-Lamps, clay and stone, small 4+1
Phaestos UWCS-Lamp, clay, large 1
Mallia Quartier 18-Lamps, clay, small >3
Kophinas-Lamps, fragmented, stone Large
Piskokephalo-Lamp, clay, small 1
Syme-Lamps, small, clay
Syme-Lamps, large, stone
Table 12: Evidence for Fumigation Numbers

Traostalos-Incense burners
Kythera-Incense burners >6
Phaestos LWCS-Incense burner, clay 1
Mallia Quartier 18-Tubular incense burners, clay 4
Mallia Quartier 18-Tweezers, metal 1 pair
Syme-Incense burner
115
a) Peak Sanctuaries. A few lamps of various types were recorded in Peak
Sanctuaries. At Atsipades and at Thylakas clay small portable lamps were
recorded, while at Petsofas (1) and Traostalos (>1) stone ones were found. A
large square stone lamp with a small foot was also recovered at Kythera. It is
relevant here to note that some incense burners have been found at
Traostalos (>2) and Kythera (>4).
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries and Building 4. The complete
absence of any lamps or incense burners at Anemospelia or Building 4 is
notable.
c) Palace Associated Sites. Incense burners were found at the LWCS and at
Mallia 18. Those in the latter were accompanied by a pair of tweezers. Clay
lamps were found at the LWCS (>5), at Mallia Quartier 18 (>3), and at the
UWCS at Phaestos (>1).
d) Other Sanctuaries. Incense burners are also attested at Syme. Several
lamps, moreover, both clay and stone, were found in various places indoors
or outdoors and are associated with both the OP and the NP periods. The fact
that they were found in situ outdoors might imply that some of the activities
took place in the dark. In both Kophinas and Piskokephalo, lamps were also
recovered, some stone ones in the former and a clay one in the latter site.
5.1.2.5 Offering tables. The so-called 'offering tables' are stone or clay flat
surfaces with the capacity to carry solids and sometimes liquids (Muhly 1981),
which have been reported from several sanctuaries of different periods (OP
and NP) (Figure 22). Although their exact use cannot be imagined, we shall
discuss all the examples from our sites together, on the basis that their
similar elaborate form may have had a common function.
a) Peak Sanctuaries. In Atsipades (OP) the parts of two clay 'offering tables'
were reported, while at least one was also reported from Traostalos with
relief loaf decoration. Stone 'offering tables' (some inscribed) were also
reported from Petsofas, Traostalos, Vrysinas and Kythera, possibly from the
NP period. At Youkhtas no stone 'offering tables' were associated with the
Peak Sanctuary in the OP, though this was possibly due to the fact that all the
'offering tables' at Syme were initially attributed to the NP period. The recent
re-dating of some 'offering tables' from Syme to the OP period, allows us to
extrapolate an OP date for several of the Youkhtas tables. This shows that
'offering tables' were not a practice of one period or one place; on the
contrary, they were distributed widely in both space and time, and of varying
quality. The Petsofas, Traostalos, Vrysinas and Youkhtas examples are at the
other end of the quality spectrum to those from Atsipades; they are made of
stone, while the latter are of clay, and some are inscribed, while the latter are
not. The Youkhtas examples are of the highest quality. The numbers also
vary; at small Atsipades parts of two were attested, at Petsofas and Vrysinas
more (>2) and in Youkhtas, the largest Peak Sanctuary, many more (>20). In
other words they are relative to the size of the site, though there are
disproportionately more at Youkhtas. This might mean that the activity
associated with 'offering tables' was performed more often, or with larger
participation in Youkhtas. The fact, however, that they were also found at
116
Atsipades, proves that they were not exclusively for the 'palatial' Peak
Sanctuaries, or the Peak Sanctuaries associated with settlements that had
palaces.
Table 13: Offering Tables Numbers

Atsipades-Clay, fragments of 2
Petsofas-Stone, inscribed
Traostalos-Stone >2
Traostalos-Discs, schist, small >50
Traostalos-Clay, with relief decoration
Vrysinas-Stone, some inscribed
Youkhtas OP-As the excavations concluded before the association of
offering tables at Syme with the OP period, no such items were
associated with that period
Youkhtas OP-Kernoi, stone
Youkhtas NP-Stone several stones
Youkhtas NP-Kernoi, stone
Youkhtas NP-Miniature offering tables
Youkhtas NP-'Ladles', crest like
Kythera-Stone >4
Kythera-Ladles 7
Building 4-Stone 2
Phaestos LWCS-Stone
Phaestos UWCS-Clay
Anemospelia-Clay, with foliate motif 1
Anemospelia-Disc, stone, like an offering table without the foot, hole on 1
top of rim
Anemospelia-Stone
Kophinas-stone <50
Syme-Tubular Stands, columns, supports >30
Syme-Stone >500
Syme-Stone, miniature, many
The find of many (>20), otherwise rare, stone crest-shaped 'ladles' at

Youkhtas is intriguing as it does not exist in any other Peak Sanctuary in
Crete. In the island of Kythera, interestingly, seven more 'ladles' were
recovered. Their large numbers at Youkhtas however, and their absence from
many other sites, argue for an activity that is peculiar to the two Peak
Sanctuaries, possibly a ritual core. The large numbers of the 'ladles' would
argue for repetition of the respective activity within the site. A similar case is
the discovery of a large number of stone discs (>50) at Traostalos. They may
well represent a similar ritual core, though this is not certain.
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. The presence of offering tables
(two or three) at Anemospelia is very interesting, as they are both of stone
and decorated clay. The latter is of a similar concept to a stone offering table
at Syme (with foliage), and a clay one from Traostalos (with incised loaves).
c) Palace Associated Sites. 'Offering tables' were also found in most of the
palace associated complexes, except the Malia quartier 18, though a
biconcave 'altar' there may have served a similar or analogous function. At
Mallia MMII and at the UWCS the installations were permanent. It is also
possible to compare the 'depressions' found in room 2 of quartier 18 at Mallia,
to that of room 2 at Palaikastro building 5, and that outside the UWCS at
117
Phaestos. Moreover, there is a close similarity between the Phaestos
'depression' and the UWCS offering table (room VIII).
d) Building 4. Two fragments of 'offering tables' were recovered at Building 4.
e) Other Sanctuaries. It is possible that the 'ladles' at Youkhtas are similar to
the 'miniature offering tables' at Syme. In that case, this ritual core at
Youkhtas, might actually exist also at Syme. However, we will have to await
publication for such a reconstruction.
'Offering tables' have been found in great numbers (>500) at both OP
and NP Syme. Their majority came from outdoors (the Krepis had a large
number in it) though some come from indoors (U). Most of them were
possibly produced locally. 'Offering tables' are also recorded at Kophinas
(serpentinite) but not at Piskokephalo.
5.1.2.6 Pebbles. Several sea or river pebbles are well attested in several of
the open-air sites in Crete (Nowicki 1994, 43-4). They always come in quite
large numbers (>10). One must note, however, that although the larger of
these pebbles may have been used as querns, the smaller were not utilitarian.
Moreover, whatever their function in ritual was, they did not come from the
site, but from rivers or the sea and have been brought through human
agency. This means that the activities associated with the respective
Sanctuaries also took place elsewhere. This 'elsewhere' could be as close as
the foot of the mountain and as far as a specific important beach or river
somewhere in Crete. We prefer here the former interpretation. We can
certainly trace this activity to the OP, though it is not impossible that it
continued into the NP as well. In the unlikely chance that pebbles were
equivalent to beads, this might mean that the more elaborate Sanctuaries had
more valuable and rare versions of the same item.
Table 14: Pebbles Numbers

Atsipades-Pebbles >150
Karphi-Pebbles (?)
Modi >10
Prinias >50
Traostalos >100
Ano Vigla
Vrysinas >20
Anemospelia 11
Efentis Christos
Syme Approx. 600
a) Peak Sanctuaries. Pebbles are well attested in Peak Sanctuaries (Nowicki

1994, 43-4). They exist in great numbers in Atsipades (>150), possibly at
Karphi, at Modi (>10), Prinias (>50), Vrysinas (>20), Traostalos (>100), and
Ano Vigla at Zakros. Youkhtas had several beads of semi-precious stones or
gold (OP) (5.1.2.8).
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. A group of 11 sea or river pebbles
was scattered in the east room at Anemospelia. This type also connects this
site to the activities at Youkhtas.
118
c) Building 4 and Palace Associated Sites. There are no pebbles mentioned
from any site associated with the palaces. This might mean that only the
remote sanctuaries were connected to activities having to do with pebbles.
d) Other Sanctuaries. Around 600 pebbles were discovered outdoors at Syme
in various parts. Pebbles at Syme, but also at Anemospelia clearly
demonstrate that this type of find was not confined only at Peak Sanctuaries
but also existed elsewhere (contra Nowicki 1994, 33-36).
5.1.2.7 Knife/Sword offering and/or cutting.
Table 15: Knives, Swords, Weapons Numbers

Karphi-Blade, bronze, fragments 2
Karphi-Arrowhead
Modi-Blades, 'votive'
Petsofas-Blades, bronze
Petsofas-Knife, bronze
Vrysinas-Knives, bronze, miniature
Youkhtas OP-Dagger
Youkhtas NP-Dagger
Youkhtas-Knives, small
Youkhtas-Axe, bronze
Kythera-Sword, part of, marble 1
Kythera-Axes 2
Kythera-knife, plate, metal
Kythera-Blade, cut-out
Anemospelia-Blade of Spear 1
Building 4-knife 1
Phaestos UWCS-Dagger blade 1
Syme-Swords >2
Syme-Arrowhead 1
Syme-Knife blade 1
a) Peak Sanctuaries. There are a great deal of knives, blades, daggers and
weapons or cutting implements in the Minoan Peak Sanctuaries. A blade and
an arrowhead were found in Karphi, an OP and a NP dagger but also a bronze
axe at Youkhtas, blades and a knife at Petsofas, while at Vrysinas and Modi
miniature or 'votive' non-functional blades were recovered. It is worth noting
that a knife, a marble part of a sword, and metal axes were also found at
Kythera. Though they may represent different activities, including for instance
the deposition of daggers and the use of knives in ritual, their similarity
dictates their discussion together. The use of weapons and cutting
implements in Peak Sanctuaries is widely attested and shows that they are
possibly well associated with them. Their spatial and temporal dissemination,
make them one of the most repeated items in these sanctuaries. Moreover, a
great number of non-utilitarian or miniature knives and tools were also found
(5.4.4). It is possible that the function of the utilitarian ones was not different
to these.
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. An ornate blade of a spear or of a
short sword was related to the human sacrifice.
c) Building 4. A cutting implement was found in Building 4, while a knife blade
predated the construction of the building.
119
d) Palace Associated Sites. In room VIII of the UWCS at Phaestos a knife
blade was found, while obsidian blades were found in the LWCS.
e) Other Sanctuaries. Three swords (see MacDonald 1984, types G1 and C1)
were found at Syme, together in a mixed outdoor deposit (Papasavvas et al.
1999). A sword is also depicted on the Vafeio ring (I 219, NM 1201; Boulotis
1997, unpublished and 2002, forthcoming) as deposited on a figure-of-eight
shield as well as on the Akrotiri Xeste IV staircase fresco (for a picture see
Doumas 1992, 178-9) as carried by a male procession (Kyriakidis 2000, 79-
82). Although in both cases they may act as 'votives', they have not been
attested in any other site studied here save the exceptional Peak Sanctuary at
Kythera. Presumably the value of swords was so great that they made both a
rare deposit and also a luring steal. The evidence on swords from both
iconography and the Syme find suffices to characterise the latter as votive.
Tens of non-utilitarian cut-out knives were found in Kophinas together
with several other decorative bronze cut-outs.
5.1.2.8 Personal Items or Votives?. Several items of a personal nature may

have been either accidental depositions and lost property or voluntary
dedications of personal items. Seals, jewellery, cutout sheets for clothes or
furniture, fibulae, beads, combs and other similar items belong to this
category. A good indication on their nature is their location. Isolated jewellery
and seals in buildings are possibly of a personal nature; when they are found,
though, in thick ritual deposits, they can more easily be attributed a votive
character.
The size of these items render them very difficult to trace without
sieving during the excavation. Unfortunately, few, if any, early excavations
employed this method and have, therefore, lost the majority of such items.
Their deposition seems to be a limited phenomenon of the richer Sanctuaries
of both periods.
a) Peak Sanctuaries. Seals seem to have a small dissemination in Peak
Sanctuaries. Their size would also render them difficult to recover
archaeologically. They were attested at Atsipades (clay stamp seal), Karphi
(seals of stone) and a great amount of seals of various types and sizes were
found at Youkhtas. Though the sites that recovered seals are not numerous,
they do not seem to belong to a certain category of age, geographical area or
richness of site. It is clear however, that Youkhtas, which is larger, has more
and more valuable seals, while Atsipades, which is smaller, has only one seal
made out of clay.
Very much like seals, a considerable amount of jewellery and cutout
sheets has been discovered on Peak Sanctuaries. Both were found in gold at
Traostalos. Gold plates were recovered at OP Youkhtas while both bronze
jewellery and plates (one with gold plating) were found in the same sanctuary
from the NP phase. Several pins have also come from Traostalos and
Youkhtas (1 with golden head). A great number of beads were found at
Youkhtas and Kythera; in the latter case they may have belonged to a
necklace (LMI).
120
Table 16: Personal Items Numbers
Atsipades-Seal, stamp, clay, maybe a copy 1
Karphi-Seals, stone 1
Traostalos-Pins 2
Traostalos-Jewellery, gold
Youkhtas OP-Bead, gold 1
Youkhtas NP-Jewellery, bronze
Youkhtas NP-Lentoid haematite 1
Youkhtas-Pins or nails, 1 with golden head
Youkhtas-Pendant with scorpion, insect, snake 1
Youkhtas-Seals 10
Youkhtas-scarab cover, golden leaf 1
Youkhtas-Beads
Kythera-Jewellery, gold
Kythera-Beads, faience 4
Building 4-Fibula 1
Building 4-Seal,steatite (two lions) 1
Building 4-Bead,rock crystal 1
Building 4-Pendand,sard (seated monkey) 1
Anemospelia-Boxes, bronze, round, perforated >1
Anemospelia-Ring, silver cast with iron 1
Anemospelia-Seal, agate
Building B-Seals >1
Phaestos LWCS-Pyxis 1
Phaestos LWCS-Button 1
Phaestos LWCS-Pendant 1
Phaestos LWCS-Fibula or awl, bone 1
Phaestos LWCS-Needle, bone 1
Phaestos LWCS-Seal 1
Phaestos LWCS-String of Necklace 1
Kophinas-Seals steatite 5
Kophinas-Beads, stone (some rock crystal) >20
Kophinas-Beads, gold 3
Syme-Bracelet, gold wire 1
Syme-Pin, bronze 1
Syme-Ring, bronze 1
Syme-Pyxis(?), stone
Syme-Comb, bone 1
Syme-Top of staff with horns of consecration 1
Syme-Seal, rock crystal, talismanic 1
Syme-Seal, green schist, pressed chlorite 1+1
Syme-Cover of seal, gold bezel 1
Syme-Ball head of pin 1
b) Palace Associated Sites. Jewellery (a pendant, a seal, and a string of a

necklace), needles, a possible fibula, and a button were found in the LWCS at
Phaestos
c) Building 4. A fibula, a seal, a bead, and a pendant can be attributed to
people that worked in the building as the associated items were connected
with workshop activities.
d) Other Sanctuaries: Syme. Several beads, seals of all periods (linear PP,
talismanic and NP), jewellery (including necklaces, a bracelet, a ring, a gold
121
cover for a seal, pins etc.), a bone comb, and the top of a staff (that could
bear horns of consecration if it does not belong to the PP period) are found in
various unclear layers in Syme. We cannot attribute them any value with
certainty.
5.1.2.9 Items repeated but not disseminated. There are several types of items
that are not attested in many sites but are repeated many times in a few
locations. Although we cannot infer the type of action related to these items
we can infer that there was a repeated reason for their presence in these
contexts. We shall refer to these items and their associated performances,
therefore, as they illuminate possible ritual cores.
a) Peak Sanctuaries. One of the few unique types of pottery recorded in Peak
Sanctuaries are the NP 'votive crowned square clay objects/vessels' (Karetsou
1985, 290). These exist in considerable numbers (>10) on the Peak
Sanctuary of Youkhtas and we are not certain how to interpret them. They
possibly reflect some ritual of the NP period that is unique to that site.
b) Palace Associated Sites. Fire boxes were found at both the LWCS at
Phaestos (>2) and the Mallia quartier 18 (>2), showing that the activity
associated with them was not confined to one of the periods but only to this
type of site.
c) Other Sites: Syme. Several tubular vessels were found, some of which
outdoors in contemporary to U strata. Their use is, however, still puzzling. In
later periods, tubular vessels with snake decoration were considered ritual
vessels due to their frequent occurrence with large 'Goddess figurines'.
5.1.2.10 Items neither repeated nor disseminated. Some other items were
unique because of their high material or votive value, their limited use in
rituals, or even their accidental deposition. Whichever is the case, some
action is related to them and they are worth mentioning. Although, some
ritual cores may be hidden amongst them, these objects are merely
mentioned here for the sake of future research. It is hoped that the students
of Minoan archaeology will make a mental note of those objects.
a) Peak Sanctuaries. The decoration of a bowl with several animal figurines

applied on its inside found at Philioremos, room 2, is rare. The 'seed
receptacle' from Youkhtas is also quite rare.
Some objects were recovered in limited numbers in very few sites,
such as the miniature gilded objects from Youkhtas.
It is also worth mentioning that an eagle talon, and a boar's tusk were
found at Vrysinas.
b) Sites Associated with Peak Sanctuaries. Some interesting clay baskets, a
large number of clay and stone unique small vases, not associated with any
activity until their full publication, and two or more round metal perforated
boxes were found at Anemospelia.
122
c) Palace Associated Sites. The LWCS is rich in valuable finds that are not
attested elsewhere; several bone or ivory items (awls, straws, tablets, horns,
handles, buttons), together with a palette. The UWCS had no such items,
apart from a white marble and a schist tablet.
d) Other Sites: Syme. A rock crystal vessel, together with a decorated
serpentinite column base, pillar and capital, with bear no relation to each
other were discovered in various parts of the sanctuary.
5.1.3 Rare opportunities to glimpse ritual item situations

There are three very revealing groups of finds from the later phase of building
U at Syme (mainly OP), associated with different areas. They are very useful
for our study, as they illuminate ritual groups of items in the site.
1) In room 5, several items were found near the stone box-like feature
defined by schist plaques: two large conical cups, one of them decorated,
a serpentinite offering table, a clay one with a cylindrical foot and a clay
lamp; also an early tubular vessel, part of a communion cup with six small
vessels, and a sherd of another with small clay callosities for the possible
reception of a thin item (grain, a twig. etc.).
2) In room 12 near the stone box-like feature defined by schist plaques, a
conical cup, a clay brazier, two serpentinite offering tables and a lamp of
the same material were found together with traces of burnt wood.
3) In room 16, near a platform, a group of conical cups without handles and
one offering table of serpentinite, were also found.
Moreover, in various parts and layers of the enclosure Ub, which was
earlier than the later phase of U, small fire foci were discovered. Each of
these foci had one layer of fire each, marked by the burnt wood that was
surrounded by serpentinite offering tables, or inverted conical cups. Several
stone or clay vessels, such as carinated or conical cups without handles and
amphoroid vessels with an elliptical or a bridge spout were found there
together with offering tables of both the round and the square types.
Although fire was attested everywhere in the enclosure, there were no traces
of bones.
In the subsequent Peribolos wall NP "concentrations of carbonized
wood and ashes with irregular, quasi-elliptical outline, in which groups of
minuscule vases were found" (Lebessi and Muhly 1990, 323). No traces of
burnt bones were found there either.
In other words, it is possible to reconstruct a group of items attested
both indoors and outdoors at Syme. Outdoors, the items may have been used
for the relevant activities, while indoors they would have been stored. The
fact that there were stone open box-like features associated with the items
indoors, and fires outdoors, facilitates such a reconstruction. It is notable that
the fire outdoors was not associated with bones, which is also the case of the
courts associated with U (see Appendix E.5.2.3). This is the first instance that
cups, offering tables, and fire can be connected together. The brazier of room
12 (U), mentioned above, also supports this interpretation. We may have
traced a group of ritual items that were used together. There is nothing
however, to suggest that they were not parts of different activities which
123
always took place together. Moreover, there is nothing to argue that this
association of items took place only in Syme.
The fact that these fires did not contain any bones, while others,
mentioned above, did, points to the possible multiple use of fire in Minoan
ritual at least for OP times. Besides, at Atsipades neither bones nor fire
remains were found (the use of the site ends in OP). Unfortunately it is
impossible to distinguish between fire used for and fire not used for food
preparation when traces of fire and food preparation are found together. In
Syme there was ample evidence for the presence of fires (see similar
conclusions at 5.1.2.1.3).
5.1.4 The performances in Iconographical Situations

Apart from the groups of items that are used together at Syme of the OP
period, we have no other evidence for the ritual use of item or activity
combinations in the archaeological record apart from the case of iconography.
As we saw above, some situations (combinations of elements and activities)
were characterised as ritual, such as the laying of the branch, hanging from
trees, hugging rocks, gathering saffron, etc. (4.3.3). These situations, with
the exception of the laying of the branch and the 'Libations or Carrying
Libation Vases', do not have, as yet, any relation with the recovered material
culture.
5.1.5 Summarising Performance and Participation

Above we discussed the distribution of groups of items conventionally
classified together due to their apparent use in similar activities. Although
these objects may have been, in reality, classified in many different ways, and
may have been part of different activities than those ascribed to them, the
discussion of their dissemination is legitimate. The wide dissemination of the
above items and consequently of their use argues in favour of an established
network of practice. This network of practice seems to have been established
through time, as some of the item types were found in both Minoan palace
periods, space, as they were often disseminated throughout Crete, and type
of site, as some were found in sites that belonged to more than one
categories.
As already stated, it is hoped that the dissemination of the item types
also implies a dissemination of their related activities, whatever these might
be and even if the latter were different to those conventionally ascribed to
them. The dissemination of these activities, or performances, leads to their
greater establishment. But it also implies their repetition.
Some item types, such as the figurines and the drinking cups, were
repeated many times within one site and during both palace periods. This
kind of repetition must have indicated a considerable degree of participation
in the rites. The drinking cups, in particular, were well associated with all
studied sites. These item types, therefore, lend support to the
aforementioned idea that a large number of people was attending some of
the discussed open-air rituals.
In other words, several item types, some more than others, argue in
favour of established ritual performances. Moreover, according to the
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available evidence, at least a few of these open-air ritual performances had a
considerable participation.
5.2 REPETITION, INVARIANCE AND TRADITIONALISM

5.2.1 Repetition and Invariance
By studying the types of items found in open-air sanctuaries, we managed
also to assess their repetition (5.1.5). Mainly the drinking and feasting related
items, the figurines, but also the less disseminated offering tables, the items
related to the pouring of liquids, and a few others were much repeated. The
repetition of the objects' presence and their possibly related performances are
important to the overall assessment of the element of ritual repetition and
invariance.
The types of items and their related activities mentioned above

transcend the types of open-air sanctuary (are found in more than one type
of sanctuary), and the periods (are found in more than one period). They are
attested all over the island to such an extent that we can safely talk about
one ritual system. This evidence does not necessarily imply a homogeneous
belief system, as different beliefs may be attached to similar actions; it does
imply, however, a common practice throughout the island.
Some geographical areas, on the other hand, show differing degrees of

presence of one item type (such as the dung beetle figurines that are attested
more in the east -5.4.2.2.6), though our view might be biased because of the
few sites dug in the west. Quite often, the geography of the area is
responsible for some of the local variation, such as the Mallia area, which is
distinct due to the lack of Peak Sanctuaries. The same or similar rituals,
however, take place in the Mallia region as in other types of sites. In any
case, the variations are not as significant as to point to a large difference in
the rituals between areas.
There is one extra piece of evidence, that is not obviously related to

performance but to repetition. This is the repeated evidence of inscriptions in
the various sanctuaries that belong to the same two formulas.
5.2.1.1 The Evidence of Writing

Several stone vessels of different types bear inscriptions in Linear A (Figure
22). These inscriptions, though on different types of vessels and from
different periods (OP and NP) or places, seem to consistently belong to the
same two formulae. These two formulae, moreover, are very similar between
them. It has to be noted here, that although it was previously thought that
inscribed stone vessels belong only to the NP period, the new dating of
building U and of the open enclosure Ub at Syme to the OP has dated several
of them to the latter period. The greatest number of these formulaic
inscriptions are attested in sanctuaries or areas associated with ritual, i.e.
peak sanctuaries, Psychro cave, Syme (Schoep 1994, 7-25). Some others
occur in unclear context, possibly domestic. There are at least two sites,
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where formulaic inscriptions exist on pithoi, at Zakros and Anemospelia (Y.
and E. Sakellarakis 1997, 331). Although the association of the latter area
with ritual seems more plausible, there is no certainty over the context of the
former.
Writing is attested in the following Peak Sanctuaries: Yukhtas, with the
impressive number of 15 inscriptions, 12 of them on 'offering tables',
Petsophas with 12 unstratified inscribed 'offering tables', and Vrysinas with
one inscription. The cave of Psychro had three fragments of the same
inscribed 'offering table', Syme has yielded four inscriptions so far, and
Kophinas one.
Figure 22: Inscribed 'offering' table from Psychro. From Rutkowski 1986, 57
According to I.Schoep's overview of the work conducted by various scholars

(1994b, 7-25), two main formulaic inscriptions have been identified, which,
are approximately repeated in all the above cases. This repetition is very
important for the establishment of ritual as it appears over long periods of
time (Syme to Youkhtas), over a large part of Crete (Syme, Youkhtas,
Petsofas, Kofinas, Psychro, Vrysinas, Anemospelia, Zakros), and also within
one site (the many examples at Youkhtas and Petsofas). This repetition
reflects ritual repetition.
The fact that there is one of these inscriptions on a pithos may have
particular significance. The preponderance of this formula on ritual sites may
also associate this pithos with the ritual sphere. The several Linear A
inscriptions on other pithoi, yet not with the same formula, may mean that
these pithoi, and possibly their contents, were made and put there for a
specific purpose. Despite the presence of a similar formulaic inscription on a
pithos from Zakros, it cannot be held that a dedicant's name was written; it
would be hardly possible that the same person dedicated all these pithoi and
offering tables throughout Central and East Crete. On the other hand, the
receiver, especially if it was a divinity, or the contents could be the same
throughout the island. At Anemospelia there were several Linear A inscribed
pithoi (Y. and E. Sakellarakis 1997, 276). The fact that the inscription was
made before firing is worth noting, as it shows that the vessel was made for a
specific purpose, possibly similar to the other items.
Overall, the element of repetition is very strong in all Minoan ritual

sites studied. The element of invariance is quite strong too, as far as the
respective items are concerned, though there are very few item types that
have stable shapes. It has to be mentioned, however, that the more exclusive
126
to ritual the item type, the more stable its form. Figurines and 'offering
tables', are therefore, more stable in form than cups, and bowls also used in
mundane activities. Both repetition and invariance can be more safely
attributed to large open areas with a large number of finds, such as Peak
Sanctuaries and 'Other Sanctuaries'.
5.2.2 Traditionalism
The open-air ritual sites that were studied, namely the Peak Sanctuaries, and
their associated sites, the sites attached to larger structures (usually palaces)
and the 'Other' sanctuaries, all had long duration as a type and must have
generally evoked the sense of tradition that increased with time.
Unfortunately, building 4 is the only specimen of autonomous building
for funerary rituals and existed only in the NP period. The evidence of a large
number of cups and the few bronze figurines under the foundations of the
building may argue for earlier rituals of similar types in the area. In any case,
funerary rituals are attested from at least EM times elsewhere. Thus, the
sense of tradition would be present both in this specific building, but also in
others.
The Peak Sanctuaries possibly existed before the palaces, and may
have started being used as such from the early MM period (MMIA). Moreover,
according to Nowicki (2001) several of these sites may have been occupied
prior to the establishment of Peak Sanctuaries by FN or EM settlements (such
as Youkhtas and Petsofas). The long standing use of a site, even if it was not
for ritual purposes, attributes to the area an aura of long standing tradition.
In any case, as some of the sites have indications for their use by the early
MM period, during Old Palace times the trumpet of tradition would be already
blowing.
The sites associated with the Peak Sanctuaries, i.e. Building B and
Anemospelia for the Peak Sanctuary of Youkhtas, were mainly used at the
end of the OP period and into the NP one. This means that by the end of the
OP times there must have been a significant tradition behind this type of site.
If these sites were considered real parts of Youkhtas, then the traditionalism
of the Peak Sanctuary itself would have affected these sites as well. In any
case, the greatest Peak Sanctuary in Crete would have possibly affected the
whole hill.
Sites associated with greater buildings and especially palaces (Phaestos
and Mallia for our examples), may well gain a great deal of prestige from the
tradition of the palaces themselves.
Kophinas to a small extent and Syme to a large one had long uses. The
latter had three millennia of continuous recorded use for ritual purposes (from
EM to Early Christian) (Lebessi 1997, 192-196). The enclosure of Kophinas,
moreover, may have been of similar use to that of other sites such as Syme.
This similarity may have lent prestige and a long tradition to the former.
The signs used in the various types of sanctuaries, as analysed before,
were indicative of traditionalism. The figurines found mainly in the Peak
Sanctuaries and the 'Other' sanctuaries were used from before the palaces
and well after them. The larger figures and possible cult statues were attested
from the OP period to the Postpalatial. The Double Axes were attested from
127
both the OP and the NP period in palaces and probably only in the NP on the
Peak and 'Other' Sanctuaries (Syme). This was also the case with the horns of
consecration, which were attested elsewhere from possibly the Prepalatial
period. Their suspected adoption in the NP would have given an air of
tradition, prestige and authority to these sites. These signs may well have
been associated with palaces before, and that would have further
strengthened the effect.
Traditionalism is also evident from the somewhat invariant use of
several items, such as the libation jug, the special bucket (possibly for
sacrifice), and the chalice. As will be later discussed, they were all used for a
long period, and were also depicted in iconography. The combination of the
iconography and their find places show that they were long associated with
ritual. The same is true of some types of activity such as drinking and
feasting, which seem universally connected to Minoan ritual. These items
would have been associated with long traditions.
In other words, all types of sites, some more and others less, would
have many reasons to be associated with traditions. These may have played
an important role in ritual and the relative diminishment of the individual as
these ritual traditions were so much longer than the human life.
Due to the lack of well published sites we are in no position to argue
for the use of looms in Minoan ritual. Although old items were possibly used
for the performance of rituals, the contexts of the sites are not clear and they
have not been published in the great detail needed for such a reconstruction.
The use of strong materials, such as stone and metal, for items that are also
present in clay argues for the possibility of several items being preserved in
subsequent periods. These items, however, will be discussed along with the
element of formalism.
5.3 RULE GOVERNANCE AND FORMALISM

5.3.1 Rule Governance
Rule governance is the trait of establishment of ritual that can be least traced,
due to the lack of detailed publication. Although the only sites that could
show such patterns are Atsipades and Traostalos, the final publication has not
come out yet to enlighten us on the subject. In other words, spatial analysis
cannot be conducted in any of the studied sites. Preliminary reports from
Atsipades and other sites show certain patterns of differentiated use in
different parts of the Sanctuaries. Different finds are attested in different
parts of the hill, and in different degrees of concentration at both Traostalos
and Atsipades.
We can however, speculate on some of the rules that would be visible
in other ways. For instance, we might be able to reconstruct some of the
rules regarding exclusion. It is evident from iconography that the sexes may
not have participated together in some of the rituals. Moreover, certain
stances of body had to be assumed in some rituals and they may have been
dictated by rules (cf. the stone vase from Knossos, Warren 1969- P474, HM
426).
128
The enclosures (Kophinas, Syme, Youkhtas) also can be translated as
reflecting some form of rule, that some performers, for instance, had to be in
the bounds of the wall, or that the non-initiated ones had to be outside.
Although it is impossible to interpret the exact rule, arguably the very
presence of an enclosure wall reflects some type of rule, as its existence does
not imply a practical purpose. Similar to the architectural effect of the
enclosures must have been that of the paths of west courts. As we have seen
in iconography, these ways were employed in ritual (see miniature fresco). As
they lead to significant areas of the palace, they dictate the movement of
people. Moreover, the fact that edifices limited the number of people that
could participate in some of the rituals, must also have dictated the rules
about who would have access to the insides of the rooms and who would not.
For example, the door traced at Anemospelia implies that someone had the
authority to open it.
Similarly, there seem to be certain forms of rule governed distinction
such as gender, which will be discussed along with the element of formalism
(5.3.2).
Moreover, the fact that levelling, paving, and defining the open-air
space was a priority for most of the open-air sites (especially Peak
Sanctuaries and 'Other' Sanctuaries) demonstrates that the activities taking
place there were structured and organised. The same is demonstrated by the
fact that west courts, next to palaces, included the well known paved paths
that structure the activities taking place there. Structure in rituals can also be
seen by the standardisation of ritual situations in iconography, but also from
the fact that we can discern types of sites that share many traits, first and
foremost the Peak Sanctuaries.
The standardisation of several of the signs used, such as figurines, and
the range of their variation may also have been dictated by certain rules.
In other words, it seems that all ritual sites were governed by rules
that may have given a special aura to the place. We are unable, though, to
reconstruct the number of these rules or their exact nature and only their
existence can be inferred.
5.3.2 Formalism
The formalism of the open-air rituals can be assessed (3.2.1) by the different
reconstructed rules that regulated the rituals, by the traced standardisation in
materials, language, movement etc., the distinctions drawn between different
groups of people and the material investment in valuables. Although many
issues pertaining to formalism have been already referred to above, we shall
repeat and discuss much of the relevant evidence assessing the degree of
formalism in Minoan open-air rituals.
Distinctions
The distinction between the few and the many is a widely attested
phenomenon in Minoan Crete. As exclusion was expressed in different ways,
different groups were excluded at the same time. It is not only important to
identify that this exclusion took place, but also to trace who was excluded
129
each time. The various strands of evidence we can draw to support such an
argument are: architecture, iconography, writing and materials
5.3.2.1 Architecture and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many. The
small size of the buildings associated with the ritual sites, but also their
layout, with closing doors or small entrances, limited the access to a large
number of people. This limited access created distinctions between the few
that could get in and those that could not.
To be precise, the aforementioned buildings, as we have argued
previously (4.5), were not used exclusively, if at all, for the performance of
ritual. We argued that very few rooms in them could be associated with such
practices. Only two buildings yield positive evidence (Anemospelia-west room
and Mallia-Quartier 18-room 1) for the taking place of rituals in them. Inside
these small ritual rooms only few could participate. In the open spaces
outside, though, many (hundreds) could. This shows that there is a distinction
between the few that could enter joining the rituals and the many that could
not is therefore also possible in the studied sites.
A similar distinction between the few and the many can be
demonstrated even if no rituals took place in the buildings. Because of the
buildings' small size, but also their small entrances, and often, their closing
entrances (doors), not all people participating in the rituals outdoors had the
authority to access their rooms, open the doors, use the facilities etc.
The limiting aspect of architecture, in other words, created distinctions
between the few and the many, no matter if any rituals took place in the
buildings or enclosures (at Syme and Youkhtas).
5.3.2.2 Iconography and the Distinction Between the Few and the Many. The
Iconographical evidence will be studied here in order to decide whether the
distinction between the few and the many can be also supported there. The
different iconographical media will be discussed individually, while the
evidence from the important situation of processions will be seen separately.
5.3.2.2.1 Distinctions in Rings. The iconography of miniature representational

art, especially that on rings2, employed conventions by necessity; only the
essential and most important elements for the recognition of the scene would
be shown. This means that it is difficult to show that there is a distinction
between the few and the many on the basis of seal iconography.
For example, on the scene of the Isopata ring (Figure 14; HM 424,
CMS II3, 51) the two figures that have their arms extended, as if in a
greeting, seem to represent more than two people, when compared to the
miniature 'Sacred Grove' fresco from Knossos. In the latter, several female
figures assume the same stance as that of the Isopata ladies. In fact the seal
ring of Isopata has been compared to the miniature 'West court' fresco at
Knossos, partly on account of this stance, by Evans (1930, 67-8, fig. 38) and
Davis (1987, 158). It is not unreasonable to assume that they both represent
similar scenes. In such a case, the two figures of the ring would be
comparable to the many ladies on the fresco, and we would probably have a
130
conventional depiction of the latter group: two figures representing more. The
details of the rest of the ring were the minimum for the Minoan viewer to
identify the situation. Thus, no standing people were rendered, no built
structure is depicted, etc.
The situation with processions is similar. Here, even the seals with
such scenes depict different numbers of people. A seal-stone from Knossos
(Figure 23; CMS II.3, 8) shows one lady carrying a dress and a double axe,
while a sealing from Aghia Triada (CMS II6, 10) shows two people, a man and
a woman carrying a double axe each. At any rate, processions are depicted in
frescoes with many people participating. It appears, therefore, that in seal
iconography only the necessary number of people and the necessary types of
objects for the identification of the scene are depicted. The above goes to
show that seal iconography works in convention even as regards the numbers
of the participants. This means that the few people, who are depicted in seal
iconography performing rituals, do not reflect real numbers but only identify
the action and the group of participants. It could be suggested that the
reason for this is the size of the seals, which could not easily accommodate a
great number of people. These difficulties are prohibitive for us to study the
distinction between the few and the many in seal iconography.
Figure 23: Knossos CMS II.3, 8. Courtesy of I. Pini
5.3.2.2.2 Distinctions in Stone vessels. There are some iconographic media,

however, which although they could have accommodated the depiction of
more performers of rites, do not seem to do so and thus do not permit the
study of the distinction between the few and the many. These are the
decorated stone vessels3 or rhyta, which depict very few people, sometimes
even a single person, performing.
The only one exception to that is the Harvester Vase where there is a
large marching crowd in procession. It is important to note, therefore, that in
this depiction there is a clear distinction between the few and the many, since
the people depicted as singing are few (Younger 1999, 6-7) in comparison to
the non-singing ones. Moreover, the many are 'marching' and have the same
outfit, while the few are distinguished in what they are wearing and do not
'march'.
On the other hand, a vessel from Knossos (HM 2397) depicts only a
single male laying a basket at a 'Peak Sanctuary', while Knossos HM 426
shows two males in procession, separated by a significant space. Moreover,
the Chieftain's Cup from Ayia Triada (HM184) shows five people in total,
whereas the famous Zakros Rhyton (HM2722) does not show any people at
131
all. None of these cases can show any distinctions between the few and the
many.
It may be argued, however, that in most cases only small fragments of
the vessels survive and we cannot infer from them the total number of people
depicted. The evidence suggests, though, that this is not true as the two
complete stone vases, the Chieftain's cup and the Zakros Rhyton, show only
few and no people respectively. Also, the evidence from the fragmentary
stone vases suggests that the persons depicted in the various fragments are
usually rendered sparsely spaced, thus making the depiction of large crowds
impossible.
In other words, with the important exception of the Harvester's vase,
we cannot infer a distinction between the few and the many as the rendering
of the stone vases seems to be governed by a convention similar to that of
the seal rings, summarily depicting the important personage. The Harvester's
vase, however, argues in favour of such a distinction.
5.3.2.2.3 Distinctions in Frescoes. The only sufficiently large medium to

render entire scenes, and therefore show possible distinctions between the
few and the many, would be wall-painting. Unfortunately, the only clearly
Minoan NP frescoes that depict rituals with any certainty of reconstruction are
the miniature frescoes at Knossos, the fresco of room 14 at Ayia Triada
(Figure 24) and the procession frescoes, all dating before the end of LMIB
period (Immerwahr 1990, 63-7, 78, 89).
Figure 24: M. Cameron's reconstruction of the fresco from

A. Triada room 14. From Evely (ed.) 1999, 242
In the fresco from the room 14 at Aghia Triada, there are only few
persons depicted (probably only two). The pieces of the fresco surviving
suggest that the space between the seated and the kneeling ladies did not
show any other humans. It is unlikely, therefore, that many more humans
would be depicted in the missing parts of the wallpainting. This goes to show
that the distinction between the few and the many cannot be made in this
fresco.
The two miniature frescoes from Knossos, however, are very
illuminating as regards our subject (Davis, 1987, 157-61). They are
conventionally called the 'sacred grove' or 'west court fresco' and the 'central
court' or the 'grandstand fresco'. The former depicts several women walking
in procession. They are painted individually, their dresses are well depicted,
and their pose is clear. They all seem to have their arms extended to the
front and upwards in a quite uniform pose. This is not quite true, however, as
132
every figure has its own individual stance. In the background, a great crowd
of men and women are not depicted individually and are packed together.
The crowd, which occupies the greatest part of the picture, does not seem as
actively engaged in the performance as the females, though some at the top
seem to hold their arms upwards as if waving, while others at the front
assume a common pose with their arms bent and with their fists on their
breasts or on their waist. It is also possible that some soldiers are standing
there together with the rest of the crowd, though they were originally thought
to come from another composition (Immerwahr 1990, 66; Cameron 1967, 65-
7, 74, esp. 66-7, 74, no. 15, figs 7a, 8. pl. 4c). The crowd or the women in
procession do not look at one another, but to the right where the latter are
heading. Nevertheless, the difference in quality of rendering, and the fact that
they are depicted individually, shows that these ladies are superior in status,
at least as far as the specific situation is concerned. The number of women
that are acting, when compared with the number of men and women in
shorthand style, who are watching from the background, is only a tiny
fraction. There is a clear distinction therefore in this miniature fresco between
the few and the many.
The women in the 'central court fresco', also rendered in detail and
individually, are of the same status, whereas the rest of the male and female
crowd have only their heads rendered in shorthand style. The latter according
to Davis' estimation may have numbered around one thousand in the
complete fresco. As it is pretty clear that in both frescoes we have the
depiction of rituals (4.3.2.3, 4.3.2.13), it seems that in these rituals at least,
there is a distinction between performers and crowd. The former are very few
compared to the latter.
Although there is no need to show that this is a constant in all Minoan

rituals, I believe that even these two cases sufficiently demonstrate that, at
least sometimes, there are distinctions between the few and the many. In
these two instances, much like the Harvester vase, the few performed an
action (singing for the Harvester vase, moving or processing for the west
grove fresco and talking or exchanging things in the grandstand one) that
was somehow central to the iconographical situation. If all these situations
depicted rituals as argued earlier in this chapter, it can be said that the nature
of this distinction is one expressed in degrees of affiliation to the ritual
activities taking place, or of initiation.
Processions in Iconography. A small parenthesis should be opened for the

special case of the depiction of processions here. Although in the
iconographical situation of the processions it may be assumed that all
participating individuals would be of the same status, not showing any
distinction between the few and the many, that is not always the case.
In the famous procession fresco at Knossos and elsewhere, a certain
number of people are carrying items. In this possibly secular ritual there may
have been no distinction among those participating in the procession,
although the target of the procession, be it King, Queen (secular ritual),
133
priests or some Divine representation (religious ritual) would create a
significant difference in status between those processing and itself4.
In the Harvester Vase we may have a marching procession of many,
but even there we have distinctions. The musicians and the three people that
are dressed differently (possibly singers) are differentiated from the rest.
Younger (1999, 7-8) categorises them in five groups, the leader, the singer,
the sistrum player and two groups of men.
As far as the iconography is concerned, there are few depictions,
especially in wallpaintings that argue in favour of the distinction between the
few and the many. These depictions are the Harvester Vase and possibly
other processions, but also the two miniature frescoes from Knossos. These
distinctions appear to be in some agreement to our observations on the
architecture.
The iconographical evidence seems to lend support to the existence of
a distinction between the few and the many. Although it is possible that the
people distinguished in iconography are the same as those from the
architectural evidence, we shall not attempt to connect the two.
5.3.2.3 Writing and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many. The
evidence of writing in the discussed sites, also argues in favour of the
presence of distinctions. There is a great number of formulaic texts, that are
mainly inscribed on various items in various sites. As both these sites and the
inscribed items have been invariably associated with ritual, the inscriptions
themselves may have ritual affinities.
Those from Syme are particularly interesting as many of them are of
serpentinite. The fact that a serpentinite stone industry can be reconstructed
there (6.2.5.1.1), with specific reference to stone 'offering tables' at Syme,
implies that these inscriptions were made on the site. The possibility that
these inscriptions were made in the area of the sanctuaries, a very likely
hypothesis for Syme at least, would demonstrate the literacy of several
persons who were associated with the sanctuary and possibly worked in it.
The fact that there were several literate, and subsequently more educated,
people in the sanctuaries, raises distinction of the sanctuary employees (cf.
'clergy') in comparison to the attendants of the rites (cf. 'flock').
Moreover, in the likely case that literacy was not very well spread in
Minoan Crete (Duhoux 1998, 1-39), and that several of the attendants to the
rites could not read what was written on these items, there would be a
further distinction created between those who knew what the inscriptions
were about and those who did not. As it is certain that those attached to the
sanctuaries did know what the inscription was about, their distinction from
those who were not attached to the sanctuary, or in any case from most of
them, would become even greater. Knowing more things about the ritual
creates or demonstrates different degrees of initiation and bestows higher
status in ritual.
Thus, the widespread existence of formulaic writing (Figure 22) in
open-air ritual sites, contrary to the otherwise limited spread of literacy,
enhances the various distinctions between the few and the many in the
various sanctuaries.
134
5.3.2.4 Materials Used and the Distinctions Between the Few and the Many.
Table 17: Stone Vases Numbers
Karphi-Bowl, unfinished
Prinias-Vessels
Traostalos-Vessels (limestone, serpentinite)
Youkhtas OP-Bowls
Youkhtas NP-'offerings'
Youkhtas-Alabaster vases
Youkhtas-Vessel, open-shaped
Youkhtas-Plates, 8-shaped or shell-shaped
Kythera-Cup, conical and tankard 1+1
Kythera-Ladles 7
Kythera-Bird's nests, miniature 3
Anemospelia-Teapot with spout 1
Anemospelia-Basins >1
Anemospelia-Vases, small
Building B-Vessels, bucket-like >1
Building B-Vessel, alabaster
Building 4-lid of a pyxis(?) 1
Building 4-cup, shallow 1
Phaestos LWCS 21
Phaestos UWCS-Cups >1
Phaestos UWCS-Plate 1
Kophinas-Vases, in different stones (1 from Nisyros Obsidian) >10
Syme-Bowl(s)
Syme-Vessel, rock crystal 1
Syme-Nest-shaped 1
Syme-Pyxis
Syme-Conical and Chalice cups
Table 18: Metal Vases Numbers

Syme-Vase, silver, fragment of 1
Table 19: Fine Ware, clay Numbers

Karphi-Sherds few
Petsofas-Cups, fine ware
Petsofas-Plates, fine ware
Philioremos-Bowl, animal figurines applied, clay 1
Pyrgos-Cups, fine ware
Pyrgos-Bowls, fine ware
Traostalos-Sherds, fine ware
Ano Vigla-Sherds
Vrysinas-Fine and barbotine wares
Xykephalo-Fine ware cups
Xykephalo-Fine ware rhyta
Youkhtas OP-Eggshell, Kamaraic style, Barnacle
Youkhtas NP-Sherds, marine, reed, palatial, tortoise shell ripple styles
Youkhtas NP-Gold overlays of a vessel
Kythera-Rhyta 95% fine wares
Kythera-Cups >5
Phaestos LWCS-Ostrich shell
Phaestos UWCS-Kamares ware pottery
135
As mentioned above, more valuable materials (mainly stone and metal), have
been used for items that are commonly made in clay. Moreover, some of
these items were made in much finer wares than usual. Cups, bowls, and
other vessels were found in both types of materials. The participation in a rite
of few people with items in more expensive materials than used by the
majority, creates a distinction between the few and the many, and that must
have been often the case in the Minoan open-air rituals we study here.
5.3.2.5 Gender Distinctions. Another form of exclusion in participation is the

apparent gender division in the rituals performed. Nano Marinatos (1987, 23-
34) has studied various iconographic sources from palatial (miniature
frescoes, seals) and post-palatial times (Ayia Triada Sarcophagus, seals) from
Crete and Akroteri at Thera (frescoes). Although it is not certain that all of the
quoted situations are ritual, and despite the fact that there are occasions, not
cited by N. Marinatos, which do not follow this pattern (see 4.3.2.3), it is clear
that in some rituals sexes are segregated. This segregation is very important
as it shows a rule being followed, but also as an act of exclusion and
distinction between participants. It will be taken here as another sign of
formalism.
5.3.2.6 Materials, Investment and the Distinctions Between the Few and the
Many. One very interesting point, most clear in places like Syme and
Youkhtas, is that the items exclusively made on one material are very few.
Lamps, offering tables, cups, bowls, chalices and so on exist both in stone
and clay (at Youkhtas there were vessels covered in gold). This demonstrates
that these items could be made in any material and that the choice was not
determined by the type of object but by other considerations. Obviously, the
more valuable materials would have distinguished both the items themselves
and those carrying them (cf. for Syme Lebessi and Muhly 1990, 335). They
did create a distinction between the few and the many, but were also part of
an investment to the site. This investment, visible also in the building of
edifices associated with ritual, is a sign of formalism.
In fact, the investment carried out and the more valuable materials
used in Minoan open-air ritual sites is usually relative to the wealth and size of
the respective settlement. In other words, Youkhtas is far richer in valuable
materials and architectural investments than Atsipades Korakias, which is at
the other end of the wealth spectrum, in the same way as Knossos and
Arkhanes put together are far more wealthy than the surrounding area of
Atsipades. It is interesting to note, moreover, that the site of Anemospelia,
possibly connected to Youkhtas is the only independent ritual building away
from a settlement that uses the more valuable ashlar masonry. The only ritual
site that is an exception to this correspondence between richness of
settlement and ritual site is Syme, which despite the lack of a traced
corresponding site, has the largest ritual building investment in the whole
island. A possible explanation is that the site is an interstate sanctuary that
attracted the elite from all areas of Crete. In any case the variation of this
trait of formalism according to the corresponding settlement is an interesting
phenomenon.
136
In other words, writing, iconography, architecture and the finds in the ritual
sites all point to the existence of discriminations, distinctions and exclusions in
Minoan Ritual. These distinctions are based on sex, expenditure (more or less
expensive items), access, and knowledge. Many of these aspects may actually
correspond to one another; e.g. those with greater access may also be those
who can or do spend more. The correspondence of these distinctions
however, cannot be shown at present. Distinction as a generic trait of Minoan
ritual is an aspect of its formalism.
5.3.2.7 Standardisation
Formalism can be also assessed on the basis of the evidence of writing in
another way. The aforementioned inscriptions were made on various items
and, despite our limited knowledge of their contents, seem to belong to
certain formulas that have much in common (5.3.2.3). Although the nature of
these inscriptions is unclear, they are at least clearly formulaic, or
standardised. This could further argue for formalism in the rituals. But that is
not the only instance where standardisation of some kind is attested in
relation to Minoan rituals.
In two and three dimensional iconography, standardisation is also
present. The limited gestures of both the figurines (5.4.2.2.2), and of the
figures on two dimensional ritual iconography (see Wedde 1999, 911-20)
point to a standardised, purposefully limited repertoire of movement. Some of
these gestures notably result in unnatural or uncomfortable poses (such as on
the Knossos stone vase that depicts men carrying vessels -HM 426). The
standardisation of movement is a trait of ritual formalism.
Standardisation is evident in very few instances in the material culture
however. Although it is very difficult for us to compare forms of pottery or of
other items due to the lack of detailed publications, there are three items that
are both depicted in iconography consistently but also occur in the
archaeological record in ritual contexts. These are the 'Libation Jug', the
'Chalice' and the special bucket-like vessel.
The most commonly depicted vessel in Minoan art is a certain type of
jug, called the 'Libation Jug' as it is often associated in iconography with the
act of pouring liquids. The depictions are of OP to Postpalatial date and show
approximately the same vessel either being carried or pouring some liquid
(See Weingarten 1991, 2000 114-7 and Weingarten et al. 2000 152-165). The
fact that the most usual carriers are supernatural beings that are called
'Minoan Genii', demonstrates that the vessel may have been used in religious
ritual (4.3.2.6).
Some certain examples of these jugs in almost identical shape have
been recovered in ritual sites such as Anemospelia, Youkhtas and Syme
(5.2.1.3). Once more, the lack of full publication and of illustrations of pottery
does not allow us to say at which sites these items have been attested.
However, these items were found at Syme, and Anemospelia.
In Syme a large quantity of standardised form chalices was also found
(Lebessi and Muhly 1990, 324). The chalice is a shape also depicted in
iconography. The notable example of the chalice held by the seated lady on
137
the Tiryns signet (Figure 6; I, 179, NM 6208) also associates this vessel with
the supernatural sphere and to religious ritual (4.3.2.6).
The special bucket reported from various sites but depicted only at
Anemospelia and Youkhtas possibly corresponds to the much later
(Postpalatial LMII or later) bucket in the ritual depicted on the Ayia Triada
Sarcophagus. The vessel is used in ritual there, and is also found in ritual
iconography. It is interesting to note that the OP one seems to have been
similar in use to that of the Postpalatial Ayia Triada sarcophagus.
These few vessel shapes that are attested in ritual context both in
iconography and the rest of the archaeological record, show a pattern that we
have barely managed to touch upon here or elsewhere. This pattern is not
only interesting for the sake of standardisation of ritual, as we presented it
here, but can also demonstrate the items exclusively used in ritual, that may
be distinguished from those both used in rituals and in everyday practice. The
full publication of the ritual sites may lead to amazing comparisons in the
future that may elucidate this large question mark. On the other hand, the
many shapes of vessels that are common to mundane and ritual sites, such as
the cups, the bowls, etc. often do not have an exclusively mundane and an
exclusively ritual shape. The two spheres are, in this respect, not clearly
differentiated.
5.3.2.8 Summary of Formalism. In this section we were able to trace evidence

on the existence of distinctions between the few and the many as expressed
in several different ways: a) In terms of access to the buildings and their
facilities or the rituals taking place in them. b) In terms of the participation
and the special roles in the rituals as shown by the iconography. c) In terms
of a frequent sex division in the participation in the rituals as also shown by
the iconography. d) In terms of literacy as hinted by the inscribed offering
tables, e) and expenditure, as shown by the items found in two or more
materials. These distinctions provide evidence for the presence of the ritual
trait of formalism to a considerable extent.
Moreover, the presence of the same element could be seen through
the standardisation of some vessel types, of the gestures in the three- and
two-dimensional iconography, the existence of formulaic writing and the
investment carried out in infrastructure and equipment.
Thus, drawing from a large array of evidence we are able to say that
the formalism of Minoan open-air rituals was present to a considerable extent
in all types of sites.
5.4 'SYMBOLISM'
Here we shall visit, or rather revisit, several large categories of 'symbols' or
signs that have been widely associated with Minoan rituals. Their sign value,
dissemination, and possible use will be discussed. This information will not
only illuminate the establishment of 'symbolism' for the related rituals but also
aspects of their repetition, invariance, tradition and even formalism that
interest us for the assessment of the establishment of ritual.
138
In the cases of the open-air ritual sites that we study, and in any other
ritual context, signs, such as figurines or 'double axes', may be associated
with certain set actions, such as their carrying, laying, wielding, using or
other. Their repetition and consistent appearance, therefore, reflects the
repetition and invariance of these actions, while their numbers reflect the
arguable number of participants. Moreover, invariance of form, size or
material of the given signs, reflects the formalism of the respective rituals. On
the other hand, their established, invariant, and repetitive employment as
signs in rituals also reflects the establishment of the respective 'symbolism'.
5.4.1 'Symbolism' in Minoan Open-Air Rituals

In our special area of study there are five groups of items that have attracted
much attention and are often characterised as 'symbols' or 'ritual symbols': 1)
clay or bronze figurines and house models, 2) stone or clay 'horns of
consecration', 3) metal 'double axes', 4) other miniature non-utilitarian items
and 5) 'cult statues'. They will be here discussed with their traditional names
for the sake of convenience, without implying any relevant function. These
items have an obvious sign value, usually iconic or indexical as they are
representations, but may also have a more concealed symbolic one.
Moreover, they seem to act exclusively as signs and have no functional
properties.
As far as we are concerned, the figurines are iconic and/or indexical.
The so-called 'cult statues', the house models and the 'other miniature non-
utilitarian items' are obviously iconic. The 'double axes', being similar to real
double axes, but non-utilitarian (they cannot cut) are also iconic. We suspect,
however, that they may have some further symbolic meaning. 'Horns of
consecration' do not specifically resemble anything (they could possibly
represent mountains, breasts, bull-horns, or double granaries , and these are
only four, not mutually exclusive possibilities) and so we have to infer at least
some symbolic meaning for them (5.4.5). The use of semiological terminology
will not only improve the accuracy of our presentation, but will also help
distinguish between different types of items in one other way.
We shall attempt to describe these items to the extent that it is fruitful
for our study. As it is impossible to account for all their possible sign values
and uses that are both untraceable and also vary according to context
(time/space), we shall attempt to confine ourselves to what we can safely
extrapolate from the relevant material. But let us begin with the iconic signs
starting from the figurines.
5.4.2 Figurines
A huge number of figurines have been found in many of the outdoor Minoan
ritual sites studied here. They apparently represent humans, or parts of
human body, animals (livestock or wild), birds, fish, snakes or worms, horned
beetles, dung, flowers, fruit, boats and buildings.
It must be noted that the figurines we have are only those that are
preserved. Some of them, which were conceivably reduced to powder,
recycled, discarded, or were simply made out of perishable materials (mainly
139
wood), do not survive. The ones that do, therefore, have been privileged by
their material and their deposition. It is possible that some figurines were
expected to have only a certain short life, after which they had to be removed
or destroyed. Therefore, it is possible that we may, misleadingly, find them
not in the place of action, but in secondary deposition.
In addition, we have to be aware of the possibility that not all of the
figurines in an assemblage serve the same purposes and function. Ucko
(1996, 301) warns us that figurines can function in various ways; they can
depict different aspects of what they represent (gods, humans, animals, etc.)
or can play various roles at different occasions (gods and humans, rulers and
subjects for instance). They can also be used in many ways, alone or in
groups.
5.4.2.1 Figurines as Signs

Figurines, seen as signs, are always in some sense iconic as they have a
direct link with what they depict, their denotatum (the figurine class is a
subset of the icon one with greater intension, but smaller extension see
2.2.6.3). In some cases, they are also indexical, in the pars pro toto sense,
when they do not represent an entire human or animal, but only parts of
them, such as legs, horns, excrement, etc. Figurines are often symbolic but
this is unfortunately rarely traceable by archaeology. Finally, they may also
act as symptoms of ritual, or as signals of archaeological excitement upon
discovery; this, however, is not of interest for this study.
As iconic, sometimes indexical, and often symbolic signs, consistently
repeated in great numbers, and with small variation of form, figurines not
only reflect the established 'symbolism' of the respective rites but also their
repetition, and invariance. Moreover, the stances of the human figurines, if
limited, may point to formalism in ritual movement.
The fact that some of the Minoan figurines cannot be defined as
primarily iconic, and may be primarily indexical, gives rise to the possibility
that they may act as separate categories. It is better, therefore, to discuss
them separately. These will be arbitrary and will be based only on a number
of physical traits shared by the figurines in each group. So, we could treat the
human figurines, the limbs, the animal figurines, and the house models as
distinct categories. The rest will also be discussed together as miscellaneous.
In the following tables -Y- means that the type is attested, -N- that it is
not, and -?- that we cannot be sure, as the type is not mentioned in the
report, but the report is not complete enough.
5.4.2.2 Discussion of the figurines

5.4.2.2.1 Clay Figurines. The clay figurines are attested in all Peak
Sanctuaries, and all the sites of the group 'other sanctuaries'. In most, if not
all sites, there exist human, both male and female (usually the male are more
numerous), and animal figurines (animals being attested more often than
humans).
The Mallia quartier 18, the UWCS and the LWCS at Phaestos, Building
4 at Arkhanes, and the sanctuary at Anemospelia have not yielded serious
figurine evidence (neither clay nor bronze). In other words, figurines are not
140
associated with the activities in the sites that are a) connected to Peak
Sanctuaries (Anemospelia), b) connected to other larger structures (palaces),
or c) Building 4, which is presumably associated with the cult of the dead.
Due to the lack of figurines in the court of the latter, we can surmise that not
all courts were associated with figurines5. Closed spaces (buildings),
moreover, seem to have been much less associated with figurines than open-
air spaces.
Despite the difference between the 'Peak Sanctuaries', and 'Other
Sanctuaries', and despite the figurine's spatial and temporal dissemination
(covering most of Crete, from late EM to the end of the palace periods)
figurines seem to have played a great part in the rituals of these two types of
site.
5.4.2.2.2 Clay Human Figurines. The clay human figurines are attested in
large numbers in Peak Sanctuaries (Figure 25) and Kophinas/Piskokephalo,
and in smaller numbers at Syme (though bronze ones are abundant at Syme,
Lebessi and Muhly 1990, 334). They may well exist in all Peak Sanctuaries
(Nowicki 1994, 33-36), but are not exclusively found there.
Figure 25: Clay Female Figurines from Kalamaki and Prinias respectively.
Davaras 1982, figs. 43 and 44
Several unique figurines, such as males with whips, double axes or a

peplos, some with peculiar hats and some with a tiara, may represent
different individuals or figurine roles rather than different ritual practices. In
other words, the ritual practices associated with these rare human figurines
may not be different to the rituals associated with the common types. If the
figurines were used together in the form of a loose group, it is possible that
these peculiar figurines played special roles in the group .
141
Table 20: Human Figurines
Male Female
Bronze Clay Bronze Clay
Smaller Larger Other Smaller Larger Other Smaller Larger Other Smaller Larger Other
Ambelos ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?
Anthropolithous N N N Y N N N N N Y N N
Arhanes, N N N N N N N N N Y? N N
building 4
Atsipades N N N Y N N N N N Y N N
Korakias
Etiani Kephala ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Efentis Christos N N N ? Y ? N N N ? ? ?
Karphi ? ? ? Y Y ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Korakomouri N N N Y ? ? N N N N N N
Kophinas Y N N Y Y Hatted Y N N Y N N
/tiara
Liliano ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Petsofas N N N Y Y Half N N N Y N With
bodies infant
Piskokephalo N N N Y Y Hatted N N N Y ? With
polos
Philioremos ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? Y ? Fancy
headgear
Prinias ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Pyrgos ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Syme Y N N N Y With Y N N N N N
whip
Traostalos Y N N Y Y? Stand Y N N Y N Naked,
on Pubic
base Triangle
Thylakas N N N Y N N N N N Y N N
Vigla, Ano ? ? ? Y ? ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Zakros
Vrysinas Y ? ? Y ? ? Y ? ? Y ? ?
Xykephalo ? ? ? Y Y ? ? ? ? Y ? ?
Youkhtas Y N Lead Y Y Half Y N Lead Y N S-shaped
bodies
142
Table 21: Figurines of Indeterminate Sex
Ambelos ?
Anthropolithous ?
Arhanes, building 4 ?
Atsipades Korakias N
Efentis Christos ?
Etiani Kephala ?
Korakomouri Y, Seated
Karphi ?
Kophinas ?
Liliano ?
Petsofas Y, seated
Piskokephalo ?
Philioremos ?
Prinias Y, seated
Pyrgos ?
Syme N
Thylakas ?
Traostalos Y, seated
Vigla, Ano Zakros ?
Vrysinas ?
Xykephalo ?
Youkhtas N
5.4.2.2.3 Bronze Human Figurines. The bronze human figurines -there are
almost no animal bronze figurines- are less widespread (for a most detailed
analysis see Verlinden 1988, 183-189); they are found only in few Peak
Sanctuaries (Youkhtas, Vrysinas, Traostalos, and St.George at Kythera) and
only in Kophinas and Syme from the 'Other' sanctuaries category. Their
stances are the same as their clay counterparts or even more limited. Several
questions arise, however, regarding the role of the different material, its
special status, and the sites where these figurines are attested. It is possible
that all these factors contributed to the choice of material.
The Peak Sanctuaries of Youkhtas, Vrysinas, Traostalos, and St.George
at Kythera, the 'other' sanctuaries of Kophinas and Syme, together with the
caves of Phaneromeni, Skotino, and Psychro, where bronze figurines are
attested, may have shared some common features. It can be observed that in
the open-air sites of Crete the amount of bronze figurines is proportionate to
the overall size of the site. So Syme, the largest sanctuary on the island, has
by far the greatest amount (39); Youkhtas, the largest Peak Sanctuary but
much smaller than Syme, follows with 6, then Traostalos and Kophinas, two
sanctuaries of comparable size with 5 each, and, finally, the smaller Vrysinas
with 2.
The material itself is another interesting factor; bronze could only be
cast by a skilled metal smith (the skill demanded specialised knowledge)
(Sapouna 1995, 97-101), and requires raw material which is much harder to
extract or process than clay and is not available either in Crete or in the
143
Aegean. Therefore, the material, the manufacture and the skill involved in
making metal figurines are far more 'expensive', rendering the access to the
finished product more difficult than to clay figurines. The persons associated
with the bronze figurines, either because of their choice or because of their
office, would be distinguished by it, as the items were imbued with financial
(their more expensive material) and social capital (access to specialised
workmanship, i.e. metal-smiths, and exclusive or remote ingredients, i.e. tin)
As for the places where these figurines were found, they can
independently demonstrate, in different ways, this distinction of social capital,
whereby the few are distinguished from the many.
In caves, no clay figurines, of the standard types at least, have been
found. In connection with this lack of clay figurines, it would be interesting to
remind ourselves of an observation made elsewhere (5.3.2) that there is a not
totally unrelated division between the few and the many in some Minoan
rituals. This division is clearly manifested in caves as most permit entrance to
only a limited number of people. The exclusive attestation of the 'special', rare
and 'expensive' bronze figurines in the caves, therefore, fits well with the fact
that the latter can permit entrance to only a small number of people. To
recapitulate, caves are only for the few, and in them the more 'valuable'
bronze figurines are mainly found. These two observations are probably
linked.
Syme on the other hand, was a very large sanctuary, far away from
any excavated palace. It can be suggested that it was similar to the inter
state sanctuaries of later Greece, like Olympia and Delphi. In these
sanctuaries, it has been argued (Morgan 1990, passim), aristocracy from all
over the Greek world met. The long and expensive journey to Syme, the small
size of the enclosure's platform (the only place where people could have
stood in the open-air Krepis), and of the earlier enclosure Ub, together with
the possible interstate nature of the sanctuary, argue for the distinction of the
few, an elite of some type.
The only other site which remains to be explained, and has been
singled out due to its location, is the Peak Sanctuary of St. George at Kythera
with 83 bronze figurines. The importance of the site's location, overlooking
one of the main sea trading routes from Western Crete to the Mainland, has
been stressed many times. There, the large number of the bronze human
figurines is not the only curiosity. The strikingly small number of clay human
and animal figurines, the unique scorpion figurine and the triton imitations are
also notable. The visitors to the Peak Sanctuary would have been people from
the local community near St. George (possibly not only from Kastri), rich in
wealthy traders and living off the south Peloponnese to Crete sea trade route,
but also merchants stopping over. These visitors would have been able to
afford the cost of a bronze figurine. St. George, like Syme, far away from any
large Minoan centre, would be an ideal place to meet 'privileged' equals who
could afford the journey, or whose occupation brought them to nearby
locations6.
In other words, if we follow Bourdieu's ideas on the use, consumption
or display of special, exclusively rare, or expensive items (e.g. 1979, 269),
144
then the material of the figurines could have been determined by the status
of the dedicants, actual or desired.
5.4.2.2.4 Limbs and body parts. The parts of the human body, act apparently
as indexes (pars pro toto index), though they may well be also symbolic. They
are also well distributed all over Crete and in Kythera, but not as much as the
human and the animal figurines. They are characteristic of these Peak
Sanctuaries that survive into the Neopalatial period and are not, so far,
attested in any other type of site (except few dubious cases of limbs found in
caves). According to Peatfield (1994b, 23, n.16) the Peak Sanctuaries that
survive into the Neopalatial are: Philioremos, Pyrgos, Youkhtas, Vrysinas,
Kophinas (in the category of 'other sanctuaries'), Petsofas, Traostalos, Prinias.
They were possibly also the most frequented, or the most important
sanctuaries. This does not necessarily mean that limb-figurines were a
Neopalatial phenomenon as they could possibly exist at Atsipades (Morris and
Peatfield 1999). Their existence at Atsipades, however, is still unclear. In any
case they were predominately attested in Peak Sanctuaries. Although there
are some rare types, such as half bodies or heads with pronounced thyroid
gland, the arms and legs are the predominant types, and are found in all sites
where clay limbs are attested.
Table 22: Parts of the Body

Limbs Heads Other
Ambelos ? ? ?
Anthropolithous N N N
Arhanes, building 4 ? ? ?
Atsipades Korakias Y? N N
Efentis Christos ? ? ?
Etiani Kephala ? ? ?
Korakomouri ? ? ?
Karphi ? ? ?
Kophinas Y Y ?
Liliano ? ? ?
Petsofas Y Y ?
Piskokephalo ? ? ?
Philioremos Y ? ?
Prinias ? ? ?
Pyrgos ? ? ?
Syme N N N
Thylakas ? ? ?
Traostalos Y Y, 1 with thyroid gland Rod or phallus
Vigla, Ano Zakros ? ? ?
Vrysinas Y Y body with no arms or head
Xykephalo ? ? ?
Youkhtas Y Y palms
The limbs and body parts are always of clay (except at the Kythera
Peak Sanctuary) and at first glance, they seem to function in a different way
145
to the other figurines, as the body parts are indexes of the entire bodies,
while the human and animal figurines are icons. It is conceivable that this
semiological and therefore semantic difference might also reflect a difference
in use. In any case, their constant use in many Peak Sanctuaries and the
repetitive appearance of the predominant types are indicative of invariance
and repetition of the respective activities, but also of a well established and
relatively consistent 'symbolism' there.
It is worth noting here that the exclusive use of limbs or parts of body
in Peak Sanctuaries may reflect a ritual core (cf. 3.1.1), i.e. certain ritual
activities exclusive to Peak Sanctuaries.
5.4.2.2.5 Oddly Shaped Human Figurines. The half bodied figurines found at
Youkhtas and Petsofas are difficult to interpret. The rare pregnant women
and those with infants are also found in these two Peak Sanctuaries, which
are of the largest and better studied ones.
A large group of S-shaped figurines at Youkhtas is noteworthy as it
comprises a category on its own. They may belong to a special ritual that
takes place only at Youkhtas, and may be another ritual core (cf. 3.1.1). The
larger clay male figurines will be discussed together with the cult statues
(5.4.3).
5.4.2.2.6 Animal and Plant Figurines. Animal figurines comprise the very
common bovids (Figure 26; cows, bulls), or caprids (sheep, rams, and goats),
the less common pigs and birds, the quite rare fish and snakes (cf.
Guggisberg 32-33) and the possibly unique tortoise. The varying occurrence
of these types might point to the priorities or preferences of their makers and
bearers. The first two have been found in almost all sites which have clay
figurines (5.4.2.2.1), and the last two in Peak Sanctuaries that survived in the
Neopalatial period. Quadruped figurines were found also at Syme, but in very
small numbers. These same Peak Sanctuaries concentrate the greatest
amount of 'one offs': a boat model in Kophinas and Traostalos, flowers and
fruit in Youkhtas, a tree model and fruit in Petsofas (fruit was also found on
St. George at Kythera). Birds and pigs are found in various sanctuaries but
are not represented in large numbers (Petsofas, Syme -one stone bird-,
Thylakas, Vrysinas, Youkhtas; in Traostalos birds but not pigs are reported).
Weasels or dogs are quite rare and come from Atsipades, Petsofas, and
Thylakas, representing the two ends of Crete and of the chronological scale.
146
Figure 26: Bull Figurine from Prinias. Davaras 1982, fig. 32.
Table 23: Animal Figurines and Clay Balls

Bulls Goats/sheep Pigs Bird Snake Fish Other beetles clay balls
Ambelos ? ? ? ? N N ? ? ?
Anthropolithous Y ? ? ? ? ? pyramid of three bulls ? ?
Arhanes, building 4 N N N N N N N N N
Atsipades Korakias Y N N Y N N Weasel N N
Efentis Christos Y ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?
Etiani Kephala Y Y ? N N N Y ? ?
Korakomouri Y ? ? N N N N N N
Karphi ? ? ? ? ? N Applique ? ?
Kophinas Y ? ? ? ? N Y ? ?
Liliano ? ? ? ? ? N ? ? ?
Petsofas Y Y Y Y Y N Tortoise/hares/weasel Y Y
Piskokephalo ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Y ?
Philioremos Y Y Y ? N ? ? ? ?
Prinias ? ? ? ? ? ? ? Y-Rhyton ?
Pyrgos Y ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?
Syme Y N N Y N N Monkey N N
Traostalos Y Y ? Y ? Y N Y Y
Thylakas Y Y Y Y N N Dog/weasel Y N
Vigla, Ano Zakros ? ? ? ? ? N ? ? ?
Vrysinas Y Y ? Y N Y N ? ?
Xykephalo Y ? ? ? ? N ? Y ?
Youkhtas Y Y Y Y Y Y N Y Y
References to the sea are made not only by fish figurines but also boat
models7 that are dispersed in different parts of the island and refer to the sea,
a very important source of wealth to the island. Another, indirect this time,
reference to the sea was that of the Peak Sanctuary of St. George at Kythera
that had very few references to land, i.e. very few animal figurines that
usually comprise a large part of the Peak Sanctuary figurines. As sea faring
trade is most probably the raison d'être for the Kastri town below it, the lack
147
of animal figurines can be seen to represent the economic interests of its
inhabitants.
Table 24: Boats, Plants or Other

boats plants other
Ambelos ? ? ?
Anthropolithous ? ? ?
Arhanes, building 4 N N N
Atsipades Korakias N N N
Efentis Christos ? ? ?
Etiani Kephala ? ? ?
Korakomouri ? ? ?
Karphi ? ? ?
Kophinas Y ? ?
Liliano ? ? ?
Petsofas N Y Fruit
Piskokephalo ? ? ?
Philioremos ? ? ?
Prinias ? ? ?
Pyrgos ? ? ?
Syme N N N
Thylakas ? ? ?
Traostalos Y N Shoes
Vigla, Ano Zakros ? ? ?
Vrysinas ? ? ?
Xykephalo ? ? ?
Youkhtas N Y Fruit
Beetles are notably the only figurines that exist in greater than natural
size. Although this might be due to the fact that the actual insect is smaller
than the average figurine, the size of a beetle figurine is much larger than the
average human or animal one. Beetle figurines are iconic, as they quite
accurately depict the real insects.
Clay balls, associated with dung beetle figurines, have been reported
only at Petsofas, Youkhtas, Traostalos and St. George at Kythera though the
Coleoptera (beetle) figurines have been attested in many more sites
(Petsofas, Piskokephalo, Prinias, Traostalos, Xykephalo, Youkhtas). It has
been supposed that beetles were confined to the east of Crete. This seems to
be true, with the odd exception of Youkhtas.
It is not certain whether all the animal figurines were used in the same
manner. Beetles, for instance, might be differentiated as their magnified size
can be contrasted to the miniature animals of other species. We have very
little indication for the use of animal figurines in groups such as the pyramid
of three bulls found at Anthropolithous. This shall not be discussed here,
however.
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The common animal figurines have been apparently found in greater
numbers in the Peak Sanctuaries of Crete and in smaller numbers elsewhere
including the Peak Sanctuary of Kythera. On the other hand, the rare types of
figurines are exclusively attested in Peak Sanctuaries and Syme and their
numbers are relative to the size of the sanctuary.
5.4.2.2.7 Figurines and 'Symbolism' (The use of signs). The fact that
figurines are signs (indexes or icons) can be easily postulated, although the
existence of a symbolic value is difficult to reconstruct. This value, however, is
possibly the common denominator of all figurines, as they seem to be of,
otherwise, disparate categories. If the figurines are studied as signs, then
their numbers within each one site (in Atsipades the figurine fragments are as
many as the pottery ones) during the entire Minoan period and throughout
Crete (huge numbers in Youkhtas, Traostalos, Vrysinas etc.) show their
establishment as signs. These established signs can further reflect a well
established 'symbolism' in the respective rituals. If we study figurines as an
'omnipresent' item type in certain defined open-air ritual sites, then their
temporal and spatial dissemination reflect repeated, invariant, well attended
set actions or performances that involved figurines. Moreover, the
standardised form of the predominant animal figurine types and the restricted
stance of the human ones (five stances according to Morris and Peatfield
(1999, 6) contributed to the formalism of these items and therefore the
respective rituals (5.3.2.7).
5.4.2.2.8 House models and figurine groups. The house models are quite
different from the above discussed figurines of animals, humans or body
parts. In her study, I. Schoep (1994a, 207-9) tentatively distinguished four
types: a) scale models, for planning and construction, b) a single room model
(found only at Monastiraki), possibly a house cult focal point (altar), c) models
used as backstage for a group arrangement of figurines and d) fully
elaborated action models, or 'soul houses'. Although the reference to as many
different scenarios as possible is justifiable when speculating on the use of
these items, we do not have enough clear evidence to support any of the
above. Architectural models (category a) could also exist in sacred sites,
serving no purpose in ritual but as votives; 'backstage' (category c) could be
traced with the analytical study of the find spots and contexts of the models
and the human figurines around them. Types b and d, are here considered
unlikely, and in need of strong substantiation.
Apparently, house models are icons of structures which may or may
not have existed. Some are very detailed, while others are not. We are not in
a position to judge whether they were indexes of a larger setting, symbols of
some sacred use, if they were actively used in the performance of rituals
(together with other figurines or not), and so on. In some cases we are
unable to prove the ritual character of their context. This certainly does not
exclude a ritual use, at least for some of them. It is notable however, that
they are special, being rare or unique, wherever they exist.
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Table 25: House Models and Figurine Groups
House Models Groups
Ambelos ? ?
Anthropolithous ? Y, pyramid of three bulls
Arhanes, building 4 N ?
Atsipades Korakias N N
Etiani Kephala ? ?
Korakomouri ? ?
Karphi ? ?
Kophinas Y Y
Liliano ? ?
Petsofas Y Y
Piskokephalo Y ?
Philioremos ? ?
Prinias ? ?
Pyrgos Y ?
Syme Y N
Thylakas ? ?
Traostalos N ?
Vigla, Ano Zakros ? ?
Vrysinas ? ?
Xykephalo ? ?
Youkhtas Y N
Where such models are attested in ritual contexts, the depicted

buildings are also special, with 'horns of consecration', bulls' heads, features
traditionally associated with ritual buildings (tripartite structures) and so on.
This might mean that special miniature buildings are found in special ritual
contexts. Although the dissemination of this type of item is wide, it is not
attested in west Crete, where open-air ritual evidence is scarce (probably due
to lack of excavations). At any one site, moreover, not more than a few were
found. In some areas, on the other hand, like Piskokephalo and possibly
Youkhtas, these models existed in greater numbers (three in Piskokephalo, at
least two in Youkhtas) possibly reflecting some special practice in these sites.
The lack of evidence and their limited numbers conceal any patterns of use
that might be of interest.
More revealing, are the 'house' models, containing humans. These may
share a common but distinct function, or may each independently have a
different use. We will consider the models from Kamilari (Rethemiotakis 1998,
145-7) here. One of them shows a female hugging a column like a baetyl
(Levi, 1961-2, 69), which may well be a ritual depiction, as it is similar to the
iconographical situation (4.3.2.8). Another, however, more commonly
associated with ritual (Marinatos 1993, 20, fig. 21), shows several humans
seated and another two or more serving them. The round items between
those seated and those serving, that may be merely tables, have been
variously interpreted. They seem to have influenced the interpretation of the
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whole iconography. No evidence leads us to support any type of ritual
association here, though the funerary context does not exclude such an
interpretation.
The aforementioned models from Kamilari use figurines in groups. We
have already noted in Petsofas, Kophinas and possibly elsewhere, that
figurines form part of a larger structure. Morris and Peatfield (1999) are
wondering whether many single figurines participated together with others in
some form of model action. Present evidence is however insufficient for such
a reconstruction.
Of conceivable relevance to the aforementioned possible figurine
groups are the miniature vessels, tools and implements that could formed
part of a larger arrangement.
5.4.2.2.9 Overview of the figurine evidence. From the above

discussions, the figurines seem to exist in different materials, most often clay,
sometimes in bronze and rarely in stone. Their forms are quite limited, and
are much repeated, especially in the Peak and Other Sanctuary categories.
These unchanging limited forms and stances can account for the elements of
invariance (2.2.3) and formalism (2.2.5), their repeated appearance for the
element of repetition (2.2.2), and their numbers, proliferation, and obvious
iconic or sometimes indexic values for the element of 'symbolism' (2.2.6).
The figurine types can be all classified together only by means of their
material (bronze and clay), their small size, their context and their shared
primacy of iconic values. The exceptions to these are the beetles which are
larger than life and the parts of body which are most probably not primarily
iconic but indexical. Unfortunately, we will not be able to know which of the
figurine types were used in what way until we have relevant contextual
information.
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5.4.3 The Possible Existence of Cult Statues in Minoan Crete
One of the most important debates for Minoan ritual and religion is the
existence of cult statues. This debate is not entirely irrelevant from the
previous discussion on human figurines as the latter's status is still unclear,
i.e. it is almost impossible to know whether these figurines represent
adorants, gods or other. Niemeier has already argued that the distinction
between adorant and god, at least as far as the stances assumed by persons
in Minoan seal iconography are concerned, is not straightforward (1989, 163-
86).
The debate on the existence of cult statues in Minoan Crete has been
long standing. Their possible existence is not only significant for the
assessment of the general 'symbolism' of the relevant sites, but also for the
attribution of religious value to already recognised rituals. Moreover, and as
we shall later see, the items that may be interpreted as cult statues are in
many cases the most prominent 'symbols' in the respective ritual sites.
Despite its great importance, however, the study of the possible existence of
cult statues has not attracted as much attention as other prominent Minoan
'symbols'.
We shall here attempt to contribute to the debate on the existence of
cult statues, a subject connected to other disputes, with the following. The
ensuing discussion will not only deal with a part of the material, but may also
clarify the role of the most important 'symbols' found in some of the Sites
connected with Palaces (Mallia, Quartier 18; LWCS at Phaestos) and one
Associated with Peak Sanctuaries (Anemospelia).
Once we demonstrate whether cult statues existed or not, we shall be
able to determine the nature of the related rituals, as the central role of a cult
statue in a ritual would be sufficient to characterise the latter as religious.
Moreover, once we show that cult statues existed or that they did not, we
shall be able to study their dissemination and to know their importance as
'symbols' in the respective sites. Both their importance and their
dissemination are key to the establishment of symbolism which further
contributes to the establishment of the respective rituals.
Before we review all the positive evidence in favour of the existence of
cult statues, we shall look at the arguments against. But first, the main
obstacle for the reconstruction of their existence will be discussed, namely the
possible aniconicity of human figures in Minoan iconography.
5.4.3.1 Aniconicity. The aniconicity of figures depicted on Minoan seals has

been a widely accepted feature. Yule recognises "schematized heads" as a
feature of Minoan signet ring iconography (1977, 61, n. 23), while
Sakellarakis (1972, 248, pll. 94, 95c) observes that the whole upper part of
the body of several representations of 'priestesses with victim' is rendered in
an abstract (and thus aniconic) way. Pini (1983, 39-50) argues that this is one
of the traits of LM I seal engraving throughout the island. All the seals he
compares, except two unclear sealings, have figures that are aniconically
152
rendered. It is believed here, in accordance with Pini's arguments that this
element is a characteristic of the Neopalatial iconography of gold signet rings.
Some scholars (most recently Morris and Peatfield -1999, 5-6), following
Evans' argument for Mycenaean cult (Evans 1901, 123-4), have interpreted
aniconicity as a feature of Minoan religion, having also taken for granted that
these depictions are indeed religious. What we will (try to) argue here, is that
aniconicity is not a trait connected to the belief system and that it is not,
therefore, related to any religious ideas. We will further argue that there is no
real argument against the existence of iconic religion in Crete in any period. It
seems to us that aniconicity, otherwise an interesting trait to observe for
chronological or other purposes, is not a useful one to employ for the
interpretation of the belief system that prompted the iconography.
Wall paintings cast doubt on the real aniconicity of Minoan depictions. It
has been shown in several occasions that they represent similar 'situations' to
those depicted on seals. The most obvious example is the seated lady in room
14 of Aghia Triadha that has been paralleled by P. Rehak (1997, 163-175) to
other seated ladies on several seals. Although all wallpaintings have obviously
iconic figures, many of the contemporary signet rings safely attributed to LMI
times, seem to have aniconic ones. The fact that the aniconic features of seal
iconography are not repeated in similar depictions in other media, argues that
aniconicity is only confined to seal iconography and that it is not connected to
an overarching belief system. Otherwise all art media would have been
affected. Thus, one has to look carefully at the figures on the seals in order to
decide why this feature exists only on ring bezel engraving and not in other
'art' forms.
Careful examination with the aid of microscopy has to be undertaken to
decide on any seal iconography issue. Under this close scrutiny, the figures on
the LM I seals appear to have three types of head:
a) the iconic, which are represented only by a few examples,
b) the semi-aniconic with features, which have some details rendered
but we are unable to make out what they are, and
c) the completely blank aniconic.
The last two categories are aniconic but seem to have a marked
difference between them: in the second category, the artist has possibly
made an effort to show some facial features, whereas in the last one (s)he
has not. In other words, the last two categories are technically aniconic, but
as far as the intended action of the artist is concerned, only the last category
is actually so. This can be further argued by the fact that the artist could
create completely blank areas on the seals where these semi-aniconic faces
are attested. This shows that it was his/her choice not to render the faces
entirely blank. For instance, on the Kalyvia ring (CMS II3, 103) there are
several facial features depicted on the right figure and fewer on the left one;
at the same time, however, there are some surfaces (such as the thighs of
the left figure) which are rendered completely blank. In the Isopata ring (CMS
II3, 51), while the breasts of the figures are blank, the face of the right one is
not blank but seems to have some features rendered.
In the iconic class belong the central leather carrying figure of the Lamia
Signet ring (Figure 17; Elateia M 845, CMS V suppl. 2, 106), the male figure
153
of the Master Seal Impression from Chania (CMS II7, 218, HM 25/1,2), the
central male figure from the new Poros ring (Figure 4; HM Gold 1629;
Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis 2000, 39-56), and the right female figure of
the Kalyvia ring (Figure 9; CMS II3, 103). Several perfectly iconic figures of
high status appear in the lentoid or amygdaloid seals of a quality inferior to
that of the signets (e.g. Betts 1981, 13, fig. 20; Pini 1999, 668 -O.
Krzyszkowska pers. com 2001). Their very existence argues against
aniconicity.
The vast majority of seals belong to the last two categories. The second
one includes the female figure of the above ring of Lamia, the left figure of
the Kalyvia ring (Figure 9; CMS II3, 103), the kneeling female on Ashmolean
1919,56, the central female of the Arkhanes ring (Figure 16), the central
figure of the temple repositories sealings (PM III, 463, fig. 323), both figures
of the Gold Berlin Ring (CMS XI, 28), the right figure of the Isopata ring
(Figure 14) and many others.
Blank aniconic heads can be found on the Vafeio signet, in the lost
signet from Mochlos (Figure 15), in the three figures on the left side of the
Isopata ring, on the gold Berlin signet (Berlin Museum 11/886, CMS XI 29),
and many others. In some of them, as in the second signet from Kalyvia
(Figure 9; CMS II3, 114), there are no clear heads depicted at all.
The degree of detail in the rendering of the heads, seems to be
proportionate to the overall quality of the rings and to the size of the actual
head. To illustrate this, the overall impression of the Vafeio ring is quite
abstract, and that of the second Kalyvia ring (CMS II3, 114) is even more so.
On both rings aniconic heads are rendered. On the other hand, despite the
good rendering of the Isopata signet, the heads are 0,03 cm. or smaller and
therefore very difficult to render.
Another reason for aniconicity seems to be the desired position of the
head. It is possible that an attempt was made to render some figures with
heads in three quarter view. These would be extremely difficult to render,
influencing drastically the final depiction. By studying the dots around the
heads, which represent hair we can tell that some of the faces that have dots
on both sides were not meant to be in profile, as it is hardly possible that the
hair would be depicted to obstruct the face in these circumstances. This
would, for instance, be the case with all the figures on the Berlin ring (CMS XI
29) except the bow holding female. Also, the hanging male on the Vafeio
ring, the left male of the Elateia ring (Figure 17) unless if the dots represent
badly its facial features), and possibly the central figure of the Arkhanes
(Figure 16) ring follow the same pattern. Moreover, the semi-aniconic face
from Isopata (Figure 14) could have more easily assumed a three quarter or a
frontal pose, as the rest of the body is in frontal position. The position of the
body can also be considered a strong indication for the position of the head
when used in conjunction with the location of the hair.
In other words, most of the aniconic faces can be explained in terms of
the difficulty of rendering (extremely small detail, difficult desired position), or
to the overall lack of detail in some rings.
One should also look at the status of the semi-aniconic and the iconic
figures on these seals. Starting from the iconic, the Master seal impression
154
shows one male standing at the top of a town; this figure is almost certainly
of above average status and presides over the entire depiction. The other
iconic male on the Elateia ring is engraved in the middle of the scene, has a
distinguished dress, but we have not any other evidence that it is of a higher
status. Nevertheless, if one figure was of superior status, then it would be this
one: the pose of the female facing it may be indicative of that. On the new
ring from Poros (Figure 4) the male in the centre extends his one arm holding
a staff, in a very similar pose to that on the Master seal impression. He is
standing on a structure similar to the one that the females are sitting on in
the relevant situation (4.3.2.2) such as those depicted on the wallpaintings of
A. Triadha and Xeste 3 at Akrotiri. Furthermore, the new Poros ring 'kouros'
(HM Gold 1629; Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis 2000, 39-56) is depicted on
the middle of the bezel. This figure clearly has a very high status on the seal.
The right figure on the Kalyvia ring (Figure 9; CMS II3 103) possibly wears a
hat (as seen from the protrusions above her head). This figure seems to be
differentiated from this world by the monkey or dog figure that is depicted
facing her, in the same manner as the seated lady of Xeste III at Akrotiri
(Figure 5; 4.3.2.2).
Let us now study the status of the semi-aniconic figures. In the Isopata
ring (Figure 14) the figure on the right is slightly taller than the others. It is
further distinguished by a hat which is similar to some Piskokephalo and
Traostalos female figurine hats (Platon 1952, 632, fig. 12; Chryssoulaki 2001,
forthcoming). The hat is to be distinguished from the hair, which is depicted
by dots. The female appears to be eminent on account of her pose, which is
not certainly of a special religious or ritual meaning (for an analysis of the
pose see Niemeier 1989, 171). The female in the centre of the Arkhanes ring
(Figure 16), not only has a very similar pose, but also wears a hat (apparently
different). It is by far the largest figure on the seal and is rendered in the
centre of the depiction, of either superior status, or the main focus of
attention. The kneeling-by-the-rocks female depicted on the Ashmolean 1919,
56 does not seem to be of superior status, as the central role is taken by the
central male. Nevertheless, she does perform a ritual action (4.3.2.8) and in
that respect she is of importance. On the Kalyvia ring (Figure 9; CMS II 3,
103), the left figure seems to be of inferior status to the other, more iconic
one.
All the above figures, which had a few or several facial traits, seem to be
mainly of superior status. This shows, that if deities or priests/esses are
depicted, they are not purposefully aniconic, but on the contrary, on several
occasions the artist had put some extra effort to depict their important faces.
We have attempted to show that the depiction of faces in Minoan seal
engraving is not uniformly aniconic. When aniconicity is the case, it may be
due to several reasons: difficult pose of the head (frontal or three quarter
view), small size of head, overall bad quality of engraving or even possibly
mannerism. In any case, it does not have to do with any belief, cosmotheory,
or religious system which prohibits or scorns the depiction of faces; and that
can be easily shown in wallpainting where all figures have their facial traits
155
depicted. This claim can be further validated by the fact that the few
instances of iconicity are attested on the more important figures on each seal.
Thus the existence of aniconicity of figures in seal iconography is not a
universal Minoan idiom, but a convenient solution or convention for the easy
tasteful rendering of the human figures on most seals. Aniconicity in Minoan
seal iconography therefore, does not argue against the existence of iconic cult
statues in any way. For other types of aniconicity see just below.
5.4.3.2 Contra Hägg. Aniconicity, however, was not the only argument
against the existence of cult statues. Many other such arguments have been
put forward, especially by R. Hägg, the main opponent of their existence, who
with his very illuminating and long research on the subject has summarised
much of the relevant work. In his article with N. Marinatos (Marinatos and
Hägg 1983, 185-201), a number of points against their existence is given that
we will here summarise and comment on so as to structure this review.
The first point made is that there seems to be a general agreement
over the existence of non-anthropomorphic cult objects, such as stalactites
and stalagmites, baetyls, poles such as those in the Zakros Rhyton, and
possibly figure-of-eight shields (Alexiou 1963c and 1969, N. Platon 1930,
Warren 1990 and 2000).
Although this point seems correct, I would replace the word 'cult' with
the word 'ritual'. The fact that these objects are non-anthropomorphic, makes
their interpretation as cult objects which would replace cult statues even more
difficult. Moreover, we cannot know whether these cult objects represent a
deity or are just associated with one (as part of its equipment or other). In
either case, they could exist concurrently with proper cult statues and do not
have to replace them, as in later classical Greek antiquity.
Matz asserts and Hägg follows, making his second point, that epiphany
being a central feature of Minoan Religion is not compatible with the
existence of cult statues. Several early scholars, such as Schweitzer, Matz,
Furumark and others later, have argued that the central element in Minoan
cult of the palatial period was the epiphany of the deity. This has been
contested by many scholars of Minoan Religion, such as Nilsson, Levi,
Rutkowski, and others. However, it is not important here to decide who is
wrong and who is right, as epiphany does not have any direct impact on the
existence of cult statues. There are religious systems with cult statues that
believed in epiphanies. A good example of that would be classical Greek
religion, a religious system in which cult statues were prolific. Epiphanies are
amply attested in literature (directly reflecting the belief system) as anyone
who has read any Homer or Greek tragedy knows, and as the term deus ex
machina implies. These epiphanies were both expected, as in Greek Tragedy,
or unexpected as in Homer. Now, if the argument revolves around how
central epiphanies are in a religious system, then all we have to say is that we
cannot be certain as to the centrality of epiphanies in Minoan times. On the
other hand, in classical times epiphanies seem to play a central role together
with cult statues.
The third point made by Hägg and Marinatos is that, unlike other areas
and periods, there is no representation of a cult image in Minoan iconography
156
(1983, 186, fig. 26). An example of an Assyrian Obelisk (Figure 27), where a
cult image is depicted in a 'temple', is given in their article. In fact, the
example offered by Hägg and Marinatos could also undermine their
argument: the very stylised Assyrian art would depict all figures in rigid,
standardised poses. In fact, there is no differentiation between the figures on
this seal so as to imagine a distinction between lifeless image and living
characters. The very free and naturalistic Minoan art, however, would be
more likely to depict images of gods lifelike, and not in a rigid and unnatural
pose. In other words cult statues in Assyrian art are, in a different way, as
clear or unclear as their Minoan counterparts.
Figure 27: After Marinatos and Hägg, 1983, 186, fig. 26
The pose of the Assyrian 'cult statue' further recalls the Minoan seated
lady motif, (4.3.2.2)(Rehak 1977, 163-75). These females could easily
represent a seated cult statue that received offerings and was the object of
veneration. We have already supposed that 'supernatural' representations in
Minoan art, such as the floating humans are represented in a lifelike manner
(4.3.2.4).
Finally, Hägg's questions whether there were any buildings, i.e.
'temples', at all that did or could even house a cult image. The main five
arguments accompanying this question are:
1) There are either no arrangements that could have served for the display of
a cult image, like bases or niches.
2) or they are too small for the image to be appreciated,
3) or they have no uniformity of structure/ orientation,
4) or, when all these were not true, they were not clearly ritual areas.
5) Moreover, large statues and figures cannot automatically be interpreted as
cult images, whether representing a God or a worshipper.
In other words, Hägg argues that there is no positive evidence in
favour of the existence of cult statues. Although not very clearly structured,
this seems to be the most serious challenge against the existence of cult
statues. Having listed and addressed all Häggs arguments against the
existence of cult statues, therefore, it is time now to turn to the positive
evidence in favour of their reconstruction. A careful examination of what we
would claim to be the remains of cult statues, will be followed by the relevant
evidence from three and two dimensional iconography.
It must be borne in mind, however, that if cult images did exist, they
would not have all to be in exactly the same context or similar to each other,
as they could belong to different deities.
157
5.4.3.3 Positive Evidence for Cult Statues
We shall first consider the clay feet that have appeared in various sites in
Minoan Crete and have initiated the revival of the discussion on the topic. It is
possible, though, that only some of these feet may belong to cult statues.
These feet have been found in Mallia quartier 18 (NP), Phaistos room
LXIV (MMIIB1), at Anemospelia (Figure 28b; MMIIIA), at Sklavokampos from
above room 4 (MMIIIB/LMIA), at Chania (Figure 28a; MMIIIB/LMIA), and at
Gournia from an unknown context. There is no need to speculate on how
these feet could have supported the rest of a statue, as it is possible that they
did not; after all, the independently articulated feet of the much later Karphi
Goddess did not support the figure.
Figure 28: a) Foot from Chania. Godart and Tzedakis 1992, pl. XXX,1
b) Feet from Anemospelia. Y. and E. Sakellarakis 1997, 531, fig. 531
Table 26: Clay Feet possibly of Cult Statues in the Sites Studied Numbers
Phaestos LWCS-Clay foot 1
Mallia Quartier 18-Clay feet 2
Anemospelia-Clay feet 2
5.4.3.3.1 Mallia Quartier 18. The Quartier 18 at Mallia and especially its room
1, irrespective of the exact function of the feet there, has already been
considered to be ritual (4.2.3.3). Two pointed feet were discovered centrally
placed in this room. The lack of other limbs, figurines or other votive objects
that are similar to the feet, argues against a votive value for these feet. We
must remember that the number of limbs (usually of much smaller sizes) in
Peak Sanctuaries was very large.
A number of tubular vessels for the burning of incense and with
provision for the smoke to be released were found in the same room and
must have created a very eerie environment when burning. If there was a
statue of any sort above these legs, no matter how small (the estimation is
between one half and one third of life size), its appearance in the smoke and
its shadow would be impressive.
The various pieces of shells found in the room are the only candidates
for votive offerings. These shells, though, have been found almost
everywhere and cannot be securely associated with ritual places. One cannot
infer however, that these were just debris from some other activity such as
cooking or feasting, as no other such debris was reported from the room (like
bones, or teeth). Moreover, the similar faience shells discovered in the temple
repositories at Knossos and their association with the other types of faience
158
items found there, may argue along the same lines (Panagiotaki 1999, pl. 10,
c).
The most important item concerning this room of Quartier 18 was the
double incurved altar found to the left of the feet. Although not completely
immobile, it is quite heavy to transport. Its original position was doubted by
Chapouthier ("L' autel du petit sanctuaire domestique n' est décidément pas
en place;" -25 July 1929). The final reconstruction, however, seems to have
placed it decisively there (Chapouthier et al. 1962, 10).
The possible existence of an altar and of small votive offerings (shells)
dispersed in front of the non-votive feet that were centrally placed in a ritual
room may associate these feet with a cult statue. The two feet in the Quartier
18 at Mallia are the strongest single indication in favour of the existence of
cult statues in Minoan Crete. Interestingly, a comparison between this very
complex and another one at Palaikastro strengthens further such a
reconstruction.
5.4.3.3.2 Palaikastro Kouros. The complex at Palaikastro to be compared is a

group of rooms in the LMIB building 5 which is connected with a small
'πλατεία' or square. In that complex the famous Palaikastro kouros was
found8.
This part of building 5 is isolated architecturally. It has three main
rooms and a semi divided room annexed to the first. The first of these rooms
(room 1) was cleaned out (Evely 2000, 32) and paved with plaques, while the
others were not. The third room (room 13) is a storeroom with many items,
while in the middle of the second room (room 2) there is a circular pit
covered with schist plaques. In the pit an ogival cup and a polished bone
point were found. Next to the pit was an amphora. A large number of ivory,
serpentinite, gold, and obsidian fragments were discovered in the room
together with pieces of amphoras and "a large cuboid stone of green
serpentine was set horizontally on the floor, a little to the E of this pit"
(Sackett and MacGillivray 2000, 27). Several (at least 21) medium sized
storage vessels, some of which containing wheat and lentils, were discovered
in room 13 together with a tripod cooking pot, two jugs, a bowl, but also
remnants of inlay workshop activities (Sackett and MacGillivray 2000, 27-31).
All of these traits, the layout of the rooms and their function, the
covered pit, the architectural independence of the complex, and the paving of
the first room can be paralleled to Quartier 18 at Mallia. The storeroom 13 at
Palaikastro is comparable to room 4 at Mallia, the pit of room 2 in the former
to the one of room 2 in the latter, while the annex rooms in both sites can
also be compared. The pit in Mallia included sherds of jars and 'fire boxes'
and was associated with cups. The pit at Palaikastro was associated with an
amphora and included an ogival cup. The fact that both pits were covered by
plaques makes their resemblance even starker. The main rooms in both
complexes were paved. Last but not least, the three steps that lead up to
room 1 in Palaikastro (Sackett and MacGillivray 2000, 24, fig. 1.2), can be
well compared to the step like stone in the entrance of Quartier 18 at Mallia.
The latter was used as an argument against the reconstruction of an entrance
there. In both cases, the access is made conscious.
159
The two complexes seem to have a similar syntax of rooms and
functions, possibly pointing to a similarity of their overall purpose (compare
Figure 29a with 29b). This repetition in layout and function reinforces our
interpretation of Mallia Quartier 18 as a ritual space. Likewise, this repeated
layout shows a special rule governace in both complexes. The element of
'symbolism' moreover, is enhanced by the presence of the Palaikastro Kouros,
an icon of a very important male, to say the least. The latter was found partly
in room 2 (legs and sandals) and partly in the plateia (torso), and was
reconstructed as originally placed in room 2. Driessen has extensively argued
for its cult statue status (2000, 87-95). We will further add that this pose is
not only repeated by many Peak Sanctuary figurines but also by the two
floating persons on the Elateia signet (CMS V, suppl. 2 106, Inv. Nr. M845,
male) and the Zakros sealing (ZK HM 470, female) that are certainly of
superhuman status. This would certainly argue for the superhuman nature of
this pose and in favour of the kouros being a cult statue.
The similarity of function between the complexes can argue for an
analogy between the Palaikastro Kouros and the two large non-votive feet of
Mallia Quartier 18, i.e. one can more easily argue that the feet do belong to a
statue. Moreover, the cult statue status of the former, as has been argued by
Driessen (2000, 87-95), and as supported by the iconography, together with
the cult statue status of the Mallia feet, as argued above, strengthen both
reconstructions. The association of the Kouros of Palaikastro with the
supernatural due to its pose that is also attested in the floating figures from
Zakro and Elateia, is the missing link to attribute with safety cult statue status
to both the feet and the Kouros.
Figure 29: a) Mallia Quartier 18, adjusted from Pelon, 1980, fig. 29
b) Palaikastro the rooms of the Kouros,
adjusted from MacGillivray et al. 2000, 34 fig. 1.9
5.4.3.3.3 Positive Evidence for Cult Statues: The Other Sites. We argued
above in favour of the existence of cult statues on the basis of the Mallia
Quartier 18 and the complex of the Kouros in Palaikastro Building 5. It is time
160
now to examine whether any of the similar feet in the rest of the island do
not concur with such a reconstruction.
A similar but smaller foot was found in room LXIV of the LWCS at
Phaestos. The small foot had a preserved length of 10.4 cm., 4.5 cm. of
maximum width and 6.9 cm. of preserved height and would belong to an
approximately 50 cm tall idol. It is the earliest of all these feet compared
here. The room it was found in was destroyed during the MMIIB period (Doro
Levi's, second period). According to F. Carinci (pers. com. 1999), the room
together with the entire 'Lower West Court Sanctuary' were destroyed
completely. Rooms LIX, and LX were subsequently filled and remade during
the MMIIB period, also covering room LXIV. The other rooms of this wing
were never rebuilt or indeed filled. According to P. Carinci, the rooms V-VII of
the 'Upper West Court Sanctuary', which were built at that time (after the
MMIIB destruction), replaced the function of some of the above never rebuilt
rooms.
In the remodelling phase, the entrance of rooms LIX, and LX to the W
court was opened, and a few steps climbed up to the new raised level of the
rooms. Room LXIV, which was further in, was also filled up and raised to a
new level. Between the old floor, which was much lower, and the new one,
there was a significant layer of 'fill' with some debris. From within this debris
came the little foot together with three complete vases, and a number of
unpublished sherds that were stored. These sherds were mostly MMIIB with
very few exceptions (some conical MMIIA cups and some sherds of barbotine
ware, together with one Aghios Onouphrios sherd and one MMIA sherd).
Several cups were discovered together with some tripod cooking pots, small
and larger pithoi, plates (some small and one big), amphorae, spouts, few
sherds of common kernoi, none of them extraordinary.
The main interesting observation of the study of the sherds is that they
are in a very fragmentary state. The complete vessels are very few indeed.
They, therefore, are in secondary deposition and comprise a pure fill.
Moreover, several pieces of bone, some cut and burnt (processed in some
way), a few teeth and a piece of sea shell were also found together with
some plaster fragments painted grey, black or red. These enforce the view
that all this material, which used to fill and level the room, is in secondary
deposition (see Appendix section G).
The fill must have come from MMIIB layers elsewhere as that is the
prevailing and, in any case, the latest date of its sherds. The destruction that
took place in MMIIB affected only a small part of the palace, and most of its
other parts were apparently unscathed. In fact, the only serious destruction
we can trace during this period in the entire palace was in the 'Lower West
Court Sanctuary' complex to which room LXIV belonged. As there was a need
of material to level the floor of the rooms LIX, and LX before refurbishment,
the easiest solution would be to bring in and fill the rooms with destruction
debris from the adjacent destroyed area, where that it would be plentiful.
Thus, it would not be unreasonable to speculate that the provenance of the
foot comes from the destroyed 'Lower West Court Sanctuary' area. Moreover,
the sherds recovered fit in with the types of pottery found elsewhere in the
LWCS. The above cannot be used as a final verdict, but as a strong indication.
161
Furthermore, the pottery associated with the foot, if it comes from the same
area, would argue against it being a votive as there is a complete lack of
items that could have been interpreted as such.
Two more feet came from the central room of the complex at
Anemospelia near Arkhanes. The whole find of Anemospelia can be safely
dated to the MMIIIA period. The feet were found in what can be interpreted
as a storeroom, amongst other pithoi and vessels not leaving much space for
passing through. The feet were placed on a bench together with a large
bucket-like jar, and a globular libation rhyton (with a hole on its base).
Sakellarakis held that the position, the weight, and the shape of the feet,
together with the fire remains in the room (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997,
534), point to the existence of a wooden xoanon statue there.
Again, no limbs, or other items similar to the two feet that could be
interpreted as votive, were found at all in the area in or outside the building.
It is quite unlikely, therefore, that the two clay feet were votive in character,
either as feet or as a statue. Moreover, there is good evidence of sacrifice
(human and animal) in the building, but not in that particular room, while the
west room may (4.5.2) be specifically designated to ritual. The two feet
therefore, even as 'symbols', signs of some sort, can more easily be
associated with the ritual than with the food storage or workshop/preparation
activities in the building. Additionally, despite the lack of 'votive' limbs in the
area, 'votive' objects may have existed, if one takes into account the various
river pebbles that are reported (not certain votives), and the two possible
'sacrifices', the ox (uncertain if it was a sacrifice) and the human, votives par
excellence.
It seems, therefore, more probable that a statue was based on these
feet, and that it was associated with ritual. As mentioned above, it is also
possible that it was associated with items that could be of 'votive' nature and
would thus qualify as a cult statue.
If these feet were part of a xoanon cult statue, therefore, the statue
would have to be taken out of its special position in the storeroom in order to
participate in rituals (see 3.1.2), as it cannot be conceived that it could do so
from there. The same would apply if the feet were mere signs that were part
of a ritual as such. This means that it would have to be moved, unlike the one
in Mallia, which seems to be situated in a ritual place and not stored. The
contexts (storage or ritual space) in the other places seem to be more similar
to that of Anemospelia than that of Mallia. The Sklavokampos, Phaistos, and
Chania feet, although the information as to their original location is less
precise (possibly the third one will yield some interesting information in the
future), seem to come from storage areas associated with ritual and not from
ritual grounds. The one from Mallia seems to come from the location where a
part of the ritual would have taken place. Even that would have been possibly
stored most of the time elsewhere; perhaps further inside the quartier.
The extant evidence is insufficient on its own to support the existence
of a cult statue at Anemospelia. When seen together with the evidence from
other sites though, such a reconstruction seems more probable.
The foot from Chania is very similar in size to those from Anemospelia,
and similar in shape to those from Mallia (with a pointed tip). The similarity to
162
the Mallia examples is further enhanced by the existence of a hole at the top
of the Chania foot. This hole could be used to support a wooden
superstructure. It was found in House 14, Trench 17, room C in a MMIIIB-
LMIA stratum together with an offering table, plaster, pithoi, a grinding stone
and pottery (Vlasaki pers. com. August 2000). The offering table points to a
possible ritual background, while the pithoi, and the grinding stone show
some similarity to the situation in Anemospelia or Mallia, Quartier 18. We
cannot be entirely certain on the context of the Chania foot, but there are
some indications that would support the suggestion that room C, where the
foot was found, had ritual associations. Here too, there is a complete lack of
limbs or any similar object of likely votive character. Therefore, the votive
character of the foot should be ruled out.
In room 1 of the Minoan 'Mansion' at Sklavokampos, which belongs to
the NP era, a clay foot (HM 5590) was found together with clay sealings, and
a stone hammer (Marinatos 1931-41, pll 1-4). The foot and the sealings had
fallen from above. If the sealings did seal commodities, then we have once
more a very similar situation where these clay feet appear in storage context.
In this case, unfortunately, there is nothing to argue that the storage belongs
to the ritual sphere, as in Anemospelia.
No mention of the foot of Gournia context has ever been made, and its
original location has not been recorded in the excavation notebooks (V.
Watrous 1999, pers. com.).
Another foot was discovered in the clear ritual context of the Peak
Sanctuary of Petsofas. Rutkowski gives a comprehensive description: "A
detached left foot or a model of a shoe. The toe is pointed and raised, the
heel is separated from the sole by a groove. The white paint covers the red -
an imitation of white skin or a conventional colour? There is a rounded
depression in the upper part of the shoe" (1991, 105). Its dimensions are H.
1,3; W. 1,4; L. 3,6, quite small, but still larger than the average figurine sizes
of Petsofas. Though its raised pointed toe has an intriguing similarity to the
feet in Mallia and Chania, the foot is, however, too small to be considered
together with the above feet.
The holes in the Mallia and the Gournia feet are indicative of
something that was placed in them. As the feet were in good condition one
can easily suppose that they were not to be normally suspended from these
holes. The position of the holes, therefore, shows that something was fixed
on top. These holes are a strong argument for the existence of statues
related to these feet. The Phaestos example is destroyed at the top and no
evidence survives, while the Anemospelia feet are rhomboid in shape,
facilitating the securing of another object around their top. Sakellarakis has
argued that the ashes and burnt wood material around the feet from
Anemospelia would account for a wooden body of a statue (Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1997, 534). The homology between the Palaikastro Kouros rooms
and Quartier 18 at Mallia discussed above also argues in favour of a wooden
superstructure above the clay feet.
163
A solitary statue in a ritually associated area, that concentrated a great deal
of attention from the rituals and was somehow associated with the
supernatural, would have a good chance of being a cult one. A cult statue is a
representation of the supernatural that plays an active role in at least some
rituals, as there can be representations of the supernatural that are not cult
statues and are e.g. only ornamental, such as the many statues of saints on
Catholic or Anglican Christian churches. In the sites where more than one
statue was attested, then the possibility of 'ornamental' statues or mere
representational statues should not be excluded, even if a link between the
supernatural and that statue was made.
None of the above sites, however, produced evidence of more than
one statue. The feet found in the various sites discussed above argue in
favour of their reconstruction as parts of cult statues, or at least do nor argue
against such a reconstruction.
The morphological analysis of the various single or pairs of feet found
in the studied sites suggests that they are supporting larger figures.
Moreover, these figures, or statues seem to be cult statues. The main
arguments in favour of the characterisation of these feet as belonging to cult
statues come from the analysis of these found in the Quartier 18 at Mallia,
and the comparison of the rooms of that complex to those in Building 5 at
Palaikastro, where the Kouros was found.
The evidence, moreover, is not negated and is, in fact, encouraged by
the study of the contexts of other such feet elsewhere (Anemospelia,
Phaestos etc.). These contexts seem, in some cases, to be either ritual or
connected to ritual. Interestingly, the existence of cult statues can also be
argued on the basis of both three- and two-dimensional iconography. And this
we shall review next.
5.4.3.3.4 Iconography 3D. The three-dimensional iconography was the only

one to provide evidence in favour of the existence of cult statues before the
time of the palaces (EMII). As argued by Peter Warren, female hollow
figurines or statuettes in Myrtos Pyrgos, Koumasa and elsewhere, may be
depictions of a divine figure. The Koumasa figurine is more clear as a snake is
depicted on its shoulder (Warren 1988, 4). Other examples have painted
animals (Warren August 1997, lecture on the Minoan Goddess in the British
School at Crete). Unfortunately, the very possible divine representations of
the Prepalatial period cannot be taken as strong evidence for their existence
also in the palatial.
Some Old and New Palace figurines placed within miniature buildings,
however, argue in favour of the existence of cult statues and against
aniconicity. There are at least two instances where this type occurs: 1) the
lady that has been reconstructed as (Rethemiotakis 1998, 144 and Lebessi
1976b, 12-43) coming out from the porch of the famous Arkhanes building
model and 2) the male figurine from Ayia Triada (Rethemiotakis 1998, 35, pl.
81 No 112), which is surrounded by three walls. Apparently, some similar
examples to the latter show 'horns of consecration' on the walls
(Rethemiotakis 1998, 144, 155). As we saw above (5.4.2.2.9), the figurines
are ritual items, and their primary use is either iconic or symbolic. There is no
164
reason not to accept them as such also in this form. The fact that they are
shown alone in buildings, their relatively large size compared to the latter,
their scarcity and the occasional 'horns of consecration' associated with them,
may argue that they depict a special personage. Moreover, (3.4.2.2), single
persons depicted in the focus of a ritual may be divine or are compared to the
divine; and in the case of the models, the attention is focused entirely on the
large sized human figures.
A statuette, larger than 30cm tall, of superior quality and of rare form
has been discovered in Syme (Lebessi 2001, forthcoming), not in a building
but on top of a platform. Although only the lower half of this male figurine is
preserved, its base, a building model, is of particular interest. This unique
male figurine can only be paralleled with the males of clearly superior status
depicted on the Master seal impression (Hallager 1985) and the new Poros
ring (HM Gold 1629; Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis 2000, 39-56). These
parallels, and its obviously commanding position, on top of and larger than a
platform, render it a good candidate for the representation of the divine.
Furthermore, some larger, more naturalistic, rare, or finer quality
figurines, from various ritual sites are very skillfully made. It is possible that
they too were used as small portable cult statues. The most famous such
example is the kouros of Palaikastro (5.4.3.3.3). Evidently the very famous
'Snake Goddess' figurines from the 'Temple Repositories at Knossos' belong to
the same category (Panagiotaki 1999, pl. 17). It has been extensively argued
that these repositories are associated with cult (Panagiotaki 1999, 273-6); we
will not review the argument here however. Together with the above, the two
small heads and limbs of figurines in ivory that were found at Arkhanes area
17 should also be mentioned (Sakellarakis 1991, 46-7). Also, the feet that we
examined above (5.4.3.3.3) would belong to figures of comparable
dimensions to the Palaikastro Kouros.
To this category of larger and more naturalistic figures also belong
some Old Palace and New Palace figures. The Old Palace ones are rare and
come from the end of the period, such as those from Piskokephalo and
Petsofas (Rethemiotakis 1998, 51-3). Apart from the aforementioned Kouros
of Palaikastro, there are other definite examples from the New Palace period.
The large head from 'Οξω Πέτρες Χουδετσίου and another one from Gortys
(Rethemiotakis 1998, pl. 6c) are very naturalistic. Also similar is also the large
head from Petsofas (Myres 1902-3, 375-6, pl. 34), the larger (up to 50 cm
high) statuettes from Kophinas and those from Syme (Rethemiotakis 1998,
no. 164), Traostalos and Youkhtas, the latter up to 80cm tall (Karetsou
1981b, 146). More examples exist, but are not well published or studied and
have not been much depicted (Rethemiotakis 1998, 53-61), such as that from
Efentis Christos (Watrous, 1993) or from Monastiraki (Kanta 2000,
forthcoming).
In other words, there is a great deal of evidence for large figures,

larger than the usual size. Some of them are also unique in appearance such
as the Palaikastro kouros or the Syme male on a platform, and the
reconstructed xoana statues whose feet only survive. In some cases, these
large figures seem to depict a special personage, possibly a deity.
165
Figure 30: Phaestos a) Bowl and b) Reconstructed Fruitstand.
From Levi 1976, pll. 67, 66.
5.4.3.3.5 Iconography 2D. There is further support for the existence of lifeless
cult statues as regards two dimensional Minoan art (we have argued already
that the iconographical situations of the seated ladies -4.3.2.2-, and of the
standing persons holding staffs -4.3.2.1- could depict divinities). The famously
decorated OP Phaestos bowl was found in the Lower West Court Sanctuary
complex (room LIII) and depicts a lifeless statue with dancers around it
(Figure 30a). A fruitstand from the room next door (LI) depicts a somewhat
static female with dancing ladies behind her (Figure 30b; 'Fruitstand of the
Goddess of Lillies'). Both the similar type of the depiction and of the vessels
point to the relation between the central female in the latter and the lifeless
one in the former. The ritual location of the vessels and the central position of
the statue and the female respectively would further argue that the statue
depicted in the fruitstand is a cult one.
The even more famous Ayia Triadha sarcophagus from the LMIIIA
period (and therefore of early postpalatial date) shows an armless person
standing in front of a building, which can easily be associated with a temple
(easier than its traditional association with a tomb). The person (possibly
statue) is the recipient of the 'gifts', perhaps votives, being carried by a
procession. This could be a slightly later case, but still indicative of the
possible use of cult statues in palatial times. It should be noted that the
building behind the figure does not look like any tomb of the NP period in
Crete, and therefore, the armless figure cannot be a dead person.
Thus, according to the above, there is no negative evidence against

the existence of cult statues. On the other hand, the positive evidence for
their existence in both two and three dimensional iconography and in the
archaeological record, together with the repetition in architectural form of
complexes housing such statues (Palaikastro Building 5 complex and Mallia
Quartier 18) argue in favour of their existence.
In any case, the existence of a primary 'symbolic' value of all the
material presented above, clay feet, figurines, 3D or 2D iconography, is not
related to what they represent, and therefore the 'symbolism' of the feet is
widespread. In the case of the existence of cult statues that is argued here,
166
however, the centrality and importance of such a statue would suggest an
equal centrality and importance for the 'symbolism' in the related rituals.
5.4.3.4 Cult Statues and Religious Ritual

The question about the existence of cult statues in ritual sites is central to the
recognition of the latter as religious. The presence of a single icon, that
represents the supernatural, having an active role in a space related to ritual
is a strong indication that this ritual is religious. In other words, a divine
figure that is central to a ritual characterises the ritual as religious. Thus, the
existence of single statues that are related to the supernatural, as the Kouros
of Palaikastro argues, and that play a central role to the rituals as the feet in
the Mallia Quartier 18 argue, argue strongly for the association of the related
rites with religion.
5.4.4 Miniature non-utilitarian items

The non-functional imitations of functional items, and their miniatures are an
interesting category of items that are frequently found in several types of
sanctuaries. They can be seen as primarily functioning as signs, as, by
definition, they do not share the same function with the items they imitate.
Their most obvious sign value is iconic of the original, functional and full-size
items they imitate.
Several Peak Sanctuaries disclosed a number of the so-called 'votive'
miniature tools and implements, i.e. those items that resemble tools or
implements but cannot function as such, such as plate-thin knives and
miniature tools. Such were found in several of the studied sites. Several
miniature knives were found at Modi and more than two at Vrysinas; some
plate-thin tools were recovered at OP Youkhtas, while miniature picks and
knives, together with some plate-thin tools were disclosed at NP Youkhtas.
Kythera had also a plate-thin knife and some cut-out blades following the
same pattern to that of Cretan Peak Sanctuaries. Apart from Modi, it seems
that only the most important peaks in Crete included them, irrespective of
period. Apart from Peak Sanctuaries these items were also found at Syme. It
is also possible that the real knives and blades played the same role as the
non-utilitarian ones (for the dissemination of real blades or knives see
5.1.2.7), in which case the dissemination of the respective activity would be
greater.
One other interesting category of non-functional miniature items are
the miniature vessels of different sorts, that are well attested in Peak
Sanctuaries. Karphi (>5), Petsophas (Jug, fruitstand and other vessels),
Traostalos (pithoi >3, cooking pot 1, other >3), Vrysinas (>3), Karakomouri
(>2), OP Youkhtas, and even Kythera (spouted jars>25) have reported
miniature vessels of various types. Moreover, they were also reported from
other types of site such as the open-air part of Syme, (cups >20, chalices >3)
and Anemospelia (a miniature stone 'bucket', cf. the large clay 'buckets' found
there). They were apparently neither found in Atsipades, nor in NP Youkhtas.
So despite their geographical dissemination, they were possibly a
phenomenon quite isolated in time. More study in this direction is needed.
167
Table 27: Miniature Items Numbers
Karphi-Vases, clay >5
Korakomouri-Vases, clay >2
Modi-Knives, metal
Petsofas-Jug 1
Petsofas-fruitstand 1
Petsofas-Vessels >1
Traostalos-Pithoi (one with a seed in it) >3
Traostalos-Vessels >3
Traostalos-Cooking Pot 1
Vrysinas-Vases >3
Vrysinas-knives, metal >2
Youkhtas OP-Vases
Youkhtas NP-Offering tables
Youkhtas-Miniature items, with gold plating
Youkhtas-Picks, bronze, miniature
Youkhtas-Double axes, bronze, miniature
Youkhtas-Knives, small
Youkhtas-altar
Kythera-Jars, spouted >25
Kythera-knife, thin plate
Anemospelia-Bucket, stone
Building 4-bucket-like, stone 1
Syme-Cups, clay >20
Syme-Chalice cups, clay >3
Syme-Vessels, clay
Syme-Offering tables
Syme-Knives, thin plate
A grain of wheat was found in a miniature pithos from Traostalos,

which might demonstrate a link between the use of the full-sized vessels and
the miniature ones, but also the existence of some form of performance. It is
possible that they, like the other miniature items, could function together with
figurines as part of larger arrangements.
The widespread dissemination of these items, primarily used as signs,
reflects the established 'symbolism' of the relevant set actions, but also their
repetition and invariance. It is interesting to note, however, that similar
miniature items were also found in OP or Prepalatial9 burial contexts, possibly
pointing to a common denominator of items used for different rituals in
different places but in the same ritual system (Georgoulaki 2000, 223-233).
5.4.5 'Horns of Consecration'

Like most issues regarding Minoan rituals, there is a long-standing debate
over the meaning and function of the so-called 'horns of consecration'.
Nilsson following Evans, supports that: "they were justly called 'horns of
consecration'… They are neither cult objects venerated in themselves nor the
place for offerings, a kind of altar in the ancient sense, but they are the place
of consecration where objects of the cult are laid, -either the cult implements
(e.g. The libation jug) or the actual objects of the cult themselves (e.g. the
sacred bough)… The horns of consecration seem further to be employed in a
168
more symbolical or even ornamental fashion on buildings where they cannot
all, at any rate, have served as receptacles for cult objects or cult
implements…" (Nilsson 1950, 183). He further suggests (1950, 185) that
'horns of consecration' characterise a building as sacred, warning that it is
"erroneous to connect the horns of consecration with a special deity" (Nilsson
1950, 189).
Rutkowski's opinion is similar to that of his predecessors. He further
elaborates that 'horns of consecration' exist in different forms with possible
different functions (Rutkowski 1986, 43-4; 1981, 75-7): "In corpore, they
either symbolise the presence of a divinity, or they indicate that the place
where they stand is under the protection of a divinity. This is the symbolic
importance especially of the horns of consecration standing on the roof of a
building, or surmounting an altar. The presence of large horns of
consecration, or of miniature models of them, found in rooms, are a
convincing argument as to the holy function of the premises."
"The horns of consecration … depicted on vases had a different
purpose. Generally speaking, the presence of such signs on vases does not
prove that the vases were of sacred significance. True, they could have had
such a significance, but to prove this, one would have to carry out rather
complicated studies of the ornamentation of the vase, and the circumstances
in which the vase was found, which is not always feasible. In other words,
some of the vessels ornamented with sacred symbols could have been used
exclusively or almost exclusively for cult practices, whereas others may have
been used for this purpose only occasionally - this being matter of chance.
For it was the use to which the vessel was to be put, rather than its shape,
which determined whether it would bear one of these sacred signs or not"
(Ruktowski 1986, 43-44).
Figure 31: Horns of Consecration with a receptacle in the middle. From Etiani
Kephala. Davaras 1982, fig.33
169
In other words, the homogeneous picture that has been offered by
Evans and Nilsson, claiming that 'horns of consecration' characterise a space
or a room as sacred, has been further discussed by Rutkowski, who also goes
on to classify the attestations of these 'horns' throughout Minoan art. It
should be mentioned here that not only the ritual but also the religious
character of these items have been taken for granted, while no
methodologically consistent arguments have been put forward for their
interpretation as either.
In her recent book on Minoan Religion, N. Marinatos, is careful enough
to call these items simply 'horns', avoiding the controversial term 'horns of
consecration', but treats them as a uniform category with one homogeneous
meaning. She notes that some of them have the capacity, which is usually
identified by the presence of a hole, to hold boughs or double axes, that
could be "inserted during festivals" (Marinatos 1993, 5). We shall employ this
last observation to demonstrate the ritual value of these 'horns' at the end of
this section.
Yannouli's cautious interpretation of these 'horns' as a foreshortening
of the head of a horned animal (index), that may further represent the entire
animal (index generalised) is argued through a wealth of material and many
strands of evidence. Independently of the correctness of her interpretation,
she offers an almost full list of all the attestations of these 'horns' for many
different periods (2000, 235-270).
The classification of the 'horns' can be made in three different ways.
First, there is a distinction between those 'horns' that exist in corpore and
those that exist in representations (iconography, applique on pottery, on
building models etc.). There is a second distinction between those that can be
a part of an action ('active' 'horns'), usually the deposition of something in
between them, and those that are only to be seen ('passive' ones), often on
top of buildings. The 'active' ones are usually single, or in small numbers,
while the 'passive' are usually attested in greater numbers. The former often
appear in representations where the action is clear.
Following N. Marinatos' observation, however, there exist several large
'horns' with a hole in between them. One could actually argue that these, at
least, could be also part of an action, involving the placing of an object in
between the 'horns'. This item could well be the boughs or double axes that
appear in iconography, as N. Marinatos postulates but does not argue at all.
The relevant iconographical situation (4.3.2.7), however, would be a good
argument for such a reconstruction.
A third way to classify 'horns of consecration' is by scale, large or
miniature.
Of all the above categories of 'horns', two are more frequently
attested: 1) The architectural double 'horns of consecration' that are rarely
single and are passive. These crown architectural structures or buildings, and
are the only candidates for emblems, though we do not know their exact
value. 2) The large 'horns of consecration' which are part of an activity (with
one or few participants), are placed at a low level (can be reached) and
usually have a hole in between them. Often they are mounted on a
platform/pedestal or 'altar'. Both these categories are well attested and clear
170
both in the archaeological record and the iconography, which shows their
exact use.
The first conclusion that one could draw from these classifications is
the possibility that 'double horns of consecration' can mean different things
and can function in different ways. The 'passive' type that does not
participate in action, can just be used iconically or indexically; this latter use
could be also emblematic (emblems are a subset of indexes).
One other observation that needs to be stressed here is the alternation
between different types of signs. For instance: 1) 'snake frames' or 'horn'
crowns, 2) bulls' horned heads or bucrania, 3) 'horns of consecration' and 4)
ladies with upraised arms, all have similarities in shape. The first three have
space for the placement of other iconographic elements above them and are
indeed depicted with double axes. The 'horns of consecration' are also shown
with boughs (see 4.3.2.7). These three very different items alternate and
have a similar function, i.e. to receive double axes. Their link cannot be only
the general common shape, but must be of symbolic nature. The symbolic
value of the 'horns of consecration' was already suspected, because of their
varying functions10.
The only 'horns' that demonstrably have symbolic values, are the
'active' ones. Only these would have a possibility of having other items placed
in between them. On the other hand, symbolic value of the architectural or
other 'passive' 'horns' would subsequently evolve by association with the
'active' ones, their identical form.
The emblematic or even the symptomatic nature of these items cannot
be easily discussed. It has been postulated by S. Marinatos and by S. Soetens
(pers. com. 2000) that the Double axes are a Knossian Phenomenon, possibly
an emblem of the palace there. Our evidence, though, is insufficient to
support such a theory, as the west has not been studied as much as the
central or east parts of the island, while the chronology of these 'horns' is not
always clear. In any case, like many other types of items, the Knossos region
has almost half of the attestations of these 'horns'. Double axes, and the
motif of the seated lady in iconography, are two examples of the tendency to
attribute a Knossian origin to anything repeated in the Minoan material
culture. The richness and the development of central Crete, not only then but
also today, explain the attestation of luxuries or special items there to a
greater degree. Moreover, the only large west Cretan Peak Sanctuary of
Vrysinas has at least a small pair of 'horns of consecration' preserved in
fragments.
As hinted above, the existence of an open-air ritual can be
reconstructed involving the aforementioned 'active' 'horns'. The relevant
iconography is very much repeated, and shows ladies placing a bough in
between a pair of 'horns' (4.3.2.7). The act is so standardised in terms of the
sex of the actor, the items used, the place and the stance of deposition, that
performance, rule governance, formalism, invariance, repetition, and
according to the above, 'symbolism', can all be postulated. Moreover, the
'horns of consecration' as items exist for such a long time, from EM (possibly)
at Mochlos (the clay 'horns'), to LM III, that great traditionalism can also be
evoked. It is almost certain, therefore, that an open-air ritual involving
171
boughs and 'double horns of consecration' was performed, and most probably
by single individuals. These rituals could have taken place also in Peak
Sanctuaries, as is indicated by the iconography (see the Zakros rhyton
decoration), though that cannot be firmly supported from the rest of the
archaeological record. According to the latter, 'horns of consecration' are seen
only as architectural elements.
The 'horns of consecration' in the open-air spaces studied here are
relatively well spread. They exist in corpore in the larger of the Peak
Sanctuaries but also at Anemospelia. It has been postulated by the
excavators that all the 'horns' studied here are architectural and therefore,
'passive'. Even the elaborate pair of 'horns' from Petsofas is interpreted by
Davaras (1981, 88-93) as architectural.
Figure: 32: Horns of Consecration from Petsofas

Davaras 1982, fig. 31
Table 28: 'Horns of Consecration' in the studied sites

In corpore Anemospelia, stone
Etiani Kephala, 1, clay
Petsofas NP(Davaras 1981), 1, clay
Piskokephalo (Watrous 1995, 397)
Pyrgos, stone
Vrysinas, small, clay, fragments of
Youkhtas (>30)
In Representations St. George, Kythera, applique
Phaestos Lower West Court sanctuary , applique
As far as the Peak Sanctuaries are concerned, those at Pyrgos,

Youkhtas, and Petsofas (Figure 32), sites that survived in the NP, had large
'horns of consecration'. A small clay pair of 'horns' is also reported from
Vrysinas and another from Etiani Kephala (Figure 31). Although these 'horns'
were rare in most Peak Sanctuaries, and possibly only appeared in the NP
period there, they were widely disseminated in palaces from OP times. This
may argue in favour of the presence of palatial symbolism in those
sanctuaries that survived into the NP. The relatively small numbers in which
172
they appear argues against their reconstruction as votives in this instance,
although that may have been the case in the Late Minoan III Haghia Triada
(D'Agata 1999, 90-91) where they are attested in greater numbers.
5.4.6 Double Axes

Much has been written about the interpretation of double axes, like other
signs associated with ritual.
Nilsson presents two views; that of Evans, according to which the
double axe acts "as the special aniconic form of the supreme Minoan divinity,
and her male satellite" (1950, 226), and an older view that it represents the
form of the sacrificial axe (Milchhoefer 1883, 116). The latter is further
elaborated by some scholars as 'symbols' of sacrifice offered to the dead
(Tsountas 1897, 103; Rouse 1902, 301). Nilsson discounts the theory that the
double axes represent the thunder weapon of a male god, by arguing that
they are only carried by female goddesses or by their male ministers. It must
be noted here that the only example where a figure associated with a double
axe could arguably be a goddess is Post-palatial. Moreover, Nilsson casts
doubt to the first theory that interprets double axes as another form for the
deity. To that effect he argues that "even if the birds perching on the double
axes of the H. Triada sarcophagus are the epiphany of gods, it does not
follow that these gods are impersonated in the axes upon which the birds
have alighted" (Nilsson 1950, 227).
Rutkowski interprets double axes in a similar way to the 'horns of
consecration'. He considers them as 'symbols' of the presence of the divinity.
He also recognises that their function may have been quite complex, claiming
that between MM and LM there was a change in their use. He moreover
raises the point that they may have also acted as 'symbols' of political
authority ("this is all the more likely in that the king, as the High Priest, no
doubt was the god's deputy on earth", Rutkowski 1986, 43). He warns us,
however, that the existence of these signs on pottery does not necessarily
signify that the pottery was important, and calls for more extensive studies on
this.
All the above ideas are reiterated by N. Marinatos (1993, 5), who
concludes realistically that we do not know what 'symbolic' significance the
double axe had for the Minoans. She observes however, that some double
axe stands were discovered in various places, in so-called crypts (South and
Southeast Houses at Knossos, the Little Palace, House A at Tylissos, and the
Temple Tomb at Knossos), whereas axes were not (1993, 94-5). They must,
therefore, have had an alternative storage place.
Like the 'horns of consecration', there are different ways to classify the
various double axes. One is by size, the large and the small, the large being
heavy and difficult to carry, while the small ones very light, and easy to move.
A second way is by their medium; those that exist in corpore, as opposed to
those that are depicted. A third way to classify double axes is by their
function; those that are actively part of a performance environment, i.e. are
to be carried, or are fixed in a stand and play some role in the area where a
performance takes place, and those that are not ('passive'). The 'active' ones
173
can play a signifying role, being symbols, signals, etc., or act as votives, tools,
and so on. The 'passive' ones, which are especially attested in iconography,
can be either completely abstract and stand on their own, or be a part of a
group, for example with a bull's head, or a pair of 'horns of consecration'.
The in corpore double axes were not always situated in a ritual area
(3.1.2) as their bases have sockets which allow them to be removed are often
found on their own (see above), and as they were often placed in storerooms
(such as Nirou Khani room 7). They may have been depicted on signet seals
as hovering.
Double axes do not seem to be utilitarian, and are never depicted as
being used. Their widespread inactive appearance, however, demonstrates
that they are primarily active as signs. Furthermore, their symbolic value can
be shown in the same manner as for the 'horns of consecration': they often
alternate in iconography with other signs, in this case branches or sun discs.
These take different forms: either that of round discs, or of floral motifs that
resemble in form the 'horns of consecration'; they sometimes have a double
top that also resembles 'horns of consecration', or a plant-like top. They are
also decorated with floral motifs. All these forms and decorations enhance the
aforementioned alternation between plants, sun-like discs and double axes in
iconography. Interestingly, they all alternate framed by 'horns of
consecration'.
Small double axes can also be icons of larger ones, and all of them
icons of real functional ones. They could be signals of 'ritual space', or even
'palace orchestrated ritual space', but also symptoms of a ritual that is taking
place, though neither has been proven.
The association of double axes with ritual has long been proposed due
to their appearance in ritual sites and in ritual iconographical situations.
Double axes, however, could have appeared in ritual ceremonies in the same
way as swords and crests appear in English Christian Churches, being secular
and often mundane symbols. Nevertheless, in most seal iconography cases,
double axes are carried by people in procession, arguably a ritual situation
(4.3.2.5). On the LMII Aghia Triada Sarcophagus, moreover, double axes are
placed in stands in the midst of some seemingly ritual performance. In this
study, they are found in ritual sites such as Syme and Youkhtas. In other
words, double axes are attested in ritual contexts both in iconography and the
rest of the archaeological record.
According to the methodology proposed above (2.6.1) we can trace
the traits of ritual in the use of double axes: The surviving pieces of double
axes are of metal, mostly in bronze, some in gold, or silver, while very few
miniature double axes are of clay. This shows their value and their formality.
Moreover, their form is quite invariable and their distribution wide. Also, in
corpore double axes are symbols, that can also act as icons, which repetitively
and invariantly appear, for a long period of time (cf. traditionalism) in several
ritual sites. Moreover, some of them seem to be part of a performance, as
appears in iconography. These attributes of double axes are sufficient for us
to interpret them as items used in ritual action. To their ritual association also
concur the relevant iconographical situations, and their large numbers in
recognised ritual sites as already noticed previously.
174
In the sites that we study here, double axes are not widely attested.
They appear only in Youkhtas, Vrysinas, and Syme in Crete, three of the
largest open-air sanctuaries of the island that also survived in the NP period.
The large or thin sheet double axes at Syme and Youkhtas were found in
great numbers. Moreover, they were also found in the Peak Sanctuary of
Kythera that was mainly NP in date. This might also tentatively indicate a NP
date for the use of double axes in the open-air sanctuaries in Crete. A
palatial, or another mundane influence might explain, as in the case of the
'horns of consecration', their appearance in these rich sanctuaries. It is
notable that palaces -but not all the sanctuaries- contained evidence of
double axes.
In other words, double axes seem to be used in ritual performances,
but may not have been exclusively ritual in character and may have had
palatial associations.
Table 29: Double Axes Numbers

Syme-Bronze, large 3
Syme-Iron, large 1
Syme-Clay, small
Vrysinas-Metal, small, cutout >1
Youkhtas NP-Double axes, 'votive', small
Youkhtas-Double axes, bronze, large
Youkhtas-Axe, bronze
Kythera-Double axe, bronze, large
5.4.7 An Overview of 'Symbolism'

The 'symbolism' associated with the sites studied is significant not only
because of the great numbers of symbols in each site, but also due to their
wide dissemination through the island, and their stable form, spatially and
temporally. The figurines, the cult statues and the other miniature non-
functional objects, together with the 'horns of consecration', and the double
axes are all widespread around the island, while some exist in more than one
type of ritual site. The figurines and the other miniature non-functional
objects exist in larger numbers and are more established signs in the
respective sites. The evidence regarding cult statues, moreover, seems to
weigh in favour of their existence; the fairly widespread clay feet that may
belong to them have, in any case, an uncontested 'symbolic' value.
We have to conclude, therefore, that in all types of sites associated
with open-air rituals, 'symbolism' was present to a great degree. This is
particularly evident in the Peak and 'Other' Sanctuary types, which include a
great number of figurines and sometimes the miniature items and the double
axes.
It should be born in mind that the 'symbolism' of a site is not only an
important indicator of the establishment of the ritual activities there, but also
of their orthodoxy, the importance of the associated beliefs. These associated
beliefs can be in some cases religious beliefs, making the rituals, religious
rituals.
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5.5 SUMMARY
All the types of sanctuary that have been analysed here show great level of
the establishment of ritual. In this chapter the ritual traits of performance,
repetition, invariance, traditionalism, rule governance, formalism and
symbolism, were all detected to a great extent in all types of sanctuary.
In general the elements of performance participation, repetition,
invariance, and symbolism are present to a greater degree in the Peak
Sanctuaries, Building 4 and 'Other' sanctuaries categories, than in the other
types of site. Rule governance and formalism on the other hand was more
evident in the sites associated with the Peak Sanctuaries and those associated
with the palaces. This difference may be attributed to the fact that in the
former most of the material comes from the outdoor part of the sites, if there
was an indoor part at all, whereas in the latter the indoor part has preserved
most of the available evidence. The reason for the lack of material remains in
Palace west courts, for instance, may have been that the latter were always
kept clean, and the material from the activities there may have been
discarded elsewhere; alternatively, the performances there may not have
involved a great deal of refuse.
Having demonstrated a great degree of establishment for the open-air
rituals associated with all types site, it is important to comment on whether
the perpetuating force of these rituals is belief, practice or both. And if it is
belief, whether is it a religious belief or a secular one.
5.5.1 Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy. The extent to which ritual activities are
based on a certain belief system (orthodoxy), or on the practices themselves
that play the self-fulfilling role of propagation (orthopraxy) is important to
determine. According to our study (3.4.1), the establishment of a ritual, as
traced in archaeology, is directly indicative of the orthopraxy of a ritual. This
means that orthopraxy is present in all studied rituals. Signs, on the other
hand, are the only evidence for a certain belief behind the practices. Despite
their ever changing nature, they are the best evidence we have to trace
orthodoxy and a stable use of ritual symbols may indicate a somewhat stable
belief system. Here we shall briefly summarise the frequent and invariant use
of signs in each type of site.
In Peak Sanctuaries the constant and overall invariant use of recurring
signs, which were important as they comprised a large part of the finds
(especially the figurines), might indicate that a somewhat stable belief system
was behind these practices. So the rituals in Peak Sanctuaries were possibly
orthodox. Nowhere else, apart from places like Kophinas, and Piskokephalo
('Other' sanctuaries), do we see such a predominant and constant use of
signs. The latter two should also be characterised as places where orthodox
rites took place.
In Syme, it is obvious that there were similar ritual practices, as the
buildings seem to have served the same purposes and needs (buildings V and
U spanning from the OP to the NP periods), and as many ritual object types
exist in huge numbers. The double axes and the relatively few figurines,
however, were the only clear 'symbols' associated with the site. They only
176
comprise a very small part of the items used for rituals and we are not certain
for their long-term use.
It is very difficult to characterise with any certainty the rituals that took
place in the court of Building 4. It is obvious that they were related to the
dead. Although there are no clear item-signs employed in the rituals there,
the presence of the cemetery around the building is compelling and full of
significance. One would have to characterise the rituals there as orthodox, but
with a question mark.
The sites in which single or pairs of feet were recovered, can be
classified together, as sharing some sort of a common symbol. Since the feet
are found at sites belonging to different types (e.g. Anemospelia and Mallia
Quartier 18), it seems that the feet, whatever they represented, were signs
employed for rituals of different nature. Due to our uncertainty on the active
role of the feet in the respective rituals, we should tentatively reconstruct a
low level of orthodoxy for those rituals.
The above argues for the association of several of the studied sites
with a somewhat stable belief system. These sites and their corresponding
practices, however, were spread throughout the island, arguing not only for
the existence of similar open-air ritual practices, but also for common beliefs
(see 7). A common belief system, a common ideology, expressed in similar
ways, and unifying the entire island is instrumental to our understanding of
Minoan society in both palace periods.
5.5.2 Religious Ritual. Although it is beyond the scope of this work to assess
the religious value of the rituals, one wonders whether the belief system
shared by all the Cretan regions was related to the supernatural. As we
mentioned in the third chapter, the presence of a singularly important iconic
representation, that is associated with the divine and is the centre of ritual
practices together with the presence of offerings, are the most reliable ways
to attribute religious value to an already recognised ritual.
The possible presence of single iconic statues might point to religious
rituals in the ritual sites where they were attested. Moreover, the deposition
of items that are not stored but consumed and the 'consumption of effort'
(3.4.2.1) may also indicate that they are intended for someone 'beyond this
world'.
Since the figurines found in the studied sites cannot be explained in
any other way, so far, other than as offerings, they are a strong argument in
favour of the identification of their related activities as religious. The great
numbers in which they were found in the Peak Sanctuaries, but also in
Kophinas and Piskokephalo ('Other' Sanctuaries) support a primary religious
function for these sites.
On the other hand, their relatively small numbers at Syme are not
sufficient for such an interpretation. In at least one period at Syme many
items that could be interpreted as offerings were associated with animal
slaughtering; therefore, religious ritual is more probable for that period. In
the other periods, however, ritual practices did take place, but of a more
secular character.
177
Anemospelia due to both its association with Youkhtas -a Peak
Sanctuary- and the possible presence of a single cult statue, can also be
connected with religious rituals. The presence of a tentative cult statue in the
Quartier 18 at Mallia and the less certain presence of such a statue in the
LWCS at Phaestos, may also argue for the hosting of religious rituals there.
To summarise, according to the ritual traits examined above, a great

level of establishment was demonstrated for the open-air rituals of Minoan
Crete of all types. Some of these rituals were mainly orthodox and some
others mainly orthopractic. Moreover, some of them may have been religious.
In the following chapter non-ritual traits that are relevant to the
establishment of institutions will be detected in all sanctuary types, such as
storage capacity, workshop capability and material investment. It is hoped
that these traits will also demonstrate, the establishment of the respective
rituals.
178
1
The evidence appearing in the tables has been extracted from the various reports on each
site. Bibliographical references can be found in the Bibliography of Place Names at the end of
this work.
2
The entire seal iconography discussed here is of MM III to LM I date.
3
It is suspected that the date of construction of most, if not all, stone vessels here discussed
is NP.
4
Here we should note that we not claim a link between the people in procession with the
ritual sites discussed above, although that cannot be excluded either
5
A very small number of figurines was discovered under the court of Building 4. These
however, were not contemporary to the building and cannot be associated with it in any way.
6
In an alternative but not very different scenario, the 'believers' that went to St. George were
the Minoans of Kythera, a trading community that may have become very wealthy due to the
opportunities arising from the active trade route.
7
Certainly the boat models do not belong to the category of animal or plant figurines. They
are only mentioned here for the sake of convenience.
8
Although the square is open-air, it is smaller that the rooms and has therefore not been
discussed as an open-air site.
9
A miniature pyxis from tomb A' of Haghia Triadha, a barrel shaped vessel from tomb B of
Koumasa and a similar one from tomb II from Lebena, miniature boats from Mochlos,
Palaikastro, and Mone Odegetrias, a miniature blade from tomb A of Platanos and clay or
stone balls at Arkhanes Fourni.
10
Quite often in Cretan art there is an alternation between elements of the iconography that
seem to play the same or similar roles. For instance, on the stone vessel fragment from
Knossos (HM 2397) a male is depositing a basket in front of a building, possibly a Peak
Sanctuary. This is analogous to the monkey offering saffron from an identical basket to a
seated lady, on the Xeste III, room 3a fresco at Akrotiri. In a way, the building and the
person seem to replace the seated lady and the monkey. We have already seen monkeys
replacing persons (see 4.3.2.11).
Furthermore, a ring from Zapher Papoura (II3, 40; HM 685) shows a horned animal tied to a
column as a griffin is tied to the seat of the aforementioned lady at Akrotiri. Ladies alternate
with columns in another way as well (Warren 2000, 458-459). They are flanked by animals,
such as the lady on the sealings from the temple repositories (Popham and Gill 1995, pl. 27,
M 1-5). Columns are flanked on both sides by animals, be they griffins, goats or other (this
phenomenon, however, is more often attested in the Mainland, and possibly belongs to a
later date).
It has to be noted that there are differing degrees of functional similarity and therefore
importance among these alternations.
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6.
Non-Ritual Traits Shared by all 'institutions'
In the previous chapter we studied all the ritual traits that can demonstrate
the establishment of the respective rituals. In some of the ritual sites studied,
however, the open-air space was clearly demarcated, retained, or paved, and
buildings were made. Moreover, evidence of storage and workshop activities
was noted in association to these buildings. This means that a group of
people had access to these buildings and the wealth stored, was responsible
for the keeping and increase of that wealth, being also responsible for the
workshop and all other activities taking place there, including the most
important ritual activities. This group of people had, therefore, a clear
association to the ritual space, and was accountable for what happened there,
being possibly connected to the various improvements in the area such as
levelling and building. In other words, these ritual sites and their activities
were readily associated with a group of people and could be seen as an entity
or organisation that dealt "with major interests and problems of social
concern", in this case ritual (Wallis 1996, 417) (see also 2.6.2) like modern
day Christian monasteries or civil marriage registry offices. Although the
group associated with one ritual site may have been hired by another entity,
or may have been a part of a larger network of people working in ritual sites
of the same or of different types, still that group of people would be
associated with that specific ritual site. It is therefore worthwhile to study
these single entities independently.
These groups of people can be seen to manage a turnover of wealth
(accumulation and consumption), to have a capacity to produce it, store it
and consume it. They also can be seen, in at least one case, to have an
infrastructure and an administrative organisation. For the sake of convenience
and not wanting to enter other elaborate arguments pertaining to political
economy, these groups of people, their internal organisation, their activities
that include the management, production, investment and administration of
wealth, their property (the sites themselves) but most importantly their ritual
activities, shall be called 'institutions'.
The fact that ritual practices were the central practices of 'institutions'
such as monasteries or civil marriage registry offices, to use the above
example, means that their establishment must have been considerable.
Moreover, their further establishment would be directly related to the
establishment of the 'institutions' themselves. This means that by studying
the degree of establishment of these 'institutions' we can further assess the
establishment of the respective rituals, their raison d'être.
In order to complement our assessment of the establishment of the
open-air Minoan rituals, therefore, we shall study these traits that are
indicative of the presence and establishment of 'institutions' in the sites
discussed. Although we shall mention names of sites, when relevant, we will
not concentrate on any one of them individually. This is because our aim is to
180
illuminate aspects of the establishment of the ritual patterns overall and not
of each one ritual 'institution'.
We shall study first, therefore, the storage capacity that can indicate
the relative size of wealth, especially staple wealth, managed by these
'institutions'. Then the evidence for industry and workshop activities will be
assessed that can point to the relative amount of wealth produced by them.
The building programmes that point to the investment or consumption of
wealth will follow. Finally, we shall study the evidence of administrative
records that can demonstrate the administrative organisation.
Before we start our discussion of the evidence for storage activities we
must, once more, present the trustworthiness of the evidence presented here
and in the appendix, in order to facilitate the interpretation of the following
discussion by the reader. We should, therefore remember that of all the Peak
Sanctuaries, Atsipades and Kythera yield the most trustworthy accounts,
followed by Petsofas, Traostalos, Youkhtas and, recently, Vrysinas. Certainly
the sanctuary at Kythera is not equally reliable as regards the building
improvements, since the excavation took place around the original Peak
Sanctuary and not in the actual site which was covered by the much later
chapel of St. George. Anemospelia and Building B belong to the same 'league'
as Youkhtas and Traostalos. Building 4 has been exhaustively published and
any reference to its material is most accurate. Although the palace associated
sites have all been published, due to the age of the publication, they should
not be considered as trustworthy as any of the above, especially as far as
coarse ceramics and organic remains are concerned. Syme, followed by
Kophinas are the most trustworthy of the 'other' sites, though Syme is, still,
on the same 'league' as Youkhtas, with detailed excavation reports but not
much publication of the Minoan finds. But let us now turn to the evidence of
storage in the various sites.
6.1 RELATIVE SIZE OF WEALTH MANAGED:

STORAGE CAPACITY OF THE OPEN-AIR MINOAN SANCTUARIES
The studies on the storage of any ritual site, are not numerous; in fact, there
is only one article by Pilali-Papasteriou (1987, 179-96) on the subject for
Minoan times. In it, she briefly attempts to demonstrate that there is storage
associated with some 'religious' buildings and interprets the data accordingly.
This view will be firmly supported here. It has to be noted that for the
purposes of this study, the term 'storage' refers only to food storage as
indicator of subsistence potential and by extension, for a non-monetary
society, of relative wealth. For this, the methodological framework developed
by K. Christakis (1999b, 1-20) is followed here.
Several of the sites under investigation show signs of storage to a
greater or a lesser extent.

6.1.1.1 Atsipades Korakias (EM to OP). The well-excavated but very humble
site of Atsipades, in Western Crete, is very important to us as it is one of the
181
earliest ritual sites and is totally devoid of buildings (Peatfield 1992, 59-87;
1994a, 90-5; Morris and Peatfield 1995, 643-7; Morris and Batten 1996,
forthcoming). Some medium sized vessels and few small pithoi are worth
noting. Jars could be identified as more versatile storage vessels than pithoi,
easier to use and transport. The discovery of small pithoi is more surprising,
as there is no building at Atsipades. Although, small pithoi could have been
transported there, the evidence of storage, even in small quantities, is
noteworthy.
6.1.1.2 Traostalos (OP). Several medium storage jars were reported from the
site. We are still unsure as to the existence of pithoi there.
6.1.1.3 Karphi, Vigla (OP but possible NP as well). Although there are some
walls built near the summit of the Karphi Peak Sanctuary, it is not certain that
they belong to it (Pendlebury et al. 1937-8, 97-8). In any case, among the
sherds of pottery associated with the site, several pithos sherds were found.
A building was possibly associated with the site.
6.1.1.4 Philioremos, Gonies (Figure 38, mainly NP). In room D of the

Philioremos Peak Sanctuary building (Alexiou 1967, 484-5; 1966, 322; Faure
1969, 184), a part of a small pithos was preserved in situ in the SE corner of
the room. It must be said, however, that in this room, according to the very
brief report by Alexiou, several human figurines were also found, which may
argue for the performance of ritual there. Like Youkhtas, very few items were
found in situ.
6.1.1.5 Vrysinas (OP, NP). Some pithoi were reported from the peak
sanctuary at Vrysinas. Jones (1999) holds that they belong to the OP, though
this is not yet certain until the final publication.
6.1.1.6 Youkhtas (Figure 42, PP-NP). Many storage vessels have been
attested at the peak sanctuary of Youkhtas. Unfortunately, the evidence is
mainly in secondary deposition. Nevertheless, it is indicative of a large-scale
storage in the sanctuary, no matter where.
Several pithos sherds were discovered in the 'Ash altar's' deposit dated
to the MMIA-II phase (Karetsou 1978, 247-9; same layer under floor of room
1).
In the NP period, an LMIA pithos with a decorative band near its base
and several small handles was one of the few vessels found in situ (Karetsou
1975, 334; found in NW corner of room 1). Many pithos sherds were found in
layers under the floor, in a yellowy coloured soil 35-52cm thick that was
attested throughout the room, and in the 'Ash altar's' deposit that continued
also under the floor of this room (Karetsou 1978, 235-8).
Moreover, that there was ample evidence of smaller closed vessels that
were used for 'versatile storage' both in the OP and the NP periods. These
types of vessels are very frequent in the OP period, when many spouted jars
of all sizes are to be found. In the NP period, some bridge-spouted globular
jars are more frequent, though the open-spouted clay ring-on-neck jars are
182
also attested. Several trickle-ware vessels must have been used as cereal
containers.
In other words, the presence of pithoi and other storage vessels, was
obviously significant at Youkhtas, not only during one, but through all the
Minoan periods. The find of a pithos in situ in room 1, one of the very few in
situ finds, and the ample pithos sherds, point to the probability, that one or
more of the rooms in Youkhtas were designated for storage. This might point
to similar practices, in Peak Sanctuaries with buildings.
6.1.1.7 Kythera, St. George (few OP remains, mainly NP). Although not on the
island of Crete, St. George will be here mentioned for comparative purposes
(Sakellarakis 1996, 87). The Peak Sanctuary in the island of Kythera, has
yielded several MMIII-LMIA/IB pithos and pithoid jar fragments that would
argue for some considerable storage in the site. We do not know whether
there was a building there, due to the subsequent construction of the chapel
of St. George.
6.1.2 Sites Associated with Youkhtas

6.1.2.1 Anemospelia (Figure 43, late OP). The building at Anemospelia has
yielded the largest number of pithoi -twenty- from the greater Arkhanes area
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 269-310); of these three were found in
the antechamber (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 275-9), twelve in the
central room (Sakellarakis 1997, 281-5), and five in the east room
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 288-91). Carbonised seeds were found in
some of the large vessels. It seems that an organised accumulation of surplus
took place there to a large extent.
In the case that Anemospelia was a satellite site to Youkhtas, their
joint storage capacity would be one of the largest non-palace storage
capacities on the island.
6.1.2.2 Building B, Near Youkhtas (OP and NP). From the last of the two
phases of the Building B Near Youkhtas (NP) a great number of pithoi were
reported (A. Karetsou 1988, 160-5; 1989, 150). If this site was auxiliary to
Youkhtas, then this might mean that it took over from the destroyed
Anemospelia. Building B probably predated the latter though, and this might
point to another function as well.
6.1.3 Independent Funerary Buildings: Building 4, Phourni (NP)

At Building 4, Phourni, (Figure 49) large pieces of twelve pithoi have come
from rooms 1 and 2 and from deposits outside the east wall of the building
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 223-9; Deligianni 1995a). Room 1 was
designated for storage; because of the vessels and pithoi there was not an
easily negotiable passage in the room. A great part of the pithos fragments
have come from the upper storey as well. The storage of the building is very
large and the accumulation of surplus must have been organised.
Building 4 has been considered by the excavators as unique, as it
seems to be a mundane (as opposed to ritual) building in what is considered
183
a ritual-cemetery space. It has been regarded as mundane, however, because
important storage and workshop activities took place there. Workshop and
storage are usually associated with everyday activities and not with ritual.
Indeed, they do not have any obvious ritual value, and are usually part of the
everyday world. Their association with ritual, however, should not be
excluded.

6.1.4.1 The Lower West Court Sanctuary Complex, Phaestos ((Figure 44, OP).
Room LVIII of the Lower West Court Sanctuary complex at Phaestos included
several pithoi (six), and would have acted as a storeroom (Ph. Carinci, pers.
com). Evidence for the existence of large and small pithoi was yielded in
rooms XXVII-XVIII, IL, under stairs LIII-LV, and LXII.
6.1.4.2 The Upper West Court Sanctuary Complex, Phaestos (Figure 45, OP).
The area of the Upper West Court Sanctuary Complex at Phaestos, which
includes rooms V-X, does not seem to have any large or medium storage
vessels. Some jars were found in rooms VI-IX but nothing more. Undoubtedly
these rooms would have communicated with rooms XI-XIII, which had some
evidence for storage. Rooms VII and X, which do not communicate directly
with the rooms of the complex, include some storage vessels but not large
ones (Pilali-Papasteriou 1987, 185-6).
6.1.4.3 Mallia, Quartier 18 (Figure 47, NP). A small room (4) at the back of
Quartier 18 at Mallia contained pithoi and large jars together with large
amounts of crockery (MMIIIA) (J. C. Poursat 1962, 7-13).
The storage of the sanctuary, although it cannot be estimated with any
precision, is small in comparison with places like Youkhtas; it is greater
however than in Atsipades or Kophinas.
At any rate, the relatively low storage capacity of these sanctuaries
that are near a large centre can be explained by the assumption that the
main palatial storage was used instead. It is only natural to suppose that the
enormous palatial storage would have been employed by the associated
sanctuary complexes. This would not mean, however, that the palatial
storerooms were entirely religious (Pilali-Papasteriou 1987, 186-7).

6.1.5.1 Syme. At Syme (Figure 50, Lebessi, pers. com.), the greatest amount
of information for Minoan times comes from the site's second OP period (U).
On the floor of room 2, sherds belonging to three large pithoi and many small
ones were recovered. The preponderance of the relevant sherds shows that
the entire room was used for storage (Lebessi 1995, 248-9 and 1994, 244).
Room 17 may have also been used for the same purpose and to a greater
degree, as a large number of pithoi and cups were found together in situ
(Lebessi 1993, 215-6 and 1992, 219).
The fill of room 4A had several sherds that postdated the initial
construction of the building (U) but are still associated with the complex.
184
Those of the MMIII-LMI period included a great quantity of pithos fragments.
This shows that pithoi were used in the sanctuary during the NP period too
(Lebessi 1977, 407).
The third Minoan OP period was that of the open-air enclosure Ub and
its rooms. Within the enclosure several amphoroid vessels appear possibly as
remains of some open-air activity. The wall of the enclosure covers an earlier
pithos together with a MMIIB sherd that date the destruction of this part of
building U within the OP period (Lebessi 1993, 218 and 1995, 257-9). Both
the construction and the destruction seem to have happened in MMIIB, a very
analogous situation to the destruction and remodelling of the lower West
court 'sanctuary' in the palace at Phaestos.
More pithos fragments, NP this time, were discovered in a haphazardly
created pit (light blue - Square H51-2 see Figure 50) (Lebessi 1985, 274).
Although out of context, they demonstrate their use in the period (cf. room
4A above). Many fragments from very large pithoi were also found in later
(LMIII) contexts. Syme, therefore, has shown a significant presence of Pithoi
during all the Minoan periods.
6.1.5.2 Kophinas (NP). The NP sanctuary at Kophinas was demarcated by a

MMIIIB-LMIA surrounding wall and unlike the above sites did not have any
type of edifice (Platon, Davaras, 1960, 526 and 1962-3, 287-8; Karetsou,
Rethemiotakis 1991/3, 289-292, pll. 5-7). Inside and outside the wall, several
sherds of the same period were found, amongst which many small pithoi and
spouted jars. The presence of small pithoi is noted together with the absence
of buildings. One should bear in mind that the situation was similar in
Atsipades, though the period was totally different.
The possible existence of small pithoi has been reported at
Piskokephalo (Platon 1952, 631), which is a site of a similar type to Kophinas.
6.1.6 Storage Factors

The accumulation of staple wealth, according to the above, seems to vary
from site to site. As far as the open-air Minoan ritual 'institutions' are
concerned, it seems to be connected with certain factors:
a) The proximity to other storage areas (see Phaestos W court sanctuaries).
b) The existence of buildings associated with the site and their quality (so
that storage can be housed) (compare Kophinas to Youkhtas).
c) The size of the related habitation site (compare Youkhtas -next to
Arkhanes and Knossos- to Atsipades -no important settlement nearby).
The exceptions to that rule are 'Other' Sanctuaries.
d) The extent of the site's use (permanent or seasonal) (Long-term storage is
difficult in a seasonally inhabited site).
6.1.7 Some Doubts on Storage

Several scholars, with arguments predicated on iconography, have alleged
that pithoi were used in cult or ritual (Persson 1942, 34 and 39; Sourvinou-
Inwood 1973, 156; Marinatos 1990 79-92). They have reconstructed rituals to
which the pithoi would be an intrinsic element. Such a reconstruction would
185
certainly negate the evidence for extensive storage capacity, or possibly its
financial importance. The existence of pithoi, full or empty, could, in that
case, be explained as evidence of the presence of ritual paraphernalia. In the
case that the existence of pithoi could be explained otherwise, it would be
impossible to estimate the storage capacity of the studied sites.
By looking at the scenes upon which these scholars' theories were
based, it has been shown elsewhere (Kyriakidis 2001, 117-118) that these
'Pithoi' were actually rocks, and that the 'rims' of these 'Pithoi' were actually
arms of reclining human figures. Thus, the reconstruction of a pithos cult, on
the basis of miniature iconography is unfounded, and our reconstruction of
considerable storage capacities for some of the sanctuaries cannot be
doubted on these grounds.
6.1.8 Storage
The above evidence argues for the considerable storage capacity of various
ritual sites that are here seen as 'institutions'. Some of these sites, such as
Syme, and Youkhtas, together with Anemospelia and Building B, but also
Building 4 had a most significant storage capacity. When we say 'significant'
we do not mean that the wealth managed by these 'institutions' was enough
to challenge significantly the geopolitical map of the island as most sites seem
to have less storage capacity than any palace and are comparable only with
'second order centres' or 'villas'.
6.2 PRODUCTION OF WEALTH: WORKSHOP AND INDUSTRY ACTIVITIES

Table 30: Workshop Preparation Activities Numbers
Atsipades-Spindle whorls >3
Atsipades-Obsidian blade 1
Karphi-Blades, bronze, fragments 2
Karphi-Implement, decorated 1
Karphi-Nail or stud, bronze 1
Karphi-Lead, fragments of
Karphi-Bowl, stone, unfinished 1
Karphi-Whetstone, pierced
Karphi-Palette
Karphi-Nail or stud
Karphi-Spindle whorls
Petsofas-Knife, bronze
Petsofas-Blades, bronze
Traostalos-Quarz
Traostalos-Flint
Vrysinas-Querns
Youkhtas NP-Querns
Youkhtas NP-Tool of bronze
Youkhtas-Palettes, stone
Youkhtas-Querns
Youkhtas-Bronze tool for decoration of metal surfaces
Kythera-Obsidian blades
Kythera-Pestle, white stone 1
Kythera-Mortar, pieces
Kythera-Unworked rosso antico
Anemospelia-Grinders, stone
Anemospelia-Mortars, stone (trachite)
186
Table 30: Workshop Preparation Activities Numbers
Anemospelia-Blade of Spear 1
Building B-Querns
Building B-Mortars
Building 4-worked stone fragments
Building 4-Mortars
Building 4-Querns
Building 4-Working debris
Building 4-Mineral Colours
Building 4-Obsidian core 1
Building 4-Obsidian blades 17
Building 4-Loomweights
Building 4-Unworked Bronze
Building 4-Ingot
Building 4-Cutter and Knife blade 1+1
Phaestos LWCS-Spindle whorls 2
Phaestos LWCS-Sieve (Graters and a Strainer also accounted in the 1
cooking section)
Phaestos LWCS-Loom weights 14
Phaestos LWCS-Polishers or trowels, stone and bone 17+1
Phaestos LWCS-Mortar
Phaestos LWCS-Querns 3
Phaestos LWCS-Obsidian blades
Phaestos LWCS-Debris-Obsidian and Steatite
Phaestos LWCS-Unworked Obsidian and Steatite
Phaestos LWCS-Inlays 17
Phaestos LWCS-Chisels, metal
Phaestos LWCS-Bar of Bronze
Phaestos LWCS-Awls, bone 3
Phaestos LWCS-Tablets, bone
Phaestos LWCS-Agrimi horn
Phaestos LWCS-Needle, bone
Phaestos LWCS-Potter's wheel
Phaestos LWCS-Straw, ivory and bone 1+1
Phaestos UWCS-Pestles >1
Phaestos UWCS-Tablets >1
Phaestos UWCS-Dagger blade 1
Kophinas-Metal slags
Kophinas-Talanta, disc-shaped, fragments <5
Syme-Loom-weights in bucket-shaped vessel 11
Syme-Knife blade 1
Syme-Pick, bronze
Syme-Mortars
Syme-Querns
Syme-Hammer
Syme-Tools
Syme-Whetstone, small
Syme-Unworked serpentinite balls for the production of offering tables or
cups
Syme-Horns?
Syme-Plaques
Syme-Obsidian
Syme-Potter's wheel
187
The existence of storage in or in association with ritual buildings, although
neglected by some scholars due to its mundane affiliations, is not surprising.
Nor is it unexpected that production can be linked to ritual. Only few scholars,
however, have considered the association between workshop production and
areas connected to ritual in the Aegean (Hägg 1992, 29-32; Krzyszkowska
1997, 145-9).
Production activities clearly belong to the mundane sphere; thus, their
association with ritual is generally considered coincidental. There are two
ways however, that one could associate production or other mundane
activities with ritual 'institutions'.
The first requires interference between the mundane and the ritual
spheres. According to the modern anthropological literature, it is conceivable
to have some mundane and non-ritual elements to act as intermezzi in ritual
action, such as quarrels, auctions, or the collection of money offerings in the
midst of a ritual performance. Some examples are given for the Jain Puja by
Humphrey and Laidlaw (1994, 115).
Secondly, the ritual and the mundane spheres can co-exist without any
interference between them, both serving the same 'institution' be it ritual or
not. A ritual 'institution' could have another, mundane 'face', despite its ritual
raison d' être. When no ritual is performed, the ritual 'institution' is bound to
be somehow similar to other non-ritual ones. Christian churches, for instance,
often have offices, shops, toilets and telephone booths.
Thus, there is no reason to discount any mundane activity from a
space dedicated to ritual. In other words, storage or workshop activities
cannot, by any means, be excluded from association with ritual 'institutions',
just because of their mundane nature.
As already stated in the beginning of the chapter, the possible
existence of workshop production in ritual sites is very telling for two reasons.
First, it demonstrates that the respective rituals were so established that they
may have formed 'institutions', entities whose central preoccupation was the
performance of these rituals. Second, it indicates the degrees of the
establishment of these 'institutions' that are directly relevant to the further
establishment of these rituals, as the latter were the main practices
performed by these entities.
Workshop production is directly related to the financial potential, the
manpower controlled, the self-sufficiency in goods, and the size of the given
'institution'. It is a fair assumption that the greater the wealth administered,
the greater the weight (be it political or otherwise) and the potential for
independent decision making. As iconography is not very useful in this
respect, it would be better to look at the various sites where production is
attested. The evidence, when possible, will be classified.
188
As Hägg argued (Hägg 1992, 29) for religious ritual sites, there are
three ways to trace the link between the ritual and the manufacturing
spheres:
1) Spatial juxtaposition of buildings for ritual with workshops.
2) Unfinished objects, unworked raw or scrap material, tools and implements
in a ritual complex.
3) Workshop with primarily objects for ritual use (Hägg's points paraphrased
and adapted).
The first two cases are closer to our study here.
Any type of evidence is useful and important in this study which does
not aspire to recover for every site all the stages of workshop production. The
exact location of some workshops or industries themselves has been
impossible to trace despite their clear association with the sanctuary (for the
difference between workshops and industries see Peacock 1982, 12-51 and
Papadopoulos 1997, 452). Our reconstructions are therefore based on the
existence of raw materials, workshop debris, unfinished products or workshop
installations and tools. Sometimes more than one type of evidence (finished
and unfinished product, debris and raw material. etc.) will lend further
support to our reconstruction of a workshop or industry.

As the evidence from Youkhtas, and the other Peak Sanctuaries where
buildings are attested, was extremely large and still not fully published, we
have been unable to trace any substantial evidence of workshop activities,
though some indications for those have been collected. The only Peak
Sanctuary that has yielded substantial evidence is, interestingly, the Peak
Sanctuary excavated recently on the island of Kythera, a stopover for the
Crete-Mainland trade.
6.2.1.1 Workshop and Industry Indications in Peak Sanctuaries. A stud, a

palette and a whetstone at Karphi (Pendlebury et al. 1937-8, 97-98), blades
and a knife at Petsofas (Myres 1902-3, pll. 7-13), a bronze axe (Karetsou
1980337-353) and sandstone querns (NP) (Karetsou 1984, 608) at Youkhtas,
obsidian blades at Atsipades (Peatfield 1992, 59-87) and Youkhtas (Karetsou
1978, 233-38), and one or more querns at Vrysinas (Tzachile 2001,
forthcoming) are all indications for workshop or preparation activities at some
of the Peak Sanctuaries. Unfortunately, as no other evidence is at hand we do
not know the exact use of the above items.
Quite interesting is also the presence of spindle whorls that are usually
associated with weaving activities. They exist in Atsipades (3) (Peatfield 1992,
59-87), and Karphi (6) (Pendlebury et al. 1937-8, 97-98). The lack of
buildings at the first site, and the possible presence of habitation near the
second, might argue in favour of their dissassociation from the sanctuaries
and their association with habitation that either predated the sanctuary or co-
existed with it. Certainly for the case of Atsipades it has been argued that the
NL and PP presence in the sanctuary might belong to mundane habitation
(Nowicki 2001).
189
Furthermore, food preparation may have taken place in some of them
as tripod cooking pots were reported from Petsofas (Myres 1902-3, 356-387),
Traostalos (Chryssoulaki 1999, 310-317), Vrysinas (Tzachile 2001,
forthcoming), Karakomouri (Chryssoulaki and Vokotopoulos 1993, 74-75) and
Youkhtas (both OP and NP) (Karetsou 1978, 247-9), braziers at Traostalos
and Vrysinas and parts of a grille at Traostalos (Chryssoulaki 1999, 310-317).
6.2.1.2 St. George at Kythera

6.2.1.2.1 Stone working. Several unworked pieces of lapis lacedaemonius and
of rosso antico stone (Sakellarakis 1996, 90) were found together with the
remains of the sanctuary (Banou 2000, 383-394). The possible existence of a
stone workshop in the area could be reconstructed from these (Figure 33). It
is reminded that the use of lapis lacedaemonius, though not local, would be
one of the traded goods that would travel via Kythera to Crete. The situation
here is comparable to that at Syme, where the very abundant locally
serpentinite was used in the stone workshop there to make offering tables,
lamps and other items.
Figure 33: Stone working debris from Kythera.

From Sakellarakis 1996, pl. 19
6.2.1.2.2 Metal working. The find of several ingots and bronze casting residue
reported in the sanctuary point to the existence of a metal workshop in the
area. The sanctuary yielded by far the largest amount of bronze figurines
from any Peak Sanctuary, which, considering this find, could have possibly
been made in situ.
6.2.1.2.3 Weaving. The find of a few medallion-shaped loom-weights

(Sakellarakis 1996, 89) could have been votive if one considers their small
number. The similar find of loom-weights, however, from other sites of similar
nature, raises the possibility that a loom was working somewhere in the area.
6.2.1.2.4 Other. The tripod cooking pots (Tournavitou 2000, 297-313), the
pestle, the obsidian blades, and the stone axes (Banou 2000, 383-394) show
190
a considerable amount of workshop or preparation activity that took place in
relation to the Peak Sanctuary.
6.2.2 Sites Auxiliary to Peak Sanctuaries

6.2.2.1 Anemospelia (Late OP). Despite the lack of evidence from Youkhtas at
present, the associated sites Anemospelia and Building B have yielded
relevant information for the presence of workshop/preparation activities
there. This means that the Peak Sanctuary possibly benefited from the
activities that took place in these buildings.
6.2.2.1.1 Stone working(?). In the east room a chisel was found (Sakellarakis
1997, 601, fig. 627). This is an early type of chisel that exists mainly in the
islands of the NE Aegean and in Chamaizi. The chisel might point to some
type of workshop activity, though this is just a more likely scenario. The chisel
is not necessarily associated with stone working activities and might, for
instance, have been used in ritual. Thus, it should be used only in conjunction
with other evidence.
6.2.2.1.2 Food preparation. The discovery of several grinders, ten in all, in

Anemospelia is of great interest; they were found mainly in the antechamber,
but also in the central and east room. They confirm that grinders, like other
stone tools, as we shall see, were used in Minoan sanctuaries, probably to
prepare a variety of foods (Sakellarakis 1997, 582). Several staples were
found carbonised in the building, while the storage capacity of the building
was great (see relevant section). Eleven (11) large tripod cooking pots, either
decorated or covered with a slip on the outside, were also found at
Anemospelia with no bones near them. Their presence, together with that of
the grinders would argue for substantial cooking of staples and other
foodstuffs in the building. No evidence of cooking (no hearth, and no traces
of an organised fire) was attested in the building, though that may have
taken place just outside.
6.2.2.2 Building B, Near Youkhtas (OP and NP).

6.2.2.2.1 Food processing and ceramic production. From the last phase
(MMIIIB) a great number of pithoi have been reported, together with many
querns. Interesting to note were the debris of a ceramic kiln, and rich pottery
of MMIIIB of one specific workshop that was in most probability locally
produced (Karetsou 1988, 160-5 and 1989, 150).
191
Figure 34: Loom-weights from Building 4 at Arkhanes

From Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1991, 87
6.2.3.1.1 Weaving. There were several loom-weights found in the building
fallen from the upper story (Figure 34, Sakellarakis 1997, 223-9; Deligianni
1995a). The loom-weights, according to their findspot on the ground floor,
demonstrate that the looms would be installed in the S central part of the
upper story; interestingly enough, it was from the same section that several
items of personal character fell as well. The building is dated to MMIIIB-LMIA.
Figure 35: Wine press installation at Building 4
6.2.3.1.2 Wine production. Room 2 has a permanent wine press installation

(Figure 35). Its floor was arranged in such a way that the flow of liquid would
be controlled. A portable press clay basin was found on top of this
arrangement. The storage capacity, which is enormous for such a small
building, could also have been partly used for storing wine.
6.2.3.1.3 Colour and food (?) preparation. Stone grinders and mortars of
various sizes and kinds of stone, came to light in rooms 1, 2, and 8, and in
the deposit outside the E wall. A variety of pigments associated with the
grinders and mortars were found in rooms 1 and 2. Two grindstones of
sandstone were also found there. We do not know exactly what was the use
of the colours, as they could be used for a wide array of purposes. It is also
possible that some of the grinders and querns found on the lower ground
192
floor were for food and not colour processing. It is a fact, however, that these
grinders and querns point to the use of the space of Building 4 for workshop
purposes. This evidence coupled with the loomweights and the storage, show
the character of the building.
6.2.3.1.4 Other. There is further evidence, though more scanty, of other

workshop activities in building 5. Obsidian blades were found in rooms 1, 2, 4,
5, and 6, together with flakes and cores of the same material. This means
that the obsidian was imported in large quantities and its blades could have
been created and used in the building.
Figure 36: Ingot from Building 4

From Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 601, fig. 587
An ingot was found in room 1 (Figure 36), whereas a bronze scraper

came to light in room 2 together with another small piece of bronze. The
ingot probably came from upstairs. It points to metal production, although it
is unlikely that this would have taken place indoors. In any case, it seems that
this ingot was stored in the building for some reason and that the production
of metal objects would have been a part of the activities administered or
associated with it.
6.2.4 Sanctuaries Associated with Palaces

6.2.4.1 Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos (OP)
6.2.4.1.1 Stone. Branigan (1987, 245-9) has interpreted the activities of the
LWCS at Phaestos in such a way that he has reconstructed the whole complex
as a stone workshop. The excavators did not follow this view because they
associate benches, which were abundant in all the rooms of the complex, with
ritual. They did not reconstruct workshop/preparation space partly because of
their presence. The items found in the complex, however, that is to say the
unworked steatite and obsidian, the obsidian blades, the metal chisels, and
the bar of bronze, all possibly favour the reconstruction of a stone workshop
functioning in the area. This is paralleled in Syme, where the unfinished
offering tables demonstrated the presence of a workshop that produced the
items so much used there.
Nevertheless, all of the rooms in the complex are notably small and
have many benches and objects, thus further reducing the free space. In a
crammed room, full of objects and features, very few people could work,
possibly not more than one.
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6.2.4.1.2 Pottery and Weaving. A potter's wheel was recovered at the LWCS
at Phaestos, possibly arguing for the making of pots in one of its related
areas. Also several weights of kouskouras rock were found in the central wing
and two spindle whorls in the north wing of the complex which might argue
for the association of the site with weaving activities. Due to the lack of space
we cannot be certain however, that these activities took place within the
confines of the complex.
6.2.4.1.3 Preparation activities (food). More workshop/preparation activity

was evident in the complex, not because of the benches in every room, but
because of other finds. Room LI included several stone tools, and room LV
many vessels (possibly also a large storage vessel), among which several
cooking pots and a terracotta hearth. More characteristically, several grinders
were found in room LXII together with a hearth, a stone basin, and remains
of bones and charcoal, which may argue that food was prepared and cooked
there (Levi 1976, 74-96 for rooms LV, LIII-LV and corridor; 105-120 for
rooms LXII and LXIII). It is possible that the spit holders and the grills were
also used for the preparation of food outside.
6.2.4.2 Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos (OP). The later UWCS complex
at Phaestos (also MMIIB, but after the destruction of the lower court one)
was very similar in nature. It also comprised many small rooms that were
further reduced in space by benches and with similar finds. One of the
benches of room V had a depression from the grinding that took place on it,
while room VI had a bench with two similar depressions and also contained a
small basin, and a covered channel to drain the room. In the room two
movable liquid receptacles were found (octagonal libation tables according to
Gesell 1985, 202, pl. 125). Two pestles, one still bearing traces of red ochre
pigment, and a palette were found in room IX. These finds point possibly to
food and colour preparation. The latter reminds us of building 4 at Arkhanes,
Phourni. Rooms VII and X do not certainly belong to the complex and will not
be discussed here, although they may also have workshop/preparation
evidence (Pernier 1935; Pernier and Banti 1951, 572-581).
6.2.4.3 Mallia, quartier 18 (NP). Mallia quartier 18, also seems to have
provisions for food preparation, judging by the tripod cooking pots found
there, although we do not have very detailed information on the site,
especially apart from the principal room 1 (Pelon 1980, 213-221).
6.2.5.1 Syme (OP and NP).

6.2.5.1.1 Stone working. Above the SW corner of building U, in the mixed fill,
several serpentinite objects were found. Although objects of this material are
abundant throughout the site, a ball of serpentinite (Figure 51a), probably for
making a round 'offering' table, was interestingly found. Similar stone cores
were found between the retaining walls IIIA and IIIB, and in the fill of a pit
between the peribolos and the opening of the rooms of building S (Lebessi
194
1985, 274). There are so many different objects of serpentinite in Syme, from
lamps and offering tables to pier-and-door partitions and sewage pipes.
Moreover, the material, which is widely available in the surrounding area, is
easy to work and quarry. The stone cores, the abundance and variety of
serpentinite objects, and the easy access to the material in the area would
argue for the existence of a serpentinite stone workshop at Syme. The
attestation of the relevant objects within rubbish pits or fills, reinforces this
view. In any case, it is quite unlikely that such objects could be of votive or
other character. Unfortunately, although the existence of a workshop during
most of the Minoan phases seems certain (as serpentinite objects are
abundant throughout the Minoan periods), we cannot find its exact location.
It is possible that the tools of room 18 (found mainly the schist cases of the
NE corner of the room) may have been used for such activities, but it is
impossible to be entirely certain, as the floor of the room did not have any
debitage.
6.2.5.1.2 Weaving. Southeast of room 8 (building U) the walls of the building

seem to continue. There, eleven loomweights of a very common type (Figure
51b) were found in a clay bucket of MMIII-LMI type. Although one may think
that these were votive, it would be very unlikely to have such common type
loom-weights as votive objects. Besides, no votive objects have been found in
any of the rooms of U. It is more probable that weaving activities took place
there, catering for the needs of the sanctuary. The fact that they are in a
container, when not in use, is only natural. Moreover, in the peribolos area,
H51-2, amongst the other items found in the fill, a clay loomweight of
cylindrical shape was found (Lebessi 1985, 273, 280). The weaving must
clearly have taken place near the find of the eleven weights, i.e. S of room 8
(Lebessi 1983, 358).
6.2.5.1.3 Metal Working. It would be constructive to group together the

copper processing remains found so far: the many copper votive thin-sheet
tools (Lebessi 1983, 356, pl. 239a) such as trowels (cf. Arkalochori cave), the
part of an ingot corner (recognised as such by the quality of the bronze, its
morphology, and its shape), from the fill of retaining wall II (Lebessi 1983,
356-7), the male votive figurines, and the badly cast animal (Lebessi1983,
365-6). In the fill of the same pit that included the serpentinite cores (above),
between the peribolos and building S, remains of copper casting were also
found. Despite the few contextual indications, the wide use of metal objects
throughout the sanctuary makes speculation on the dating of these activities
difficult. These indications come both from the Minoan and the later periods.
The location of the workshop does not seem to be easy to determine, but it is
not, apparently, in any of the excavated buildings. Possibly a workshop
started working sometime during the Minoan period, and continued until after
its end.
6.2.5.1.3 Pottery production. Two fragments of a potter's wheel were found in

the squares K47 and H50. Although they are both clearly associated with the
195
production of pottery, being fundamental to it, their possible votive character
should not be eliminated (Lebessi 1991, 324).
6.2.5.1.4 Food preparation. The amount of tripod cooking pots throughout

the site is phenomenal. They were found both indoors and outdoors. It is not
certain whether they formed part of a ritual or not. Several querns and
grinders were found in room 18 (U). Room 18 is next to room 17, which was
rich in storage facilities (Lebessi 1992, 222-224). The two rooms may have
been a storage and a food-processing unit.
6.2.5.1.5 Other. In the northeastern corner of 18, querns and other tools
were found in and around two small schist cases. The latter were made by
placing schist plaques vertically in a pi -Π- shape (Lebessi 1992, 219 and
1993, 215, pl. 131a). More tools were found scattered in the bottom of a
small pithos. This was placed in a shallow depression, cut into the bedrock
(same room). The existence of tools suggests that there was mundane work
carried out in the sanctuary, whether for the preparation of a ritual or not.
Some of the types of tools could have also formed part in ritual itself,
although their context and their association with storeroom 17, point to the
direction of mundane activities.
In other words, Syme seems to have ample evidence for the existence
of workshop activities. Their location may be questionable, but there can be
little doubt that they are within the confines of the sanctuary as their remains
are attested there. In the unlikely case that remains of workshops were
transferred into the sanctuary from another place, then that other place
would have been also under the jurisdiction and close control of the sanctuary
itself.
6.2.5.2 Kophinas (little OP, mainly NP).

6.2.5.2.1 Metal working. Several pieces of bronze slag, fragments of bronze
round ingots and a double axe- shaped lead one, were found in the sanctuary
of Kophinas. They may belong to the Minoan period, as there are several
metal objects of that period found in the sanctuary, among which two small
human figurines (Karetsou and Rethemiotakis 1991/3, 289-292).
6.2.6 The Production of Wealth: Conclusions

The size of workshop or industry evidence is large enough to suggest that the
raw materials managed and the final production of goods is significant in all
types of sanctuary, especially those that included one or more buildings. The
patterns of workshop evidence, though, are not as clear as with storage
capacity (Youkhtas and other Cretan Peak Sanctuaries, for example do not
seem to have very clear evidence in contrast to the Peak Sanctuary at
Kythera). But that may be due to the stage of publication of most studied
sites.
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6.3 BUILDINGS AND BUILT FEATURES OF OPEN-AIR SANCTUARIES
During both the Old and the New Palace periods, a great deal of investment
in ritual buildings and other ritual features was made. Several ritual sites had
their own independent buildings, some of which were quite extensive. The
built features or proper edifices in the various types of ritual site demonstrate
the amount of wealth and effort invested there. The investment of wealth is,
in its turn, indicative of the establishment of the respective 'institutions'.

6.3.1.1 Youkhtas. The building on the Peak Sanctuary of Youktas seems to
have at least three construction phases: One (or more) unclear OP phase(s)
that we do not know much about and two NP ones. The initial NP phase was
marked by the foundation of the extant building, the second by its
refurbishment.
The OP building can be traced under the foundations of the recovered
NP one; the latter, however, may have been smaller. It is quite possible that
the four large retaining walls were built during this OP phase. Parts of them
were constructed with large impressive boulders. The retaining walls were
combined with floors that created platforms, arranging the open-air space for
large gatherings or performances. Unfortunately, the mixed deposits do not
allow a precise dating to either the Old or the New palace periods.
The NP phase is represented by a well-built, five- and subsequently
six-room edifice, that was built either during the MMIIIA or IIIB phase. Later,
during the same period, it was refurbished and slightly changed (the third
room was split into two and the doorway to room five was blocked).
Further walls (MMII period) surrounded the central chasm, possibly
one of the centres of activity, while a wall, with impressive cyclopean
masonry, possibly of NP date (dated on the grounds of the sherds found in it)
or later encircled the whole site.
In other words, major building and construction investment was
carried out at Youkhtas.
6.3.1.2 Petsophas (Figure 37). The building remains that were discovered
there cannot be dated very safely. From the indications we have, there was a
late Minoan (LMI) or Mycenaean three-room-building (LMIII). The former
dating seems much more likely. A plastered floor, together with benches, and
well-built walls with antae columns in the door characterised the innermost of
the three rooms. The two others are not preserved equally.
Although it does not compare with Youkhtas, there was a significant
investment carried out in the site, with large boulders used, and good quality
rooms.
6.3.1.3 Philioremos (Figure 38). The remains of a possibly NP building were

recovered at Philioremos. It had at least two rooms and a court or another
room. The court was paved, while the wall foundations are built in small local
stones. At a lower level, a retaining wall levelled the surface; this could also
be of an earlier date (OP according to Rutkowski 1988, 71-98). The size of
197
the site is comparable to or smaller than Petsofas, something that is reflected
in the building programme that was undertaken there.
6.3.1.4 Pyrgos, Tylissos. On the Pyrgos summit a three room building was
discovered of probably NP or earlier date (Rutkowski 1988, 71-98), with a
small court defined by a surrounding wall. A small corridor or smaller court
ran along the façade of the rooms. There is a probable hellenistic phase in the
building, though this is rather unclear from the reports. Various retaining
walls may have arranged the area in front of the edifice, and could also be of
earlier OP date (Rutkowski 1988, 71-98).
6.3.1.5 Traostalos. Three small buildings were unearthed during the old and
the new excavations on the site. They must have been built during the Old
and the New Palace period. None of the buildings are elaborate or impressive,
but show the extent of investment carried out in the sanctuary
6.3.2 Associated with Peak Sanctuaries

6.3.2.1 Anemospelia (Figure 43). The building at Anemospelia was built and
destroyed in the OP (MMIIB-MMIIIA) period. Three rooms and a large
anteroom comprise its main plan. We do not know if it continued to the north,
or if there was a fenced court there. The building makes use of ashlar
masonry, and has levelled the bedrock in order to accommodate certain of its
features. A considerable investment was also made to connect this building to
Youkhtas with a well-built road.
6.3.2.2 Building B, Near Youkhtas. This building was also similar to

Anemospelia. Its two phases both ended in a fire destruction -a) MMIIB-
MMIIIA and b) MMIIIB. Apart from a considerable number of rooms, a large
paved court of carefully placed stones was also discovered. A larger schist
plaque was found in the middle, while a duct channeled the water or other
liquids off the court. We are not certain if a road connected this building to
Youkhtas as well.
198
6.3.3.1 The Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos (Figure 44). The Lower
West Court Sanctuary Complex was destroyed in MMIIB period and there was
a subsequent effort to rebuild room LIX and LX, to its South, at a higher level.
When that was accomplished, these rooms were lavishly furnished with
expensive materials, good quality masonry and well-paved floors. Paved or
gypsum floors were also usual in the pre-destruction phase, while plastering
of surfaces was a common attribute. There were at least two floors above the
ground level in that period. It has to be said, however, that the entire palace
was lavishly made, and this quarter cannot rival its well made parts.
6.3.3.2 The Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos (Figure 45). The building
of the 'OP temple repositories' at Phaestos took place in three phases, though
only two are of interest to us.
1) Rooms VIII, IX and X were initially built. Paved and stucco floors together
with other amenities were featured. This phase was contemporary to the
Lower West Court Sanctuary before its destruction.
2) The exit to the West Court was cut and rooms V-VII were added. This
may have happened at the same time as the refurbishing of rooms LIX-LX
in the Lower West Court in MMIIB2. Large masonry was used for benches,
while good quality materials were not spared despite the hastiness of the
building. A canal, benches and other features were constructed. Here too,
the construction is very good quality but cannot compete with the better
made areas of the palace.
6.3.3.3 Mallia, Quartier 18 (Figure 47). The MMIIIA-B complex has several
rooms, but is architecturally independent from the rest of the palace as its
rooms do not internally communicate with any other palace area. It included
several quite small rooms that were built in the same manner as the common
rooms of the palace, with very few elements of extravagance. The floor was
unpretentiously made of trodden earth, except the better made room 1 which
was paved with flagstones.

This building had a ground and first floor (Figure 49). In fact, the latter was
level with the ground on the West side of the building, because of the natural
slope in the area. There were 8 rooms in the ground floor and fewer on the
first floor. Several walls would have been plastered, and some of them
painted, demonstrating the good quality of the building. The West wing
included a well made paved court surrounded by a wall. The installations
(wine press etc.), the large and good quality masonry, the size of the building
and its decoration argue for a considerable investment.
6.3.5 Other Ritual Sites

6.3.5.1 Syme (Figure 50). There are several building phases in the sanctuary
of Syme during Minoan times. They have been coloured differently by the
199
excavator in the plan of the site. The relevant buildings, moreover, have been
given letters. The Minoan building programmes are V, U, Ub, and S in
chronological order. There is one construction phase that has not left any
buildings. This is placed chronologically between Ub and S, and has been
given the light blue colour in the plan. The extent of the buildings is not
known with accuracy as the excavation has not been completed.
The first OP building programme V is notable for its monumental and
skillfully made outer walls, but also for its impressive entrance from the south.
Several paved floors, well made columns and large masonry are well attested.
It is possible that retaining walls and paved streets were also associated with
this phase.
The main structure of second OP building programme U was partly
destroyed in the MMIIB. There are several rooms that show marks of
remodelling or mending. The many rooms of this edifice (more than 20) were
well made, with paved or stuccoed floors, good quality masonry, several
features (benches, platforms) and large areas built or paved.
Three superficially built retaining walls on one side, and a large open-
air space to their south, levelled the area and arranged the open-air activities.
There were platforms created by floors and retaining walls like Youkhtas,
though to a larger scale. Moreover, there was a good quality road that
connected the various areas of activity.
A temporary enclosure (Ub) was built after the small destruction that
took place in MMIIB. Later (NP) another large building programme
constructed a monumental road, a surrounding wall of good masonry (like the
Kophinas one but much larger- surrounding 530 sq. m.), and a large platform
in its centre, obviously for ritual activities.
Another Neopalatial building programme (S) constructed the last
building to be used in Minoan times.
A wall surrounded the entire site, in the same fashion as that of
Youkhtas, although its date is not known.
Syme is probably the largest ritual site. It has also seen the greatest
amount of investment among the sites we study here.
6.3.5.2 Kophinas. A wall surrounds the site on three sides, while the rock
covers the fourth. In the middle of the eastern wall a small porch is made and
a built structure of small flagstones is constructed opposite. A five-meter long
channel starts from the structure. The use of the enclosure has four main
periods: MMIIB or MMIIIA, MMIII-LMI, and postpalatial. The main period of
use, however, is MMIIIB.
6.3.6 The Investment of Wealth

The wealth invested in the studied sites overall is enormous. If we take each
case independently, the investment in a few sites such as Syme, Building 4,
Youkhtas, Building B and Anemospelia, Traostalos, Kophinas and, certainly,
the palace west courts, was considerable and is our main criterion for the size
of the site. The extent of the investments carried out in any of the studied
sites, with the only exception of the category of 'Other Sanctuaries', is relative
to the size of the corresponding settlements, when these can be traced. So
200
sites like Atsipades, that are associated with very small settlements, take
almost no investment at all, whereas sites such as Youkhtas, next to both the
Arkhanes and the Knossos settlements get a great deal of investment.
6.4 ADMINISTRATION: A WRITTEN ADMINISTRATIVE DOCUMENT
Table 31: Administration (Tablets and sealings) Numbers

Phaestos LWCS-Sealings, many 11
Phaestos LWCS-Tablet 1?
Syme-Tablet of hieroglyphic 1
In Syme the remarkable find of a hieroglyphic tablet, SY Hf 01, was made

(Lebessi et al. 1995, 63-77). The tablet is very close to the 'lames à deux
faces' from Mallia and Knossos. It was found in the debris of room 18,
building U, disturbed by the subsequent building of the open-air space Ub.
The existence of the tablet ties in well with the interpretation of the room as a
storage area and the find of pithos fragments in there. Judging by the
included ideograms, we may infer that small quantities of agricultural
commodities are recorded. The hole in the tablet means that it was attached
to the product(s). It must be stressed here that hieroglyphic tablets of this
kind are only found in large administrative centres and that, if J. Younger is
correct, act as receipts of products (Oct. 1999, 1, 3). In that case they would
have to be written in Syme (Olivier 1997, 314), which means that some scribe
or administrative official would have to be there to write them. Despite the
fact that occupation of the sanctuary, as argued by Lebessi and Muhly, would
have been only seasonal, due to the adverse weather conditions, the find of
the tablet is very interesting. The fact that an administrative organisation of
some sort did exist in Syme (no matter whether it was a branch of some
larger administrative body) is unique for ritual 'institutions' so far.
This record shows, however, a degree of administrative complexity
associated with ritual 'institutions' that is cardinal to our overall assessment of
their establishment.
In a similar fashion, the find of an inscribed tablet and eleven sealings
in the LWCS at Phaestos is indicative of some administrative complexity. The
find at Phaestos is less remarkable, however, as the LWCS is part of the
palace there, which, it is long established, has a well-developed administrative
system, not exclusively for ritual purposes.
6.5 SUMMARY
In the previous chapter we studied the establishment of ritual through the
degrees to which the ritual traits are present. In some of the ritual sites
studied, however, the open-air space was clearly demarcated, retained, or
paved, and buildings were made. Moreover, evidence of storage and
workshop activities was noted in association to these buildings. This means
that a group of people had access to these buildings and the wealth stored,
was responsible for the keeping and increase of that wealth, being also
responsible for the workshop and all other activities taking place there,
including the most important ritual activities, which were central to the
201
formation of this group. The presence of what we called an 'institution' was
extrapolated for these sites (see 6 and 2.6.2).
The very fact of the existence of these ritual 'institutions' (equivalent to
modern day monasteries or civil marriage registry offices) is telling for the
establishment of the rituals which formed their central activity (2.6.2). The
establishment of these 'institutions', moreover, was indicative of the further
establishment of these rituals. By assessing therefore the various traits that
pertain to the economic and administrative establishment of 'institutions'
(storage, industries or workshops, building investments, and administrative
evidence) we illuminated further the degree of establishment of the open-air
rituals studied.
Our aim here was to use the existence of ritual 'institutions' and their
overall establishment, seen through storage, workshop evidence, investment,
and administration, as a further indication of the establishment of the
respective rituals. Although we did mention where the evidence was found,
we did not concentrate on any one 'institution' in particular.
Thus, we discovered that some ritual sites of all types, saw
investments (buildings or general improvements) but also produced and
amassed wealth (evidence for workshop and storage activities). One of these
sites, Syme, had also evidence for administrative infrastructure (one
administrative document). This means that most types of rituals studied in
this work became so established that in some cases formed readily
recognisable entities that we called 'institutions'.
It is notable that the number of the potential ritual 'institutions' rises in
the NP period, as the number of buildings increases and with them the
evidence for storage and workshop activities. It is worth noting that in the
same period (NP) the decrease in the number of Peak Sanctuaries has already
been observed (Cherry 1978, 411-437; Peatfield 1994, 20-28). We could,
therefore, argue that a 'nucleation' of the Peak Sanctuaries in Crete took
place in the New Palace period. This however, is not our main concern in this
work and we shall therefore not comment on it further.
The size of these entities was not large enough to challenge the
leadership of the geopolitical and financial landscape of Crete as they were
minute in comparison to the palaces that dominated the scene. On the other
hand they were not so minute as to pass unnoticed. The larger of them, such
as Syme, Building 4 or Youkhtas, were larger than other contemporary
intermediate sized 'units', the so-called 'villas', had greater storage capacity
and in some cases had greater or similar workshop capacity. Moreover, as
many of the smaller ritual 'institutions' were located in remote areas with
small 'competition' from other units, many of them would not have passed
unnoticed either. No matter what their exact relation to the political
authorities was, they were significant actors in society not only because of the
rituals themselves, but also because of their financial potency and, in one
case, their administrative infrastructure.
The last question we are going to ask, therefore, is what might that increase
of power of the ritual structures mean to the Minoans?
202
To conclude this chapter, therefore, the existence of these entities or
'institutions' is indicative of the established character of the respective rituals
throughout the island. Moreover, the established character of some of these
'institutions', points to the further establishment of the related rituals.
203
7. Conclusion
The overall aim of this work was to contribute to the study of ritual in as
constructive and methodologically sound a way as possible. The special
standpoint of prehistoric archaeology was chosen as it draws its conclusions
from relatively restricted evidence in comparison to other disciplines. The
conclusions drawn from its limited material, should also be applicable to
disciplines where a wider range of evidence is available.
The material from the two Minoan palace periods of 2nd millennium BC
Crete was selected for a number of reasons. The Minoan material was
considered particularly appropriate to the study of ritual due not only to
reasons pertaining to the history of the discipline, but also its abundant data,
the presently recognised importance of the succeeding classical Greek culture,
and the particular need of the previously pioneering Minoan archaeology for
fresh ideas that will bridge the gap between the material and older theories
on ritual and religion.
In the introduction (first chapter), a review of the contributions to the study

of Minoan ritual and religion revealed several weak points in the relevant
research. These include the lack of separation in the literature between ritual
and religion, the constant references to other periods or areas, and an
obsession with methodologically inconsistent interpretations and
reconstructions. That obsession was detrimental to the use of ritual in other
studies such as those of society and politics.
In an attempt to address some of these weaknesses it was deemed
useful to develop a methodology for the attribution by the scholar of ritual
value to an activity. Moreover, the emancipation of the study of ritual from
the obsession with interpretation of the belief content and with description of
the activities, was considered particularly constructive.
Ritual was considered a powerful mechanism for creating or influencing
beliefs and identities. This capacity to shape and influence beliefs or identities
is proportional to the degree of establishment of a given ritual. The
establishment of ritual, moreover, is also indicative of the greater degree of
establishment of other structures and of the society in general. The
assessment of the establishment of ritual was seen, therefore, as a fruitful
alternative approach to the study of ritual.
In this context, the positive attribution of ritual value to some Minoan
rituals, and the assessment of their establishment was presented as the main
theme of this work.
A necessary first step was to develop a methodology for the attribution of

ritual value to an activity, and that was addressed in the second chapter. We
adapted the view of Bell which holds that ritual constitutes a polythetic set
comprising the traits of performance, repetition, invariance, tradition, rule-
governance, formalism, and 'symbolism', as it encompassed the majority of
the different approaches to the subject. These traits were discussed
individually and symbolism received a specially detailed treatment as we
204
wanted to present our views clearly on this very complex and much misused
topic. None of these traits is exclusive to, nor definitive for ritual action; when
they appear together as a group, though, they can, in most circumstances,
characterise an action as ritual. Although not all rituals include all these traits,
most actions that do include them are rituals. For reasons of clarity we also
discussed the similarities or differences between ritual and similar activities
such as games or theatre.
Once ritual value has been attributed to an activity, it will in many
cases be possible to discover more about the nature of the activity. One of
the aspects that could be further studied is the relative emphasis paid by the
performer(s) on the practice of the ritual itself or on the beliefs behind it
(Orthopraxy or Orthodoxy). Another related aspect, is whether the ritual
under study is secular or religious.
The above enables us to identify rituals and possibly make some
general remarks on their nature. These rituals, once identified can be a
valuable source of information. In particular, the assessment of the extent to
which a ritual is established offers an important insight into the impact this
ritual has on society. This was the second important theme of this work.
Three reasons why the establishment of ritual is relevant to the study
of society were discussed, thus justifying the importance of such a study.
First, we discussed how each individual trait of ritual influences beliefs or
identities and how its capacity to influence is proportional to its degree of
establishment. The study of the establishment of ritual, therefore, can give us
an insight into the possible extent of its influence and by extension into the
greater study of social dynamics. Second, we looked into the interrelation
between the establishment of rituals and that of the society. An established
society may create established rituals, and the established rituals may induce
further establishment in the society. Finally, we considered the establishment
of society as that of all its spheres together, seeing the establishment of the
ritual one as a constituent part of the overall establishment of society.
As mentioned above, ritual consists of a number of graded traits. The
degree of its establishment therefore, is related to the degree to which all of
these individual traits are present. But sometimes rituals can be seen to be
the main activities of recognisable groups of people, conventionally called
'institutions'. In that case, not only can a great degree of establishment be
taken for granted, but also the establishment of the 'institutions' themselves
can indicate the further establishment of the respective rituals. As a small
parenthesis we noted that well established rituals are often both orthodox and
orthopractic.
In the third chapter, it was deemed necessary to take into consideration the
particularities of the archaeological record in order to implement those ideas
on prehistoric archaeology. The archaeological material is not comprised of
activities but of material residues of these activities. These material residues
may bias reconstructions: we should be aware, for example, that material
from separate activities may have became muddled together, or that the
ritual items we study may be thrown into or stored in a mundane space.
These peculiarities of the archaeological record should be taken into account,
205
therefore, when attributing ritual value to an activity or an area. On the other
hand, we can cautiously recognise a ritual by analogy to an activity that has
been already granted ritual value. According to the aforementioned
methodology, in order to attribute ritual value to an activity in the first place
however, we should trace all the aforementioned individual ritual traits in a
given activity, site, or iconographical depiction.
Provided that the material is sufficient, we can then attempt to analyse
whether the ritual is orthodox or orthopractic, religious or not. Most
importantly for our aims in this work, we can assess the establishment of
rituals in archaeology. This we can achieve by assessing the degrees to which
the various traits of ritual are present in the archeological record. A second
stage of this process can take place if the ritual was the main activity of an
'institution'. When we can trace ritual 'institutions' the respective rituals are
certainly well established and their further establishment is related to that of
the 'institution' as a whole.
The next stage, was to put the above ideas into practice. In chapter four we
aimed to establish the ritual value of the relevant sites and iconography of our
chosen open-air ritual activities of Minoan Crete. The sites were classified into
five categories: the Peak Sanctuaries, those sites associated with them,
Building 4 at Arkhanes (the only independent building associated with
funerary rituals), the sites connected to palaces and their west courts,
together with a final category of 'other' sites. The central courts of palaces
were not studied as their preponderant use for open-air rituals could not be
demonstrated, and no one group of items from the palace could be
exclusively associated with them (4.1).
Though it was relatively easy to attribute ritual value to most of these
sites either as categories or individually, two sites did not initially demonstrate
all the aforementioned ritual traits. These were the Upper and the Lower
West Court Sanctuaries at Phaestos. However, through our study of the ritual
value of various iconographical situations, we showed that, in general, courts
and particularly west courts of palaces were associated with rituals. As these
were the only rooms to have strong and possibly exclusive links with the west
court of the palace at Phaestos, and as they contained items that pointed to
outdoor performances, we concluded that they should be associated with
rituals even though they did not actually house them. In fact, it was
discovered that in most of the open-air ritual sites at which buildings were
present almost no performances can be shown to have taken place indoors.
In the ensuing chapter (chapter five) we proceeded to assess the degree of

establishment of the rituals in question. To this end we discussed the various
traits of ritual and the degree to which they were present in each site:
Performance, repetition, invariance, traditionalism, rule-governance,
formalism and symbolism.
Regarding the ritual trait of performance, the number of the expected
participants in the performance of the open-air rituals must have been great,
as far as suggest the architectural remains and the iconography. Moreover at
least some of the performance types seem to have been much repeated in
206
time and space demonstrating the establishment of the trait of performance.
The traits of repetition and invariance also seem well established, not only
through the invariant repetition in the form of the items that were used in
rituals and in the types of activities taking place but also through the invariant
repetition of formulaic inscriptions found in many of the sites, and especially
the Peak Sanctuaries.
Most of the sites studied were used over a long period of time. The
sanctuary at Syme, and the Peak Sanctuaries were used for an especially long
period and would have developed a sense of tradition. The sites associated
with the Peak Sanctuaries and Building 4 at Arkhanes in the long-used
cemetery of Phourni, would have had similar associations.
Furthermore, certain rules regarding the distinctions between the few
and the many, the laying out of open-air or indoor space, and the limiting of
forms or stances seem to be widespread in Minoan open-air rituals. These
rules not only reveal an established rule governance but reflect also an
element of formalism that is further enhanced by the materials used, by the
different degrees of initiation to the rites, and the distinction between the
sexes
For many reasons, the element of 'symbolism' in ritual was again given
a disproportionately large treatment, summarising the evidence for 'symbols'
that had been adequately presented by others ('horns of consecration',
double axes) and discussing the clay or bronze figurines, the miniature items,
and the very important possibility of the existence of cult statues. Although
the commonly held view is against the existence of cult statues, the issue is
very important to our study, we not only responded to all the arguments
against but we also presented evidence in favour of their existence.
It was therefore shown that 'symbolism' was present to a great extent
in many of the ritual sites studied, in particular the Peak Sanctuaries and
those categorised as the 'Other Sanctuaries'. Moreover there was evidence in
favour of the presence of cult statues in one of the sites associated with the
Peak Sanctuaries and two of those that were attached to palaces. The central
role of cult statues, i.e. of the supernatural, in these ritual sites would
characterise the respective rituals as religious.
In summary, the analysis of the evidence at hand showed that all the
traits of ritual could be identified in all types of sites under consideration and,
furthermore, were present to a great degree. According to our methodology,
this means that the rituals taking place there were also highly established.
But that was not all. Buildings were exclusively associated with some of the
ritual sites studied. These buildings were used for storage, workshop and
preparation activities. In other words it was realised that some of these sites,
their buildings together with the storage, workshop or other activities taking
place there could be associated with groups of people, entities or 'institutions'
managing, producing and investing a varied but still considerable amount of
wealth. In chapter six, the second stage of our assessment of the
establishment of the rituals in question considered the level of establishment
of the related 'institutions', when these were present.
207
The very presence of a ritual 'institution' indicates a considerable level
of establishment of the relevant rituals. The degree of this establishment will
be contributed to by the establishment of the 'institutions' as seen through
the amounts of the wealth stored (storage capacity), produced (workshop
evidence) and invested (in buildings, courts, retaining walls etc.) (see 2.6.2
and 6).
Our study of the published material demonstrated that for the Peak
Sanctuaries, the sites associated with them, and the Sites associated with
Palaces, the amounts stored and produced were proportional to the size of
the related settlements. The Peak Sanctuaries ranged from the huge
Youkhtas with the two satellite sites (Building B and Anemospelia) that was
related to the likewise huge Knossos and the large Arkhanes areas, to the
minute Atsipades Korakias that was not related to any large settlement
nearby. On the other hand, the 'Other sanctuaries' and especially Syme, the
largest sanctuary of any period in Crete, have not yet been related to any
large settlements. It is possible that the participants had travelled there from
a great distance and the role of these sites as meeting places elevated some
of the latter to a great status.
The development of a methodology for the attribution of ritual value to

activities, and for the assessment of their establishment, together with the
analysis of the published Minoan material enabled us to attribute ritual value
to some open-air Minoan activities, to demonstrate that they were
substantially established, and to show the existence of ritual 'institutions'. The
first of these findings was much needed (1.3) in order to make possible any
further progress in the discussion of the subject but also to bridge the gap
between the scholarship on ritual and the material at hand (1.3). The findings
on the establishment of the Minoan open-air rituals and the existence of ritual
'institutions', however, can be seen as a contribution to the study of social
power in Minoan Crete.
The fact that rituals were well established in Minoan Crete has several
implications for the study of Minoan society (1.4). Firstly, the potential of
rituals as influencing mechanisms can be seen to be strengthened. Secondly,
the significant establishment of the ritual sphere may follow/concur
with/anticipate the establishment of other practices in society. Thirdly, the
high level of establishment of rituals can be seen as an important ingredient
of the overall establishment of Minoan society. Let us briefly consider each of
these implications in turn.
As we frequently mentioned in the preceding chapters, ritual, as a category of

action, is widely recognised as an important mechanism for the creation,
influence and legitimisation of order, identities and beliefs. In fact, in chapter
two, we argued that ritual is a collection of influencing mechanisms, as each
of its traits exercises influence in different ways (2.5.1).
The establishment of a number of spatially and temporarily widespread
rituals in Minoan Crete argues for the establishment of widespread strong
mechanisms for the creation, influence and legitimisation of order, identities
and beliefs in the Minoan social networks. The direct or indirect control of
208
these rituals had the capacity, therefore, to be a great source of "social
power" (Mann 1986, 22-23).
The rise of ritual 'institutions', moreover, means that these influencing
mechanisms become readily associated with 'institutions', i.e. entities, groups
of people (2.6.2, and 6). In other words, they become controlled by agents,
social and political actors with a recognisable face. As we saw previously,
some of the studied Minoan ritual sites had sufficient evidence to support the
presence of associated ritual 'institutions'. These cases were rare in the OP,
but much more frequent in the NP period. From the moment we recognise a
ritual 'institution', we can talk, not just about a number of rituals that are
strong influencing mechanisms, but also about recognisable agents that
control these mechanisms and play an important role in the dynamics of the
Minoan social networks.
The more established an 'institution', the more influential it could be.
This is because the degree of establishment of a certain 'institution', its stored
wealth, its ability to produce it, its internal administration and its prestige
would contribute to the taking up and maintaining of new roles should the
possibility arise. As Mann put it, some well established 'institutions' or
organisations have the capability "in decisive 'world-historical moments' of
generally reorganizing social life or, to use a metaphor similar to Weber's
'switchman' metaphor, of laying down the tracks of world-historical
development" (1986, 518-9).
Here I adapt Knappett and Schoep's words that refer to a similar
context (the angular brackets are mine): "In a particular situation which calls
for decisions to be made, certain individuals <or 'institutions'> may react to
the situation and make choices… When that situation is safely negotiated,
those decision-making individuals <or 'institutions'> may or may not continue
in their role; at this stage a more permanent crystallization of these roles may
depend on the resources available to the individuals <or 'institutions'>
involved. Without an accumulated fund to provide manoeuverability in their
actions, these individuals' <or 'institutions'> roles will almost certainly remain
situational and will therefore evaporate as the situation recedes" (2000, 366).
In other words, the actors or 'institutions', that managed, produced
and invested a large enough wealth would be able to take up these new roles
and greater powers, should the possibility arise. Thus a high level of
establishment of ritual can affect its power to influence in two ways: first, the
influencing mechanisms of ritual are strengthened, and second, where
'institutions' are present, they have the potential to play more important roles
in society.
One other implication of the establishment of the Minoan open-air rituals for
the study of Minoan society, is the fact that this establishment reflects similar
developments in other parts of that society (2.5.2). As we have already
claimed above, the establishment of rituals may follow/concur with/anticipate
the establishment of other practices in the same social networks (Mann 1986,
539; Renfrew 1986, 7) (1.4).
The existence of established open-air ritual practices in Minoan Crete
argues, therefore, for the establishment of many other practices in Minoan
209
society, possibly even the consolidation and establishment of political power
and social relations, which, no doubt, the ritual practices themselves may
have helped to consolidate. Moreover, the observed increase of establishment
during NP times of some open-air Minoan rituals through the emergence of a
number of identifiable ritual 'institutions' (in some of the OP Peak
Sanctuaries), and the synchronous decrease in their number that possibly
points to a form of nucleation may further demonstrate such changes in other
parts of contemporary Minoan society.
Indeed, similar changes between the OP and the NP periods are
observed in other aspects of Minoan society. The increase in the number of
'villas' or second order centres in the NP period is a similar development to
the increase in the number of built Peak Sanctuaries from the OP to the NP
periods, although the OP-NP difference in numbers of built Peak Sanctuaries
was more perceptible. Both cases, moreover, are the result of a greater
establishment of a certain number of practices, such as the exploitation of
natural resources and rituals respectively. The standardisation and
development of the palace bureaucratic procedures as seen in the NP period
with the elimination of direct object sealing, and of tag-tablets (Knappett and
Schoep 2000, 366), may also be paralleled to the same process of
standardisation of ritual place, as again is seen in the Peak Sanctuaries,
where the few that survived in the NP period saw considerable investment.
Again, both cases are the result of the establishment of certain practices, this
time bureaucracy and ritual. Finally, the increasing independence of
specialised craft production as seen in the NP can reflect an increasing
financial potential of ritual 'institutions' in the same period (Dimopoulou 1997,
433-7). Once more, this development can be seen as resulting from the
establishment of practices, i.e. craft production and ritual.
Apart from the fact that the establishment of the Minoan open-air rituals may
reflect similar developments elsewhere in Minoan society, it further affects its
study (2.5.2), in a similar, yet more general way. The important role of rituals
in society, and the often important role of the ritual sphere means that the
establishment of the latter would contribute to and reflect the overall
establishment of the society in question. This means, that the substantial
establishment of the ritual sphere as seen from the examples of the Minoan
open-air rituals, is an important ingredient of the overall establishment of
Minoan society. That is more difficult to see, however, as it is almost
impossible to obtain a holistic view of a society, be it through archaeology, or
anthropology.
To summarise, the assessment of the establishment of the Minoan open-air

rituals can convey a great wealth of information on the dynamics of social
power in the Minoan society and the important role of one of its important
constituents, the rituals themselves. We demonstrated that rituals played a
significant role in the power relations of the Minoan social networks, and
seem to have perceptibly gained ground in the NP period.
210
In this study we attributed ritual value to a great number of Minoan activity
patterns, sites and iconography. Then we assessed their establishment.
Having looked at the implications of this study for the Minoan material, let us
now see the wider implications our study has to the study of ritual.
All the above demonstrates how the methodologies developed for the
attribution of ritual value to an activity and for the assessment of its
establishment can be beneficial for prehistoric archaeology and, therefore, for
most social sciences. The Minoan material profited from these ideas and also
showed that their implementation is feasible.
This exercise can now be repeated for any material of any period,
provided that there is enough evidence. As with the Minoan material, the
methodologies developed in this work can bridge the gap between the
theories put forward by scholars on the rituals of various areas or periods and
the extant evidence. Also, the establishment of any given ritual can be
assessed and its ramifications in relation to the dynamics of power in society
can be further studied.
We close this work with the wish that the methodologies presented
here will prompt more studies on the establishment of rituals in other areas
and other periods, enlarging our material and making possible the comparison
between ritual systems and their relative establishment. We also hope that
this work will facilitate the employment of the ritual sphere, often a powerful
social and political agent, in the studies of regionalism, politics and society in
Minoan Crete and also elsewhere.
E. Kyriakidis,
St. John's College,
Cambridge CB2 1TP,
ek214@cam.ac.uk
211
Abbreviations
Latin often followed by arabic numerals in parentheses such as 'II6' refer to

CMS volume numbers; the number after the comma refers to the item within
that volume. E.g. (I, 352) refers to CMS vol. I, item number 352, while (II6,
3) refers to CMS volume II6, item number 3.
AM=Ashmolean Museum
Ashmolean=Ashmolean Museum catalogue number
CMS=Corpus der Minoischer und Mykenischer Siegeln, referring to the
eponymous corpus series of Minoan and Mycenaean seals, see
references for I. Pini
E.K.=Evangelos Kyriakidis
Fig=Figure
HM=Herakleion Museum catalogue number
NL=Neolithic
NM=National Museum catalogue number
NP=New Palace
OP=Old Palace
Pl=Plate
212
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Συνέδριο, forthcoming, summary published in the abstract volume, 23-24
Levi, D. 1976, Festòs e la civiltà minoica, vols. 2, Roma: Edizioni dell' Ateneo
Levi, D. and F. Carinci 1981 and 1988, Festòs e la civiltà minoica II, vols. 2,
Rome: Edizioni dell' Ateneo
Mallia, Quartier 18 see Quartier 18, Mallia
Modi, Peak Sanctuary

Davaras, C. 1972a, 'Αρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Ανατολικής Κρήτης', Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 27,
651
Palaikastro, Building 5
Driessen, J. 2000, 'A Late Minoan IB Town Shrine at Palaikastro', in MacGillivray, Driessen
and Sackett 2000, 87-95
MacGillivray, J. A., J. M. Driessen, and L. H. Sackett 2000, The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan
Chryselephantine Statuette and its Aegean Bronze Age Context (BSA Studies 6),
Petsofas, Peak Sanctuary

Davaras, C. 1981, 'Σύνθετα Ιερά Κέρατα από το Ιερό Κορυφής του Πετσοφά', in Πεπραγμένα
του Δ' Κρητολογικού Συνεδρίου, 88-93
Myres, J. L. 1902-3, 'Excavations at Palaikastro II', Annual of the British
School at Athens 9, 356-387, pll. 7-13
Rutkowski, B. 1984, 'Report on Investigations in Greece. I. Studies in 1977-1982, Archeologia
35, 176-177
98
1991, Petsofas, A Cretan Peak Sanctuary, Warsaw: Art and Archaeology
230
Rutkowski, B and K. Nowicki 1990, 'Report on Investigations in Greece. VI. Studies in 1988-
1989, Archeologia (Warsaw) 41, 113-125
Phaestos, LWCS see Lower West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
Phaestos, UWCS see Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos
231
Philioremos, Peak Sanctuary
Alexiou, S. 1966, ' Η Αρχαιολογική Κίνησις εν Κρήτηι κατά το έτος 1966',
Κρητικά Χρονικά 20, 322
1967, 'Αρχαιότητες και Μνημεία της Κεντρικής και Ανατολικής Κρήτης', Αρχαιολογικόν
Δελτίον 22, 480-488
Faure, P. 1963, 1969, 'Sur Trois Sortes de Sanctuaires Crétois', Bulletin de
Piskokephalo, Other Sanctuary

Platon, N. 1952, 'Το Ιερόν Πισκοκέφαλον Σιτείας', Πρακτικά της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής
Prinias, Peak Sanctuary

Davaras, C. 1972a, 'Αρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Ανατολικής Κρήτης', Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 27,
651
1972b, 'Η Αρχαιολογική Κίνηση στην Ανατολική Κρήτη κατά το 1971', Αμάλθεια, 47
Pyrgos, Peak Sanctuary

Alexiou, S. 1963b, 'Η Αρχαιολογική Κίνησις εν Κρήτηι κατά το έτος 1963',
Κρητικά Χρονικά 17, 404-405
Faure, P. 1967, 'Nouvelles Recherches sur trois sortes de Sanctuaires', Bulletin
de Correspondance Hellénique 91, 125
Quartier 18, Mallia

Chapouthier, F. 25 July 1929, Letter to the Director of the French School at Athens, Mallia
Chapouthier, F., P. Demargne, and A. Dessenne 1962, Fouilles exécutées à Mallia. Quatrième
rapport: exploration du palais (1929-35 et 1946-60), (Études Crétoises XII), Paris:
Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner
van Effenterre, H. 1980, Le Palais de Mallia et la cité Minoenne II, Rome: Edizioni dell Ateneo
Pelon, O. 1980, Le palais de Malia V, Paris, Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner
Poursat, J. C. 1962, Fouilles exécutées a Mallia,Quatrième Rapport: Exploration du Palais,
Études Crétoises XII, Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner
St. George, Kythera Peak Sanctuary

Banou, A. 2000, 'Τα Λίθινα Αντικείμενα από το Μινωικό Ιερό Κορυφής στον Αη-Γιώργη στο
Βουνό Κυθήρων', in Karetsou (ed.) 2000, vol. A2, 383-394
Sakellarakis, Y. 1996, 'Minoan Religious Influence in the Aegean', Annual of
the British School at Athens 91, 81-99
Tournavitou, I. 2000, 'Μινωικό Ιερό Κορυφής στα Κύθηρα: η Κεραμεική', in
Karetsou (ed.) 2000, vol. A3, 297-313
2001, 'Ρυτά στα Μινωικά Ιερά Κορυφής. Η Περίπτωση των Κυθήρων' in A.
Stous Anthropolithous, see Anthropolithous
Syme, Other Sanctuary

Lebessi, A. 1972, ‘Το ιερό του Ερμή και της Αφροδίτης στη Σύμη της Βιάννου’, Πρακτικά της
232
Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 2000, forthcoming
2001, 'Νέος Τύπος 'Αρχιτεκτονικού' Ομοιώματος από το Ιερό της Σύμης, Κρήτη', in A.
the abstract volume, 105-106
Lebessi, A. and P. Muhly 1990, 'Aspects of Minoan Cult. Sacred Enclosures: The Evidence
from the Syme Sanctuary (Crete), Archäologischer Anzeiger, 315-336
Lebessi, A., P. Muhly, and J.-P. Olivier 1995, 'An Inscription in the Hieroglyphic Script from
the Syme Sanctuary, Crete (SY Hf 01)', Kadmos 34, 63-77
Metaxa-Muhly, P. 1984a, 'Linear A Inscriptions from the Sanctuary of Hermes and Aphrodite
at Kato Syme', Kadmos 23, 124-135
1984, 'Minoan Hearths', American Journal of Archaeology 88, 107-134
1987, 'Οι Τράπεζες Προσφορών από το Ιερό Σύμης Βιάννου', in Giannadakis et al.
(eds.) 1987, 272-283
Papasavvas, G., P. Muhly, and A. Lebessi 1999, 'Weapons for Men and Gods: Three Knossian
Swords from the Syme Sanctuary', in Betancourt et al. 1999, 641-9, pll. 137-140
Thylakas, Peak Sanctuary

Reinach, A. 1913, 'L' Autel Rustique du Mont Phylakas', Revue Archéologique
4th series 21, 278-300
Sakellarakis, Y. 1970, 'Ορεινόν Ιερόν Του Θύλακα', Aρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα
Αθηνών 1970, 252-256
Traostalos, Peak Sanctuary

Alexiou, S. 'Η Αρχαιολογική Κίνησις εν Κρήτηι κατά το έτος 1963', Κρητικά
Χρονικά 17, 405
Davaras, C. 1976, 'Αρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Ανατολικής Κρήτης', Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 31,
375
233
393
Faure, P. 1963, 'Cultes de Sommets et Cultes de Cavernes en Créte', Bulletin
de Correspondance Hellénique 87, 495-496
Chryssoulaki, S. 1999, ' Iερό Κορυφής Τραοστάλου', Κρητική Εστία 7, 310-7
2001, 'The Traostalos Peak Sanctuary: Aspects of Spatial Organisation', in Hägg and
Laffineur 2001, 57-68
Upper West Court Sanctuary, Phaestos

Pernier, L. 1935, Il Palazo Minoico di Phaestos I (volume and plates), Roma: Libreria dello
Stato
Pernier, L., and L. Banti 1951, Il Palazo Minoico di Festos II, Roma: Libreria dello Stato
Vigla Zakrou, Peak Sanctuary

581-596
1974a, 'Αρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Ανατολικής Κρήτης 1972', Αμάλθεια, 54
Vrysinas, Peak Sanctuary

Alexiou, S. 1963a, 'Αρχαιότητες και Μνημεία Κρήτης', Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον,
18, 315-316
1963b, 'Η Αρχαιολογική Κίνησις εν Κρήτηι κατά το έτος 1963', Κρητικά
Χρονικά 17, 401, 412
583-584
1974b, 'Ανασκαφή ΜΜ Ιερού Κορυφής Βρύσινα', Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών
7, 210-213
Tzachile, I. 2001, 'Κεραμεική από το Ιερό Κορυφής του Βρύσινα. Πρώτες
Εκτιμήσεις', in A. Kalokairinos, Θ' Διεθνές Κρητολογικό Συνέδριο, forthcoming,
summary published in the abstract volume, 131
Xykephalo, Peak Sanctuary

Faure, P. 1967, 'Nouvelles Recherches sur trois sortes de Sanctuaires', Bulletin
de Correspondance Hellénique 91, 119-120
Rutkowski, B. 1988, 'Minoan Peak Sanctuaries: The Topography and
Architecture', Aegaeum 2, 71-98
Youkhtas, Peak Sanctuary

Evans, Sir. A, 1921, The Palace of Minos at Knossos I, London: MacMillan, 154-159
Karetsou, A. 1974, ‘Το Ιερό Κορυφής Γιούχτα', Πρακτικά της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής
Εταιρείας 1974, 228-239, pll. 170-179
330-342, pll. 261-268
408-418, pll. 227-232
419-420, pll. 221-222
232-258, pll. 160-171
280-281, pll. 162-163
337-353, pll. 203-215
1981a, ‘Το Ιερό Κορυφής Γιούχτα', Πρακτικά της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας,
405-408
1981b, 'The Peak Sanctuary of Mt. Juktas', in Hägg and Marinatos 1981, 137-153
234
600-614, pll.252-256
286-296, pll. 138-142
Platon N. 1951, 'Το Ιερόν του Μαζά και Μινωικά Ιερά Κορυφής', Κρητικά Χρονικά 5, 144-145
Taramelli, A. 1899, 'Ricerche Archeologiche Cretesi', Monumenti Antichi 9, 350-355
235
APPENDIX
The purpose of this appendix is to give the necessary background information
for the discussions taking place in the main body of the work. A summary of
the reports for each of the discussed sites is given together with some other
information such as the quality of the excavation, the necessary bibliography
and the stage of the final publication. When possible, a brief summary of the
architectural remains and of the stratigraphy is given, together with a
catalogue of the types of the reported finds.
It is notable that the stage of the final publication should always be
taken seriously as it reflects the accuracy of the information given for each
site. For instance, of all the Peak Sanctuaries, Atsipades and Kythera yield the
most trustworthy accounts, followed by Petsofas, Traostallos, Youkhtas and,
recently, Vrysinas. Certainly the sanctuary at Kythera is not equally reliable as
regards the evidence for buildings, since the excavation took place around the
original Peak Sanctuary and not in the actual site which was covered by the
much later chapel of St. George. Anemospelia and Building B belong to the
same 'league' as Youkhtas and Traostallos. Building 4 has been exhaustively
published and any reference to its material is most accurate. Although the
palace associated sites have all been published, due to the age of the
publication, they should not be considered as trustworthy as any of the
above, especially as far as coarse ceramics and organic remains are
concerned. Syme, followed by Kophinas are the most trustworthy of the
'Other Sanctuaries', though Syme is still, for the Minoan period, on the same
'league' as Youkhtas, with detailed excavation reports but not a final
publication.
It goes without saying that the more advanced the stage of the final
publication the greater the detail of the presentation of each site in this
appendix and the greater the amount of work done on the available material.
So, the work done on Syme, Youkhtas, Atsipades, or Kythera for the purposes
of this dissertation is far greater that that on Modi or Piskokephalo.
The catalogue of finds present in the description of each site includes,
when possible, some more information. In square brackets stratigraphical
information often accompany some of the finds. Under each table, a legend
explains all the stratigraphical or findspot abbreviations. Unfortunately, the
overwhelming majority of the sites are not well published to have accurate
findspot or stratigraphical information.
One of the difficulties we encounter is the lack of any means of
accurate quantification. For our purposes we have employed a rough measure
of quantity that will give a relative indication to the reader: >1=minimum 1,
>10=minimum 10, >100=minimum 100 and so on. When an exact number is
given, then this means that a number was published. Sometimes non-round
numbers like >23 will be given; this means that at some report 23 of the kind
were mentioned, but we suppose that more may have been found. The
reader must be warned however, that the numbers should only be taken as a
comparison of the various types of items within the same site. In many sites
only one of the many excavation seasons has been reported, thus presenting
disproportionately small numbers of items in comparison to other sites, which,
though smaller, had reports on all excavations seasons.
1
Another issue, is chronology; as most of the sites have not been
published, and some others not even reported, it is very difficult to assess the
date of the items found there. The accurate (MMIIB-LMIB) or the general
(OP-Old Palace or NP-New Palace) dates are given when known. Despite the
progress of Aegean archaeology it is quite often the case that we cannot date
an object even with the wide and vague Old or New Palace periods. It is still
interesting to know, however, that an object existed in either of the periods
however, for statistical purposes.
All sites are classified in alphabetical order. The first section of the
appendix (section A) includes all the 'Peak Sanctuaries' of Crete and at its the
Peak Sanctuary of St. George in Kythera. Then follow the associated to the
Peak Sanctuaries sites (section B), and, in section C, the three semi-
autonomous complexes that belong to larger structures (Palaces). In section
D, Building 4 at Arkhanes is summarily described, while in section E are the
'Other' Sanctuaries category. Finally in section F are the reasons why some
sites that have been traditionally associated with open air rituals have not
been included.
For some sites, or types of item the date given by Jones is mentioned,
in order to facilitate comparison with his recent work on the finds from caves
and Peak Sanctuaries of Crete (Jones 1999). The lists and catalogues in the
present work, however, had to be compiled from the beginning, since too
often the reports of the various sites were in conflict with Jone's catalogues.
2
A. Peak Sanctuaries
A.1 AMBELOS (SITIA)
The site is situated near Xerokampos. After several illegal excavations
by locals it was hastily excavated by Davaras in 1971. There have been
reports by Davaras himself and others, though the publication of the site is
not expected (Davaras 1971a, 264-5; 1971b, 302, 1972a, 651; Schlager
1991/2, 1-15)
The site is located approximately 40m above seal level but donimates
the entire plain around it. The entire area is presently covered with sherds
and worn rocks, while in its centre there is a natural hollow (Rutkowski and
Nowicki 1984, 180). There are no built features mentioned, though there
seems to exist a central natural hollow with rocks to the height of 1m.
Table 32: The finds from Ambelos

Figurines Male, MM period
Animal, MM period
3
A.2 ATSIPADES KORAKIAS (RETHYMNON)
(Jones, EMIII-MMII/ the site is occupied from FN times)
The site was excavated in 1989 by A. Peatfield. The quality of the
excavation was excellent, but unfortunately the final publication is still
imminent. Nevertheless the preliminary reports are quite detailed and of good
quality (Peatfield 1992, 59-87; 1994a, 90-5; Morris and Peatfield 1995, 643-7;
Morris and Batten 1996, 373-382; Moody and Peatfield 1996, 359-371).
The site seems to be divided to two natural terraces: The upper and
the lower. There are no ritual buildings and no settlement evidence (walls,
structures, bones, stone tools) in the entire site.
A.2.1 The Upper Terrace

Only the east part of the upper terrace was used. It was an area demarcated
by a natural temenos wall. A huge number of river (not sea) pebbles were
scattered densely in the fill of the deposit layers. These fills are also full of
vessel sherds and figurine fragments. In the centre of this area, and in the
centre of the pebble deposit, there is an interesting feature.
The feature has a roughly circular shape of different soil colour and
consistency, without any sherds or pebbles. It existed in a hollow that was
dug up in the terra-rossa and was lined with schist like stones (foreign to the
geology of the site). This area is in the highest point of the settlement and
thus the most prominent focus of attention. Moreover, the largest
concentration of potsherds and figurines is traced in the area around this
feature.
The main pottery shapes around the depression were jugs, cups,
bridge-spouted jars, vessel and animal shaped rhyta. The latter normally are
for pouring liquids and argue for libation activities in the area.
Table 33: The finds from the Upper Terrace at Atsipades

Pottery Cups, F; perforated bases, 3, blue painted, F
Bowls, open, A
Rhyta, vessel and animal, F; perforated base of, blue painted,
F; bull's head with pierced muzzle, coarse, blue painted, F
Jugs, F
Jars, bridge-spouted, F; some blue painted F
Dishes, large, A
Vessels, large (spouted jars etc.), blue painted, F
Sherds, many, D
Figurines Human, many, D; F (largest concentration)
Animal, many, D; F (largest concentration)
Other River pebbles, >150, D
Offering tables, clay, two fragments, D
D=fills of the deposit layers, F=deposit layers, around the central feature,
A=away from the depression
Near the ‘feature’ is an area, which is notable for the large

concentration of blue painted pottery: bridge spouted jars, fragments of
larger vessels (the best preserved comes from a spouted jar), a base of a
4
rhyton (perforated), three perforated cup bases (maybe rhytons?), and a
coarse bull’s head rhyton with a pierced muzzle.
The types of items were different just a little further away from the
depression: large dishes, and open bowls were more frequent. Two fragments
of clay copies of libation tables were also found in the deposit.
The sherds seem to be broken to smaller pieces than those in the lower
terrace. In fact, they are so small that, according to the excavators it looks
like a rake removed the large ones.
A.2.2 The Lower Terrace

Only the clefts of rocks at the west and east extremities of the lower terrace
were rich in finds. The middle area in the centre saw also a concentration of
sherds and figurines, possibly from the clearing of other areas. In the clefts
many fragments and figurines were found broken since antiquity, but the
joining fragments were found near each other. The predominant shapes of
the eastern part of the lower terrace are cups and large shallow dishes.
Table 34: The finds from the Lower Terrace at Atsipades

Pottery Cups, E
Shallow dishes, E
Sherds, many, W, E, C
Figurines Figurines, many, W, E, C
W, E= clefts in western and eastern extremities; C=middle area of the terrace
A.2.3 Date
There is evidence of FN-EMI pottery, found only in the lower terrace, and was
probably of mundane nature. No certain EM II or EM III sherds have been
recognised. The MMI-II period is well represented in both terraces but this is
not extended to the MM III-LM I or later periods for which there is no present
evidence.
A.2.4 Types of artifacts in the entire site

The following types of pottery were attested in the entire site:
1) Cups of various shapes (with and without handles): Everted lip, straight
sided, and conical cups were found in different sizes. Thoush small cups were
found they were not characterised as miniatures.
2) Large and small dishes with flaring rims.
3) Bridge-spouted jars, small pithoi and tripod cooking jars with no traces of
burning.
4) Lamps and offering tables.
Most of the figurines are animal: their clear majority is bovid, though a
bird perched on a rock and a dog or a weasel also survive. There are also
some anthropomorphic figurines. According to the excavators, they may all
belong to both PP and OP periods. In parts the figurines are a majority and
overall they are, if not slightly more, equally abundant to the rest of the
pottery. The human figurines are mostly of the hands to chest and hands to
waist types. There are 135 heads, more than 50 torsos and several
independent limbs. Overall, 5000 figurine fragments were recorded together
5
with 2500 diagnostic potsherds (not exactly comparable numbers). 60% of
the figurines came from the clefts in the lower terrace, so maybe that was the
main area of offering or of rubbish discard.
There were also various miscellaneous finds: three globular spindle
whorls were found in a rock crevice; one clay stamp seal, maybe a copy, one
obsidian blade, and two clay fragments of offering tables were also found.
The lack of bones or traces of fire were reported.
Table 35: The finds from the entire site of Atsipades

Pottery Cups, F; perforated bases, 3, blue painted, F; E
Bowls, open, A
Dishes, large, A; shallow, E
Rhyta, vessel and animal, F; perforated base of, blue painted,
F; bull's head with pierced muzzle, coarse, blue painted, F
Jugs, F
Jars, bridge-spouted, F; some blue painted F
Vessels, large (spouted jars etc.), blue painted, F
Sherds, many, D; W; E; C
Figurines Human, many, fewer than the animal, D; F (largest
concentration of human); W; E; C; 135 heads, more than 50
torsos, 60% from lower terrace.
Animal, many, D; F (largest concentration of animal); W; E; C.
Bovid, majority of animals
Bird, perched on rock
Dog or weasel
Other Offering tables, clay, two fragments, D
Lamps (small)
Spindle whorls, globular, 3 in rock crevice E or W
Seal, stamp, clay, maybe a copy
River pebbles, >150, D
Obsidian, blade
D=fills of the deposit layers of upper terrace; F=deposit layers, around the
central feature of upper terrace; A=away from the depression of the upper
terrace; W, E= clefts in western and eastern extremities of lower terrace;
C=middle area of the lower terrace.
6
A.3 ETIANI KEPHALA (SITIA, NEAR ARMENOI)
(Jones MMI-II )
In 1959 few figurines were given to Herakleion Museum, and in 1971
Davaras conducted excavations there. Despite the brief reports, the final
publication is not expected (Davaras 1971a, 265; 1971b, 302; 1971c, 200;
1972a, 651; Rutkowski 1988, 71-98).
In the mountain summit, which rises 615m above sea level (Rutkowski
and Nowicki 1984, 180), several sherds are still visible among the jagged
peaks and fissures. It is possible that a wall made of rough stones was used
as a terrace in Minoan times (according to Rutkowski 1988, 71-98)
Table 36: The finds from Etiani Kephala

Pottery Cups, coarse, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Bowls, coarse (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Figurines Human (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Animal (rams, lambs, other indeterminate) (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Other Horns of Consecration with receptacle, 1, clay
7
A.4 KARPHI (LASITHI)
(Jones, MMI-II).
Visited by EK, 22/8/1999. The site which is also called Vigla is located
in the plain of Lasithi half an hour's walk from Tzermiadon. It was excavated
in 1938 by Pendlebury. Although the publication is not final and the
excavation took place in a very short period, the report gives us a good idea
on what was found there (Pendlebury et al. 1937-8, 97-8). Rutkowski and
Nowicki observe three terraces preserved and a part of a wall which they also
illustrate (1984, 180-181).
Table 37: The finds from Karphi

Pottery Cups, several (MMI-IIB according to Jones)
Bowls, coarse (MMI-IIB according to Jones)
Dishes, several
Miniature vases were found (MMI-IIB according to Jones)
Pithos sherds, several
Sherds, fine ware, little, few
Figurines Human, many, local style
Animal, many, local style
Statuette, upper part of legs, on the slopes
Statuette, head, on the slopes
Vessel sherds with miniature figurines of animals in local style
(according to Rutkowski
Metal Blade, bronze, fragments, 2 (LMIII according to Jones)
Arrow head (LMIII according to Jones)
Implement, decorated, bronze
Nail or stud, bronze
Lead, fragments, 2
Stone Bowl, unfinished, on the slopes
Palette, fragment, on the slopes
Whetstone, pierced
Pebbles, possible (Nowicki 1994, 43-4)
Bone Handle, half
Other Seals of stone (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Spindle whorls, 2 cylindrical, 2 conical and 2 on the slope
8
A.5 KORAKOMOURI SPHAKAS (SITIA)
In 1992 the 'Peak Sanctuary' of Korakomouri was located during the survey of
the area around the Zakros palace. The reports are of good quality
(Chryssoulaki and Vokotopoulos 1993, 74-5; Schlager 1995, 11-24; Tzedakis
et al. 1999, 317-326), but more excavation is needed before the final
publication. The site is quite small in size and has visibility over the majority
of the surrounding area and peaks. The 'sanctuary' was of MM II date and did
not survive into the NP period. There are few features that both Chryssoulaki
and Schlager mention, but we are still unsure on their date and use and we
will have to wait until the excavation.
Table 38: The finds from Korakomouri Sphakas

Pottery Cups >10
Tumblers >1
Miniature vessels >2
Jars, spouted >2
Tripod cooking pots >2
Coarse ware sherds >2
Figurines Male >10
Seated figures, 2
Bovid figurines >10
9
A.6 MEGALI KERIA (GONIES)
Visited by EK, 10/9/2002. The site is located 1160 m above sea level. Earth
and ash with ash and many MM sherds (especially small cups) and fragments
of clay figurines representing men and animals and small white or painted
pebbles have been reported as found under rocks and in rocky clefts
(Rutkowski 1988, 93). In the year 2000 there was a more systematic
investigation in the area which was subsequently excavated by G,
Rethymiotakis and the ΚΓ' ephoria in the summer of 2001. The excavation has
not been reported yet. The first suspicions that this site might be a 'peak
sanctuary' came after a 'protogeometric' figurine was given to the authorities
and Alexiou mentions that buildings may have been present there (1967,
485). He further mentions that some building remains were also visible
further below at Pentacheri, which may have been of the corresponding
settlement.
10
A.7 LILIANO (PEDIADA- KASTELI)
Visited by EK, 22/6/2000 and 28/7/2001. The 'Peak Sanctuary' has just been
excavated by G. Rethemiotakis (summer 2001) by the ΚΓ' ephoria, following a
collection of surface finds. The site is located at the top of a small hill which
overlooks the entire plain of Kastelli pediados. Although slightly far from
Kastelli itself, it is the most prominent hill on the site. It is only mentioned
once in an overview of the Pediada region (Rethemiotakis 1990, 243), as
being very rich in finds (figurines and pottery).
11
A.8 MODI (SITIA- PETRAS AND PALAIKASTRO)
Visited by EK, 17/7/1996 and 3/8/2001. This peak was excavated by Davaras
in 1972, and was only briefly reported. It is located very near Palaikastro and
is prominent from all eastern Crete. There were some building remains noted
but their condition did not allow any further study. According to Rutkowski
and Nowicki there seem to be remains of a wall to the east of the rocky peak
and little below it (1984, 183-184).
The rich 'votive' finds from there were not reported, except some
bronze 'votive' blades, which were attested in considerable numbers. Nowicki
(1994, 36) claims a large number of pebbles (>10) to have been found in the
site. As almost none of its finds were published, it is very difficult to say
whether it is a ritual place.
12
A.9 PETSOFAS (SITIA-PALAIKASTRO)
(Jones MMI-LMI)
Visited by EK, 19/7/1996, 21/7/1996, 27/7/1996 and 26/6/1999. The
excavations conducted by the British School, under the direction of Myres and
later by Currelly, in 1903.
Although they were not finally published, the quality of the excavation
shows in the report by Myres, but also in the subsequent publication by
Rutkowski (Myres 1902-3, 356-87; Rutkowski 1988, 71-98; 1991). The
excavation is dated and so were its methods, thus sometimes influencing the
results.
In 1971 Petsofas was revisited and re-excavated by Davaras, who
realised that the largest part of the sanctuary had not been dug (Davaras
1972b, 48).
The peak of Petsofas dominates the bay and plain of Palaikastro and
has a great view many other peaks.
Rutkowski in 1984 (176) supported that in the early period it was an
open terrace 'peak sanctuary' and only later (in the new palace period) roofed
spaces were erected. According to him (1988, 76), the wall ABCD (see plan)
was built during the early period of use (probably MM I). The wall FDE was
then built at a later period. Wall CD was built of large limestone blocks, the
largest in the south corner. At an even later phase (MMIII-LMI) wall DF was
built. It was the same time that the plaster bench and the floor in room 1
were made. The new 'refurbished' complex consisted of 5 rooms (some
roofed). Rutkowski, following Myres, holds that the thick wall BCD is a
massive terrace wall that supported the building.
The rectangular room 1 remained possibly an open air space, and
extended probably in its CD part to the north as argue the remains of 5
stones there, possibly interrupted by some steps. A plastered floor and
benches, well-built walls with antae in the door characterised the innermost
room (1) in its post refurbishment phase (MMIII-LMI). The two other rooms
(2, 3) are not that well preserved. The only find from these rooms is a
pedestalled lamp in the first (2) and larger of the two rooms (also from its last
period - MMIII- LMI). Room 2 may have been roofed, rooms 4 and 5 may
have been open-air as they were not closed on all sides. Room 3 was
triangular in shape. To the northwest of the building a thick deposit of finds
was discovered, that possibly belonged to refuse.
There were three layers of soil:
1) Normal soil with small stones, pottery and figurines
2) Black earth, full of ashes and fragments of charcoal
3) No figurines, or pottery
13
Table 39: The finds from Petsofas
Pottery Cups, small, sherds of [1,2]
Cups, conical, deep, fine and coarse [2]
Bowls, fine and coarse, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Plates, fine (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Jug, miniature [2]
Vessels, miniature [1,2]
Fruitstand, miniature
Cooking pots, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Fillets, wreath like [2]
Pottery [1]
Figurines Figurines, many intact, a great deal, 3 different clays, male
and female [1,2]>200 (Davaras 1972b 48)
Cut out human (Jones)
Female with an infant, [2]
Human figure, larger, [2]
Seated, of indeterminate sex, [2].
Groups of people (as their base denotes) , [2]
Half-bodies, several, [2]
Limbs and heads, [2]
Limbs belonging to figurines, (posssibly debris from the
rake), [2]
Animals (birds, tortoises, hares, agrimi goats, dogs (or a
weasel perhaps), rams, oxen, pigs etc.). The majority is
goats [1,2] >200 (Davaras 1972b, 48; Rutkowski and
Nowicki 1990, 115-119)
Clay balls, a great number, [2](Jones dates to MMI-IIB)
A clay tree, [2]
Beetles (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Stone Offering tables, serpentinite, inscribed, 3 (Davaras 1972b,
48-50, figs.4,5)
Vessels, broken >2 (Davaras 1972b, 48)
Lamps >2 (Davaras 1972b, 48)
Metal Bronze knives >5 (Davaras 1972b, 48)
Cutout human figurine, (Davaras 1972b, 48)
Other Foot left, model, toe pointed and raised
The numbers in the square brackets are the numbers of the layers
14
A.10 PHILIOREMOS (GONIES)
(Jones MMI)
Visited by EK, 1/7/1999 and 30/6/2000. The 'Peak Sanctuary' is located
above the modern village of Gonies. It was discovered during the construction
works of a church of Prophet Elias there. The 'Peak Sanctuary' overlooks and
defines all the surrounding area which includes the Minoan 'villa' of
Sklavokampos and other sites. The peak is the highest in the surrounding
area and has great visibility.
The site was excavated in 1963, 1966 and 1967 by Alexiou. The quality
of the excavation was very good, although Alexiou did not have sufficient
means and personnel. The reports give a good overall impression, although
the study for the final publication has not commenced yet (Alexiou 1967, 484-
5; 1966, 322; Faure 1969, 174-213).
Buildings and Features: The area of the ‘sanctuary’ lies at the
northwest edge of the mountain top, where a large flat area is now covered
by the church. There, walls of a building were found, possibly belonging to
two rooms and a court. The walls were built of unworked or roughly cut local
stones of different sizes. They are preserved to the height of two stones (25-
40 cm high and 55-70 cm thick). Room 1 is rectangular in shape, while the
one to the west (room 2) is square and smaller. There may be another room
to the east of 1 (4), but that has not been ascertained. Room 3 to the south
is similar in size to 1 and is also square.
Room 1 (6,5x 6,88m) is roughly rectangular, paved and may not have
been roofed (if indeed the blocks that were found in the room belonged to an
altar- see below). Its southeast corner is oblique and overlies the carefully
made south wall D (P over D). This corner may have been used as a bench.
Likewise, the southwest corner has also been constructed in the same way,
resembling an 'arch'. There were three stone blocks scattered in the room
that were originally found near the southeast corner and belonged possibly to
an 'altar'. In it, and near the centre of the room, two schist plaques had been
vertically placed. The presence of several bones near these plaques may
associate them with sacrifice or consumption of meat (the plaques could be
supports of an altar).
Room 2 (4,16x4,61m) to the west is situated at a slightly higher level
and is roughly rectangular in shape. Its west wall (F) is built with large stones
and has been founded, like the others, on the bedrock. The walls are
preserved up to their second course too, leaving no trace of doors.
Room 3 to the south is the largest room (7.95x5.45m) and, like rooms
1 and 2 forms a rough square. It seems that its north wall (D), which is also
the south of room 1, is actually a double wall. This argues for room 3 being a
later addition. Otherwise, wall D would be reinforced so as to withstand the
extra pressure caused by the sudden drop in the soil. The outer surface of the
east wall (J) of the room is well made with large stones. A great number of
stones was noted near the southeast corner of the room. Again the room
could be either roofed or not. During the levelling of the surface under room 3
a depression was formed, now visible just west of its west wall (H).
To the northeast of room 3 and at a higher level was a terraced area
(4) defined by two walls at its north and south extremities (K and L). This
15
terrace and its walls continue all the way under the present church that
occupies the centre of the plateau summit. There were also two platforms or
just piles of stones (M and O). Wall N was built between feature O and wall L.
The edifice was built on a previously used area. So argues the natural
rock, with sherds and figurines in its crevices, that was filled and levelled with
soil before building activities started. The date of the building is NP but there
is definitely an earlier period, as one can see from the layer under its walls
(MM I). Rutkowski holds that the building activities started during this early
period. At a lower level, a retaining wall levelled the surface.
The finds are dispersed around 50 meters to the west and north of the
central building.
The finds from the excavations by Alexiou will be published by E.
Kyriakidis.
Table 40: The finds from Philioremos

Pottery Cups, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Pithos fragment in situ [rm 1].
Bowl with several animal figurines applied on the inside [rm. 2]
Pottery sherds [everywhere]
Figurines Human figurines [rm. 1 and esp. near the altar]; [everywhere]
Female, with fancy headgear, some (MMI according to Jones)
Limbs [everywhere esp. rms. 2 and 3]
Caprid figurines, good quality [rm. 1].
Animal figurines, several, mainly goats [rm. 1, northeast corner in
a burnt patch], [area 4, under Prophet Elias church]
Other Bones, several [rm. 1 and esp. near the altar].
Ashes, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
16
A.11 PRINIAS (SITIA-PETRAS)
(Jones, MMI-II)
The 'Peak Sanctuary' at Prinias, which rises 801m above sea level
(Rutkowski and Nowicki 1984, 184-185), was excavated by Davaras in 1972.
There were no buildings noted (Davaras 1972a, 651; 1972b, 47). Davaras
observed that a large stone of very central position had a funnel made on it,
possibly to be used in the activities that took place there.
A great deal of ashes were found at the highest flat area (called
terrace I) among a great number of stones there also included:
Table 41: The finds from Prinias

Pottery Cups, coarse (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Rhyton in the shape of a beetle
Rhyton in the shape of a bull's head (Davaras 1982)
Figurines Anthropomorphic, men and women, a great number
Seated of intermediate sex (Davaras 1982)
Animal, a great number
Beetle, rhyton (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Stone Vessels, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Other Pebbles >50 (Nowicki 1994, 36)
Ashes, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
17
A.12 PYRGOS (TYLISSOS)
(Jones, MMI-II)
Figure 40: The Central Building of Pyrgos, Present State
Visited by EK, 29 and 30/6/1999. The site was excavated by Alexiou in

1963. It overlooks the whole plain of Tylissos, and the plain of Knossos
further to the east. On the other side, it overlooks a secluded large area of
upland pasture land. The quality of the excavation, despite the means that
were available to the excavator was very good, but unfortunately it has been
poorly reported (Alexiou 1963b, 404-5; Faure 1967, 125) and not yet
published.
There are two peaks in the site, of which the slightly lower one has the
largest concentration of pottery and the Minoan building. The building was
probably of NP date, although Rutkowski supports an MMI date of
construction. It was tripartite (or bipartite according to Rutkowski) with a
small court defined by a surrounding wall. A small corridor or smaller court
ran along the façade of the rooms. Rutkowski holds (1988, 76) that the
entrance to the building may have been not in the middle but a little to one
side. The southeast wall was made of large stones. Unfortunately little
remains of the façade of the building (northwest wall). It is possible that
Pyrgos had a hellenistic phase, though that is unclear from the reports. More
Hellenistic remains come from the other peak to the north that had ruined
walls and Hellenistic sherds.
The other peak to the northwest of the building, which has also yielded
a great number of animal and human figurines, called Pera Korfi and has
been excavated by A. Vasilakis on behalf of the ΚΓ' ephoria.
The finds from the Alexiou excavations at Pyrgos will be published by
E. Kyriakidis.
Table 42: The finds from Pyrgos
Pottery Cups, fine and coarse (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Bowls, fine and coarse (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Vessel, fragments mainly of MMI-II period, some in fire remains.
Hellenistic sherds much fewer
Figurines Human, in fire remains, mainly MMI-II.
Animal, in fire remains, mainly, MMI-II.
18
Bull's heads (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Other Horns of consecration, limestone, near the building.
Building model (Rethemiotakis 1998, 155)
19
A.13 THYLAKAS (MIRABELO)
The 'Peak Sanctuary', that is situated southwest of Agios Nikolaos and close
to ancient Lato, was exavated in 1910 by Demargne, published in 1913 by
Reinach, and was restudied by Sakellarakis in 1970 (Reinach 1913, 278-300;
Sakellarakis 1970, 252-256). The quality of the excavation and its reports
were not very detailed. They had enough detail, however, to determine that
this is a 'Peak Sanctuary' and to give us information on the types of finds. It is
possible that the surviving wall discovered there was Minoan. It has been
described by Demargne as 'temenos' wall, though that cannot be ascertained.
According to Nowicki (1993, 97), the identification of a peak sanctuary on the
top of Thylakas was supported by the MM potsherds and a great number of
pebbles concentrated on the very summit of the mountain.
Table 43: The finds from Thylakas

Pottery Cups, conical
Figurines Male figurines
Female figurines
Bovids
Pigs few
Dogs/Weasels few
Birds, few
Other Lamp, small
20
A.14 TRAOSTALOS (PALAIKASTRO AND ZAKROS)
(Jones MMI-III)
Structure C
Figure 41: Traostalos. Structure C. Present State
Visited by EK on several occasions in July 1996 and July 1997.

Traostalos is located at the very peak of a very prominent, though not very
high, mountain in east Crete, overlooking the entire east end of the island
together with Kasos, Karpathos and the little islands of Dionysades. It was
originally excavated in 1963-4 and 1978 by C. Davaras and in 1995 by
Chryssoulaki. The quality of the early excavations is low and the existence of
detailed notebooks uncertain (Davaras 1976, 375; 1978, 392-3; Faure 1963,
495-496; Alexiou 1963a, 405-6). The late excavations are of very good quality
and have recently been reported (Chryssoulaki 2000, forthcoming; eadem
1999).
The site, according to Chryssoulaki, can be divided into a Plateau on
the Summit and an East Plateau.
A.14.1 Summit Plateau

Table 44: The Finds Associated with the Summit Terrace at Traostalos
Pottery Sherds
Figurines Figurines > 100, some with traces of fire
Stone Discs, > 40, 12-15cm diameter, 3-5cm thick, purple schist, some
with traces of burning
Pebbles >100
Quartz
Flint
Other Charcoal
Bones, burnt
Shells, burnt
The summit plateau is rectangular in shape (20x12m) with a sheer cliff on its
western side and a greater concentration of finds, possibly reflecting greater
activity, in its southwestern corner. On this corner a rock supporting an army
triangulation point is situated. The rock is carved in the shape of a semi-
21
globular depression that contained a thick layer of ash, greasy soil, rough
schist discs, pottery, figurines and other types of finds. Many other smaller
fireplaces were found on the summit plateau together with burnt deposits.
A.14.2 East Plateau

Just below and to the east of the plateau there is a second area with a large
concentration of finds (and possibly activity one too), possibly owing to the
many lateral fissures that are there. Remnants of fires similar to those in the
summit terrace were found here too. Within this lower depression area, a
higher concentration of finds was attested in its western end diminishing
towards the east, a phenomenon also to be paralleled at the summit terrace.
A.14.3 The structures

A.14.3.1 Edifice A. The small edifice on the summit plateau comprises five
rough walls made of unworked stones and covers with its two rooms an area
of 15 square meters. This structure takes advantage of the natural rock. It
was built over earlier deposits, similar to those prevalent elsewhere in the
site. Near it there is an independent Z-shaped wall. According to Davaras this
building was used also during Roman times.
A.14.3.2 Edifice B. The 25 square meter edifice, located on the east extremity
of the summit plateau is also made of rough stones. It was built over earlier
deposits and has finds similar to the activity nuclei elsewhere.
Table 45: The Finds Associated with Edifice B at Traostalos

Pottery Cups >20
Drinking vessels >10
Cooking Pots >10
Brazier, 1
Grille, possibly, 1
Figurines Animal >10
Stone Vases, in fragments, several
Offering tables, >2
Discs of stone >20
Chryssoulaki interprets the above two stone structures as bases of light

wood-and-mud walls, taking into account the independent walls that exist
around them. Alternatively, she interprets them as divided open spaces. We
have to note here, that light structures of wood and mud would not be a
good idea for such windy surroundings.
A.14.3.3 Edifice C. This one-wall structure is similar to the previously

discussed ones and was located to the southeast of the summit plateau
(picture). Today it is used as a small pen. The walls are very similar to the
other structures on the site. All the buildings may well belong to the NP
period.
22
A.14.4 Overall
The occupation of the sites goes back to the NL period, though Nowicki
(2001, forthcoming) has argued for a later date (OP) in the commencement
of ritual ceremonies in all Peak Sanctuaries. OP pottery is well represented,
but the NP one prevails. It is found on the summit plateau down to the lowest
levels. Post-palatial pottery demonstrates the continuation of the activities in
that period.
Table 46: The Finds from Traostalos
Pottery Fine ware sherds (Jones MMI-IIB)
Cups > 50
Tumblers > 10, OP
Drinking vessels
Bowls, (Jones MMI-IIB)
Pithoi, miniature > 3, one of them with a seed in it
Vessels, miniature > 3
Jars, bridge spouted > 10
Jars, storage > 10
Cooking pots > 20
Cooking pot, miniature, 1
Incense burners > 2
Brazier
Grille, possibly
Vessels, handmade, indeterminate shape/function > 5
'Altars' > 2
Figurines Male and Female bronze, 5
Male clay, not over 20cm. tall, some with young coiffure (shaved, except a braid in
middle), some with beards (mature), some standing on base > 10
Female clay, not over 20cm. tall, > 10, elaborate coiffures, tall hats, bell-shaped
dresses
Female, naked, pubic triangle incised, 1
Human, enthroned or seated > 3
Human, of above classes, painted details > 3
Human head with thyroid gland, 1
Legs > 10
Arms > 10
Rod or phallus shaped amulets > 4
Cattle > 100 solid and some hollow (the latter are later)
Goats > 20 (rams and ewes)
Animal of above classes with a hole in the muzzle (libations?)
Birds, 1
Fish, 1, shark with nautilus fish attached on top
Beetle > 5
Ball of clay, 1
Tiny shoes > 4
Boat model, 1
Stone Lamps
Offering tables > 2
Discs, schist > 50
Vessels, fragments, most of white limestone, some grey-green serpentinite
Metal Plates used as attachments, gold
Pins, 2
Jewelry, gold (Jones MMI-IIB)
Organic Bones for several meals, some burnt
Shells, some burnt
Other Clay offering tables with relief decoration (small loaves or other)
Pebbles >100 (possibly MMII date)(Nowicki 1994, 36)
Quartz
Flint
Ashes
Most of the above information was taken from Chryssoulaki 1999 and 2001.
23
A.15 VIGLA - ANO VIGLA ZAKROU (SITIA-ZAKROS)
(Jones MM)
Visited by EK, 13/7/1996. The site is located above Zakros, at 711m
above seal level, and has been excavated in 1972 by Davaras. It has only
been briefly reported so far, and the final publication is not expected (Davaras
1973, 592; 1974a, 54). There are no buildings reported except a modern
mandra.
Table 47: The finds from Ano Vigla Zakrou

Pottery Cups, coarse (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Fine pottery, (Jones, MMI-IIB)
Figurines Humans esp. in the clefts of the N summit
Animals esp. in the clefts of the N summit
Other Pebbles
Bones
Ashes
24
A.16 VRYSINAS (RETHYMNON)
(Jones MMI -or later- LMI)
Visited by EK, 15/7/2000. The site is located at the very top of a
mountain overlooking the entire Rethymnon plain and with great visibility
towards the central part of the island. A mountain ridge has a smooth slope
on its northwest side, and that is full of pottery today. On that side of the
ridge the Holy Spirit church was built. An area, 845 square meters large, was
excavated by Davaras in 1972 and 1973. A part of an ancient wall is still
visible on the site (Rutkowski and Nowicki 1988, 160)
The excavations have not been reported in detail and have not been
published. Its study that has already started by Davaras and Dr. Tzachile from
Rethymnon University, will be helpful, as Vrysinas is one of the largest Peak
Sanctuaries on the island and the largest so-far in West Crete (Alexiou 1963a,
315-6; 1963b, 401, 412; Davaras 1973, 583-4; 1974b, 210-213; Tzachile
2001, forthcoming).
Although finds from Geometric, Archaic and Hellenistic periods were
also attested to a smaller extent, the main periods of use were the MMIB, and
especially the MMIII. There was no characteristic pottery from the MMII
period, neither of any period subsequent to the LMIA.
Table 48: The finds from Vrysinas
Pottery Cups, conical, coarse
Jars, bridge spouted
Rhyta, bull >2
Miniature vases >3
Cooking pots, tripod, not burnt (Tzachile 2001)
Brazier
Pithoi, rope decorated
Barbotine ware
Fine wares
Figurines Male (one with a conical hat on), clay >30
Male lead figurines>2
Female, clay >20
Male, bronze, 1
Female, bronze, 1 (Bronze figurines LMI according to Jones)
Parts of human body > 5
Human body without head and arms, 1
Bovids > 300
Sheep and Goats > 30
Fish (Jones)
Birds > 5
Stone Pebbles >20
Offering tables
Offering tables, inscribed
Metal Double axes, small, cutout >1
Bronze knives, miniature, >2
Other Horns of consecration, small, fragments of
Linear A inscriptions on sherds of pottery
Teeth of bull
Eagle talon
Boars tusks
Ashes
Querns
The finds are dated by Jones as OP, unless indicated
25
A.17 XYKEPHALO (SITIA)
(Jones, MMIII)
The site was excavated by Davaras in 1971 and has only been briefly
reported (Faure 1967, 119-20).
A large hole in a centrally positioned rock may have been used and
may be analogous to the central feature in Atsipades. The peak forms a sort
of semi-circular platform. Davaras reports that it did not have any surviving
buildings. A stone rhyton fragment has been reported by Rutkowski (1988,
71-98)
Between two rock protrusions the following items were discovered:
Table 49: The finds from Xykephalo
Pottery Cups, fine ware
Rhyta of very good quality, fine ware (one with Kamares
decoration).
Cups, coarse(Jones MMIII-LMI)
Bowls, coarse (Jones MMIII-LMI)
Vases, with handles in black-blue paint, coarse
Sherds mainly between the rock crevices, coarse
Figurines Human, mainly between the rock crevices.
Statue, cylinder base, brought by locals (this could have been
around 80cm high).
Animal, mainly between the rock crevices (mainly bovids).
Beetles, brought by locals
Other Ashes mainly between the rock crevices.
26
A. 18 YOUKHTAS (HERAKLION-ARKHANES AND KNOSSOS)
Visited by EK, 21/9/200 and 7/7/2002. The 'Peak Sanctuary' at Youktas is
located between Arkhanes and Knossos. Though closer to the former, it
overlooks both settlements. Excavations conducted for a number of years by
Alexandra Ioannidou-Karetsou (1977-1985) have revealed a very important
sanctuary with a central building, a ramp, a surrounding wall and an altar.
The area was levelled by four retaining walls.
A.18.1 The buildings

The main building in the 'Peak Sanctuary' of Youktas seems to have had at
least three phases. One (or more) OP phase(s), for which our knowledge is
limited, and two or three NP ones. The initial NP phase was marked by the
foundation of the extant building, the second by its refurbishment.
A.18.1.2 Old Palace. There seem to exist several walls that are not of the
Neo-palatial phase and are often exclusively founded on Old-palatial remains.
Under the floor of room 2 of the last phase of the building, a stone feature
was found. We have a terminus ante quem for the feature, as it was cut by
the Neo-palatial wall. It differs in construction to other walls that also seem to
be OP in date (h surely is)(Karetsou 1978, 238-41). In room 3 two layers of
an OP wall were found (Karetsou 1989, 244). The wall continues to the north,
under room IV, and nearly touches a column base that was found in the
dividing wall between the two rooms. It continues further north under room 5
and even further towards the OTE station (Karetsou 1980, 348). It also
continued possibly to the south, but the relevant stripe has not been
excavated as the overlying NP floor of room 2 was not removed (Karetsou
1980, 345). The outer wall of room 5 looks just enforced, but it is actually
made out of the continuation of the same OP wall and by a second NP wall
(Karetsou 1980, 349).
A reused block with a Masons’ mark found in trench A is also of great
value for our reconstruction of an OP building as it demonstrates the
existence of a preceding phase.
A.18.1.2 New Palace. The preserved building has five rooms (evidence also
exists for a sixth). They were built in the beginning of the Neo-palatial period
or the end of the Old-palatial (the MMIIIA period is a terminus ante quem
non, as the inferior to the room 2 floor stratum belongs to that MMIIIA date)
(Karetsou 1984, 614). The OP foundation of the eastern wall has been used
as a retaining wall (Karetsou 1980, 347). The initial layout of room 3 in the
NP building was different. A limestone column base was found together with
its foundation in the middle of the dividing wall between rooms 3 and 4. The
column must belong to the initial layout, when the dividing wall was not yet
built and rooms 3 and 4 were united. Contemporary to the construction of the
dividing NP wall, the external walls of rooms 3 and 4 were enforced and
widened (Karetsou 1978, 241-3). Moreover, in the east part of room 3, a
small wall of loose stones was built (125x25cm) (Karetsou 1978, 243). In its
western part a huge square boulder was found with a semicircular depression
on it. The boulder may have belonged to the original NP phase too (Karetsou
27
1976, 414). In the south-western and central part, there are traces of
another, earlier, floor possibly belonging to the same period. There was no
matrix in between this and the later floor. Rooms 4 and 5, when initially built
communicated through a door.
In the ‘refurbishment’ period, which could have taken place on several
occasions in the same period, the rooms 3 and 4 were divided, new floor
covered all the rooms, and the doorway to room 5 was closed (Karetsou
1978, 246). There is a possible third NP period during which the rooms 3 and
4 were modified and reused (Karetsou 1984, 614).
28
A.18.2 The Rooms and their contents
A.18.2.1 Room 1. A thin ash layer covered the greatest part of the floor, from
which several, mostly conical cups, were recovered. A similar ash layer also
covered the floor of room 2.
In the north-western corner, the lower part of an LMIA pithos with a
decorative band near the base and several small handles was in situ. In the
north-eastern corner there is an entrance to room 2. A great number of
conical cups came from the door fill and especially from its western part.
Only a thin strip of floor was preserved on its western side. The central
and mainly the eastern part of the room has been heavily disturbed both in
modern times and in antiquity. The layers below the floor from one
stratigraphical test are as follows:
Layer a: the floor itself, 10-15 cm thick.
Layer b: under layer a, a yellow coloured soil, 35-52cm thick, was
discovered throughout the room.
Layer c: in layer b intrudes a wedge shaped stratum of dark brown soil
without any stones but rich in sherds. This layer exists mainly in the east part
of the room and is 5-35cm.wide. Elsewhere in the building this layer was
more pronounced.
Layer d: mainly on the eastern side of the room, but not on the
western, under layer c, we found a thin ash layer, which belongs to a fire.
Amongst the finds there were several animal bones. This shows that the layer
has to do with ritual fire and is not a destruction layer. This is the layer that
was discovered in all three retaining walls and under all rooms that will be
discussed below. This same layer includes MMIb-III and MMIII-LMI pottery.
Most of the sherds belong to pithoi, cups, spouts etc.
Layer e: Below these four layers, there is another one, which has fewer
sherds (5-25 cm wide), reddish hard soil and is often mixed with the
mountain natural soil. This comes from the earliest use of the site and has
the oldest sherds and finds (Karetsou 1978, 233-38).
29
Table 50: The finds from Room 1 at Youkhtas
Pottery Coarse Cups, [D]
Jars, spouted, [D]
Cooking pots, tripod [B]
Pithos in situ, LMIA (Karetsou 1975, p. 334,B)
Pithoi sherds, decorated [B, D]
Other [B]
Medium Cups, conical [B, A] (second NP), To2
Cups, Semi-globular [B]
Cups, one handled ups [B]
Figurines Human figurines, fewer, [D]
Animal figurines, [D]
Heads of bull, [D]
Balls of clay, [D]
Bones Horns of goat [A]
Scull of goat with its horns [A]
Bones of small animals [A]
Bones of birds [A]
Bones of animals [D]
Other Leaves of gold, [D]
Blades of obsidian (Melos and Nissyros), D
Finds of room 1: B=layer b, A=Ash layer above floor, To2=near the entrance
to room 2, D=layer d
30
A.18.2.2 Room 2. The northern limit of the room is defined by the bedrock
which has been specially rendered and plastered (the plaster remains in
several parts). In the same part of the room a foundation of a door was found
that led to room 3.
In the western part of the room, there is a support wall for retaining
wall II. A protrusion of the natural bedrock was arranged to show a uniform
façade. It is possible that the support wall was also used as a bench for room
2, but that seems to be only a speculation. Actually, the wall may not serve
any special purposes (Karetsou 1976, 411-3).
The initial floor was made in the first NP period and then it was
repaired in the MMIIIB-LMI period. In all the rooms but especially in room 2,
the fill that covered the floors included disparate fragments of similar type to
that of the clay floor, which may have fallen, though, from the walls
(Karetsou 1975, 334). The ash layer mentioned above the floor of room 1
was also discovered in room 2 (Karetsou 1975, 334).
A part of the eastern wall has been destroyed and deceivingly appears
like an entrance.
In general, the layers below the floor are less mixed than in room 1
(Karetsou 1978 238-241). The stratigraphy of the room has as follows:
Layer a: As in room 1, only a strip of floor was preserved to the west
(Karetsou 1976 411). The floor was 8-10 cm thick and was made of
kouskouras earth with schist inclusions (Karetsou 1984, 612).
Layer c: a thick layer of brown soft earth, around 45 cm thick, with
many small, few big rocks, and many sherds was discovered under the floor.
The sherds belong mainly to conical cups of the MMIIIB-LMI period. To the
north of the room there are traces of an older wall. In other parts of the
room, the layer was reduced to a thin layer of broken rocks, schist soil, and
very broken sherds together with brown earth, underlying the floor(Karetsou
1984, 612 and 1976, 413).
Layer b: in the central and eastern part of the room the fill is
interrupted by a thinner (max. 40cm) layer of hard yellowish soil with little
rocks and little balls of kouskouras. It included several MMII – IIIA sherds. In
the same level and under the preparation layer of the floor, there came a
locus of brown soil (Karetsou 1984, 612). In this layer the upper part of a
house model was found very similar to the one at Arkhanes (Karetsou 1984
614).
Layer d: In the eastern part of the room (like room 1) an ash layer was
found under layer c with sherds of MMIIIB-LMI and of MMIB-II periods.
Layer e: just under layer d, a thin layer of reddish hard soil was
discovered, with sparse sherds. This layer sits on the natural bedrock. It is
very important, as there has been very little mixing with other layers. It
mainly comes from the cleaning of the bedrock crevices. The bedrock was
hammered down when it was protruding (perhaps in an earlier period).
31
Pottery Medium Cups, conical (MMIII-LMI), [C]
Cups, handleless (Karetsou 1978 238-241) [D]
Cups, one-handled (angular or cylindrical) (Karetsou
1978, 238-241) [D]
Jars, bridge-spouted (Karetsou 1978 238-241) [D]
Cup, MMIIA, 1, [E]
Cup sherds, tumbler, MMIB, several, [E]
Cups, handleless, discoid base, several, [E]
Cup and jar sherds of the MMIIA times, [E]
Sherds with barbotine and Kamaraic decoration
(Karetsou 1984, 612 and 1978 238-241), [E]
Other House model, upper part, [B-locus]
C, D, E=Layers C, D, E
32
A.18.2.3 Room 3. The floor of room 3 was covered by the same ash layer as
in the other rooms, but here it was 10-25cm thick and included also thick oily
soil, from which important finds were discovered together with many seeds
and pulses (Karetsou 1975, 334 and 1978, 241-2). It extended to the entire
room above the preserved floor, and also in the room's centre, that was
further covered by a pile of rocks fallen from the higher parts of the walls
around. We know that they belonged to walls as they had a greater number
of plaster fragments, ashes and soil mixed together with the large and
medium sized rocks. Another part of the floor was covered by a layer of melt
mudbrick. The floor here was discovered to a greater extent than in rooms 1
and 2, but in a more fragmentary state. It is actually at the same level as the
floor in rooms 2 and 4. Abutting to the southern wall, a lime flagstone was
incorporated to the floor (Karetsou 1978, 241-2). In its western part, two pits
of no particular shape destroyed the floor. The pits were full of ash and
pottery of the late Geometric period. Older excavation evidence proved that
the rooms 3 and 4 were reused in a modified form in the third NP period
(Karetsou 1984, 614).
In this room however, the layers were more mixed than elsewhere in
the building: sherds of the LM IA and of the late geometric period were found
together (Karetsou 1976, 413).
Layer b: Under the floor, a yellowy coloured soil with many intact small
spouted jars, palettes, cups and bowls was found (Karetsou 1978, 245).

Pottery Coarse Jars, spouted, small, [B]
Medium Cups, several of them conical, [B and in wall b-b'].
Bowls, shallow [B]
Stone Palettes [B]
Vessels, crest-like 2
Offering table, square, alabaster, 1
Offering table, obsidian, half
Rock polished with incised rhomboids, [fill under floor]
Plaque, rudely carved in boukranium shape [Fill above
rooms]
Metal Bronze picks, 3
Double-Axe, bronze, 1
Axe, bronze
Leaves, gold
Figurines Animal, some
Organic Seeds [A]
Pulses [A]
Room 3: Karetsou 1980, 1978, 1975, A=ash layer above floor (Karetsou 1975,
334; 1978, 241-2), B=layer b
33
A.18.2.4 Room 4. The rooms 4 and 5, when initially built communicated
through a door. This was subsequently closed during the Neopalatial
rearrangement of the building (Karetsou 1978, 246). The floor of the room
covered a very mixed fill of surface brown earth. The floor was preserved in a
fragmentary state, too, especially in the south-western part of the room
(Karetsou 1978, 246). In the centre of the room a square column base is
preserved (Karetsou 1978, 246). In room 4 the fill was 150cm deep and the
pottery collected was from the MMIA to the MMIII-LMI period (Karetsou
1980, 345). Horns of consecration were found in the fill of room 4 next to the
doorway to the south (Karetsou 1978, 246). Perhaps they were from the
interior of the building.

Figurine Male, bronze (Karetsou 1977, 420)
Seals Lentoid, hematite LMI-II
Chlorite LMIIIA (Karetsou 1978, 255)
Other Horns of consecration
34
A.18.2.5 Room 5. The room was founded sometime between the end of the
OP or beginning of the NP period and was used until the MMIIIB-LMIA-B
period as argues the rich pottery it included. It was the smallest of all rooms.
The eastern wall of the rooms is based on an OP foundation, which
functioned as a retaining wall (Karetsou 1980, 347)
Interesting to note is the MMIa-b deposit discovered in the deepest
layers of the fill below the floor, on the surface of the bedrock and the rock
crevices (layer e elsewhere). Very characteristic of the room was the great
deposition of conical cups of the LMIA period along its western and northern
walls. In the same layer there is an abundance of marine style and reed style
(Karetsou 1979 281). Along the western wall a large concentration of odd
stones together with brown earth was detected (Karetsou 1980, 347).

Pottery Medium Cups conical, LMIA, a lot, W, N
Libation cups in 10s MMIII-LMIA, W, (Karetsou
1978, 246).
MMIB-II sherds, E
Fine Marine style sherds, W, N
Reed style sherds, W, N
Palatial style (?) MMIII-LMI
Figurines Human Male, headless, C.
Animal Bovid, wheel made, inscribed, several, C
Bovid head, human features (1), C
Stone Vessel crest like, chlorite, 1
Vessel, crest like, 1
Vessels of alabaster, C
Offering table, square, alabaster, 1, C
Offering tables, parts of a square and a round, C
Offering tables, square, 3 (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Offering table, square, corner of, 1 (Karetsou 1978,
256-8)
Other Seal, steatite, linear design, LMIIIB, from upper fill
Bead, crest like, (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Leaf, gold, covering scarab (3cm), (Karetsou 1978,
256)
Hammer, clay, C
Room 5, W=West, N=North, C=Centre, North. E=layer e.
35
A.18.2.6 Room 6. Judging by the building materials and the rich finds that
survived the works at the site of OTE, there are indications for the existence
of another room (6) (Karetsou 1980, 349).
Stone Offering table, alabaster, small, square, (Karetsou 1980, 351)
Offering table, serpentinite, square, three depressions, (Karetsou
1980, 351)
Vessels, crest like, (Karetsou 1980, 351)
Vessels, alabaster, (Karetsou 1980, 351)
Table 56: The Layer above the Room floors

Pottery Cups, conical, rm1 (2nd NP)
Bones Goat's scull with horns, [rm1]
Small animal's bones, [rm1]
Bird's bones, [rm1]
Plant Seeds [rm3]
remains Pulses [rm3]
Other Plaster fragments, [rm1]
Horns of consecration, 30 or more [outside rooms]
A.18.3 The Outdoors

The main building was not the only feature in the sanctuary. Four retaining
walls, an altar and a ramp, together with other small walls were also built.
A.18.3.1 Retaining wall I. At the top of the platform created by the retaining
wall, some fragments of a floor were discovered together with white
kouskouras earth, which was normally used as building material. Here, this
material is used for flooring purposes, especially around the 'altar'. Quite
often, gravel was used for flooring too (Karetsou 1978, 247) Under the floor
of the platform created by the retaining walls there were several
stratigraphical layers.
Layer c: Under the floor packing, there was a dark brown layer rich in
late OP and early NP period sherds with many rocks of various shapes and
sizes.
Layer d: Below the previous layer, there was a thick NP ash and burnt
layer that was called the Ash Altar’s deposit by Evans (PMI, fig. 114). It was
discovered under several rooms of the building and also under the floor of the
platforms created by other retaining walls.
Layer e: Under layer d, there was a thin reddish hard layer with many
large stones, a few MMIB sherds and fewer PP sherds.
The foundation of retaining wall I gave Knossian Kamares ware, and
painted plaster in yellow, white and red colours (Karetsou 1985, 290).
Thanks to the study of the reasonably unmixed fill of this retaining
wall, we can conclude, though not with great certainty, that at least for the
respective part of the sanctuary, there were no old-palatial walls in the area.
Moreover, it is quite certain that the edge of the retaining wall is not founded
next to the brink of the chasm by chance. There must have been some sort of
36
a feature or structure around the chasm, something like the extant northern
wall of the retaining wall I. This explains the need for retaining wall II to
extend itself to the north and northeast. As the fill of the wall was taken, the
shape of the altar became clearer, with the discovery of its eastern step,
rendered in a monumental way (Karetsou 1978, 250-2).
A.18.3.1.1 The Bathron A stepped 'altar' or bathron was built on the Chasm
(Karetsou 1975, 330)
The bathron was very important because of:
1) several built in finds (a mason's mark plaque in secondary use and a built
in offering table were found)
2) several important finds found around it, as the inscribed offering tables,
seals and bronze human figurines.
3) The fact that it is built on the natural crevices that go deep in the chasm,
which has most probably ritual significance as the huge number of votives
demonstrates.
The discovery of a votive double axe hoard (28 small 12-9cm, and 2
bigger 24cm) in a pit, subsequently covered by ash makes the bathron an
even more exciting find. On one side of the pit an offering table was found
(abutting to the southern wall, between trench B and corridor B1.
37
Table 57: The finds from the Retaining Wall I at Youkhtas
Pottery OP and NP and possibly some PP.
Bones, Animal Goats (majority) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
shells, bones Caprides (second in numbers) (Karetsou 1978, 256-
etc. 8)
Bovids (third in numbers) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Birds (fewest) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Sea shells Columbella rustica (Karetsou 1978, 258)
Pisania maculosa (Karetsou 1978, 258)
Murex trunculus (Karetsou 1978, 258)
Porphyra (Karetsou 1978, 258)
Thais haemastoma (fewer) (Karetsou 1978, 258)
Figurines Human OP Male (more) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Figurines A male figurine one hand holds a chiton and another
a double axe or sword (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Bases of male figurines (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Female (fewer) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
S-shaped figurines (embryos?) (Karetsou 1978, 256-
8)
Heads (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Limbs (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Palms (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Animal or Several species (Karetsou 1978, 256-8), also E or D,
animal (Karetsou 1978, 249)
related Bird figurines (several) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
figurines Snakes (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Clay balls (a lot) (1978, 256-8), also E or D
(Karetsou 1978, 249)
Other Bulls heads (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Leaves of gold (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
38
A.18.3.2 Retaining wall II. The east façade of this retaining wall was the main
one, as it was built with large impressive boulders. In front of the wall to the
east, half limestone horns of consecration were found to the north, and four
smaller similar horns were collected along the eastern façade (Karetsou 1974,
and 1975 p. 330).
The walls to the north and south of the wall II do not have a good
internal façade. Neither does the retaining wall II (Karetsou 1985, 288).
The construction of both retaining walls I and II is the result of the
same programme that aimed at levelling the slope and the natural rock
chasms for the creation of one large open air space. The construction of
these walls has no matrix, unlike the two north and south smaller walls that
include the abundant white clay earth with schist inclusions.
Supported by the retaining wall were two layers of soil:
1) 30cm thick of brown-red earth with small stones, debris from worked
stone (perhaps by the levelling of bedrock) and several MM II potsherds.
Some of the latter could possibly belong to the transitional period between
the Old and the New Palace periods. The fill of the retaining wall also
contained several bones, and 'votives' that could not easily be
distinguished from the ashy layer below.
2) Burnt oily soil, 25cm thick, similar to other parts of the sanctuary both
open air and roofed (Karetsou 1985, 289).
Here too, the layers seem to follow the general stratigraphy of the rest
of the sanctuary; layer one corresponding to layer c elsewhere, and the oily
burnt layer two, corresponding to layer d. The corridor between retaining
walls I and II had been filled with soil and stones.
A.18.3.2.1 The Chasm and the surrounding structure. A structure that was
not part of the retaining wall II, was discovered, defining the vertical chasm
on its South and East limits. To the east by a small thin, one sided wall, the
continuation of retaining wall I. A square construction to the southeast as the
continuation to the west of retaining wall I. All these were probably built in
the MM II period. The location of the retaining walls I and II near the chasm
is not haphazard. The small walls that surround the chasm demonstrate the
special importance of the latter. They must have also accommodated the
need to protect the chasm from the fill of the retaining walls or even protect
the people from falling (Karetsou 1985, 288).
The chasm was blocked by large boulders that were very difficult to
remove. In the chasm there was a very important fill that could be easily have
been made by the deposition of votives or by the cleaning of the surrounding
area. From the deepest deposits of the chasm MMIa-II period finds were
collected. Next to its verge, several large wheelmade animal figurines were
found, of which other parts belonged to the fill between the 'altar' and
retaining wall I (Karetsou 1974, pl. 9). A total of 250 items, mostly human
figurines, were reported from next to the chasm.
39
Table 58: The finds from the Retaining Wall II at Youkhtas
Pottery Medium Libation vessels
Clay discs (like those in MMI graves)
Coarse Everyday use vessels
Figurines Human Male and female, several
Heads with pin at their base to be spiked somewhere
else.
Human genitals in imitation
Human arm (1) with suspension hole
Human body half (is it dichotomised?)
S-shaped (embryo like)
Animal Animal figurines (85 intact 2-3 cm long)
Wheelmade animal figurines of LMIII period [N]
Piglet imitation
Headless bird
Snakes
Bones Sheep/goat (mainly) C
Other Offering tables in miniature, 2
Horns of consecration (half large and four smaller)
3-sided rhomboid prisms
Flower imitations in clay
Fruit imitations in clay
N= Next to the chasm, C=layer 1
40
A.18.3.3 Retaining wall III. The retaining wall III was built in the beginning of
the NP period (Karetsou 1980, 342) It has the same mode of construction and
was contemporary to the other two (Karetsou 1979, 280). All three walls are
based on mixed OP layers with many sacrifice remains, clay (in
preponderance) and stone artifacts. To these layers a lot of pottery and
artifacts of the MM III-LMI period had pervaded through the rocks of the
walls, that had no matrix. The lower layers of the retaining wall were made of
large raw boulders mixed with burnt earth. The upper layers of the walls were
made of smaller stones resembling a cobblestone (Karetsou 1984, 602-3).
Retaining wall III is lower than the other two retaining walls and rooms 1-5;
their height difference was 280 and 110 cm respectively (Karetsou 1984,
601). In retaining walls I and III the platform created was covered by a layer
of white kouskouras soil, that was used as a type of floor. Several traces of
this floor remain (Karetsou 1980, 339).
Retaining wall III created the area that was subsequently covered by
the rooms. It extended the ritual grounds, so that votives could be laid [or
rituals could have just taken place] as the great deposition of votives at its
edge demonstrates (Karetsou 1980, 342). On this large platform created by
the retaining wall, a deposition of artifacts from the end of the OP to the
second NP period was made. This can be proven by the large number of
artefacts that were found on a strip at the edge of the platform (Karetsou
1979, 280).
The internal fill of the retaining wall III is fully preserved (Karetsou
1984, 601). A stone fill in the retaining wall, covered a burnt layer with mixed
pottery of the MM III-LM I and Old palace period (Karetsou 1985, 290).
Although the fill of the retaining wall is very similar to the stone and clay
votive finds of human figurines, votive offering tables, etc. of walls I and II,
there is a new significant element: LMIIIA2-B period pottery (mainly one
handled cups) (Karetsou 1979, 280). The LMIII items mostly deep cups,
cylikes and craters, were found spread all over the surface of wall III and on
the façade of wall IV.
The eastern façade of the rooms has to its east a very thick layer of
burnt soil with ashes rich in pottery and votives (Karetsou 1977, 419).
Ash layer: Only 40cm deeper than the pavement in front of room II,
there was a burnt deposit full of mixed OP and NP ceramics and very
interesting votives as reported in 1977. This layer is the extension of the Ash
Altar Deposit (layer d) throughout the 'sanctuary'.
41
Table 59: The finds from the Retaining Wall III at Youkhtas
Pottery Medium Cups, deep LMIII [surface and façade of IV]
Cups, conical [surface and façade of IV]
Vessels, libation [surface and façade of IV]
Vessels, crowned, votive, [D], (Karetsou 1980, 341)
Cylikes LMII, IIIA2 [surface and façade of IV]
Craters LMIII [surface and façade of IV]
Cups, one handled with libation holes.
Jars, spouted, [D], (Karetsou 1980, 339)
Ritual vessels, 10 sherds
Stone Offering tables, big or small, 'votive ones' (schist,
conglomerate, serpentine, alabaster, 12 all)
Crest shaped ladles
Querns of sandstone, 2
Offering tables, fragments of 3 inscribed ones (1
grey black serpentine, 2 grey white marble.) (Face,
1984, 603-4)
Many stone offerings (tens), [D] (Karetsou 1980,
339)
Figurines Human Human figurines OP and NP
Male (4)
Human heads(4)
Animal Animal figurines (20 fragmentary) (from a burnt
locus and areas associated with façade of wall III)
Animal hollow figurines LMIII (Karetsou 1984, 608)
Bovids
Goats
Metal Tool of bronze (like top of a staff)
Plates of bronze
Other House model (two columns of it, one of which has
impressed bull-heads decoration on it)
Stucco coloured
Reused block with trident mason's mark
Face= Abutting face of wall III, small burnt area of 2 sq. m. (Karetsou 1984,
603-4), surface and façade of IV (Karetsou 1977, 419). MMIII-LMI if not
indicated (Karetsou 1984, 608-9).
42
A.18.3.4 Retaining wall IV. The existence of another retaining wall further
east than wall III gives to the sanctuary the appearance of a great stepped
platform. From the surface of the wall, a great number of late pottery came
to light, mixed with LMII and MMIII sherds (Karetsou 1980, 343-4)
Table 60: The finds from the Retaining Wall IV at Youkhtas

Pottery Medium Cylikes LMII, LMIII A2, S, (Karetsou 1980, 343-4)
Champaigne cups LMII, LMIII A2 S, (Karetsou 1980,
343 -4)
Cups of MMIII conical, rippling ware S, (Karetsou
1980, 343 -4)
Cups, one handled MMIIIB LMI S, (Karetsou 1980,
343 -4)
Vessels with decoration circles, bull's heads
Figurines Human figurines, several
Animal figure, part of
Pig figurine, part of
Stone Offering tables, parts of
Rhyton, ring of an alabaster rhyton
Metal Lame shaped object, bronze
Other Plaster, coloured
Pin, bone
S= from the surface of the wall. (Karetsou 1980, 343-4).
In other words, the platforms of the retaining walls have exactly the
same stratigraphy as the rooms in the building, and their floors may have
been contemporary.
A.18.3.5 Cyclopean Wall. The surrounding cyclopean wall yielded one LMI
offering table with leaf patterned decoration. The date of its construction is
unknown (Karetsou 1979, 281). The sherds from inside the wall were of
MMIIIB-LMIB period (Karetsou 1980, 353).
The surrounding wall is of cyclopean masonry, one of the most
impressive ones in the whole of the Greek world. In it a stone libation table
was built (perhaps LMI period) with leaf decoration a feature which probably
defines the date as there are tables of earlier date now at Syme. The wall is,
on its north side, 400m away from the present excavation of the 'sanctuary'.
The sherds that were collected from within the wall range from the early OP
to the MMIII-LMI period.
A. 18.4 Overall
The finds of the site are very difficult to date according to their context, as
very rarely are the layers undisturbed. This means, that only some of the
items can be given a terminus post quem date from the date of their
estimated manufacture. Here follows a catalogue of the item types, which
43
have been given a definite date in Palatial times (OP or NP). After that
another catalogue will follow with the item types that have been found in the
site (excluding the post LMII ones), for comparative reasons. There were no
OP items found in situ.
Table 61: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the PP period

Pottery Cups, no handles, discoid base and oval walls: a)
handmade with smoothing tool applied and
separate base, b) wheelmade with handmade
base
Cups sherds, tumbler
Cup and jar sherds
Jars, spouted
Jars, bridge-spouted, (1978, 238-241).
Clay discs
44
Table 62: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the OP period
Pottery Coarse Pithos fragments and Tripod cooking pots
Medium Cups, one handled, angular or cylindrical, with vertical or lace
like handle (Karetsou 1978, 238-241)
Cups, no handles, some with a discoid base, (Karetsou 1976,
414-17 and 1978, 238-241) (MMIA-IIA according to Jones)
Cups, tumbler (MMIB-IIA according to Jones)
Cups, goblet (MMIB-IIA according to Jones)
Cups, carinated with white slip, at least 10 (Karetsou 1985, 293-
6)
Cups, of other types
Bowls, shallow (MMIB according to Jones)
Jars, bridge-spouted (MMIB-II according to Jones)
Jars, spouted, with five different rayed or dotted motifs,
barbotine sometimes, some small, one-handled/handleless, some
with breast like protrusions
Plates, shallow handmade or wheel-made
Miniature vases (Jones)
Rhyton, bull shaped (Jones)
Cylindrical sealed handle of a wide mouthed vessel.
Fine Cups, eggshell ware (MMIA-IIA according to Jones)
Vase, large, squat, (MMIB-IIA according to Jones)
Several sherds, Kamaraic style, (Karetsou 1984, 612 and 1978,
238-241)
Sherds, Barnacle ware (Jones)
Figurines Human Human figurines (Jones OP), bronze
Male, several.
Bases of male figurines (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Female (fewer) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
S shaped figurines (Karetsou 1978, 256-8) several
Heads (Karetsou 1978, 256-8) several of them independent
Arms, some with suspension hole
Palms (Karetsou 1978, 256-8), several
Legs (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Human genitals in imitation (we are not certain if they were
mistakenly recognised as such, due to a similar mistake at
Atsipades)
Animal and Bovids, and bull's heads (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
other Goats
figurines Birds, several small a)3 wings, b)cross shape,42-62mm
Bird figurine, steatite
Snakes (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Balls of clay, (a lot) (Karetsou 1978, 256-8)
Fruit, imitations
Stone As the association of Offering tables was made at Syme later
than the conclusion of excavations, no offering tables have been
associated with the OP period at Youkhtas, we consider possible
however, that some of them did actually belong to this period
too.
Bowls (Jones)
Kernoi (Jones)
Metal Plates, gold, small
Bead, gold
Dagger (Jones MMII)
Other House model, part of
Animal bones (Jones OP)
45
Table 63: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the NP period
Pottery Coarse Cooking pot, tripod (Jones NP)
NP Pithos, both in situ and in great quantities of sherds (some
decorated (Karetsou 1975, 334 and 1976, 414-17).
Medium Cups, conical, both in situ and in fills, greatest majority (Karetsou
1980, 343-4 and 1976, 414-17.)
Cups, one handled (Karetsou 1980, 343-4)
Cups, handleless
Cups, one handled with libation holes, several, (Karetsou 1978,
246)
Cups, skyphoid (Jones, LMIA)
Plates, (Jones NP)
Vessels, libation
Jugs (Jones, NP)
Jars, bridge-spouted, (Karetsou 1978, 238-241)
Jars, open-spouted, often with ring on neck
Jars, spouted, (Karetsou 1980, 339)
Bucket shaped vessels (Jones NP)
Vessels, crowned, votive, (Karetsou 1980, 341)
'Ritual' vessels of various types (unspecified)
Sherds with bull head sealings deco (Karetsou 1985, 290)
Fine Marine style sherds
Reed style sherds
Palatial style
Tortoise shell ripple ware
Figurines Human Male, several
Female, several
Pregnant woman
Needle shaped bronze base figurines (Karetsou 1976, 410)
Half bodied figurines, as if cut, (Karetsou 1985, 290)
Human, bronze (Jones NP)
Male, lead (Jones NP)
S shaped figurines
Heads, some with pin at their base to be spiked somewhere else
male head with complex coiffure (Karetsou 1985, 290)
Limbs possibly
Animal and Bovid
other Bull's heads
figurines Pigs (Jones, NP)
Goats
Bird figurines (Karetsou 1985, 290)
Snakes (1978, 256-8)
Balls of clay
Flower imitations in clay
Fruit imitations in clay
Stone Offering tables some inscribed, round or square, some footed.
Several materials vained alabaster, grey-black serpentinite,
limestone, schist, conglomerate, serpentine, grey white marble
(Karetsou 1984, 603-4)
Offering tables, miniature, some stepped, serpentinite, schist,
conglomerate, serpentine, alabaster (Karetsou 1976, 414-17)
'Altars' (Jones NP)
Kernoi (Jones NP)
Vessels, crest-like, ladles (Karetsou 1975, 335-7)
Querns of sandstone
Many stone 'offerings', (Karetsou 1980, 339 )
46
Table 63: The finds from Youkhtas belonging to the NP period
Metal Plates of bronze
Vase overlays in gold (Jones NP)
Dagger, (Jones NP)
Tool of bronze (like top of a staff)
Tools votive (non utilitarian), (Karetsou 1985, 290)
Double axes (Votive, Jones NP)
Jewellery in Bronze (Jones NP)
Seals and Lentoid, hematite LMI-II (4)
beads Sealing clay (Jones NP)
Other House model, (two columns of it, one of which has impressed
bull-heads decoration on it)
47
Table 64: The finds from Youkhtas
Pottery Coarse Pithos in great quantities
Cooking pots, tripod
Cooking jars, tripod
Everyday use vessels
Medium Cups, conical
Cups, one handled, angular or cylindrical, with vertical or lace
like handle
Cups, double handled with angular sides near the shoulders
Cups, handleless discoid or flat base, several (some with oval
walls) either a) handmade or b) wheelmade
Cups, one handled with libation holes.
Cups sherds, tumbler, several
Cups, goblet
Cups, carinated with white slip
Cups, miniature, handleless
Cups, semiglobular
Bowls, semiglobular, many one handled (though fewer than
conical), or handleless
Bowls, shallow, few
Jars, bridge-spouted
Jars, open-spouted, often with ring on neck
Jars, beak-spouted, with little clay eyes added on.
Jars, spouted, one-handled/handleless, some small, with two
breast like protrusions
Plates, shallow handmade/wheel-made
Vessel, large and squat (Jones OP)
Vessels, crowned, votive,
Vessels libation
Seed receptacles, very few
Clay discs
Vessels with decoration circles, bull's heads
Cylindrical sealed handle of a wide mouthed vessel
Sherds with bull head sealings deco
Fine Cups, egg shell ware
Marine style
Reed style
Palatial style
Barbotine style
Kamares style
Figurines Human Male, carrying a peplos and a sword or double axe
Male bronze
Bases of male figurines, some needle shaped
Female
Lead and bronze figurines
Figurines, half bodied, as if cut,
S shaped figurines
Heads some independent, others with pin at their base to be
spiked somewhere else
male head with complex coiffure
Human arms with suspension hole
Palms
Legs
Human genitals in imitation (possibly a mistake of interpretation)
48
Animal and Several species (including sharks)
other Cattle, some wheel made, and few inscribed,
figurines Bulls heads, one with human features
Goats
Piglet
Bird (several), small, 3 wings/cross shape, 42-62mm few
headless
Snakes
Balls of clay, many
Flower
Fruit
Organic Bones
residues Seeds
Pulses
Seal shells (Columbella Rustica, Pisania Maculosa, Murex
Trunculus, Porphyra, Thais Heamastoma) and gastropods,
brought dead to the sanctuary.
Ashes and charred wood
Bones Goat/sheep (most), also scull with horns, horns. Some of the
bones with slaughter marks
Caprides (second in numbers)
Bovids (third in numbers)
Birds/fowls (fewest)
Bones of small animals
Stone Altars (Jones OP and NP)
Offering tables some inscribed, round or square, some footed.
Several materials vained alabaster, grey-black serpentinite,
limestone, schist, conglomerate, serpentine, grey white marble
Offering tables, miniature, some stepped, serpentinite, schist,
conglomerate, serpentine, alabaster
Kernoi
Vessels (ladle), crest-like of chlorite, multicoloured rock etc,
some inscribed
Palettes
Rock polished with incised rhomboids
Plaque, rudely carved in boukranium shape.
Vessels of alabaster
Querns of sandstone
Basin, small
Vessel, open shape, with beginning of handle
Plates, steatite, 8-shaped, shell shaped
Metal Pins or nails, one with golden head
Roundel, bronze with gold plating
Miniature items, with gold plating
Bronze picks, some in miniature
Double-Axes, bronze, various sizes
Axe, bronze
Plates, gold
Plates, bronze
Tool, bronze (like top of a staff)
Tool, bronze for the decoration of metal surfaces
Tools, bronze, plate, votive (non utilitarian)
Knives, small
Jewellery bronze
49
Seals and Pendant with Scorpion, insect, snake, in filigree
beads Seals: Lentoid, hematite; jasper, octapus deco; several jasper;
Chlorite; steatite, linear design; chlorite, bull devoured by lion;
with S shaped abstract figurines (3); Sealing, clay, with a floral
motif
Beads, crest like; 8-pointed; shell shaped; amygdaloid; of sard;
rock crystal; amethyst; lapis; clay-rhomboid (R)
Leaf, gold, covering scarab
3-sided rhomboid prisms
Other Blades of obsidian (Melos and Nissyros)
Horns of consecration
Hammer, clay,
House models 1)corner of, 2) upper part (two columns of it, one
of which has impressed bull-heads decoration on it)
Altar, miniature biconcave (15cm)
Offering tables in miniature, clay
A=Ash layer above floor, B, C, D, E=Layers b,c,d,e; W=West, N=North C=Centre, North, S=
from the surface of the wall
50
A. 19 ST. GEORGE (KYTHERA ISLAND-KASTRI)
The 'Peak Sanctuary' of St. George on the island of Kythera was excavated by
Sakellarakis in the years 1992-4. The quality of the excavation was very good,
and the finds were reported adequately (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99).
The features of the 'Peak Sanctuary' were not recovered, due to the
subsequent building activities at the hill's summit with the exception of one
small LM I closed deposit (Tournavitou 2000, 297). It is not possible to
determine, therefore, whether there were any built structures on the peak or
not. The peculiarity of this site, as far as the excavation is concerned, is that
not only areas on the summit but also areas on the slopes of the hill were
excavated. It is the first time that we have had detailed study of slopes under
'Peak Sanctuaries' (where presumably the debris of the sanctuary would have
been found). It is possible that there might be a discrepancy in the final finds.
Their majority (more than 95% of the pottery) belonged to the NP, though a
small number of OP ones were also recovered.
51
Table 65: The finds from the Peak Sanctuary of St. George at Kythera
Pottery Cups, Barbotine ware, one with sea shell, on with horns of consecration applique,
MMIB-II (Tournavitou 2000)
Cups, Kamares ware >3
Cups, carinated >4, MMIB-II (Tournavitou 2000)
Cups, conical, >8140, MMIII-LMI (94% not decorated, 3% fine ware fully
coloured) (Tournavitou 2000)
Cups, straight sided >1200 (70% not fine decorated, 13% fully decorated) MMIII-
LMIA (Tournavitou 2000)
Cups, tumbler >1000 MMIII-LMIA (Tournavitou 2000)
Cups, semi-globular >40 LMIA-IB (Tournavitou 2000)
Cups, vafeio type >4 all fine ware and decorated (Tournavitou 2000)
Plates, small >29, clay with inclusions (Tournavitou 2000)
Jars, Bridge Spouted >4, MMIB-II (Tournavitou 2000)
Jars, spouted, miniature>25 (and 714 sherds) NP, of various types plus a new type
with vertical incisions on its body (Tournavitou 2000)
Jars, spouted >32 (33% not decorated) (Tournavitou 2000)
Rhyta MMIII-LMI >12 LMIA-IB, 42% conical, 95% fine, many decorated
(Tournavitou 2001, forthcoming)
Cooking pots, tripod >10 of two types, MMIB-IIIA (Tournavitou 2000)
Incense burners, shallow >6, post-MMIIIB (Tournavitou 2000)
Pithoi or pithoid jars >5 MMIIIB-LMIB (Tournavitou 2000)
Figurines Human, clay, few (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Human, bronze, 83, in various stances (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Human parts of body, bronze; lower part of torso, cutout, 1 (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-
99)
Human, cutout, man; cutout woman (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Animal, clay, few (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Bird, clay, 1 (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Bull's head, large, fragment, 1 (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Scorpion, bronze, 1 (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Clay balls, 2 (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Stone Cup, conical, black steatite 1, MM III-LMI (Banou 2000, 386)
Cup, tankard, black steatite 1, early LM (Banou 2000, 385)
Ladles 7, one with linear A, others from red stone and steatites, LMI (Banou 2000,
387-388)
Bird's nest vases, 3, miniature, one in alabaster, LMI (Banou 2000, 388)
Offering tables, fragments of, alabaster, serpentinite, and calcites>4, MMIII-LMI,
(Banou 2000, 386)
Lamps, fragments of 2, rosso antico (Banou 2000, 385)
Sword part, marble 1 (Banou 2000, 384)
Axes, 2, (Banou 2000, 384)
Blades, obsidian (Banou 2000, 384)
Pestle, white stone 1 (Banou 2000, 384)
Metal Knife, votive (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Blades, cutout (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Double axe, bronze, large (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Other Mortar, pieces, indicative of walls, LMI (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Pieces of possibly unworked rosso antico and other hard stones (Banou 2000,
388)
Libation table, clay, imitation (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Jewelry, gold (Sakellarakis 1996, 81-99)
Beads, 4, possibly from one necklace, faience LMI, 2; rock crystal LMI ; sard LMI
(Banou 2000, 384)
Beads, from faience, agate, sard, rock crystal, steatite, serpentinite; (Banou 2000,
384)
Figurine, uncertain interpretation, marble (Banou 2000, 388)
52
B. Sites associated with Peak Sanctuaries
B.1 ANEMOSPELIA (ARKHANES-YOUKHTAS)
Visited by EK, in July 23, 1994 and 8/9/2001. The building at Anemospelia,
between Arkhanes and Knossos, was excavated by Y. Sakellarakis in 1979.
The excavation was of high quality and was extensively reported (Sakellarakis
and Sakellaraki 1979, 347-392). A summary of the reports and pictures of
good quality were published in the new guide of the site Arkhanes: Minoan
Crete under new Light, Athens: Ammos publications, 1997. According to
Sakellarakis, the excavation is not yet complete. We do not know if there was
a continuation of the building or if there was a court to its north.
During the excavations, a three room building with an anteroom
running along the front was discovered. Three entrances to the anteroom
correspond to three further entrances to the rooms. Two walls extended from
the anteroom to the north and outwards flanking the central entrance. The
west wall, much thicker, may have supported stairs to the roof. The walls of
all rooms were covered with white plaster, possibly decorated with a red
band, as three red fragments were found mainly in the west room.
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 491)
B.1.1 Antechamber
The Anteroom (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 275-279) is a rectangular
chamber with three openings to its north corresponding to three to its south.
Due to the amount of finds it is possible that the room was furnished with
clay daubed wooden shelves (like those in the rooms). In the western part of
the building there are certain asymmetrical features of the architectural plan.
The entrance to the west room is not located in the middle but to the side,
thus not corresponding to the respective entrance from outside to the
antechamber. Moreover, the exterior wall to the west is thicker, perhaps
supporting a staircase that would lead to a terrace above.
Carved in front of the threshold to the west room was a small channel
running west, which followed the edge of the pier and alcove to terminate in
a pit. The latter was dug exactly at the base of the alcove to the west.
Furthermore, the thin wall of the alcove was covered by thin plaster that
could have been decorated.
Built-in furnishings were found to the east of each room entrance. The
central of these was the most important. It is a deep stone basin embedded
into the earth and secured by slabs of stone. This basin and the entrance
door to the central room, which was a double timber one (from the traces on
the threshold and the burn marks), stress the importance of the room.
It is also notable that a bench runs along the north wall (possibly not
along the entire wall).
53
Table 66: The finds from the Antechamber at Anemospelia
Pottery Discs, clay, 1m diam. 3mm thick (with the bones in them),
(Sakellarakis rough lower surface (to be placed on a base)
and Pithoi (some with Linear A inscriptions) (20), (Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki Sakellaraki 1997, 582)
1997, 290). Large closed vessels
Tripod cooking pots (11) decorated or covered with a slip
Baskets of clay
Offering table with incised foliate motifs (near the bones)
Stone Teapot, steatite, wide mouth, large vertical, two smaller flat
handles, tubular spout, very rare (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki
1997, 575)
Grinders (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 582)
Basins
Organic Seeds, carbonised
Some bones, found in the W, away from the cooking pots
(pigs, goats, bulls) on top of the clay discs
Human bones
B.1.2 The Central Room

Only a small corridor between the pithoi and the rest of the pottery was left
for movement in the centre of the room. The end of the room, however, was
empty. At that point, the natural rock was at a higher level than the floor and
an uncut protrusion was left in the south-west part rising above the floor
surface and running some 340cm from north to south. It may have acted as a
rough bench. Otherwise, it is difficult to explain.
Table 67: The finds from the Central Room at Anemospelia

Pottery Rhyton, globular, hole in the base [on the bench]
Jug, bucket like [on the bench]
Jug, bucket-like, relief decoration with white male bull with red
spots and several floral and abstract motifs, rim with four
rosettes, 3 handles, a spout, painted, incised, moulded [near
the entrance] (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 548-62)
Pithoi, (12) (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 469-70)
Vessels small and large around the pithoi
Stone Grinders (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 582)
Other Feet (2) [on the bench]
B.1.3 The East Room

The end of the room contained a three level stepped ‘altar’. The east room
was not easily negotiable, since large pithoi were standing next to the wall.
The natural rock was used as a base to the stepped ‘altar’. On the steps of
the ‘altar’ 24 different characteristic objects were closely packed.
54
Table 68: The finds from the East Room at Anemospelia
Pottery Cups, calyx (3), one with relief foliate motifs
Jugs, several types
Jug, libation
Askos (foliate decoration too)
Vases, small [on benches]
Pithoi (5), two decorated (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997,
469), two polychrome decorated, one of them like the bull
vase in central room
Buckets, clay, one with Linear A inscription [on benches]
Buckets, clay from the Antechamber, may belong here
Stone Offering table, steatite, internal large depression [lowest
bench level, centre]
Disc, steatite, like an offering table without the foot, hole in
the top of flat rim, (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 575)
Basins
Vases, small [benches]
Grinders (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 582)
Pebbles (sea or river), 11
Metal Chisel (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 627, 601), early
type
Boxes, bronze, round (2), perforated (Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1997, 603, 632)
B.1.4 The West Room

There is only one stone platform in the centre of the west room, on which a
sacrificial victim was found.
Table 69: The finds from the West Room at Anemospelia

Pottery Kamares ware, piece with branch decoration [fallen from
above]
Metal Blade, of spear (special series with boars head on)
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 597-9)
Organic Human skeletons, (3)
Other Ring, silver cast with iron, signet [on 38 year old man]
(Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 613, 649-51)
Seal, agate [on 38 year old man] (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki
1997, 613, 649-51)
Fingerprint, [on the wall]
Other finds included a footed cup with one handle and relief decoration
of a flower (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997, 545) and a fragment of stone
horns of concentration that were found before the excavations. Two trachite
mortars were also found. (Sakellarakis and Sakellaraki 1997,582).
55
Table 70: The finds from Anemospelia
Pottery Cup, footed, one handled
Cups, calyx
Discs, clay, 1m(diam.)x3mm(thick), (with the bones in them)
Rhyton, globular, hole in base
Jugs, bucket like, 3 handles, spout, 1 decoed white male bull
with red spots 3 handles, a spout, painted, incised, moulded
Jug, libation
Askos
Buckets, one with Linear A inscription
Baskets, clay
Tripod cooking pots some decorated
Pithoi (some with Linear A inscriptions), two decorated
Kamares ware
Vessels, large closed
Vases, small, several
Offering table with incised foliate motifs
Stone Teapot, steatite, wide mouth, large vertical, and two smaller,
tubular spout
Basins
Vases, small
Disc, steatite, like an offering table without the foot, hole in
the top of flat rim
Offering table, steatite, internal large depression
stone horns of concentration that were found before the
excavations
Grinders
Mortars, trachite
Pebbles (sea or river)
Metal Boxes, bronze, round, perforated
Blade, of spear
Chisel, early type
Stone Human skeletons, and bones
Animal bones, served on discs (see above)
Seeds, carbonised
Other Ring, silver cast with iron, signet
Seal, agate
Feet , 2, clay
Fingerprint
56
B.2 BUILDING B (ARKHANES-YOUKHTAS)
Visited by EK, 13/10/2001. To the north of the Youkhtas 'Peak Sanctuary',

another building, similar in plan to Building 4, was found in the area called
Σώπατο Αλωνάκι. It was well excavated by Karetsou in the late '80s but has
not been reported yet in any detail (Karetsou 1988, 160-5; 1989, 150).
In its last phase the building was possibly constructed in the MMIIIA
and destroyed in the MMIIIB. The 454 square meters large building followed
the existing relief of the area. There are three areas that can be distinguished
(Karetsou 2001, forthcoming):
a) a court with an interior paved area
b) the rooms of the west wing
c) the northwestern area
Each area could be entered by an independent entrance. Two of these

entrances, that of the court and that to the rooms of the west wing, faced the
Peak Sanctuary of Youkhtas.
B.2.1 The court

Green schist that was placed forming rays from the court's centre, was used
for decoration. A duct was used to drain the court.
Apart from a considerable number of rooms, a large paved court of
carefully placed stones was also discovered. A larger schist plaque was found
in the middle, while a duct channeled the water or other liquids off the court.
It is possible that the court was also used for workshop/preparation
activities.
Table 71: The finds from the Court at Building B

Pottery Cups, conical MMIIIB
Trays MMIIIB
Amphoras MMIIIB
Vessels, bucket like MMIIIB
Stone Querns MMIIIB
Mortars MMIIIB
Vessels, bucket like MMIIIB
B.2.2 The West Wing

Three to four rooms with two entrances used well trodden earth for floors. A
concentration of ash was found with bones of sheep and/or goats.
B.2.3 The Northwestern Area

One of the rooms of that area is 10 square meters large and is entered
through two steps. In this room (1) at least 4 pithoi were found (possibly up
to 8). A base for the support of a vessel was found in room two. The room
was 5 square meters large and was a storeroom where tens of conical cups,
and some amphoras and bowls were found. From the upper floor a
serpentinite lamp had fallen together with stucco, seals and a vessel made in
alabaster.
57
Table 72: The finds from the Northwestern Area at Building B
Pottery Cups, conical >50
Bowls
Amphoras
Other Lamp, serpentinite [from above]
Vessel, alabaster [from above]
Seals >1 [from above]
Table 73: the finds from Building B

Pottery Cups, conical, MMIIIB, >60 [Court, Northwest Area]
Bowls [Northwest Area]
Trays MMIIIB [Court]
Amphoras MMIIIB [Court, Northwest Area]
Vessels, bucket like MMIIIB [Court]
Stone Querns MMIIIB [Court]
Mortars MMIIIB [Court]
Vessels, bucket like MMIIIB [Court]
Bone Goat and/or sheep bones [West Wing]
Other Lamp, serpentinite [from above Northwest Area]
Vessel, alabaster [from above Northwest Area]
Seals >1 [from above Northwest Area]
All finds were mainly from the MMIIIA-B phase
58
C. Sites Associated with Larger Structures
C.1 THE LOWER WEST COURT SANCTUARY (PHAESTOS)
C.1.1 Dating and Features
Visited by EK on several occasions, material studied on 19-21/9/2000. The
'Lower West Court Sanctuary' Complex, was destroyed during the MMIIB
period. A subsequent effort to rebuild, at a higher level, rooms LIX and LX of
its southern started almost immediately. The refurbishment of these rooms
was lavish and impressive. It is possible that prior to the destruction, rooms
LIX and LX did communicate internally with the room LVIII, as there was no
way in through the court. The entrance to room LIX from the court was cut
after the MMIIB destruction. Rooms LIX and LX, especially the former, prior to
their lavish refurbishment, were possibly storerooms1. Most of the rooms of
the lower 'West Court Sanctuary' had benches.
Room IL had three stone benches, a paved floor that had been
plastered in parts, and a cupboard; the bench on the north was made of a
mass of pottery sherds that were dated to the start of MMIIA period. The
rooms XXVII-XXVIII had two benches, the same floor as IL, and a storage
cist. Room LVI had also two benches and a paved floor with flagstones. Room
LIII had a gypsum floor and a small cupboard under the stairs. The floor of
LIV was covered with plaster, while there was also a bench in the room.
Room LV, also had a plastered floor, a plastered bench and a cupboard.
Group LVIII had a gypsum floor and bench with a cupboard, a plaster floor,
and a flagged floor as one moved inwards into the rooms (Carinci 2001,
forthcoming).
After the destruction of the entire quarter and contemporary to the
refurbishment of rooms LIX and LX, auxiliary rooms to the Upper West Court
Sanctuary were attached. Interestingly enough, it seems that one of the
raised walk-ways of the lower west court led originally to the square
surrounded by the complex. This shows that the complex was of great
importance to the Palace.
C.1.2 Finds
Keith Branigan (1987, 245-9) in a highly thought provoking article has
reconstructed a lapidary workshop in the centre of this complex. He made
several interesting observations.
Room IL in the north wing, must have been a pottery storage as it

contained almost a quarter of all the pottery found in the early phase of the
palace. It had all types of pottery, and Branigan reconstructs it as a general
pottery store. The ensuing rooms, of the wing, XXVII and XXVIII, included
many pithoi (almost a third of all the pithoi excavated from this period at
Phaestos), stamnoi (a 6th of all the stamnoi) and amphorae (a 7th of all the
amphoras) (Levi 1976, 74-96, 105-120).
Before the construction of LVII and LVI, sometime late in the first
phase of the palace, the area covered by them, would have been a small
59
square. Then rooms IL, XXVII, and XXVIII would easily communicate with the
rest of the complex.
Table 74: The finds from the North Wing at the LWCS
Pottery Room IL Cups 3
Cup, carinated, 2
Cup, straight based
Cup, hemispherical, 2
Bowl, spouted, 2
Plate, tripod, 3
Pot
Jugs, 8
Jugs, ascoid, 2
Jugglets, 9
Jars, bridge spouted, small and large,
7
Amphora, 11
Vase with horns
Vase, bucket shape
Vase, with incised sign
Basin
Tripod cooking pot, 2
Pithos
Pithos, small
Strainer
Grater
Chandelier or lamp or kernos
Lamps, 4
Salt shaker
Stone Room IL Vases, 12
Lids, 5
Offering table
Querns, 4
Plaque, 2
Weights of Kouskouras, 3
Weights, 2
Obsidian blade
Other Room IL Straw, ivory
Grill (2)
Potter's wheel
Bar of bronze, small
Agrimi horns
Ostrich shell
60
Table 74: The finds from the North Wing at the LWCS
Pottery Room IL, bench remodelling Cups, conical
Cups, carinated, 10
Cups, hemispherical
Cup, 5
Cups, small with a spout, 5
Cups, small, 16
Cups, small, miniature
Fruit bowl
Rhyton, animal shape, 3
Fire box
Pyxis
Jugs, 6
Jug, ascoid
Jugglets, 9
Pots, 2
Jars, open spouted, 2
Jars, bridge spouted, 3
Plates, 10
Amphora
Amphora, pithoid
Amphoras, small 2
Hydria, small
Stamnos
Askos
Lamp, at least 3
Lid, 3
Vase with spout, 2
Vase trunk-like, 2
Vase, four handled
Vase, bucket like, small, 3
IL Inferior strata Cups, small, 3
Cups, 2
Cup, carinated
Straight sided cup
Jar
Jug
Stone figurine
Flint dagger
61
Pottery Rooms XXVII-XXVIII Cups, hemispherical, 2
Cups, cylindrical, 3
Cups, carinated, 2
Cups, straight based, 3
Bowl
Cups, small, 5
Cups, small, with spout
Pots, 2
Jugs, 6
Jugs, ascoid, 2
Jugglets, 3, 2 with vertical handles
Jugglets, 3
Jar, basket like
Jar, bridge-spouted
Amphoras, 3
Amphora, small
Lids, 4
Pyxis
Pithoi, small, 3
Vase, four handled
Vase, bucket like
Vase, bucket like, pithoid
Vase, bridge-spouted
Vase
Plate
Other Rooms XXVII-XXVIII Bone awl
Weight of Kouskouras
Stone vase
Tablet, inscribed
Lamps, 5
Spindle whorls, 2
Inferior strata Rooms XXVII-XXVIII Lid
The central wing of the complex was the one that was reconstructed
as lapidary's workshop by Branigan. There, and especially in rooms LI, LIV
and LXII, the density of the pottery was very low. The stone objects found
there however, were many: 21 finished stone vases and 17 inlays, polishers,
a stone mortar and some pieces of raw material of obsidian and steatite. A
bronze chisel may also have been used in such a workshop. 14 stone loom-
weights, and a potter's wheel were found there too, that reflected either
other workshop activities, or storage of equipment. They pose a problem to
the positive identification of the rooms as, exclusively, a lapidary workshop.
Branigan further reconstructs LI as a possible office, since 8 sealings
were found there (another 3 elsewhere in the same block of rooms). The area
below the stairs between LIII and LV was very interesting, as it does not fit
with the reconstruction of the entire group as lapidary's workshop either. It
contained a great deal of cups (more than half of all the cups from this phase
62
of the palace) that would have been used for drinking activities. Although, the
reconstruction of a lapidary workshop seems plausible, one should not rule
out the possibility that the same group of rooms were used for other
purposes as well.
Table 75: The finds from the Central Wing at the LWCS
Pottery Room LIII Cup, conical
Cups, straight sided, 2
Jug ascoid
Jar bridge-spouted
Amphoras, 2
Vase, horned
Lid
Pithos, miniature
Brazier
Lamp, fragment of
Stone Room LIII Lamp
Lid
Quern
Steatite fragment
Other Room LIII Tablet
Pottery room LI Cup, hemispherical

Cup, carinated
Pot
Jugglets, 2
Amphora, small
Grater
Lamp
Stone Room LI Vases, 4
Quern
Pendant
Metal Room LI Trowel
Other Room LI Sealings, 8
63
Pottery Room LIV Cup, hemispherical
Cup, straight based
Cup, straight sided
Cup, small
Fruit bowls, 2
Plates, 5
Pot
Bottle
Jar, elliptical
Jar, bridge-spouted
Amphora, small
Lids, 2
Lamp
Brazier, little
Other Room LIV Lamp
Mortar
Querns, 3
Weight in Kouskouras
Pottery, under stairs between rooms Cups, 5

LIII and LV Cups, large, 3
Cup, carinated
Cups, cylindrical, 3
Cup, hemispherical
Cup, small
Bowls, 10
Plates, many more than 4
Amphora
Jugglet
Tripod cooking pots, 2
Vase, horned
Pithos, miniature
Other, under stairs between rooms Awls, bone, 2
LIII and LV Seal
Sealings, 2
Weights made in Kouskouras, 6
Grill
Spit holder
Trowels, 3
64
Pottery, Room LV Fruit bowl
Rhyta, 2
Jugs, 3
Jugs, three handled, 2
Jug, ascoid
Amphoras, 6
Amphora, small
Jar, bridge-spouted
Pilgrims flask
Vase, bucket shape
Vase, little basket shape
Vase, horned
Crater
Basins, 2
Tripod, cooking pot
Incense burner
Plate, small
Strainer
Brazier
Lamp
Foot in clay
Base
Stone Room LV Vases, 5
Querns, 2
Steatite fragment
Lamp
Other Room LV Chisel, bronze
Trowels, 6
Sealing
Hearth
Fossil shell
Pottery Room LXII Cups, straight base, 2

Plates, 2
Vase, with a spout
Pithos, small
Potters Wheel, 2
Brazier
Other Room LXII Querns, 3
Weight
Tablet, bone
Trowel, bone
The next wing, that also communicated with the above two via the
original square, comprised the rooms LVIIIa, b, c, d, and e. This wing also
had a low concentration of pottery but for another reason; it contained eight
65
large pithoi, concentrated mainly in rooms c and d (one in b) and clearly
functioned as a storeroom.
Table 76: The finds from the Rooms LVIIIa-e at the LWCS
Pottery Rooms of LVIII Cup, miniature
Cups, carinated, 3
Cup, hemisperical
Cup, cylindrical
Fruit bowl
Bowl with spout, 2
Plate, little
Pot
Fire-box
Jug
Jugglet
Amphora, small
Jar, bridge spouted, 3
Pithos, 6
Grater
Vase, cage shaped
Lamp
Lid
Stone Rooms of LVIII Vase, 2 or more
Lid
Object
Obsidian fragment
Weights, in Kouskouras, at least 4
Other Rooms of LVIII Figurine, thin, fragment
String of a necklace
Needle, bone
Fibula or awl, bone
The South Wing, comprising rooms LIX, LX and LXIV was very lavishly
made, when after the destruction of the entire complex, these rooms were
refurbished (MMIIB2). From the pottery found under the raised floor of the
rooms, one can suppose that the complex functioned also as a storeroom. It
is notable that until the refurbishment of its rooms, this wing did not
communicate directly with the west court. The concentration of pottery in the
later phase (after the refurbishment of the MMIIB period) was not great, as
possibly the function of the room changed.
66
Table 77: The finds from the South Wing at the LWCS
Pottery Room LIX (later phase) Cup, straight based
Cup, hemispherical
Cup, small
Pyxis
Jug
Jug, three handled
Jar, bridge spouted
Vase, bucket shape
Amphora
Brazier
Grill
Lid
Stone Room LIX (later phase) Vases, 2
Basin
Weight in kouskouras
Pottery, Room LX Cups, 2

Pyxis
Bottle
Jugs, ascoid, 2
Jugglets, 2
Jar, bucket shaped
Amphora, small
Vase, bucket shaped, small
Vase, cage shaped
Grater
Lamps, 2
Spindle, whorl
Stone Room LX Querns, 2
Weight in Kouskouras
Pottery Room LXIV Plate, little

Pyxis
Foot, thin
Basin
Stone Room LXIV Palette
Other Room LXIV Button
Finally, in the south suite (D. Levi, 1976, 74-96 and 105-120) of rooms
LXI, LXIII and LXV, a great concentration of bridge spouted jars, handled
jugs, and low flared dishes were found (a fifth of the total found in this period
of the palace), possibly serving similar purposes to the specialised store of the
cupboard under the stairs LIII-LV.
67
Table 78: The finds from the South Suite at the LWCS
Pottery Room LXI Cups, miniature
Plates, 3
Jugglet
Rhyton
Jar, open spouted
Jar, bridge spouted
Amphoras, small, 2
Grill holder
Stone Room LXI Quern
Pottery Room LXIII Cups, carinated, 2

Cups, small
Plates, 4
Plate, semi-lunate
Incense burner
Grater
Basin
Lamp
Brazier
Stone Room LXIII Vases, 2
Lid
Polishers, 2 or more
Other Room LXIII Handle, bone
Straw, bone
Bones, many
Charcoal
Charred wood
Pottery, LXIII Banchina Cup

Cup, carinated
Jugs, 2
Jugglets, 2
Amphora
Pithos, small
68
Table 78: The finds from the South Suite at the LWCS
Pottery, Room LXV Cup, carinated
Pyxis
Jugglets, 2
Sieve
Pottery Room LXV, inferior stratum Cups, 3
Cup, carinated
Plate
Pot
Jugs, 5
Jugglets, three handled, 2
Jugglets, 2
Jar, like a little bucket
Amphoras, 2
Askos
Stamnoi, 4
Basin
Lid
Pithos, small
Spit holder
69
Table 79: The finds from the LWCS (inc. bench remodelling)
Pottery Cups, conical; straight sided; hemispherical; carinated;
cylindrical; miniature; small>30
Bowls, fruit; with spout>14
Plates; little; semi-lunate>3
Rhyton animal shape;
Pots
Bottles>3
Pyxis
Fire boxes
Amphoras; small; pithoid>5
Hydria, small
Jugs, handled; spouted; bridge spouted; ascoid; three
handled>5
Jugglets>5
Jars, open spouted; bridge spouted; basket like;
elliptical; like a little bucket>5
Stamnoi
Pilgrim's flask
Incense burner
Tripod Cooking pots>3
Pithoi, 8
Vases with spout; bridge spouted; truck like; four
handled; bucket like; pithoid; horned, cage shaped;
basket shaped
Graters
Strainer
Lid
Spindle, whorls, 2
Brazier
Sieve
Stone Vases, 21
Lids
Offering tables
Plaque
Inlays, 17
Loom weights, 14
Polishers or trowels, 17
Mortar
Querns, 3
Blades, obsidian
Debris, obsidian and steatite
Unworked, obsidian and steatite
Metal Chisels
Bar of bronze, small
Trowel
Bone Awls, bone, 3
Tablets
Trowel
Agrimi horns
Needle, bone
Handle, bone
Other Button
Palette
Pendant
Seal
Sealings clay, 11
Tablet, inscribed
Lamps
Potter's wheel
Straw, in ivory; another in bone
Grills
Spit holders
Ostrich shell
Clay foot from a statuette
Hearth
Fossil shell
Figurine, thin, fragment
String of a necklace
70
C.2 THE UPPER WEST COURT SANCTUARY (PHAESTOS)
Figure 46: Room VIII in the UWCS at Phaestos
Visited by EK, on several occasions from 1990-2002. The building of the ‘OP
temple repositories’ at Phaestos took place in three phases (Pernier 1935;
Pernier and Banti 1951, 572-581):
1) Rooms VIII, IX and X were built. In the centre of room VIII, a clay
offering-table, is placed in the paved floor. Just under it, there is a layer of
sand and pebbles. The function of this layer possibly was to absorb
liquids. The rest of the paved floor is made of gypsum flagstones
connected with ashy stucco. Part of the pavement was covered with
calcium white plaster. The walls of red stones were connected by clay and
were covered with a double plaster layer: one of clay and the other of
stucco. On all sides but the south there are benches, 23-25 cm tall, made
of stones and clay and covered by gypsum flagstones and plastered with
stucco. At the end of the east bench there is a small cavity for the placing
of objects. In the southeast corner, a passage with plastered sides leads
to room IX and continued underneath staircase 66. Room IX had a seat in
the southeast corner and benches on all sides except the eastern.
2) a) During this period, the entrance from the west court to rooms V, VI, VII
must have been cut. Although expected, there is no trace of door between
VIII and the auxiliary rooms while the walls of the latter are not aligned to
the those of room VIII to allow for such a doorway.
b) Rooms V and VI were built. A large boulder is located in room V with a
large depression in the middle from the abrasion. A pestle was also found,
evidently used for grinding. In room VI, two plaques form half steps to the
last step of the staircase. On one side, a big calcareous rock forms a bench
that is covered with plaster. On its southeast corner another plaque is also
covered by plaster. Two circular depressions can be found on the bench
and one on the plaque. Next to the bench, a basin was later added and is
completely plastered (inside as well). On its other side, (to the west)
another bench covered by three flagstones is located. The bench is made
of stones and earth. In the southwest corner, a small canal with flanks of
stones is covered by a flagstone. Although the room was roofed, the ditch
was useful for letting the water or other liquids (that were possibly stored
there) go.
71
c) North of VIII, the wall was cut in the shape of a huge square basin with
a semiglobular depression in the centre. The area of the depression is
30cm below the ‘ledge’ whereas the depression itself is 20cm further
below. It looks like a huge offering table. In the inside the depression was
covered by red ochre. Though unlikely, it is still possible, that this room did
not exist from the first period but was contemporary to the opening of the
west wall of VIII. It is also unlikely that the depression was contemporary,
and not earlier, to the room north of V. Unfortunately, we do not know
much on the use of this room due to its bad preservation. It is possible
that this room gave direct access to that of the "depression".
3) South of VI, room VII is built with no other entrance but the one from the
court. There is no door to that room.
In the NP period all these rooms were covered by a deep fill and ceased being
used.
C.2.1 The Rooms
C.2.1.1 Room V. The walls of room V were covered by two layers of plaster
(clay and gypsum) and red paint. At the east edge of the south wall stood a
bench (1m.x 55cm.x 60cm) with a depression possibly for the processing of
cereals. There was also a stone table with depressions. In the northwest
corner, there is a bench which may have covered all the west part of the
room.
Table 80: The finds from Room V at the UWCS

Pottery Kamares pottery
‘fruitstand’ or lamp round with no duct
Stone Vessel, cylindrical, yellow and light red marble, 5cm. high
C.2.1.2 Room VI. This room was an addition and it belongs to the second
period onwards. Two plaques formed half steps to the last step of the
staircase. On one side, a big calcareous rock forms a bench; this is covered
with plaster. On its southeastern corner there was another plaque covered by
plaster as well. On the bench, two circular depressions and one on the plaque
were located. Next to the bench there is a basin, a completely plastered later
addition. Opposite (to the west), another bench was covered by three
flagstones. The bench was made of stones and earth. In the southwestern
corner there is a small canal flanked and covered by stone plaques. Although
the room was covered, the ditch was useful for letting the water (that was
possibly stored there) go.
Table 81: The finds from Room VI at the UWCS

Pottery Jar, spouted, oval body
‘Fruit-stand’, or lamp polychrome decoration, the ledge of which is
not thick but tall and has no duct
Stone Vase, white marble
Octagonal receptacles, (gourna type)
72
C.2.1.3 Room VII. This room was a later addition to 6. It is also an extension
of the wall of the orthostats.
Table 82: The finds from Room VII at the UWCS
Pottery Cup, semiglobular, similar deco to Minoan MM IB-II scarabs
Jar, tripod
Jar, spouted
Amphora, small
Foot, of ‘fruitstand’ or lamp. 32 cm high, 8,3 cm diameter
Stone Tablet
Pestle, trachite.
C.2.1.4 Room VIII. In the centre of room VIII, a clay offering table is
permanently located in the paved floor. Just under it there is layer of sand
and pebbles, possibly to absorb liquids. The rest of the paved floor was made
of gypsum flagstones connected by ashy stucco.
Part of the pavement was covered by calcium white plaster. The red
stone walls are connected by clay and are covered by a double plaster layer:
one of clay and the other of stucco. In all sides but the south one there are
benches 23-25 cm tall, made of stones and clay, covered by gypsum
flagstones and plastered with stucco. At the end of the east bench, there is a
small cavity for the placing of objects. In the southeast corner, a passage
with plastered sides leads to room IX and continued underneath the staircase
66.
On the western bench, a bowl with a stone handle and two
semiglobular cups were found. On the northern bench was a stone bowl with
a hemispherical protrusion and a small painted clay cup with a hollow cone.
In the 'case', within the eastern bench, 4 pestles, a rectangular stone tablet
and another simple bowl with an impressed sealing were found. In the
northeastern corner, a triton shell, and further north a small basin together
with many sherds of polychrome pottery were found, while some sherds of an
ovoid spouted jar and of a polychrome amphora were also discovered.
Table 83: The finds from Room VIII at the UWCS
Pottery Cup, conical, one handle
Cup, semiglobular, small, [W]
Cup, libation, [W]
Jar, spouted, (large spout), [in the fill]
Jar, spouted, with 2 handles [NE paved floor corner].
Amphora, ovoid rim and body, [W]
‘Fruit-stand’, discoid, (offering table or lamp, like the one of 5), [in fill]
Stone Tablet, schist, [R]
Cups, no handle, smooth surface, (often occurs in Egypt), inside it the sealing,
[R]; 15cm. diameter, [N]; with handle, rougher surface, [W]
Receptacle, steatite (gourna type), quadrangular, deco with alternating triangles
and rosettes MM II, [on pavement on the SE corner]
Metal Dagger, blade, [in fill under the layer of concrete]
Other Sealing, [in stone cup, below]
Offering table, designed to sit on soft ground, the central piece protrudes, thin
Bricks, several with incised traces (?)
Lamp, 9,5 cm diam. 4 cm. high, [in fill]
R= found together in the recess (case), under the bench
N, S, E, W= on North, South, East, West bench
73
C.2.1.5 Room IX. Before the opening of the western entrance of room VIII to
the court, the entrance would have been through IX and would go under
staircase 66.
On the southeastern corner of the room there is a small seat. In the passage
of room IX there is another table with engraved pigeons. This looks more like
a receptacle as the depression in the middle is very deep and does not have a
thick ledge. In the south bench there is a tablet with two small pestles, one of
which still bears traces of red ochre pigment. In the central bench a
polychrome cup was found, similar to those in VIII. On the floor, the clay
sherds of two ovoid jars were scattered together with several small conical
bowls.
Table 84: The finds from Room IX at the LWCS
Pottery Cup, small, [on central bench]
Basin with depression on base and side. Inside, barbotine ware,
traces of handle on inside, trapezoidal elevation on the inside,
peculiar
Stone Tablet, white marble, [on support of S wall]
Pestle, [in centre of path to room VIII], possibly belongs to tablet
above
Pestle, cylindrical, [on tablet]
Receptacle, large, incised decoration of pigeons on the long sides,
(8,4 cm high, 6,8 cm long), on lip three rectangular receptacles for
long sides and one the middle of short sides. Pigeons to acanthus
depicted on one side, parallel in Psychro, [on paved floor near 8]
C.2.1.6 The sacrificial 'depression'. The area of the depression is 30cm below
a surrounding 'edge', whereas the depression itself is 20cm further below. It
looks like a huge offering table. The depression was covered by a layer of clay
and red ochre. It contained pieces of carbon, ashes, animal burnt bones,
small obsidian objects and terracotta. One cannot speak of votives as the
objects found are very scarce. The nearest parallel can be found in Aghia
Triada, where, near the 'piazzale dei Sacelli' a similar 'depression' has been
found with bones, ashes, pieces of carbon and small vases (Banti 1941-3,
69). Although this depression in Phaestos could have been used by the
second palace, as its depth allows, it was most probably not used, due to the
construction of the monumental staircase.
74
Table 85: The finds from the 'Sacrificial Depression' at the LWCS
Pottery Bowls, small with conical body, one handle, several
Plate, discoid, two protrusions on lip, 24cm diam., coarse but
polished on the surface with shiny red; small, ordinary, 16cm diam;
small, with rounded base and rim, relief deco on body
Jar, piriform, with handle
Amphora, in sherds
Vase, semi-cylindrical, with convex sides on outside, several
projections
Lamps, 4, one duct, one handled, fragmentary, superficially
burnished red brown
Stone Plate, discoid, little, swelling in centre, spout, handle on other side,
10cm-diam, white steatite
Lamp, one handled, steatite, one duct, fragmentary, 11cm length
Obsidian, small pieces
Organic Bones, animal, burnt
Carbon, pieces
Ashes
In the NP period all of the above rooms were covered by a deep fill
and ceased being used.
75
Table 86: The finds from the LWCS (Levi, Carinci 1988, 809-55)
Pottery Cups, conical, one handled; semi-globular; libation; small;
Bowls, small with conical body, one handle, several
Plate, discoid, two protrusions on lip, 24cm diam., coarse but
polished on the surface with shiny red; small, ordinary; small, with
rounded base and rim, relief deco on body
Jar, tripod; spouted; spouted, with 2 handles; piriform, with
handle; spouted, oval body
Amphoras, small; ovoid rim and body
Basin with depression on base and side, inside, barbotine ware,
traces of handle on inside, trapezoidal elevation on the inside,
peculiar
Vase, semi-cylindrical, with convex sides on outside, several
projections
Lamps, 4, one duct, one handled, fragmentary, superficially
burnished red brown
‘fruitstand’ or lamp round with no duct; polychrome decoration,
ledge not thick but tall, no duct; discoid; foot, of
Kamares pottery
Stone Cups, no handle; with handle, rougher surface
Plate, discoid, little, spout, handle on other side, white steatite
Vessel, cylindrical, yellow and light red marble; white marble
Receptacles, octagonal; quadrangular, steatite, alternating triangles
and rosettes; large, incised pigeons and acanthus
Lamp, one handled, steatite, one duct;
Pestles, trachite; cylindrical
Tablet, schist; white marble
Metal Dagger, blade
Other Offering table, clay, designed to sit on soft ground: the central
piece protrudes, thin
Lamp, clay
Sealing
Bricks, several with incised traces
76
C.3 QUARTIER 18 (MALLIA)
Visited by EK, 1-15/6/1998. This complex was excavated together with other
south parts of the palace by Chapouthier in July/August 1929. Although the
excavation must have been of quite good quality, no notebooks were kept
and the publication, though final, leaves several unclarified details. The letters
by Chapouthier to the director of the French school during and after the
excavations are the only documents we have from the period and they are
not detailed at all (Chapouthier et al. 1962, 9-13, 50-4, 58, pll. 36-41; Pelon
1980, 28, 33, 213-21; van Effanterre 1980, 337-338, 380-2, 445-6).
The complex has several rooms, but is architecturally independent
from the rest of the palace. Its sole entrance is from the south, outside of the
palace. Communication must have been easier with the west court than with
the central one.
C.3.1 Room 18-1. The room was built in the south protrusion of the palace,
next to the Koulouras. There was an opening to the south, with a -redundant-
step instead of threshold (perhaps an indication of liminality and of ritual
space demarcation). This had been taken by the excavator as an indication of
a window. It has been noted by Pelon that this, if an entrance, would be the
only non-monumental one to the palace, and that the complex as far as
circulation is concerned, is independent, i.e. it does not communicate with the
interior of the palace. Moreover, the traces of burnt wood and its peculiar
construction argue in favour of the reconstruction of a doorway there. A
similar case of an opening on the east wall is probably a window.
If both of them are taken as windows, there would to be no other
candidate for an entrance to the complex. It is most likely therefore, that the
opening to the south was indeed an entrance. Between that opening and the
southwest corner of the room there was a bench. The whole room may have
been paved with schist plaques, though the flagstones are preserved only in a
small part (not in the south).
Next to the entrance of room 5, a double incurved sandstone 'altar'
was found in two pieces, with a five linear star sign and a cross on two of the
sides. A similar altar was found at Knossos in the 'chapel' of the 'house of the
High Priest' (Evans 1935, 206, fig. 157). Flanking the 'altar', two tubular vases
were found with circular holes on their body (HM 8617, and one other). These
were decorated with a white MMIIIA design. It is possible, that perfumed
charcoal was placed in them, as argue the tweezers found next to the vase,
south of the 'altar' (HM bronze 2207). The smoke was condensed before it
escaped through the circular holes on the body of the vases. Not far from the
second vase, a group of various shells was found, some of them probably
naturally coloured that resemble those found in the temple repositories at
Knossos.
Further to the southeast and near the opening to the south, another
tubular vase was found. Next to it three tripod clay vessels were found on the
flagstones. Judging from the burnt marks on them and from the receptacles
on their bases, which are similar to those of the tubular vases, one can
77
speculate that they were also used as lamps and /or as perfume burners (clay
8615, 8616, the third one is not in a good form and its number is missing).
Next to the entrance to room 3, a pair of pointed clay feet (HM clay
8630) were found. To the west and next to the wall another tubular vase was
found.
Several more everyday-type vessels were also discovered, such as
cups, lamps, crucibles and so on.
Table 87: The finds from Room 1 at the Quartier 18 at Mallia

Pottery Medium Cups
ware Crucibles
Tubular incense burners or fumigators
Coarse Lamps
ware Tripod cooking pots (some used for incense
burning).
Metal Tweezers
Miscellanea Clay feet
Sea shells (some naturally coloured).
C.3.2 Room 18-2. To the east, room 2 of the complex was found, separated
by the main room 1 only by a half wall. The floor was made of well trodden
earth. On the northwest angle of the room a square schist plaque (1sq. m.)
was found lying on a layer of stones, which subsequently covered a hollowed
out pit, full of MMIIIA vessels (mostly similar to room 1): tripod cooking pots,
‘fire boxes’, and big jars with horizontal handles. Apart from these, 6 cups,
two of which spouted, and an oenochoe were also found.

Pottery Medium ware ‘Fire boxes’ [P]
Jars with horizontal handles (large)
[P]
Cups (2 with spout, 4 without)
Spouted closed vessel (oinochoe)
Coarse ware Tripod cooking pots [P]
[P]-In the pit
C.3.3 Room 18-3. Another tubular vase (number missing) like those of room 1
was found.
C.3.4 Room 18-4. A large amount of crockery was found, partly in situ,
together with big jars and pithoi. They point to a storeroom function for this
room but in harmony with the sanctuary. From there a large amount of cups
(HM clay 8623-27) with careless MMIIIA decoration was also found.
C.3.5 Room 18-5. Room 5 was used as a corridor.
78
C.3.6 Room 18-6. The pottery discovered in this room lacked decoration and
included several fragments of the EM III-MMI period.
Most of the finds were of MMIIIA date. In room 6 there is some EM III- MM I
period.

Pottery Medium ware Tubular incense burner (Rm 3)
Cups (Rm 4)
Crockery of various types (Rm 4)
Coarse ware Jars large (Rm 4)
Pithoi (Rm 4)
Stone Vessels (2)
79
Table 90: The finds from the Quartier 18 at Mallia
Pottery Medium Cups simple >10
ware Cups spouted >2
Jars with horizontal handles (large) >3
Spouted closed vessel (oinochoe)
Crucibles>2
Tubular incense burners, 4
‘Fire boxes’>2
Crockery of various types > 10
Coarse ware Lamps >3
Tripod cooking pots (some possibly used for
incense burning). >4
Jars large >3
Pithoi >3
Metal Tweezers 1 pair
Other Clay feet 2 (left and right)
Sea shells (some naturally coloured).
1
P. Carinci, Pers. Com. According to him the second phase in the entire complex except rooms LIX, LX
actually is the second floor. In these rooms, however, it represents a refurbishing phase.
80
D. Independent Open-Air Funerary Rituals
D.1 BUILDING 4 (ARKHANES-FOURNI)
Figure 48: The North Side of Building 4
Visited by EK, 27/7/1995. The site was well excavated by Y. and E. Sakellaraki
in 1966, 1967, 1974 and 1977. It has been well reporter (Sakellarakis and
Sakellaraki 1977, 471-481) and exhaustively published by E. E. Deligianne in
her Ph.D. thesis: Το κτήριο 4 του Μινωικού Νεκροταφείου στη θέση Φουρνί
Αρχανών, Ph. D. Dissertation, Athens, 1995.
Local limestone was used for the walls of the building that was divided
into two wings: East and West. The latter was a court, while the former was
roofed with rooms in two stories. The upper story of the eastern court and
the court to the west were at the same level. The greater height of the west
wing ground floor to the east wing one, the thickness of the east wing walls,
the surviving materials used for the upper floor and the various finds above
the collapsed building destruction layer there, argue in favour of an east wing
upper floor.
The majority of the eastern and possibly the northern and southern
façade walls employed isodomic masonry, with large stones, though in other
parts no orderly pattern is followed. In the wall interior, however, only
medium and small size rocks were used and with no particular order. On the
northeast outer corner of the building and with direction from east to west,
there is a staircase that facilitated the circulation within it. The rooms and
walls have been founded on the bedrock. The building is overall dated to the
LMIA2 period.
D.1.1 East Wing

The southernmost room of the building was the dark room 1. To its north and
through a doorway, room 2 was located that was probably also dark. These
two rooms were by far the largest in the east wing, and constitute its
southern part. In room 2 several installations were recovered. In the highest
81
part of the rock and next to the southern wall of the room a medium and
small rock construction of roughly triangular shape was recovered. This
installation was used to support the wine-press. Opposite to it, and next to
the north wall, four rocks were found connected with mud. They formed a
semicircular platform that was possibly used to place small or medium
vessels.
D.1.1.1 Room 1.
Table 91: The finds from Room 1 at Building 4
Pottery Cup, conical
Amphoras, short necked, vertical handless, sherds; short necked,
running spirals
Jars, beak spouted, one handled 2
Jar, open spouted
Bucket like vessel, two handles; sherds of others
Stamnos, two handled, small spout
Tripod cooking pot, sherds
Medium sized vessel; open vessel, sherd
Organic Many human and animal bones, some of the animal ones burnt
(and teeth)
Olive pips, charred, 3
D.1.1.2 Room 2
Pottery Cups, tubular, sherds 2
Globular small vessel, part of 1
Amphora, two handled 3
Jar, spouted; sherd of 1
Tripod cooking pot, part of 2
Pithos sherd 1
Palette, part of 2
Wine press
The northern part of the wing consists of six other rooms that had their floor
almost 1m higher than the former two. Rooms 3,4,6,7 were four square
rooms divided by two little walls that crossed each other. To the east of these
rooms a small corridor (5) connected them with the main entrance. Room (8)
was the Northernmost room of the wing. The size of the rooms did not allow
movement of any sort and thus they cannot be reconstructed as spaces
designated for any type of activity.
82
D.1.1.3 Room 3.
Pottery Cup, sherds
Jar, spouted, sherds
Bucket-like vessel, sherds
Tripod cooking pot, sherds
Pithos, part of
Globular vessel, sherds 3
Medium sized vessel, sherds
D.1.1.4 Room 4 and above it.

Table 94: The finds from Room 4 and above it at Building 4
Pottery Cup, conical 12
Jar, spouted, sherd
Other Obsidian, blade 1
Knife, bronze, blade
D.1.1.5 Corridor 5 and above it.

Table 95: The finds from Corridor 5 at Building 4
Other Mineral colour, blue, pyramidal shaped
Weight, led, disc shaped
D.1.1.6 Room 6 and above it.

Table 96: The finds from Room 6 and above it at Building 4
Pottery Disc, clay, part of.
Jar, spouted, part of 2
Bucket-like vessel, part of
Globular vessel, sherd.
Stone Part of a stone vessel
D.1.1.7 Room 8, and above it.

Pottery Cup, conical
Fruit bowl, part of
Jar, bridge spouted
Lid, part of
Attachment to handle, spiral shaped
D.1.2 Upper Floor

In the upper floor a great storage space must be reconstructed that would
have at least 11 pithoi and 40 tripod cooking pots, one very large loom, a
colour or weat grinding installation and possibly an obsidian or copper
working unit. So argue the finds in the rooms, and especially those of rooms 1
and 2.
83
The upstairs floor was covered by calcite plaques as the fill of the
rooms shows. Some baked or even unbaked mudbricks may have been used
in the roof.
84
D.1.2.1 Above room 1.
Table 98: The finds above Room 1 at Building 4
Pottery Cups, conical, Handleless 4
Cup, footed, fragments 2
Fruit bowl, sherd 2, and one small fruit ball 1
Disc, sherds 3
Tubular vessel 1
Bucket-shape, sherd 3
Globular spouted jar, sherd, 1
Tripod cooking vessel sherd, 4
Middle sized vessel sherd, 4
Globular closed vessel, sherd 2
Palette, sherd 1
Stone Mortar, part of
Querns 2 one small and one large
Processed stone 2 one in trapezoidal shape, and another in
square.
Blue, grey coloured pieces of mineral 298
Pebbles, 2
Obsidian, 4 pieces of two faced lame; 2 five faced and four faced
pieces, 2 multilateral pieces, and debris
Other Ring like clay object fragment
Female (?) figurine
Bronze ingot (picture)
Loomweights 3 : 1 semiglobular, 1 pressed globular, 1 elliptical
85
D.1.2.2 Above room 2.
(intrusions omitted)
Table 99: The finds above Room 2 at Building 4
Pottery Cup, footed, sherds 2
Cup, with a ring like base, sherds 1
Cup, tubular, one handled 3
Cup 1 with net pattern decoration
Fruit bowl, sherd
Amphora, sherds 2
Clay basket, sherd
Bucket like vessel, sherd
Jar spouted, sherds 10 of various shapes
Tripod cooking pot, 3; sherds 2
Pithoi 2; sherd 1
Vessel, small, sherds 3
Vessel, medium, sherds 2
Globular vessel, small, sherd
Disc, sherds 2
Lid
Stone Offering table, square, part of, with stepped depressions
Bucket like vessel, part of
Lid round
Mortars 3 of sandstone 2, limestone 1
Querns 4
Worked stone, pieces of
Debris of rock working several pieces
Mineral colours 189 blue grey -1 of them larger- and 4 larger clay
red
Pebbles, 2
Obsidian blades 4 and debris or cores 2
Metal Four sided bronze plate, unworked
Seals Round seal stone with two lions tête beche
and Bead, spherical, compressed on the sides, perforated
beads
Other Loom-weights 43, various shapes, some with vertical incisions
'Sheep bell' vessel, part of
Round clay object, possibly vessel attachment
Clay ball 1 possibly an accident
D.1.3 West Wing

Despite the small wall H, that divides vertically the northern part of the wing,
and other minor walls, the west wing is generally a uniform and uninterrupted
paved area. The fill of the west court was covering its retaining walls around
it. The pavement overlying this fill survived only in parts (7 plaques only). For
the support of the west wing columns, the small and unimportant walls H and
Z were also built under the pavement.
86
The west wing was generally empty, except in its south-eastern part
where a great number of conical cups (one with a bone fragment in it) was
found. Most of the cups were walled up in three loose walls that supported
the court; they were carefully placed there inverted in their majority, on one
occasion just before the laying of the support layer for the pavement. They
were certainly not in secondary deposition. Apart from the cups found in the
court, a great number of LMIA vessels were also recovered, which may have
been used in the activities there: discs, fruit bowls, clay baskets, spouts,
bucket shapes, together with a fragment of an offering table.
Only in area 9 were there any remains of a clay drain that must have
existed in other rooms as well.
D.1.3.1 Area 9 and its northern part.

Table 100: The finds from Area 9 and its northern part at Building 4
Pottery Cup, conical 140 [9] and 83 [9N]
Cup, Conical, miniature 4
Cup, Tubular, parts of 2
Cup, semi-globular, sherds 3
Cup, sherds of 4
Bowl, sherds
Fruit bowl, part of 2
Basket like vessel, part of 3 [9] and another 3 [9N]
Jar, spouted 7 [9N] and of another in [9]
Jar, spouted, globular (milk-jar), footed
Disc, part of 4 [9] and parts of 2 [9N]
Disc tripod, part of
Tripod cooking pots 3 [9N], part of another [9]
Pithos, sherds 4 [9N]
Globular vessel, part of 4, 1 spouted, [9 and 9N]
Thin vessel sherds 3
Vessel, small, sherds, one with barbotine 3
Lid part of 1 [9N]
Stone Cup, shallow, part of
Offering table, corner of square.
Debris from stone working (gypsum)
Colour, mineral, blue grey 2
Obsidian, debris; and blade
Organic Human bones [9 and 9N]
Animal bones
Bovid and caprid teeth
Shells, 2, one fossilised
Other 'Sheep bell', part of, [9 and 9N]
9N=Northern part of area 9
87
D.1.3.2 Area 10 and its sector 'd'.
Table 101: The finds from Area 10 and its sector 'd' at Building 4
Pottery Cup, conical complete and part of another [10]
Cup, globular, tubular spout, part of [10]
Bucket like vessel, part of [10d]
Globular vessel, part of [10d]
Stone Worked stone [10d]
Stone working debris [10d]
Pebbles, 2 [10d]
Obsidian, blade [10]
10d=sector d of area 10
D.1.3.3 Area 11
Table 102: The finds from Area 11 at Building 4

Pottery Cup, footed, sherd with discoid base
Stone Obsidian, blade 2
Column bases, 4, one of them fragmentary.
D.1.4 General Remarks

The two wings may have been built at the same time. In support of this view
is, at least, the construction of the northern wall which -with the exception of
its westernmost end- seems to have been built at the same time. The dividing
wall between the two wings has survived but not in its entirety. It was
founded on the bedrock, which was hammered out to accommodate the wall
better. Only in few parts was it built in the isodomic style. If there was any
inside entrance between the west wing and the upper floor of the east one, it
would be possible to avoid circulation outside the building. One would access
room 2 by getting down to room 8, and through corridor 5. Most areas had
evidence of plaster, some of them coloured.
To the E of the building several sherds of similar type vessels were
found: pithoi, cups, spouted jars and globular vessels.
It is interesting here to note that the building was not contemporary to
any of the tombs that were either earlier or later (Deligianni 2001,
forthcoming). This is particularly important as far as ideas regarding the
subsequent use of the past / ancestors for the appropriation of space are
concerned.
88
Table 103: Building 4 (LMIA2 date)
Pottery Coarse Pithoi 11 at least of two types
Tripod cooking pots 4 entire, at least 40 from the sherds
Discs for cooking or other, quite thin of 3 types
Medium Cooking palettes
Lids
Amphorae 1 entire, many well preserved sherds
Bucket like vessels 1 entire and many sherds
Stamnoi rare
Jars, spouted, great variety of types 3 entire, many
sherds
Fruit bowls
Basket like vessels, bowls
Cups, conical many entire, 900 base sherds, 1700 lip
sherds, 220 entire in West court, 12 under the floor of
the later room 4 7 types
Decorated sherds
Fine Cups, tubular
Cups, semiglobular
Cups, bell like
Decorated sherds
Stone Offering tables 2 fragments green steatite and limestone
respectively [room 2 and 9]
Miniature bucket like vessel [rm. 2]
Lid, of a pyxis (?) [2]
Cup, shallow [rm. 9]
Items, worked stone, fragments.
Mortars
Querns
Working debris
Colours, mineral [above rms. 1, 2]
Obsidian, 1 core, debris and 17 blades, [all over the
building]
Metal, Fibula
Bronze Knife blade [under floor of room 4]
Cutter
Ingot
Unworked bronze
Organic Olive pips 3
Other Loom weights
Seal, steatite, two lions in tête beche position
Bead, rock crystal, spherical
Pendant, sard, seated monkey
The possible intrusions were omitted
89
E. Other Sanctuaries
E.1 EFENTIS CHRISTOS (PHAESTOS)
Watrous fleetingly mentions a concentration of MM bovid figurines, the face

of a votary statuette and a concentration of pebbles on the hilltop of Efenti
Christou to the west of the palace of Phaestos (1995, 393). The site was
noted during the western Mesara plain survey of the years 1984 and 1986-7
and does not fit in the category of 'Peak Sanctuaries' (Watrous 1993, 191-
248).
90
E.2 KOPHINAS (ASTEROUSIA)
Visited by EK 10/9/2000. The site of Kophinas was excavated by Davaras and
Platon (Davaras 1961-2, 287-288) in the 1960s and was later re-excavated by
Karetsou and Rethemiotakis in 1990 (Rethemiotakis and Karetsou 1991-3,
289-292). The quality of the second excavation must have been better than
the first. It is certainly better reported, though neither excavations have been
published. Although there is a great view from the site down to the Asterousia
range and to the north of the island, the site is not located on a peak, but just
below one. Thus it will not be considered a 'Peak Sanctuary' but, together
with Piskokephalo, will be separately classified. Both these sites, however,
may be classified together with the 'Peak Sanctuaries' in the future. The
animal figurines will be published by M. Zeimbeki.
Buildings: A four sided wall, one side of which is the natural rock,
surrounds the site. A. Vasilakis dates the surrounding wall to the early NP
period (pers. com. 2001). In the middle of the eastern wall a small porch is
open only to the inside of the enclosure. Opposite the porch a built structure
of small flagstones with a small duct (5m long) is made. The fill of the
surrounding wall includes MMIII-LMI, LMIIIC, and Early Geometric sherds.
The earliest finds date from the MMIIB, or MMIIIA period, while the main
period of use is the MMIIIB. Only few early LMIA sherds were found. After the
MMIIIB, the next important period of use was the LMIIIC. It must be noted
that the finds from within the enclosure were fewer to those found in the rock
crevices nearby. The lower stratum of the ground inside the enclosure was
black, possibly from the fires set during the rituals.
91
Table 104: The finds from Kophinas
Pottery Cups [enclosure] >100
Plates [enclosure]
Rhyta in form of bull <10
Spouted jars and jugs [enclosure] >10
Cooking jars tripod [enclosure] >10
Pithoi, small [enclosure] <10
Open shapes, large [enclosure] <10
Figurines Human, some large (some more than 50 cm.), most
male, with simple coiffure (some with a conical hat or
tiara), some have boxer's gloves, similar to rhyton
from Aghia Triada [enclosure] >100
Human groups [enclosure] >10
Human with their own rectangular or discoid base
[enclosure] >10
Human limbs and heads >100
Human bronze, 2 one male and half of a female one
[enclosure]
Animal solid, bovids more [enclosure] <100
Animal hollow of LMII date, bovids more (rhyta or
hollow, some as large as 80cm) [enclosure] <100
Boat imitations [enclosure] <10
Stone Offering tables, several, fragmented, most in
serpentine [enclosure, near north wall] <50
Lamps, fragmented, [enclosure, near north wall]
Vessels, in different stones (and Nisyros Obsidian)
[enclosure] >10
Metal Plates, bronze, in tens, some in knife shape
[enclosure] <50
Slags, bronze [enclosure] <5
Talanta, disc shaped, fragments of [enclosure] <5
fragments
Other Seals, steatite, 5, [enclosure]
Beads, in tens (some rock crystal) [enclosure]
Beads, golden, 3, [enclosure]
92
E. 3 PISKOKEPHALO (SITIA)
The site, in the Sitia region, is not located on a peak. Despite the numerous
trials by the excavator, N. Platon, no related sites were found further up the
mountain nearby, or on its peak. No buildings or structures were discovered
either. The quality of the excavations ought to have been quite good, but the
publication never took place. There has been only one extensive report on the
excavation (Platon 1952, 630-636) which is certainly not sufficient.
Table 105: The finds from Piskokephalo

Pottery Cups, MMII, several
Lamp, clay, 1
Vessels, large, sherds (small pithoi, or tripod cooking
pots), 2, in situ
Sherds, Kamares (MMII-MMIIIB)
Figurines Human Human figurines, in large numbers, and good quality;
some found in foci around large pottery sherds (see
pottery above); some of large size
Female, some with tubular hats; some pregnant
Female, with a beetle on the garment
Male, some with hats
Male, carrying a beetle
Other Beetles, figurines of, several of good quality; 1 on female
garment; 1 on shoulder of male (see human figurines
above)
Building models: sanctuaries(?)
The figurines unless indicated are not in situ; most of the pottery belongs to
the MMIII period
93
E.4 STOUS ANTHROPOLITHOUS (SITIA)
Stous Anthropolithous is situated on a single terraced hill 10 to 30m above
the surrounding area (Brown and Peatfield 1987, 23-33). Sherds are scattered
all over the top and sides of the hill and in the many fissures. Their density is
greater on the terrace's northeast and northwest ends, and mostly on the
east side, where the area is wide and flat.
The MMIII/LMI period is best represented in the site, which is full of
conical cups and pithos fragments. Some LMIII sherds, though, are also
attested. The lack of features or other items associated with ritual make the
recognition of this site more uncertain. Brown and Peatfield have classified it
as a country shrine.
Table 106: The finds from Stous Anthropolithous

Pottery Cups, conical >10, NP
Bowl, two handled, >1, NP
Sherds, few, LMIII
Figurines Human, female, 3
Head, human, 1
Animal, quadruped, 1
Animal, a pyramid of three bulls, 1
94
E.5 SYME (VIANNOS)
Visited by EK, 3/10/2000. This site was dug and conserved mainly by A.
Lebessi and secondarily by P. Muhly. The quality of the excavation is
remarkable and the amount of information very rewarding. Detailed reports
have been published from 1972 to 1997. The following summary of the
published reports is only a tentative attempt to bring the published
information together. Due to the preliminary nature of both the reports and of
the excavation itself this essay should be treated with caution as the Syme
site is arguably one of the most complicated stratigraphically excavations in
both Europe and East Mediterranean.
There are several building programmes, corresponding to phases, in
the 'sanctuary' during Minoan times. They have been coloured differently by
the excavator on the site plan and have been given letters. The Minoan
Building programmes are V, U, Ub, and S in chronological order. There is one
more building phase that has not left any edifices. This is placed
chronologically between Ub and S, and has been given the light blue colour in
the plan. The undated building W predates this light blue building
programme, but is, as yet, of indeterminate date. Similar is the case of the
recently discovered building T (Lebessi 1997 199-202, fig. 3), which is NP in
date and is most probably contemporary with the light blue or the S building
programmes.
E.5.1 Building phases and construction

E.5.1.1 Building V. Building V is characteristic for the skilled building of large
walls and for its south monumental entrance, which is much larger than that
of the subsequent building U (Lebessi 1996, 304-9). The size of the building
at least as far as its northern and its eastern extent are concerned, matches
that of building U, though their walls, at least in south do not correspond
(Lebessi 1996, 305, 311). In other parts, however, the walls of U are based
on the earlier and stronger walls of V (Lebessi 1991, 329; 1996, 301). The
evidence for the building is otherwise scanty. Under rooms 3A, 4, 4A, 5, 7,
7A, 15, 16, 19 of building U, there were remnants of older paved floors, which
belong to the indoor part of building V (Lebessi 1996, 301). The last piece of
evidence on the existence of building V, and the way it was built, are the
various architectural pieces that were built into the walls of U (Lebessi 1987,
279-81; 1988, 247-9; 1996, 311-2). The few OP sherds, related to that
building, were not sufficient for its dating.
It is possible that the walls in square Θ53 and those in Ζ51 belong to
an early road of access to the site predating building V (Lebessi 1992, 230,
pll. 101b, 103-4; 1993, 224, pll. 138b, 139a; 1996, 306-7, fig.1 and 314)
E.5.1.2 Building U. Building U was built in the OP period with more modest
materials and in less monumental scale than its predecessor (V). Its use
terminated possibly in the beginning of the NP period (Lebessi 1996, n. 11).
Sometime in the MMIIB period it was partly destroyed by a minor
catastrophe, its north wing was abandoned and its southeast remodelled.
There are several rooms that show marks of remodelling or mending.
Perhaps, some of these repairs followed the MMIIB destruction. In brief, the
95
changes to the original building can be summarised as follows (no
chronological order is followed): a schist case for the placing of items was
made in room 12 (Lebessi 1984, pl. 22b), the wall dividing rooms 6 and 8 was
rebuilt on an artificial foundation, and the original floor in room 6 was relaid.
The earlier floor preceded both the blocking of the entrance to room 5, and
the construction of the bench that ran along all three surviving walls of 6
(Lebessi 1973, 194-5, pll. 200b, 201a). It also preceded the southwest part of
the narrow bench but not its northwest part, which was contemporary to the
original building. The square stone platform in room 6 was also later than the
initial floor. The north walls of rooms 3, 4, and 7 were built to retain the
destroyed parts of U and the wall between 1 and 2 was repaired (Lebessi
1996, 312-3). Moreover, the door between rooms 15 and 16 was blocked and
the latter room had a subsequent floor paved with calcite plaques. In rooms
21-24 the floor was remade after some destruction that left burnt remains.
Furthermore, room 3 was divided to 3 and 3b, for which the dividing wall was
founded on a destruction layer. At the same time possibly the door to room 1
was also blocked. It is possible of course that the blocking wall was of
Geometric date. The destruction layer sherds, however, date the remaking of
the room in the MMIIIB LMI period (Lebessi 1980, 302). In room 4A the
earlier plaster floor was covered by a clay floor with schist inclusions
(lepidochoma). Finally, evidence for a second floor was found in room 7
above the earlier paved one (which could belong to building V) (Lebessi 1977,
405).
The open air site to the west of the north wall of U has been shaped
by three superficially built retaining walls (a1-3), which are only 4 meters
away from the last remains of the road (Lebessi 1988, 253-5, fig. 6). The
connection between U and the three retaining walls was verified in 1993
(Lebessi 1993, 220). On the join between a1 and U a paved area was
discovered. It is possible that this paved area is the continuation of the north
road, which goes around U. The dimensions of the road fit well those of the
paved area. The road probably connected the source of water to the ritual
open air site (Lebessi 1993, 223, fig. 8). It was further discovered that an
area south of walls a1-3 was thoroughly flattened and then paved ("πλατεία"
in H/Z 52-3) (Lebessi 1992, 229-30) on which the southwestern corner of U
was placed. It was supported by the southern retaining wall (H/Z 52-3). The
dry rock wall incorporated architectural members and offering tables of
serpentinite just like the walls of U. The sherds found in the wall date it to the
OP period. It may be either contemporary to U, or earlier (Lebessi 1991, fig.
3).
E.5.1.3 Building and enclosure Ub. This structure replaced a part of U just
after its destruction. It is a small open air enclosure with at least two attached
rooms. Its walls are carelessly built with cut rocks and stones, probably
coming from the destroyed U. The northeastern corner of the enclosure
covers a pithos and a MMIIB cup sherd, which, together with some MMIIB
sherds that come from the fill, date the destruction of this part of U (Lebessi
1993, 218). The date of Ub itself, seems to be between the partial MMIIB
96
destruction of U and the construction of the peribolos which covers it. This
date could be sometime between MMIIB and the beginning of the NP period.
E.5.1.4 Peribolos and Krepis. The 26.5m long periobolos surrounds 530 sq.m.
The northern part of it is very wide and has a length of 23 m. in its internal
face. The north high fill was retained by this part of the wall and especially by
its northwestern corner. The source of water seems to have been
purposefully left out of the peribolos wall for just 5m. The southern wall of
the peribolos had two similar faces and was built on big well cut rocks. Its
northern wall, however, had only one good face, looking to the south,
towards the Krepis, whereas its northern face was just a rubble fill. The
former face was built of big rocks in an impressive pseudo polygonic style.
The different walling techniques of the two faces resulted from the different
uses: the northern was used as a retaining wall of rubbish fills whereas the
southern one was the façade to the monumental road and its channel
(Lebessi 1997, 196).
The massive sized Krepis (externally 12.10x12.03m) was positioned not
in the centre, but in a long distance from the north, west, south sides, and a
short distance from the east. There is no floor preserved in the Krepis. Its
eastern part had been built in a different way to its western. The southern
part of the Krepis was founded abutting to the walls of U (Lebessi 1985, 281).
Moreover, the Krepis is founded on an earlier wall, either belonging to the V
building programme or later (Lebessi 1991, 329; 1993, 211-3; 1994, 242-3,
pll. 142-3; Lebessi and Muhly 1990, 319-33).
The entrance to the long processional paved road, which went around
the peribolos wall, was possibly rectangular and may have existed in the
squares H51-2.
E.5.1.5 Building S. After the destruction of building U, another one was built
on top (building S). The dating of this building is based on an LMIB amphora
of ‘household’ use. It was still in use until at least the LM IIIB period. The
large elongated room of S was remodelled as a storeroom (R) with the
construction of a wall blocking its entrance (H/ 51). The building extended
mainly to the western part of U.
E.5.1.6 Surrounding wall. A two faced wall surrounds the whole peribolos to
the north and is extended much further than the latter. Its eastern course
surrounds the source of water and is lost down the mountain cliff. The dating
of the wall is uncertain as only one course of it survives and its underlying fill
has not been studied yet (Lebessi 2001, pers. com.).
E.5.2 In Greater Detail: The Buildings and the Finds

It is time now to look closely at the rooms of each building, not only at their
construction, but also at the finds in situ or in the fills covering the rooms.
E.5.2.1 Building V
E.5.2.1.1 Building V. The OP Building V was more monumental and possibly
larger than its subsequent U. Although, its northeastern corner (Λ/Μ 49)
97
corresponded to that of U. it was probably larger in the northwestern and
southwestern directions. Unfortunately, the evidence from this building
programme is scanty.
Under several rooms of U, remnants of older rooms with a paved floor
belonging to building V were found: 3A, 4, 4A, 5, 7, 7A, 15, 16 (Lebessi 1988,
247, pl. 167a). Building V is characteristic for the skilled walling techniques of
two southern walls and of its northeastern corner, but also for its well made
paved south entrance.
The rooms 4, 9 and 9A classified as U, may belong to this building
(Lebessi 1983, 362-3), though that is still uncertain. The walls of 9 are
founded in a trench 37cm deep. An eroded offering table in serpentinite was
found in the foundations of the west wall (Lebessi 1983, pl. 245a). The table
seems to be in situ and may possibly argue for the use of offering tables
before building U, or even V (Lebessi pers. com. 1999). It is also possible that
room 13 of U belonged to the same period (see below).
Under building Q and the plaster floors belonging to U, there is a
paved floor with two columns of unequal size. Both the size of its plaques and
the location under the stucco of U identify the floor as belonging to V. The
stucco floors of U and the paved one of V are placed directly one upon the
other. This shows that no time had elapsed between the destruction of the
latter and the construction of the former.
There are many walled up architectural members of the building
employed in the construction of U (Lebessi 1987, 279-81; 1988, 247-9). The
Column bases or  shaped pier and door partitions made by serpentinite have
been dated so far to the NP period. They must, however, belong either to
building V or to the earlier phase of U, both dated to the OP (Lebessi 1988,
note 6).
E.5.2.1.2 Outdoors, contemporary with V. Under the fill of a1 (see below)

survive the remnants of an OP retaining wall. It kept the fill of the free space
to which led the exit from building V led (Lebessi 1993, 224). This might
connect these walls with building V, though that is not certain.
Under the continuation of the dogleg procession road to the north
were discovered two previous phases of which the older could conceivably
belong to V. There is no evidence yet, however, connecting the two
structures either chronologically or architecturally (Lebessi 1997, 197-9).
E.5.2.1.3 The Finds. No finds were recorded in situ from the building. The
only sealed deposit associated with the destruction of building V was found in
Ι/Θ 52. The few utilitarian coarse ware sherds found there, however, are
difficult to date (Lebessi 1996, 313). An eroded serpentinite table came from
the foundations of the western wall of room 9. Several other architectural
members came from the walls of U.
E.5.2.2 Building U
The majority of remains of this building programme come from the end of the
OP period. We will commence with the rooms of the building and will continue
with the related retaining walls and open areas.
98
E.5.2.2.1 Room 1. The few stones found at the entrance were probably the
lowest course of the foundations that supported a long slab. The walls of the
room were stuccoed.
The western entrance was blocked. The blocking must have taken
place after the destruction of the north wing of U, as the respective wall is
later than the floor of the room upon which it rests. The masonry of the
blocking wall differs from the rest. After the final destruction of U, the north
and the west wall of room 1 were still visible and were reused in the PG
bench marking an area of open air activities. Several marine shells of different
kinds and two human figurines of LM I times (Lebessi, Syme III, in press)
were found together with the remains of these activities.
Two landfills cover room 1:
a) The first is 80cm thick, under the triangular (possibly Protogeometric)
bench. Sparsely fallen blocks, similar to the destroyed walls, are found. In
between them, the remnants of open air activities have pervaded: black
earth, animal bones, burnt wood, and sherds of ‘ritual’ vessels (MM IIIB-
LM I), as well as pieces of a limestone basin. Items often interpreted as
votive, such as the microscopic head of a clay animal figurine and a bird of
brown steatite are extant. Amongst the rocks of the landfill there is a
round column base of serpentinite similar to another one walled up in the
middle of the upper layer of the north wall of this room (Lebessi 1990, pl.
193b).
b) the second landfill is of schist soil, which has fallen in an east-west
direction, above the supporting layer of the stuccoed floor. On the floor of
the room, many sherds of trickle ware (Lebessi 1977, 405-6) have been
found which give a possible MM IIIB-LM I terminus ante quem date to this
part of the building.
E.5.2.2.2 Room 1A. There is not much information on room 1A. The wall
dividing the rooms 1A and 3A belonged to the later MMIIB phase of U
(Lebessi 1997, 205). There is an inverted offering table in the southeastern
corner where the floor is missing (Lebessi 1977, 407).
E.5.2.2.3 Room 2/2A. This room does not have any entrance to rooms 1 and
3. Its walls were stuccoed with cyan, red, and yellow colours. Its floor was
paved with calcite plaques, unlike the plastered floors of the other rooms in
the northern sector. Several architectural remains of serpentinite coming from
the previous building are incorporated in its walls.
The division of the two rooms was part of the original plan. They were
later destroyed with the entire north wing of the building. The floor of 2 was
covered by sherds of pithoi, lamps and a quern (Lebessi 1994, 244; 1995,
248-53).
2A did not show the concentration of utilitarian and coarse vessels of
2. The eastern wall of 2/2A was not as thick as an external building wall
should be. This is because a wall of the previous building V abuts (LM 491)
and strengthens its eastern side (Lebessi 1995, 250-1).
99
E.5.2.2.4 Room 3. The room has left traces of painted stucco and mudbrick
fallen from the walls. Architectural members of serpentinite were found in the
dry rock wall that belonged, in all likelihood, to building V. In 1976 the digs
did not reach the floor, but two big fragments of a serpentinite lamp and a
broken offering table of the same material were reported for rooms 1-3. The
floor of the initial room 3 was paved, though it is possible that this was the
floor of building V reused. In the western part of the later dividing wall (see
below) two disc shaped serpentinite lids with a button like handle were found.
These lids together with eleven small pebbles and scattered remains of burnt
wood, belonged to the initial phase of room 3 (Lebessi 1990, 302).
After the MMIIB destruction of the north wing of U, room 3 was
divided into room 3A and corridor 3B. The entrance to room 1 was closed and
a dividing wall was built, when the schist soil roof of the continuous room,
collapsed (Lebessi 1997, 205). It is also possible that this took place during
the MMIIIB-LM I, as the sherds found in situ underneath that dividing wall
and the blocking of the entrance to room 1, may belong to this period,
although the study of the pottery is not final. The foundation layer of the
dividing wall was based on the destruction layer of the roof. One round
offering table was found in room 3A, though it is not certain whether it
belongs to the initial or the second phase (Lebessi 1977, 401).
Room 3B changed to a corridor. It continued under the subsequent
building Q, where it was traced. The stones of its walls, however, were not in
their original position. It is likely that they were dislocated by an earthquake.
All these rooms, after their subsequent covering by a thick deposit of
fire and open air activities, became parts of the foundations of the three
Geometric retaining walls (Lebessi 1977, 400-1).
E.5.2.2.5 Room 4A. Two floors, one above the other, are attested in this
room, representing two different phases. We are not certain as to the date of
the second floor (lebessi pers.com. 1999). Under the foundations of the
entrance to the room several stones were found, which may come from the
first foundation layer of this entrance or from the previous building. The wall
between rooms 4A and 5 is built after the MMIIB destruction in the north of
the building (Lebessi 1997, 205)
A great concentration of MMIIIB-LM I possibly dislocated clay vessels
was found in situ together with a square stepped serpentinite offering table
with little depressions, and a conical cup of the same material with plastic
decoration (Lebessi 1977 pl. 216a). Several clay cups had similar or richer
decoration and were possibly ritual in use, according to the excavator
(Lebessi 1973, 194). In the northwest corner, and between the paving
plaques, a square serpentinite offering table was found not in situ. Abutting
the western wall of 4A and on the schist soil floor, some round burnt pieces of
wood were discovered, which may have belonged to a seat. The sherds from
the deposit of the room are many and, according to the excavator, come from
vessels of possible "ritual use" (big conical cups with plastic deco etc.), but
also from pithoi, tripod cooking pots and small cups. They seem to belong to
the MMIIIB-LM I period, though the final publication of the pottery will
ascertain such a proposal.
100
The fill, which covered the room, did not belong to one period and was
rather disturbed. Several sherds of stone vessels were found in it.
E.5.2.2.6 Room 5. In the northeast corner of the room, a stone case (60x70
and 24cm high) made of schist plaques was discovered. Four of the plaques
were placed vertically on ground, a large one was used for covering and
another was on the floor. Nothing was found in it but the various finds around
may belong to it. The case, according to Lebessi, must belong to the second
phase of the building -see above- (Lebessi pers. com. 1999).
On the floor, clay and stone vessels were found, two large conical
cups, one decorated, a serpentinite offering table, a clay one with a cylindrical
foot and a clay lamp with a similar foot, an early tubular vessel, a cylindrical
foot of a communion cup with six small vessels, and a sherd of a communion
cup with little clay callosities for the possible reception of grain. Several
sherds with similar receptacles were also found together with seven (7)
offering tables of all types (Lebessi 1973, 194-5, pll. 197d, 199). We are not
sure as to what happened to room 5 after the blocking of the doorway 5-6.
E.5.2.2.7 Room 6. In the centre of room 6 was a pit, which made the traces
of the expected central column vanish. In any case we could not imagine
room 6 as an open air space and some sort of support would be needed for
such a large space. Room 6 had two consecutive layers of thick white floor
plaster. The lower floor was of an earlier date than the upper one (it
continued below the entrance blocking 5-6 and under the bench which
existed all around the three surviving walls). The lower floor passed under the
southwest part of the bench but not under its northwest part, which must
have been built together with the walls of the room. It included tsaili
(waterproof clay soil enriched with schist fragments that is good for roofs and
floors) and small rocks. The walls and the bench included MMIIIB-LMI or
earlier sherds. The second floor was contemporary to the northeastern edge
of the bench on which it was abutting. It included red earth and little pebbles
(smaller than the first), whereas a thin white slip was laid on it. Between the
bench of the northern wall and the entrance to 1A there was a small square
platform, which also belonged to the second phase.
The bench and by extension the room, at least in their second phase,
were used for the care of ‘ritual’ vessels. Two out of the six entire offering
tables and other stone vessels were found on the former (Lebessi 1973, 194-
5, pll. 200b, 201a); one of the offering tables had leaf decoration (Lebessi
pers. com. 1999).
During the excavations, the walls of room 6 and room 8 were put on
new foundations. Several architectural members, therefore, were dislodged
together with some old offering tables. The pier and door partitions and the
other architectural members of serpentinite are today in the museum of
Herakleion. Amongst them was a square base, which was below the
foundation layer of the eastern wall of room 6. This base was located in dead
soil and thus belonged to the earlier building (Lebessi 1990, 308) together
with most of the other architectural members that were walled up.
101
E.5.2.2.8 Room 7. Room 7 had a very big entrance to the west and a normal
one leading eastward to room 4. Two floor layers were found in this room,
the lower paved and the upper plastered. The paved floor continued under
the north wall and belongs to the previous building V (Lebessi 1977, 405).
The upper one was similar to the respective floor of room 6, though it was
preserved only to a limited extent. The west wall of room 7 was built after the
MMIIB destruction (Lebessi 1997, 205). Fragments of a serpentinite offering
table were reported. Nothing was found in situ (Lebessi pers. com. 1999).
E.5.2.2.9 Rooms 8, 9. The entrance from room 8 to the west still exists and
demonstrates the existence of a room 9. The southwest part of 8, and near
that entrance, has subsided. The total surface of room 8 is 18sq. m. Part of a
plastered floor was found in its northwest corner. A complete round
serpentinite offering table (Lebessi 1983, pl. 247a) and a fragment of a
square one, together with a disc shaped bead of steatite and a fragment of a
triton shell were found in destroyed parts of the floor (Lebessi 1983, 364).
E.5.2.2.10 Rooms 10, 11. Rooms 10 had a paved floor like that of 3, 4 and 7.
It is possible that the original paving in these rooms belonged to the V
building programme. This is further supported by the fact that the paving of
room 10 was subsequently covered by stucco. The walls have the same traits
to the rest of the building. Very little is preserved in this room (Lebessi 1997).
There also exists a room 11, on which nothing is mentioned.
E.5.2.2.11 Room 12. A concentration of ‘ritual’ vessels was found near a

schist case in this room. The case, that could have also belonged to the
subsequent building programme S, was made of schist plaques placed
vertically on the ground (Lebessi pers. com. 2001; 1984, pl. 22b). A conical
cup, a clay brazier, two serpentinite offering tables and a lamp of the same
material were found near the case, together with traces of scattered burnt
wood. The case looks like that of room 5, which also had a similar deposit
(Lebessi 1973, 194, pl. 195a). It may be a later construction (contemporary
to building S), as it rests on the initial plaster floor.
Several pieces of evidence lead the excavator to believe that the entire
central part of U was destroyed together with rooms 10-12 (see above).
E.5.2.2.12 Rooms 13, 14. The dividing wall between rooms 13 and 14 is
attested only on its foundation layer. According to Lebessi room 13 in H53
may not be a room of U but may belong to building V (Lebessi pers. com.
1999). Smaller stones and stucco that were used in the construction of room
14 were stuck on the large boulder which destroyed it. In between the rocks
and the boulders, sherds of MMIIIB LMI communion cups and a big clay lamp
were found (Lebessi 1985, 270).
E.5.2.2.13 Room 15. Remnants of paved rooms belonging to the preceding

building programme V survive under room 15. We cannot extrapolate the
room's function due to the lack of finds. To the north of the room there was a
big entrance (Lebessi 1987, 279).
102
E.5.2.2.14 Room 16. The northwest corner of room 16 survives to the south
of room 15. In it a stone platform is located next to the subsequently blocked
entrance of room 15. The blocking was contemporary to the changes
elsewhere in U. Near the platform and obviously fallen from it, there was a
group of conical cups without handles and one offering serpentinite table
(Lebessi pers. com. 1999).
E.5.2.2.15 Rooms 17 and 18. The northern wall of U was disclosed together
with the remnants of rooms 17 and 18. These rooms used the bedrock as
floor1. A wall with east-west direction and a stepped pavement abutting it
limit room 2A, 17, 18 and 24. From room 2A a door opening leads to rooms
17 and 18. The two rooms have a wider opening between them. In the
northeastern corner of 18, querns and tools were placed in two little schist
cases. These were made out of plaques placed vertically on the ground
(Lebessi 1993, 215, pl. 131a; 1992, 219). More tools were found scattered in
the bottom of a small pithos, which was placed in a shallow depression, cut
into the bedrock. The sherd of an MMIIB relief decorated, one handled,
eggshell cup was also found. On it was founded the subsequent enclosure Ub.
A hieroglyphic tablet (fragment of 4 signs) found in this area, was abutting on
the later wall of Ub but it cannot be easily assigned to either U or V. Cups and
pithoi were found in room 17 which may have been used for storage. The
querns and the tools were found in room 18 (Lebessi 1992, 222f, fig. 4-6),
probably a working/preparation area. The scattered remnants of the two
rooms were subsequently covered by the destruction layer. The deposition of
vessels, querns and quern stones is sufficient to characterise the two rooms
as processing and storage spaces. The type of the vessels (10 coarse cups
without handles, household vessels and fragmented pithoi) does not facilitate
their dating although they must be contemporary to other areas of U.
E.5.2.2.16 Rooms 19-22. This cluster of rooms could not be studied because
it is partly covered by walls of successive periods and has partly disappeared.
Their small size, however, may support their reconstruction as auxiliary rooms
of U (Lebessi 1993, 219). Under building Q and especially its southern wall,
large parts of rooms 21 and 22 were discovered. The rooms had plastered
floors of good quality, which were later covered by a new layer after some
event which left burnt remains. Under the plastered floors, parts of paving
were traced which must belong to V. The north parts of 21-2 were destroyed
together with the rest of the north wing in the MMIIB period (Lebessi 1997,
204).
E.5.2.2.17 Rooms 23 and 24. Under building Q, and during the works for the
support of its walls, two new rooms of U were disclosed (23 and 24) in
squares theta 50 and 51. The rooms had plastered floors of good quality,
1
It is possible that hard schist soil was mistakenly taken to be the bedrock.
Until the final report however, we will use the original interpretation, of
bedrock.
103
covered by a new layer after an event with burnt remains. Under 24's plaster
floor, traces of the paved floor of V were discovered.
There were some further rooms discovered further to the south around the
newly discovered T (Lebessi 1997, 201).
104
Table 107: The finds from Building Programme U at Syme
Pottery Coarse Cups, handleless 10 [17]
Cups, communion MMIIIB LMI [13-14] not in situ
Trickle ware, sherds, [Landfill b, 1]
Tripod cooking pots, sherds, [4A]
Pithoi, sherds, [4A]; fragmented [17] Complete [2]
Household vessels [17]
Medium Cup, conical 1, [12, near the case]; several handleless [16,
near platform]; large ones, with plastic deco, sherds [4A];
large, 2, (one decorated), [5, near case]
Cup, communion, sherd of, with receptacles for grain, [5,
near the case]
cups, small, sherds, [4A]
Tubular vessel, early, [5, near the case]
Sherds with receptacles for grain, [5]
Clay vessels, not in situ, [4A]
Fine Eggshell cup [18, 17]
Cups, conical, vafeio, MMIIIB-LMI [between 8-9]
Figurines Head of a clay animal figurine, [Landfill a, 1] bird of brown
steatite[Landfill a, 1]
Stone Cup, conical, serpentinite with plastic decoration, [4A]
Lime stone basin, [Landfill a, 1]
Vessels, sherds, [fill of 4A], not in situ
Lids, serpentinite, disc shaped with a button like handle,
[first period of 3]
Offering table, serpentinite, broken [1-3]; [near platform
16]; 2, [12 near case]; round [8]; [5 near the case];
stepped, with little depressions, [4A]
Offering table [3A]; square fragment of [8]; 6, 2 of them on
the bench, 1 with leaf decoration [6]; small size, all types, 6
on the bench and 7 near the schist case, [5]
Lamp serpentinite [1-3]; [2] stone?; serpentinite [12]
Foot, cylindrical, of stone communion vessel, [5, near the
case].
Quern, [2]; some in schist cases [18]
Bones Animal bones, [Landfill a, 1]
Other Tools [18, in schist cases]; [18, in small pithos]
Lamp, clay, big, were found [13-14] not in situ; some
(Clay?) [2]
Brazier, clay, 1 [12, near the case]
Bead, steatite, disc shaped, [8]
Hieroglyphic tablet [18, 17], not in situ.
Remnants of burnt materials [19-22]
Burnt wood, [Landfill a, 1]; scattered remains[first period of
3]; round, a seat? [4A]; [12, near the case]
Triton shell, fragment of, [8]
Pebbles, small, 11, [first period of 3]
In square brackets [1] the room(s) concerned; the numbers outside brackets indicate
the number of items; unless otherwise stated, all items are in situ, and from the
second period. Rooms 13-14 may belong to the previous phase, that of building V.
105
E.5.2.2.18 Interesting Groups of Finds. There are three interesting groups of
finds each one associated with a different area. They all belong to the later
phase of U:
1) In room 5, several items were found near the schist case: two large
conical cups, one decorated, a serpentinite offering table, a clay one with
a cylindrical foot and a clay lamp with a similar foot, an early tubular
vessel, a cylindrical foot of a communion cup with six small vessels, a
sherd of a communion cup with little clay callosities for the possible
reception of grain.
2) In room 12, near the schist case (which we repeat here, might be a later
construction), a conical cup, a clay brazier, two serpentinite offering tables
and a lamp of the same material were found together with traces of burnt
wood.
3) In room 16, near a platform, a group of conical cups without handles and
one serpentinite offering table, were also found. It is worth noting the
correlation of offering tables to drinking cups, not necessarily of the best
quality.
E.5.2.3 Outdoors, contemporary to Building U

Outside the main building, several other built features were very important for
the layout of the entire 'sanctuary'.
To the east of the external eastern wall of U an open air pavement
11m long has been recovered so far. A strong subsidence destroyed both the
eastern wall and the pavement (Lebessi 1983, 353).
Under the boulder of the inner north corner of the later Krepis, two
large parts of a sizeable square serpentinite offering table were found. Their
position and that black earth with animal bones surrounding them do not
explain their use as building material. It is probable that this offering table
should be associated with a paved floor (U building programme) found under
the foundation of the later south Krepis wall (square I 53).
Figure 51: a) Unfinished 'offering' table and b) loom-weights from Syme.

From Lebessi 1985, pl.21 c and 1983, pl. 35 b, c
The outer north wall of U was adjacent to a stepped paved road with
its retaining wall. It is possible that this road continues further north under
the subsequent procession road which has two predecessors in the squares B
45, Γ 45-46, Δ/Ε 45 (Lebessi 1997, 196-9); one of them could belong to the U
building programme. Unfortunately, there is no evidence yet to support such
a connection.
106
To the west an open air site has been shaped by the three retaining
walls (a1-3) and is only 4 meters away from the last remains of the
aforementioned road (Lebessi 1988, 253-5 fig. 6). South of the a1 an
unpaved flat area called 'Πλατεία' was discovered in squares HZ 52-3 (Lebessi
1992, 229-30). It is possible that the road of U, which runs along its north
side, connected the water source to the 'πλατεία' and the open air area of the
retaining walls a1-3, thus connecting all the open areas.
The connection between U and the three retaining walls (a1-3) was
verified in 1993 (Lebessi 1993, 220, 223, fig. 8), as the east end of a1 was
discovered abutting the western outer wall of U. The retaining walls have
been superficially built of dry rocks without any connecting material. Among
these stones several architectural members and offering tables of serpentinite
were incorporated, in a similar fashion to the walls of U. The surface of the
plateau created by a1-3 was covered with sparse pebbles and vessels of
many types. The entrance to U was traced where the east ends of a1 and 2
touch the western wall of the building. A big serpentinite lintel, similar to all
the other entrances of U was traced there (Lebessi 1979, 401; 1988, 249;
1989, 298, fig 1; 1993, 223, fig. 8, pl. 137b).
Table 108: The outdoor finds from the Building Programme U at Syme
Pottery Cups, communion >10
Jar handle, sealed (OP design)
Tubular vessels >5
Tripod cooking pots, fragments >10
Vessels, 'often characterised as ritual'
Stone Vessels usually characterised as 'ritual'
Offering tables, serpentinite, >18 entire and >4 fragmentary
Pillar, limestone, with a dowel hole for the reception possibly of an
offering table on top
Bones Animal bones
Other Clay lamps >5
Quadruped, aplique
Burnt wood
Pebbles
The finds that were reported from a1-3 were very helpful as they
throw light on the open air activities taking place there. Clay lamps, thirteen
entire offering tables of serpentinite, clay communion cups, clay and stone
vessels usually characterised as ritual, an aplique quadruped sherd, animal
bones, calcinated leaves, burnt soil, and wood were amongst the finds
(Lebessi 1992, pl. 103c; 1988, pll. 173 a,c). In the walls, one can also find
fragments of wall plaster, black earth, burnt wood and clay. The activities on
the plateau retained by a1-3 can be elucidated by the discovery of black
earth, burnt wood, animal bones and pebbles, together with sherds of Minoan
(OP or NP) communion cups, tubular vessels, fragments of tripod cooking
pots, a sealed jar handle, offering tables of serpentinite and clay lamps. The
sealing on the jar handle comes from an OP seal (Lebessi 1991, fig. 3). From
the surface of the middle retaining wall, five entire offering tables were
107
discovered together with 4 fragmentary ones, while a limestone pillar with a
dowel hole possibly for the reception of an offering table was also found
(Lebessi 1985, 278; Platon and Pararas 1991).
In that case, the open air site that is associated with U, is limited and
defined by the three retaining walls to the west (a1-3), the open court with
the offering table, and the stepped paved road just north of U (Lebessi 1989,
302). It must be noted that the western extent of the retaining walls a1-3 has
not been excavated.
E.5.2.4 Ub
This structure replaced a part of U just after its first destruction. Its use may
have been contemporaneous to that of the second phase of U, or slightly
prior to it. It is a small open air enclosure with at least two other rooms. Its
walls were carelessly made with cut rocks and stones, probably coming from
the destroyed U. One of them covers a pithos and an MMIIB cup (Lebessi
1993, 218) sherd that according to the excavator elucidate the date of the
first destruction of U and the subsequent construction of Ub. Within Ub small
traces of fire were discovered in different nuclei and in different parts of the
enclosure. Each ash nucleus was marked by larger concentrations of burnt
wood, around which offering tables of serpentinite, and inverted conical cups
were found. Several stone or clay vessels, such as clay handleless, carinated,
and conical cups, amphoroid vessels with an elliptical spout and fewer with a
bridge one were found together with offering tables, round and square.
Among the thirteen entire offering tables of serpentinite found in the
enclosure, a round table had four signs of Linear A on its conical surface. A
broken small column of serpentinite, with relief bands and accommodation for
an offering table or other vessel at the top, is also notable (Lebessi 1992, pl.
97b). The first fire activities in Ub took place on the floor or on the walls of
the underlying U. Although fire was attested everywhere in the enclosure,
there were no traces of bones. The pottery around the fires is not datable,
although some of the sherds coming from the fill of Ub are dated to the
MMIIB period (carinated and cantharoid cups, cylindrical well fired cups with
low vertical sides, wide mouthed spouts with handles imitating metal etc.).
The enclosure Ub is connected to the west with another two rooms
(here space 2 and 3).
The one directly to the west of the enclosure, space 2, has a small
bench on its east wall 1.50x 0.55 m. It is small enough to be roofed. Its use
must have been comparable to that of Ub space 1, as there are, here too,
similar remnants of fire (three consecutive fires partly covered by red schist
plaques). Near the fire, three stone offering tables, were found, while in its
north limit, a big communion cup was found decorated with clay bands that
support in their turn miniature conical cups.
The existence of the third Ub space, is only tentative as the north wall
of Ub extends further than the west wall of space 2 (Lebessi 1995, 257-9).
108
Table 109: The finds from the enclosure Ub at Syme
Pottery Cups, conical, [Ub1]
Cups, no handles, [Ub1]
Cups, carinated [Ub1]; [Ub1 fill]
Cups, cantharoid, [Ub1 fill]
Cups, cylindrical, well fired, low vertical sides, [Ub1 fill]
Goblet, communion, large, with clay bands that support miniature
conical cups [Ub2]
Amphoroids with elliptical spout, [Ub1]; fewer with bridge spouts,
[Ub1]
Spouts, wide mouthed, handles imitating metal, [Ub1 fill]
Stone Offering tables, serpentinite, 13 entire (round and square), 1 with
linear A inscription[Ub1]; 3, corresponding to 3 fires, [Ub2]
Collumn base, possibly for offering table, serpentinite, with relief
band decoration, [Ub1]
[Ub1]=from the enclosure, in situ, [Ub2]=from first roofed room, in situ, [Ub1
fill], from the fill of the enclosure, therefore not in situ.
E.5.2.5 Peribolos Wall and Krepis Building Programme

There is no edifice associated with this building phase. A monumental road
that connected the water source on the east to the area on the west, where
open air activities would take place, was constructed. Apart from this road, a
surrounding wall of the central area was further built, together with a central
platform that was approached from the east by a ramp. This building phase,
has been coloured in the excavation plan in light blue and belonged to the
early NP period.
E.5.2.5.1 The road. The entrance to the processional road was most probably
rectangular and was in the squares H51-2. On the northern side of this paved
street, there is a ditch for the rainwater. The pottery of this ditch dates it to
the LMI period. On its northern side, and beyond the ditch, the street is
bound by a strong wall; the latter is situated under LMIIIC period deposits.
The south side of the road, however, cuts the façade of building U.
In square 51 the ditch crosses another one with north-south
direction. In E49 a paved area was found with the same type of paving and
the same width as that of the procession road. The paving is in calcite
plaques connected with stucco. The foundation below the road also fits. Thus
the road most probably continued to the north. In 1997 it was discovered that
the road continued even further north to Δ 48 and further to the squares Β
45-6, Γ 46. In other words, there was a long dog leg monumental road that
lead from the south of the Peribolos wall up the mountain (Lebessi 1997, 196-
9). The north part of the road (B 45-6 and Γ 46) has a ditch for the rainwater
on either side, unlike the road further south. This may mean that it splits.
In the destruction layer of U and of the procession road a stepped
square offering table and a massif quadruped figurine were found. Both are
dated to the early NP phase (Lebessi 1989, 301). The stone vessels that were
found in the west part of the procession road in the pits of H51-2 were not in
109
a burnt layer, but in a randomly created pit, there. One communion cup in
limestone, a quern of trachite, another of elliptical shape, two balls of marble
and gray calcite respectively were found together with two well finished cups
and a lamp both in serpentinite (Lebessi 1985, 272, pll. 132b, 132d). Eight
serpentinite offering tables of round shape, and a badly preserved square
shaped one, a little serpentinite ball with crescent like incisions, possibly a
fibula head and sherds of open vessels and a broken square limestone
(Lebessi 1985, fig. 3) were also found. A stepped square base with
accomodation for a wooden shaft, may have served as a double axe stand
(Nilsson 1950, 216-8). Chance finds also include a wooden comb, part of a
clay ox figurine and an unidentified clay vessel, as well as three sherds of a
wheelmade clay ox, a clay loomweight of cylindrical shape and a copper
tongue shaped blade, similar in shape to other found in Palaikastro and
Psychro. Also notable are the several pithos fragments that were discovered
(Lebessi 1985, 273, 280).
E.5.2.5.2 The peribolos wall. In the lower layers of the surrounding wall, and
in its western corner to the east of the building S doorpost, there was an
entire sea triton, which, according to the excavator, is not a building material
but a foundation deposit. This remains however, tentative. The peribolos
surrounds 530 sq.m, while its total length was 26.5m. The southern part of
the west peribolos wall had two similar faces and was built on big well cut
rocks. The northwestern part of it, however, had only one face towards the
Krepis, while to the north it was a mere stone rubble fill. The former face,
23m long, was built of big rocks in an impressive pseudo polygonic style. The
different walling techniques of the two faces resulted from the different uses.
The northern part was used as a retaining wall of ‘dead’ fills while the
southern one was the façade to the procession road. The source of water was
by just 5m outside the wall's perimeter. Between the northern face of the
northern wall of the Krepis and the north wall of the peribolos, a great
amount of vessels, that are often associated with ritual, were found (for
inscribed 'offering tables' see Lebessi 1991, 318; 1985, 277, 135-6; 1987,
277, 285; 1988, 262). In the squares Z49-50 the foundation of an entrance
through the surrounding peribolos wall can be confidently reconstructed
(Lebessi 1988, fig.6, 256). In the inner northeastern corner of the peribolos, a
small semicircular wall was built, in front of which rich soils of fire and votives
were recovered. The relation between the eastern wall of the peribolos and
the parallel to it wall further east is unclear. Also unclear is the dating of the
items that were found between them (including many vessels that are often
characterised as ritual), without burning or feasting remnants. It is possible
that the extra wall may have something to do with the water source,
(blocking it for instance).
E.5.2.5.3 The Krepis. The foundation wall of the Krepis’ southern wall (I 531)
rests on a paved floor of U, contrary to another part of the same wall, which
is founded on the destruction layer of V (Lebessi 1987, fig. 5; 1991, 329)
(Lebessi 1985, 281). Some south parts of the Krepis abut to the northern
walls of U. the former's western wall is 20.20m of length and has been
110
differently built to that of the east one. The northern wall was destroyed by a
rock, though its northeastern end is attested and joins with a wall running
eastwards. The joint of the northern to the western walls gave two bowls
(lopas), many MMIII-LMI sherds, animal bones, and burnt wood. These
pervaded in the inner parts of the joint only after the destruction of the
Krepis. This means that the open air activities continued after the destruction
of the Krepis and of building S (Lebessi 1989, 302).
The foundations of the Krepis walls were placed deep enough for them
to be supported on stable ground. As the stable schist in the northwestern
corner of the Krepis can be found at a higher level than in its southwestern
one, the foundation of the northern wall did not need to be as deep. This
explains the one foundation layer of the western wall to the north and the
three to the south. In parts, the foundations lay on the stable destroyed walls
of U. As the Krepis was completely destroyed in parts, the burnt layer of the
open air activities reached the dead calcite ground that is conventionally
called 'ποταμός'.
It was observed that the eastern part of the northern wall of the Krepis
has been remade or added at a later stage as it is not founded on the ‘dead’
loose silty earth, like its western counterpart, but in a thin black layer with
few bones and a few Minoan sherds. The northern part initially would have
been laid in the same way as the southern, i.e. with stacks of big square
boulders and with uncut rocks without matrix in between. It is possible that
the lower course of the eastern ‘addition’, mentioned earlier, was actually the
remains of this initial laying of the wall (Lebessi 1994, 242, fig.2 left).
According to the excavators, the massive size of the Krepis
12.10x12.03m prevents the possibility of it being used for sacrifice or for
laying offerings. There are many indications presented by them, however, in
favour its ritual use. Its position, not in the centre but at a long distance from
the north, west and south sides but a short distance from the east of one,
thus nearer to the water source, its shape, and the lack of finds on top have
been pointed out. Its central role in the entire 'sanctuary' and the rich
deposition of finds all around it is more convincing.
Between the Peribolos and the Krepis there was abundant evidence of
burnt soil and wood, together with several remains of open air activities.
These included mainly, pottery (mainly drinking and feasting), bones of
animals, burnt wood, stone offering tables etc. Some of the stone tables, may
have been placed in a long row (Lebessi pers. com. 1999).
E.5.2.6 Fireplace
The road that was contemporary to building U, and situated to its north, was
covered by subsequent NP layers in which a fireplace was discerned: small
stones in a type of elliptical position surround a completely black earth with
many remnants of burnt wood, animal bones and sherds of ritually
characterised vessels as well as a stack of little conical cups (Lebessi 1988,
fig. 5). Together with the fireplace, but not necessarily connected with it, ten
serpentinite or limestone offering tables were found, entire or in pieces. Five
serpentinite drinking cups and an almond shaped talismanic seal were also
111
found (Lebessi 1988, pl. 167d). This fireplace may be contemporary to the
phase of the Peribolos wall (light blue).
E.5.2.7 Temenos wall

A two faced wall surrounds the whole peribolos and is extended much further
than the latter. Its course to the east surrounds the water source and is lost
in the mountain cliff. The dating of the wall is uncertain. It is not connected
to the north peribolos wall as a fill, 110cm thick, lies between them (Lebessi
2000, forthcoming).
E.5.2.8 Building S
Above rooms 10, 11, 12 of U and the southern part of the road running along
its northern side, there was a building for which building materials from its
predecessor were used. Its dating is based on an amphora of ‘household’ use,
found on a rock together with remains of a well trodden earth floor. Since the
excavation, restoration, support and cleaning of the walls of S, several
MMIII-LMI sherds were found in the walls, which verified the dating of the
two buildings. Some animal bones were also found, which indicate that the
earth used as connecting material for the walls came from the open air space.
The long room of S was remodeled as a storeroom (R) with the
construction of a wall blocking the entrance to the large room 51-2. Next to
it another two small rooms that communicate between them through a
narrow entrance (90 cm wide) (Lebessi 1985, 269) were modelled. Four
stirrup jars, which accompany two large storage pithoi (Lebessi 1985, 269, pl.
127d, and 129 a-b) and the upper part of a third one, date the remodelling
phase of S to the LM IIIB period. In the same layer to those pithoi, a part of a
trachite quern, a triangular calcite weight with a vertical perforation, a pear
shaped serpentinite quern, a long flat concave schist tool, four pebbles used
as quern stones and a part of a copper, axe shaped, knife blade were found.
They are similar to finds of storage spaces elsewhere.
The western open air space was surrounded by a wall that was placed
above the retaining walls of U. This surrounding wall had two faces: one of
carefully placed rocks and another of rubble. This surrounding wall was
placed on the destroyed Krepis (contemporary to S). The use of building S
and, by extension, of the surrounding wall, continued until or after LM IIIB.
Finds contemporary to building S (none in situ) and before the endo of
the NP period were two bowls (lopas), many MMIII-LMI sherds, animal bones,
and burnt wood. It is possible that the case of room 12 of U belonged to this
building.
112
Table 110: The finds from Syme
Pottery Cups, conical (hundreds to thousands)
Cups, one handled
Cups, no handles
Cups, communion
Cups, vafeio
Cups, carinated
Cups, cantharoid
Cups, cylindrical
Cups, goblet
Cup, egg shell
Cups, miniature (>20), some NP (>15)
Kotyle with relief decoration (Jones NP)
Bowls
Tubular stands (>30)
Chalices (>30) (Jones NP)
Chalices, miniature (>3)
Amphoras (Jones NP)
Jars, spouted
Jars, amphoroid
Jars, with inscribed handles.
Vessels, miniature
Vase, bird nest (Jones NP)
Incense burner
Brazier
Basins, some tripod
Bucket, clay, with 11 loomweights inside
Tripod cooking pots and other types of cauldrons
Pithoi
Lamps
Tubular stands, one with stepped base
Handle of jar, stamped
Utilitarian household vessels
Figurines Human figurines, bronze, 39
(Clay when Male, with wip
not specified) Animal figurines of all periods (many bulls, some large)
Bovids, NP and later
Goat's head
Monkey (Jones says it is cut out)
Bird of brown steatite
Applique panthers and quadrupeds
Metal Swords
Arrow head (Jones NP)
Double axes, bronze, 3
Double axe, iron
Plate of gold
Nails of gold
Foil of gold
Disc of gold
Vase, silver, fragment of (Jones NP)
Bracelet of gold wire
Pin, bronze
Trowels, plate
Chisels plate
Blade, of knife, bronze, wide
Blades, bronze, plate
Pick, bronze
Ring, bronze (Jones NP)
113
Table 110: The finds from Syme
Stone Bowl
Lids, serpentinite
Rock crystal vessel
Nest shaped vessel
Basin, lime stone,
Pyxis (Jones NP)
Chalice (Jones NP)
Offering tables, hundreds, all Minoan periods
Offering tables, miniature, many
Columns and feet for bowls and tables
Collumn base, possibly for offering table, serpentinite
Capital, serpentinite, basket shaped with leaf decoration
cups, some, Conical; Communion some; Cups some.
Lamps
Base, stepped, serpentinite, (for double axes?)
Mortars
Querns
Hammer
Tools
Small whetstone
Balls, marble, and grey limestone
Pebbles, around 600
Unworked serpentinite balls, for the production of offering tables or cups
Bone Horns
Bones, many, all around the outdoors site
Triton and other sea shells (several species)
Comb, bone
Other Double axes, clay
Top of a staff, shape of horns of consecration
Plaques
Beads of various materials
Seals, rock crystal, talismanic; green schist, linear design; cylindrical, pressed chlorite.
Cover of seal, gold bezel.
Hieroglyphic tablet
Ball head of pin
Obsidian
Wood, burnt, and ash
Vegetal remains
Potter's wheel fragment (Jones NP)
Loomweights
114
F. Other Sites often associated with open-air ritual
There is a large number of Peak Sanctuaries as mentioned by Peatfield (1983,

273-279 and 1990, 117-131), Rutkowski (1988, 71-98) and Jones (1999) that
have not been mentioned in this work. Not all of these so-called Peak
Sanctuaries have been excavated or their excavations have not been
reported. The aforementioned authors were either anxious to present new
material and included names of peaks visited by themselves or other scholars
or had privileged access to excavated or survey material that has not been
made available to the present author. All of the Peak Sanctuaries mentioned
above in section A of the Appendix, however, have part of their material
reported.
Moreover, there is a number of sites mentioned by Hood as 'town
shrines' (1981, 158-72) that are also not discussed in this work. These are
Gournia, Fournou Korifi, Agia Triada, Koumasa, Mallia MMII Sanctuary, Mallia
Sanctuary of the Horns, Pseira, and Palaikastro Building Π. Agia Irini on Kea,
Rousses Chondrou, and Kannia Mitropolis are also discussed in Hood for
comparative purposes.
Agia Irini is not discussed here as it is not on Crete and does not
belong to a very clear category (as the Peak Sanctuary of St. George at
Kythera does). The sites at Gournia (Russel 1979, 32), and at Kannia
Mitropolis are typical LMIII 'sanctuaries' (Driessen 2000, 89), while Myrtos
Fournou Koryfi is Prepalatial (Warren 1972, 80-1). As they do not date from
any of the palace periods, we shall not consider them at all.
Hood dated the free standing building of Agia Triada around the end of
the MM or the beginning of LM (1981, 163), but La Rosa (1984, 186, fig. 280,
187), mentions some recent soundings that show a building date around
LMIII A1-2. This date is given on the basis of five sherds found in between
the foundation blocks. Hood does mention that the building continued to be
used until the LM IIIB but supports an earlier construction date. Following La
Rosa, we accept the late date of the building. The lack of in situ finds in it,
moreover, prohibits further study.
Koumasa, was dug by Xanthoudides during the summer of 1906. The

incomplete remains, i.e the architecture and the finds, were studied by
Georgoulaki (1990) through two remaining photographs and a text by
Xanthoudides, together with fleeting mentions by the excavator and the
Museum of Herakleion Catalogue. The excavator mentioned that the
'sanctuary' was a building at the top of the peak of Koumasa and it comprised
of "…several rooms; one of them, the most distinguished, was paved and its
roof was supported by a column. The stone base of the latter is preserved in
situ."(Xanthoudides 1906, 32).
115
Table 111: The finds from Koumasa
Pottery Jugs, 3, MMIII
Lamps, 3, MMI
Stone Bowl or other, 1, black serpentinite, uncertain date MMI/II or NP
(Georgoulaki 1990, 15)
'Libation table', 1, (unknown date OP or NP)
Object, biglobular, 1
Other 'Snake tubes', 2, (LMIII?)
Stand, 1, (MMII?)
Fragment of clay, possibly from a heart or an 'offering table' 1,
MMIIa (Similar-?- parallel from Phaestos-MMIIB)
As we see above, the very few preserved finds that are tentatively
associated with the excavation of the 'hilltop sanctuary' are of different dates,
and of obscure location. This means that the study of such a building is
impossible and will therefore have to be excluded. More fieldwork on the site
might clarify the matter, but for the moment we cannot say anything about
the nature of the building and its finds.
Palaikastro, block Π, has unclear architecture, and its finds are possibly
a result of secondary deposition. Thus, as it is not possible to interpret the
building in any way, we will also not refer to it any further. Mallia, the
'Sanctuary of the Horns', has almost no finds and one cannot decide on its
status. Mallia MMII sanctuary, on the other hand, is not connected to open air
in any clear way and its items that are relevant to ritual are too few. In other
words, we cannot show its ritual associations and cannot use it in our analysis
in any way.
The so-called shrine AC at Pseira (Betancourt and Davaras 1988, 215-
8), is not only devoid of any finds, but also not associated with any large
open air space. It is not therefore interesting to discuss this building here,
although we would not be able to prove its ritual status anyway.
Finally, the so called house-shrine (οικία-ιερό) at Rousses Chondrou is
probably not an exclusively ritual building but one in the middle of a house, as
it was initially supposed by the excavators (Ergon 1959, 139-42) and later by
Driessen (2000, 89, n. 16). Moreover, we have no evidence for any relation of
this building to large open air spaces and we cannot employ it in this work.
Apart from the sites discussed above there are some more sites that we have
not included in the above discussions.
The three circular platforms from the final period of the palace at
Knossos, that were found in the Stratigraphical Museum Excavations cannot
be discussed despite the fact that they have been associated with dancing
rituals (Warren 1984, 307-323). Although we do agree that there is evidence
pointing to dances taking place in Minoan Crete, we cannot be certain that
these platforms were indeed used for such performances. Neither can we
demonstrate that the circular base of the group of dancing figurines with a
musician figurine discovered at Palaikastro is correctly interpreted by Warren
116
(1988, 14-15) as representing a 'circular dancing place' and is not just a mere
base.
Finally, the various Caves in Crete to which some ritual associations
have been attributed have not been discussed here as the activities
conducted there were not, in general, open-air ones.
117
G- Room LXIV in the LWCS at Phaestos
A Brief Account of the Study of the Pottery
Room LXIV was destroyed during the MMIIB period (Doro Levi's, second
period). According to F. Carinci (pers. com. 1999), the room together with the
entire 'Lower West Court Sanctuary' were destroyed completely. Rooms LIX,
and LX were subsequently filled and remade during the MMIIB period, also
covering room LXIV. The other rooms of this wing were never rebuilt or
indeed filled. According to P. Carinci, the rooms V-VII of the 'Upper West
Court Sanctuary', which were built at that time (after the MMIIB destruction),
replaced the function of some of the above never rebuilt rooms.
In the remodelling phase, the entrance of rooms LIX, and LX to the W
court was opened, and a few flaps of stairs climbed up to the new raised level
of the rooms. Room LXIV, which was further in, was also filled up and raised
to a new level. Between the old floor, which was much lower, and the new
one, there was a significant layer of 'fill' with some debris. From within this
debris came a little clay foot together with three complete vases, and a
number of so far unpublished sherds that were stored.
With the permission of the Italian school and with the help of F. Carinci
I studied the pottery of the fill, in order to determine its origin and date. The
information on the fill would also illuminate the provenance and the date of
the clay foot found in it.
The sherds were mostly MMIIB with very few exceptions (some conical
MMIIA cups and some sherds of barbotine ware, together with one Aghios
Onouphrios sherd and one MMIA sherd). Several cups were discovered
together with some tripod cooking pots, small and larger pithoi, plates (some
small and one big), amphorae, spouts, and few sherds of common kernoi. No
particularly fine ware or impressively decorated pottery was found.
The main interesting observation of the study of the sherds is that they
are in a very fragmentary state. The complete vessels are very few indeed.
They, therefore, are in secondary deposition and comprise a pure fill.
Moreover, several pieces of bone, some cut and burnt (processed in some
way), a few teeth and a piece of sea shell were also found together with
some plaster fragments painted grey, black or red. These enforce the view
that all this material, which used to fill and level the room, is in secondary
deposition.
The fill must have come from MMIIB layers elsewhere as that is the
prevailing and, in any case, the latest date of its sherds. The destruction that
took place in MMIIB affected only a small part of the palace, and most of its
other parts were apparently unscathed. In fact, the only serious destruction
we can trace during this period in the entire palace so far was in the 'Lower
West Court Sanctuary' complex to which room LXIV belonged. As there was a
need of material to level the floor of the rooms LIX, and LX before
refurbishment, the easiest solution would be to bring in and fill the rooms
with destruction debris from the adjacent destroyed area, where that it would
be abundant. Thus, it would not be unreasonable to speculate that the
provenance of the clay foot comes from the destroyed 'Lower West Court
118
Sanctuary' area. Moreover, the sherds recovered fit in with the types of
pottery found elsewhere in the LWCS. The above cannot be used as a final
verdict, but as an indication. Furthermore, the pottery associated with the
clay foot, if it comes from the same area, would argue against it being a
votive as there is a complete lack of items that could have been interpreted
as such.
Figure 52:
A selection of sherds and other small items from the fill of room LXIV, LWCS
The EM or very early MM sherds
MMIA
Some early cups
All Prepalatial sherds
Larger characteristic vessels
119
Figure 52:
A Plate, a small spout and a cup
Decorated MMIB sherds
Rims
Handles and base-feet
Vessel body sherds
120
Figure 52:
Several of the bases
More bases
(top-left corner: a sherd of a double vessel -like a kernos)
Painted plaster
Organic (processed bone, teeth, bone, charred material)
121
Figure 52:
Stone (obsidian and chert blades)
122

The Establishment of Ritual The Case of

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The Establishment of Ritual The Case of

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Evangelos Kyriakidis

Ritual and its Establishment

St. John's College, Cambridge, 2002

This dissertation was supervised by Prof. Colin Renfrew, to whom I am more

1. Introduction: A Contribution to the Study of Ritual

2. Ritual and its Establishment

3. The Archaeology of Ritual and of its Establishment

5. The Establishment of Some Open-air Minoan Rituals: The Analysis of

5.1 PERFORMANCE AND PARTICIPATION

6. Non-Ritual Traits Shared by all 'institutions'

Bibliography of Place Names

A.1 AMBELOS (SITIA)

B. Sites associated with Peak Sanctuaries

B.1 ANEMOSPELIA (ARKHANES-YOUKHTAS)

C. Sites Associated with Larger Structures (Palaces)

C.1 THE LOWER WEST COURT SANCTUARY (PHAESTOS)

D. Independent Open-Air Funerary Rituals

D.1 BUILDING 4 (ARKHANES-FOURNI)

E.1 EFENTIS CHRISTOS (PHAESTOS)

F. Other Sites often associated with open-air ritual

G- Room LXIV in the LWCS at Phaestos: A Brief Account of the Study of

Table 32: The finds from Ambelos, A.1

"Equally, the sarsens may have been put up to be the everlasting

1.1 PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY

1.2 THE CRADLE OF THE STUDY OF RITUAL IN ARCHAEOLOGY

1.3 RITUAL AND RELIGION IN MINOAN CRETE

A fundamental stumbling block, however, in the study of the

2.2 THE TRAITS OF RITUAL

2.2.2 Traditionalism and repetition

2.2.6.1 Types of signs. By the word sign (σημαίνον - signifier) of something

2.3 OTHER TYPES OF PERFORMATIVE ACTION

2.4 REFINING FURTHER

2.4.1 Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy

2.4.2 Secular and Religious Ritual

2.5 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL

Formality, which presupposes rule-governance, has been argued by

2.5.2 The Establishment of Ritual, the Establishment of Society

The establishment of one or more rituals can reflect the establishment

Thus, ritual consists of a number of traits each contributing to its

2.6 ASSESSING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL

2.6.1 Primary Evidence: The Traits of Ritual

2.6.2 Secondary Evidence: Traits Pertaining to 'Institutions'

2.6.3 Different Degrees of Establishment: An Illustration

2.6.4 Problem: Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy

The assumptions which have already been mentioned concerning the

The recognition of ritual in archaeology always presented a problem. Views

3.1 THE NATURE OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD:

3.1.2 Some Problems Pertaining to Storage

3.1.3 A Traditional way of Tracing Ritual in Archaeology

3.2 RITUAL IN PREHISTORIC ARCHAEOLOGY

3.2.1 Formalism can be traced archaeologically in its greater degrees, where

3.2.2 Repetition. The repetition of a sequence of actions, in any sense of

3.2.5 Rule-governance. The various degrees of rule-governance can be

3.2.6 Performance. In short, the degrees of the establishment of performance

3.2.7.1 'Symbolism': Signs in Prehistoric Archaeology and the study of ritual.

3.2.7.2 'Symbols' and Function. A traditional way of attributing a primary

It must be noted here that one phenomenon may demonstrate more

3.4 REFINING FURTHER

3.4.1 Orthodoxy and Orthopraxy

3.4.2 Religious Ritual

3.4.2.1 The Archaeology of Cult. Renfrew sees religious ritual as the

3.5 ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RITUAL

Before we attempt to assess the establishment of the rituals taking place