Professional Documents
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THE
: ARCHAEOLOGY
OF SOCIETY IN THE
HOLY LAND
EDITED BY THOMAS E. LEVY
Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or
review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, this publication
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A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
The satellite image maps were produced by City Cartographic, London Guildhall University
by Gareth Owen under the direction of Don Shewan.
The relief shading was illustrated by using the software package 'Mountains High Maps,TM
Copyright 1993 Digital Wisdom, Inc.
II STONE AGE ADAPTATION, 6 SOCIAL CHANGE AND THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE HOLY 76
EVOLUTION AND SURVIVAL LAND: PREHISTORIC LITHIC PRODUCTION THROUGH TIME
Augustin F.e. Hall and Thomas E. Levy
7 THE LOWER PALEOLITHIC OF ISRAEL 93
Naoma Goren-Inbar
8 THE ORIGINS OF MODERN HUMANS 110
Ofer Bor-Yosef
9 THE FORAGERS OF THE UPPER PALEOLITHIC PERIOD 124
Isaac Gilead
10 COMPLEX HUNTER/GATHERERS AT THE END OF THE 141
PALEOLITHIC (20,000-10,000 BP)
Nigel Goring-Morris
11 THE FIRST SETTLED SOCIETIES - NATUFIAN (12,500-10,200 169
BP)
Fron<;ois Valla
III FARMERS, PRIESTS AND 12 EARLIEST FOOD PRODUCERS - PRE-POTTERY NEOLITHIC 190
PRINCES: THE RISE OF THE (8000-5500)
FIRST COMPLEX SOCIETIES Ofer Bar-Yosef
13 EARLY POTTERY-BEARING GROUPS IN ISRAEL - THE POTTERY 205
NEOLITHIC PERIOD
Avi Gopher
14 CULT, METALLURGY AND RANK SOCIETIES -CHALCOLITHIC 226
PERIOD (CA. 4500-3500 BCE)
Thomas E. Levy
15 PLOUGH AND PASTURE IN THE EARLY ECONOMY OF THE 245
SOUTHERN LEVANT
Caroline Grigson
16 EARLY BRONZE AGE CANAAN: SOME SPATIAL AND 269
DEMOGRAPHIC OBSERVATIONS
Ram Gophna
vi Contents
17 SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN THE EARLY BRONZE IV PERIOD IN 282 IV CANAAN, ISRAEL, AND
PALESTINE THE FORMATION OF THE
William G. Dever BIBLICAL WORLD
18 THE DAWN OF INTERNATIONALISM - THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE 297
David lion
22 THE KINGDOMS OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH: POLITICAL AND 368 V LOCAL KINGDOMS AND
ECONOMIC CENTRALIZATION IN THE IRON IIA-B WORLD EMPIRES
(CA. 1000-750 BCE)
John S. Holladoy, Jr
23 THE KINGDOMS OF AMMON, MOAB AND EDOM: THE 399
ARCHAEOLOGY OF SOCIETY IN LATE BRONZE/IRON AGE
TRANSJORDAN (CA. 1400-500 BCE)
0ystein S. LoBianco and Randall W . Younker
24 SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN PALESTINE IN THE IRON II PERIOD ON THE 416
EVE OF DESTRUCTION
William G . Dever
25 BETWEEN PERSIA AND GREECE: TRADE, ADMINISTRATION AND 432
WARFARE IN THE PERSIAN AND HELLENISTIC PERIODS
(539-63 BCE)
Ephraim Stern
26 THE IMPACT OF ROME ON THE PERIPHERY: THE CASE OF 446
PALESTINA - ROMAN PERIOD (63 BCE-324 CE)
James D Anderson
BIBLIOGRAPHY 549
INDEX 605
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Thomas E. Levy is Professor in the Department of Anthro- period in Syro-Palestine. Recendy, he was post-doctoral research
pology and on the faculty of the Judaic Studies Program at the fellow at the Sorbonne, Paris.
University of California, San Diego. Prior to this, he was Israel Finkelstein is Professor of Archaeology at Tel Aviv Univer-
assistant director at the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical sity and is, at present, co-director of the Megiddo Expedition. He
Archaeology, Hebrew Union College (1987-92) and the W.F. has directed numerous expeditions and excavations and is a
Albright Institute of Archaeological Research (1985-87), both member of the editorial boards of Tel Aviv, Journal of the
in Jerusalem. Research and teaching interests focus on Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University, the Monograph
anthropological archaeology, ethnoarchaeology, nomadism series of the same institute and that of Qadmoniot, Quarterly fur
and the archaeology of Syro-Palestine. He has directed the Antiquities of Eretz-Israel and Bible Lands. He is co-editor
excavations at Gilat, Shiqmim, and Nahal Tillah in Israel and with N. Na'aman of From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeo-
conducted ethnoarchaeological research in Cameroon. Author logical and Historical Aspects of Early Israel (1994) and with S.
of numerous scholarly papers, he recendy co-edited (with Bunimovitz and Z. Lederman of Shiloh: The Archaeology of a
A.F.C. Holl) Spatial Boundaries and Social Dynamics - Case Biblical Site (Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology,
Studies from Food-Producing Societies (Ann Arbor: No.10, Tel Aviv University, 1993) and editor of Archaeological
International Monographs in Prehistory). Survey in the Hill Country of Benjamin (1993).
James Anderson recendy completed his PhD at the University of Isaac Gilead is Professor of Archaeology at Ben-Gurion University
Newcasde-Upon-Tyne, England. His thesis focused on the of the Negev, and was recendy a chairman of the Department of
dynamics of Roman military organization in the western Bible and Ancient Near Eastern Studies. His primaty fields of
periphery of the empire. His primary field work has been research are the Middle and Upper Paleolithic and Late Neolithic
carried out in England and Israel. and Chalcolithic in the Levant, with field work especially in the
Negev and Sinai.
Ofer Bar-Yosef is currendy the George G. and Janet G.B.
MacCurdy Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology, Department of Paul Goldberg is currendy a geologist at the Texas Archaeological
Anthropology, Peabody Museum, Harvard University. He has Research Laboratory, University of Texas at Austin, working on
been involved in numerous excavations throughout Israel, as well sites in Texas, Israel, England, South Africa and Turkey. Until
as those at Karain and Okiizini caves in Southwestern Turkey. 1991, he was Associate Professor at the Institute of Archaeology,
Most recendy he initiated a new research program at Hayonim Hebrew University of Jerusalem. A pioneer in the use and
Cave in northern Israel. development of the technique of micromorphology in archae-
ology, he is a co-editor of the journal, Geoarchaeology.
Shlomo Bunimovitz is a lecturer in archaeology at both the
Department of Archaeology and Near Eastern Cultures, Tel Aviv Avi Gopher teaches at the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv
University, and the Department of Land of Israel Studies, Bar-Dan University. He has participated in the excavation of Neolithic sites
University. He is currendy co-director of the Tel Beth-Shemesh since 1976, most recendy conducting field projects in the Menashe
excavations and was assistant director of the excavations at Shiloh hills, the coastal plain and the J udean Desert in Israel.
and the Land of Ephraim survey. Ram Gophna is currendy Professor of Protohistory at the Institute
Avinoam Danin is Professor of Botany in the Department of of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. His areas of research focus
Evolution, Systematics and Ecology at the Hebrew University of on Protohistory of the Near East; Chalcolithic and Early Bronze
Jerusalem. His main areas of interest are those of desert Ages and Settlement Archaeology. His most significant excavation
vegetation, specifically in Israel and Sinai, and the use of biogenic sites have been Tel Poleg, Tel En Besor, Tel Tsaf and Tel Dalit.
weathering of limestone for palaeoenvironmental investigations Naama Goren-Inbar is an Associate Professor in Prehistoric
and the protection of archaeological monuments from Studies at the Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of
biodeterioration. Publications include Desert Vegetation of Israel Jerusalem. She specialises in the areas of Levantine prehistory,
and Sinai: An Analytical Flora of Eretz Israel. paleoecology, early hominid behavioral patterns and lithic
William G. Dever has been Professor of Near Eastern Archaeology technology.
and Anthropology at the University of Arizona since 1975, Nigel Goring-Morris is a lecturer in Prehistoric Archaeology at the
specializing in Syro-Palestinian archaeology. Prior to this, he was Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. From
director of the W.F. Albright Insitute of Archaeology, Israel 1990-93, he was in charge of Prehistory at the Israel Antiquities
(1971-75) and of the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Authority, and has recendy begun a major project at the Pre-
Archaeology (1967-71). He has directed excavations at Gezer, Pottery Neolithic settlement of Kfar Hahoresh near Nazareth,
Shechem, Kh. el-Qom, and Be'er Resisim, Israel and is widely Galilee. Main research interests focus on the development of man!
published in his field of Near Eastern Archaeology. He is author land relationships during the Upper Palaeolithic, Epipalaeolithic
of Recent Archaeological Discoveries and Biblical Research and Neolithic periods.
(Washington University Press).
Caroline Grigson manages the Museums of the Royal College of
Ronnie Ellenblum completed his PhD in the Department of Surgeons of England, London. She specialises in the study of the
Geography at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, where he is remains of animals from archaeological sites in the Levant and in
now a lecturer. His primary research focuses on the Crusader Britain. Her particular areas of study in the Levant are the
viii List of conhibuton
changes in the relationships between people and the environment, research and teaching in biological anthropology. Research
and the use of domestic animals and plants, during the social projects carried out in Israel, Africa, Australia, North America
transformations implicit in the transition from the late Neolithic and Europe, have encompassed the evolution of human dentition,
to the first urban societies. as well as the skeletal biology and evolution of past populations in
the Near East.
Augustin F.C. Holl is Maitre de Conference at the University of
Paris, Nanterre. Over the last ten years he has conducted a long- Lawrence E. Stager is the Dorot Professor of the Archaeology of
term archaeological and ethnoarchaeological project in the Israel in the Departments of Near Eastern Languages and
Cameroon portion of the lake Chad basin, as well as being Civilizations, and of Anthropology at Harvard University. He is
involved in the Northern Negev research programs at Shiqmim, Director and Curator of the Harvard Semitic Museum. From
Gilat and Nahal Tillah in Israel. 1973-86 he taught at the Oriental Institute in the University of
John S. Holladay, Jr teaches the Archaeology of Syria-Palestine at Chicago. He has led major archaeological expeditions to Idalion
the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of Toronto. In (Cyprus), Carthage (Tunisia), and Ashkelen (Israel), where he is
1977 he launched a major multidisciplinary investigation of Tell currendy directing the Leon Levy Expedition. His many
el-Maskhuta, near Ismailia, which continued until 1985, as part of publications have focused on the archaeology and history of
the university's Wadi Tumilat Project in Egypt. His main research Canaanites, Phoenicians, Philistines, and Israelites. Ar present, he
interests are pottery, functional architectural analysis based on is working on three books dealing with everyday life among the
cross-cultural and ethnographic perspectives, social archaeology, Israelites, kinship and kingship in ancient Israd, and a history of
and strategies for ~tigraphic excavation and interpretation. the cosmological aspects of Jerusalem.
David Dan is a PhD candidate at Tel Aviv University, and the G.E. Ephraim Stern is the Bernard M. Lauterman Professor of Biblical
Wright Scholar at the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology at the Institute of Archaeology, the Hebrew
Archaeology at the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of University of Jerusalem and the editor of the Qadmoniot
Religion, Jerusalem. journal. In 1994 the Israel Museum awarded him with the
Ruth Kark is Associate Professor of Geography at the Hebrew Scheimel Prize for the Archaeology of the Holy and Bible Lands.
University. She has written and edited several books and Publications include The Material Culture of the Land of the Bible
numerous articles on the historical geography of Palestine and in the Persian Period (Aris and PhilipslIsrael Exploration, 1982),
Israel and has recendy completed a manuscript on American which won the 1984 BAS Publication Award for the Best
Consuls in the Holy Land. Her research interests include the study Scholarly Book on Archaeology, and his recent monumental
of concepts of land, land-use, and the patterns of land ownership edited volume, The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological
in Palestine in the 19th and 20th centuries, urban and rural Excavations in the Holy Land (Simon and Schuster, 1993).
setdement processes and characteristics, and the influence of Fran~is Valla is Charge de Recherche, CNRS, Paris. Specializing
Western civilizations on the Holy Land. in the Natufian culture, he has published two books: Le
0ystein S. LaBianca is Professor of Anthropology and Associate Natoufien, une culture prehistorique en Palestine and Les
Director of the Institute of Archaeology at Andrews University, industries Iithiques de Mallaha (Eyrum. Israel) et du Natoufien
Michigan. For the past ten years, he has been co-director of the dans Ie Levant, as well as co-edited The Natoufian Culture in the
Madaba Plains Project, Jordan, and prior to that was Levant with O. Bar-Yosef.
anthropological consultant to the University of Toronto's Wadi
Donald Whitcomb is a Research Associate at the Oriental
Tumilat Project. Publications include Sedentari%ation and
Institute, University of Chicago. He specialises in Islamic archae-
Nomadization (Andrew University Press, 1990).
ology, one of his major interests being the use of archaeological
Joseph Patrich is chairman of the Department of Archaeology, data to address historical questions in the development of early
University of Haifa and co-director of the Combined Caesarea Islam. He has conducted excavations at Aqaba, Jordan and Quseir
Expeditions. Between 1981 and 1991 he carried out excavations al-Qadim, as well as surveys in Iran, Syria, Oman and Saudi
and surveys of hermitages and caves in the Judean desert, and Arabia. He is editor of the Encyclopedia of Islamic Archaeology.
excavated the Byzantine town of Rehovot-in-the-Negev, and Beth
Loya in the Judean Hills. Norman yoffee is Professor and Chair of the Department of Near
Eastern Studies, University of Michigan, also holding appoint-
Myriam Rosen-Ayalon is Leo A. Mayer Professor of Islamic Art ments as Curator of Near Eastern History in the Museum of
and Archaeology, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She Anthropology and Professor in the Department of Anthropology.
specializes in Islamic art and archaeology, focusing on Iran and His recent publications include two edited volumes; Archae-
Palestine, with particular interest in Jerusalem and the period of ological Theory: Who Sets the Agendal (co-edited with A.
the Middle Ages. Since 1985 she has been involved with the Sheeratt, Cambridge University Press, 1993) and Early Stages in
Ashkelon excavations, and in 1992 she won the Schimmel Prize the Evolution of Mesopotamian Civilization: Soviet Excavations
for Archaeology. in Northern Iraq (co-edited with J. Clark, University of Arizona
Neil A. Silberman is a contributing editor to Archaeology Press, 1993).
Magazine. His recent books include Digging for God and Country Randall W. Younker is Assistant Professor of Old Testament and
(1982); Between Past and Present (1989) and A Prophet from Biblical Archaeology, and Director of the Institute of Archaeology
Amongst You: The Life of Yigael Yadin (1993). at Andrews University, Michigan. He is curtendy a PhD candidate
Patricia Smith has been associated with the Hebrew University at the University of Arizona, where he received his MA in Near
since 1969 and is at present Head of the Dental Division of Eastern Archaeology in 1987. At present he is directing
Anatomy and Embryology, with particular responsibility for excavations at Tell Jalul for the Madaba Plains Project.
PREFACE
Thomas E. Levy
,Yom Asal, Yom Basal' - 'One day honey, one day prehistoric times, were much more extensive than the arti-
onions.' This was one of the first Arabic expressions I ficial national borders of today would lead us to believe.
learned as a young curator at the 'Man in the Desert For example, today, students interested in Protohistoric
Museum' that I was charged with establishing near the Egyptian-Canaanite interaction must collect original data
Bedouin settlement of Tel Sheva in Israel's Negev desert in both Israel and Egypt if they are to make new and
back in 1981. Indeed in a region where one measures time insightful contributions to the field. The same is true for
according to major military conflicts - the Lebanon civil every period of human history in our region from the
war, 'Operation Peace for Galilee,' the 'Intifada,' 'the Gulf Lower Paleolithic, through the Biblical and historical peri-
War,' etc., rather than major peace initiatives, life in the ods, up to Classical and modern times. This type of
Middle East is truly a roller coaster. It is punctuated by the approach is certain to produce new and exciting break-
euphoria of peace and the depression of violence and polit- throughs in knowledge.
ical stagnation. For better or for worse, all of us involved When this volume was acknowledged with the 'Best
in archaeological research in the Holy Land - the term I Scholarly Book on Archaeology' in 1997 by the Biblical
have chosen to describe the subject of this book - are Archaeology Society Publication Award, two things came
locked aboard that roller coaster which seems more in to mind. First, a desire to thank all my friends and col-
danger of jumping its tracks now, than it did when the leagues who contributed to this book which has made it a
hardback edition of this book first appeared in 1995. Why success. Second, a thought of the Book of Kings where it is
bring politics up at this point when, finally, an affordable written, 'you shall not see wind, nor rain: and yet this wadi
edition of the Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land has shall be filled with water' (II Kings 3:17). In many respects,
finally arrived in your local bookstore? The answer has to it is my hope that the Holy Land, a region which has been
do with expanding the research agenda set in the 1995 edi- relatively dry in terms of archaeological theory, is now
tion which promotes interdisciplinary social archaeology shown to the outside world as an area flowing with theo-
grounded in the Annales historical paradigm. retical issues germane to world archaeology. While this
Today, when my students ask where the future lies in volume may seem to have appeared out of nowhere like
archaeological research in the Holy Land, my answer in the desert flash-flood alluded to above, the truth is that my
the late 1990s invariably is 'with trans-national archaeo- colleagues and I have been working on theoretical issues
logical research projects.' From our narrow archaeological for years, creating the 'environmental' conditions neces-
perspective one of the small fruits of peace between Israel sary for the flood of ideas presented here. Finally, I would
and its neighbors (Egypt and Jordan) has been the the abil- like to thank Kent Flannery, a leader and pioneer in the
ity for scholars to move back and forth in a region which field of anthropological archaeology, for writing the new
in antiquity had been open to socio-economic and socio- Introduction to this volume. I would also like to thank my
political intercourse and only in the middle of this century wife, Alina, for giving me the freedom to pursue the kind
saw the establishment of borders which were hermetically of 'trans-national' archaeology that will hopefully bode
sealed. Just how successful the scholarly exchange has well for the future as we enter the next millennium in the
been, is, and will be, is a soul-searching matter for the var- Holy Land.
ious national scholars to deal with. However, for students
of the future, in order to truly elucidate and understand
culture processes in the Holy Land it is no longer possible Thomas E. Levy
to work in isolation behind national borders. Processes of September, 1997
ancient socio-economic exchange, beginning even in San Diego
PREFACE
Thomas E. Levy
humanistic interest rooted in identifying the trends and to examine human ecosystems in their specific cultural
processes of socioculture change in the Holy Land. The environment. Thus, I would join with Hodder (1987) in
emphasis on a long term diachronic perspective which calling for a more through examination of the role played by
imbues many of the papers presented here is linked symbolism, ideology, and religion in shaping the evolution
conceptually to the Annales school of French historio- of societies. In addition to geosciences, environmental
graphy (BraudeI1972) which is described by Levy and Holl archaeology and archaeometry, there is a need to emphasize
in the introduction to this volume. Another unifying theme anthropological theory in the context of history to achieve
in our approach to the past is the reliance on integrated an understanding of the past. In the culture area of the Holy
interdisciplinary research. The majority of scholars who are Land this can be achieved by utilizing ethnography and
represented here are active field archaeologists and all ethno-historical documents, on the one hand, and biblical
utilize what can be termed a contextual approach to studies and ancient history on the other. This model for a
archaeology. This approach is based on principles from the contextual archaeology of the Holy Land is presented in the
work of Karl Butzer, but with some modifications (d. flow chart in Figure 1. The key to integrating this
Butzer 1982; Hodder 1987; Levy 1993). interdisciplinary approach is the ability to measure change
Contextual archaeology, as proposed by Butzer (1982) in the underlying properties of interest to all inter-
and followed by our contributors, centers on the human disciplinary participants in the research program which
ecosystem which emphasizes the interdependence of focuses on the human ecosystem. These properties include
cultural and environmental variables. The human space, scale, complexity, interaction and stability. By
ecosystem serves as an organizational framework for monitoring change in these attributes of the data - obtained
discussing different scientific approaches needed for mostly through the methods of archaeology - it is possible
understanding the processes of cultural and environmental to isolate those processes responsible for change in human
interaction. Human ecosystems are composed of the ecosystems and, consequently, social evolution. Each of the
atmosphere, hydrosphere, lithosphere, and biosphere. They chapters in this volume deals with these properties.
differ from other biological ecosystems because informa- Space, scale, complexity, interaction and stability all
tion, technology, and social organization playa more have anthropological and archaeological meaning because
controlling role. As Butzer (1982) points out, the ability of they incorporate temporal and spatial dimensions. These
human groups to carry out purposive behavior gives them a concepts are defined by Butzer (1982: 7) in regard to
power to manipulate the environment on a scale that other human ecosystems in the following way:
biological systems cannot. Thus, human societies can:
Space Cultural and environmental phenomena are
1. match resources with cultural neech and objectives; rarely distributed evenly in space. Thus, humaQ. groups,
2. transform natural phenomenon to meet these needs; and geomorphic features, climate, and biological communities
3. plan, i.e., think about these processes objectively without are amenable to spatial analysis (i.e., Hodder and Orton
actually implementing them (Butzer 1982: 32; Bennett
1976).
1976).
An essential assumption in contextual archaeology is the Scale Cultures are established, maintained and/or
assumption that the environment not be considered as a changed by processes that operate at a number of spatial
static variable. Instead, the natural and cultural environ- and temporal scales which may be periodic or aperiodic.
ment must be viewed as a dynamic factor in the analysis of Spatial analysis in archaeology, as used by the contributors,
all archaeological contexts, in much the same way that the helps to define small, medium, and large-scale archaeo-
Annales school views time as a dynamic. As Butzer (ibid.) logical phenomena, clusters, and patterns of past cultural
emphasizes, the basic ingredients of archaeology are activities.
artifacts and their context, ranging from food and tool Complexity Cultures and environments are not
residues to sediment and landscape constellations. Within homogeneous but vary in size and levels of complexity.
this framework, context is taken from the Latin verb
To define them, different spatial and temporal approaches
contexere which means 'to weave together' or 'to connect'. must be used.
Seen from this perspective, the context of archaeological
materials is the key database for reconstructing the past. Interaction Most ecosystems have an uneven distri-
The main components of Butzer's contextual archaeology bution of resources. Consequently, human and non-human
(archaeobotany, archaeozoology, geoarchaeology and communities interact internally, with each other and with
spatial archaeology) are not new. What is innovative in the natural environment at different scales, with different
Butzer's approach is the effort to integrate fully these and degrees of proximity and at changing rates.
other disciplines with the general goal of understanding the
human ecosystem. Stability Human and other living communities are
What is not emphasized by Butzer, however, is the need affected in different degrees by negative feedback from
Preface xiii
t PROBLEM ORIENTED
RESEARCH
t t t t t
ANTHROPOLOGY
I HISTORY GEOSCIENCES ARCHAEOMETRY
ENVIRONMENTAL
ARCHAEOLOGY
INTERDISCIPLINARY
EXCHANGE
IfEEDBACKI
~ ~ ~ ~ ~
REMOTE SENSING
THEORY . THEORY GEOGRAPHY CHRONOMETRIC
SPATIAL ANALYSIS "ABSOLUTE" DATING
CULTURAL EVOLUTION BIBLICAL STUDIESI ARCHAEOBOTANY
lEVANTINE GEOPHYSICAL AND NEEDED SUBflELDS
ETHNQARCHAEOlOGY CLIMATOLOGY GEOCHEMICAL ARCHAEOZOOlOG~
AND EXPERTISE
EGYPTOLOGY PROSPECTING
PHYSICAL HYDROLOGY GE OARCHAEOlOGY
ANTHROPOLOGY ASSIRIOlOGY MATERIALS
PEDOLOGY IDENTIFICATION AND
PROVENANCE
~ ~ ~ ~ ~
CARBONIZED MAnER. MICROBOTANICAl OBSERVED DATA;
r'S1?0g:r1~~lD TEXTUAL RECORDS.
DISTRIBUTION PAnERNS
OF ARTIFACTS, SITES PETROGRAPHIC
RE'1~6l~'78~THS PRIMARilY RETRIEVED
NUMERIC ANALYSIS SEALS: IMPRESSIONS AND ENVIRONMENTAL SAMPlES
OF ARTIFACTS VARIABLES ARCHAEOMETAllURGY REMAINS. SEDIMENTARY OR EXPOSED THROUGH
SAMPLES RECORD ARCHAEOLOGY
t t t t t
SPACE" ........ SCALE" ........ COMPLEXITY" ........ INTERACTION' ........ STABILITY'
MEASURED PROPERTIES
Of ARCHAEOLOGICAL
MATERIAL
~ ~ ~
I /lMCRO ........ I fVf.K)
1 ........ 11 MICRO SCALES Of ANALYSIS
~ ~ ~
ARCHAEOLOGIST WITH AID Of SPECIALISTS
HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION / MONOGRAPH PUBLICATION SHOULD BE CAPABLE Of EVALUATING
DIVERSE SOURCES Of EMPIRICAL DATA
internal processes or external inputs to their local ecosystems and for integrating interdisciplinary archaeo-
environment. Thus, human societies are constantly in a logical research. These levels of resolution comprise:
process of readjustment. These readjustments may be
minor, major, short term or long term. Macro level The macro level is between sites within a
region. Studies at this scale focus on all large-scale
Finally, as shown in Figure 1, spatial analysis provides archaeological and environmental distributions dispersed
the general framework for analyzing past human social and across landscapes. The macro or regional scale gives us the
xiv Thomas E. levy
first glimpse of the social organization of a society. In past position of the magnetic pole and its excursions) and
social evolutionary terms, we refer to the family-level create a good yardstick for ordering late Pliocene and
group, the local group, and the regional polity (d. Johnson Lower and Middle Pleistocene sites. Unfortunately not all
and Earle 1987). Lower Paleolithic sites in the Levant contain, or were
covered by, volcanic tuffs or lava flows and, in some cases,
Meso level The meso level examines within-site distri- late demagnetization has hampered the use of the
butions of artifacts and structures and the developmental paleomagnetic scale. Middle Paleolithic sites are currently
history of the site. A site can be defined as the geographic dated by ESR and lL but the results should conform to
locale that contained a set of human activities and is often what is known about the relative bio-stratigraphy.
associated with sets of structures or activity areas; sites The radiometric method is essential for dating Upper
may be cities, domestic settlements," pastoral camps, food Paleolithic, Epipaleolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites.
or material processing locales, ceremonial centers, The use of this method requires information about the
cemeteries, industrial complexes or seasonal foraging dated material (charcoal, seeds, bone, carbonates) and the
camps (d. Clarke 1978: 11). exact archaeological context. The latter is not divorced
from an understanding of site formation processes, which
Micro level The micro level is within and between
in these periods include varied human activities such as
structUres, and activity areas found on sites. At this level of
building, digging, leveling, dumping, the collection and
resolution, personal and household space is examined. A
reuse of dead wood, etc. Currently the archaeological
structure is any small-scale construction or selected unit
sequence back to about 10,000 years ago can be calibrated
that contained human activities or is a consequence of
to conform to calendar years (Stuiver and Braziunas 1993).
those activities. These include natural shelters, rooms,
It is important to note that the use of the conventional
houses, graves, granaries, silos, shrines, etc. (d. Clarke
conversion to BC dates is essentially wrong because it
ibid.). Activity areas are the loci of socio-economic
consists of subtracting 195012000 calendrical years from a
activities at the household and community level.
date which is given in radiocarbon years. It is well known
Most of the chapters in this volume focus on the macro that radiocarbon years, when matched with calendrical
scale of investigation, primarily because our interest is in years, lose about 1000 years per 10,000 years. In the near
fleshing out the dynamics of the structure and changes future, archaeologists will have to deal with the impli-
affecting the larger issue of past social organizations which cations of the calibration curve.
existed in the Holy Land (d. Holl and Levy 1993). To The terminology used in the literature on Levantine
monitor these changes, different chronological schema prehistory can be rather complex for those readers who are
have been used by the contributors. A brief summary of not familiar with the dynamic research in the region. The
some of these chronological issues is provided in Figures 2 terms and the numerous changes to them are a result of the
and 3 - for the prehistoric periods by Ofer Bar-Yosef and large number of schools of archaeology which operate in
for the historic periods by me. the region. There is no other geographic region in the
world where so many different schools participate in
uncovering the past. We should, therefore, be patient and
accept this situation in which the same cultural entities,
lithic assemblages or specific layers in sites are named
Prehistoric chronological framework
differently by different schools. .
(by Ofer Bar-Yosef)
The present chart (Figure 2) is an effort to incorporate
The chronology of the prehistoric sites and cultural entities the most frequently used terms and the general
in the country is based on a combination of methods chronological position of the industry/cultural entity
including the means used to affirm the relative chronology along a radiometric time scale. The first column presents
and the radiometric chronology. Relative chronology the subdivision of the Quaternary era. The second column
encompasses the geological stratigraphy and site illustrates the dates and the conventional subdivision of
stratigraphy. The study of faunal bio-zones, often prehistoric periods as used in the book. The third column
amalgamated assemblages of mammals and micro- presents the most. commonly used terminology in the
mammals clustered as community associations, are southern Levant, while the fourth column is a partial list of
ordered with the new species as those that determine the terms used by various authors either in this book or in
relative age (e.g., Tchernov 1981, 1986). The so-called other literature on Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. There are
'absolute' chronology is based on radiometric readings more terms in the literature, especially labels coined from
such as 14C, KlAr, 40Ar/39Ar, Electron Spin Resonance the 1930s to the 1960s. The curious reader can find them
(ESR) and Thermoluminescence (lL) with the addition of by reviewing the numerous references that follow each
Amino-Acid Racemization (AAR). The 40KJ40Ar dates are chapter; with this table it will be possible to place older
matched with the paleomagnetic sequence (that records the names in their current context.
Preface XV
LOWER PALAEOLITHIC
Tabunian / Shemsi Induslry
730,000 Tayacian
MIDDLE
PLEISTOCENE
300/250,000
Upper/Late Acheulian
Acheulo-Yabrudian
Mugaran
Tradition
I
Acheulian facies
Amudian = Pre-Aurignacian
Yabrudian facies
130,000
Tabun B Type
47/45,000
Transitional Industry = Emiran Ksar'Akil Phase A
Kebaran
Geometric Keboron
I
Nebekian
Qalkhan
Nizzanan
Early Mushabian Madamaghan
EPI-PALAEOLITHIC Late Mushabian = Ramonian Hamran
Early
Natufian
Late
10,300 B,300 B.C. uncalibrated Harifian (in the Negev and Sinai) Epi-Natufian in Syria
PPNA - Khiamian
Sulton ion Mureybetian
EARLY NEOLITHIC PPNB- early }
(ACERAMIC) middle Tahunian
late
7,500 5,500 B.C. uncolibrated final- PPNC Ghazalian
HOLOCENE ---------------------------------------~-----------
Sha'ar Ha-Golan
LATE NEOLITHIC PNA ( Yormukian
(CERAMIC) Lodian =Jericho IX Jerichoan
PNB Wadi Rabbah Early Chalcalithic
-~~~~!--------------- ---------------------------------------------------
Golan
CHALCOLITHIC Ghassulian Nahal Patish
Beersheva Nahal Grar
4,500-3,500 uncalibrated
Figure 3 Chronological table for the historical-archaeological periods (source: The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy
Land 1994)
In dating later prehistory, BP radiocarbon dates are regional sequences are compared, it is possible to build a
given in large fonts while the conventional BC dates are in general temporal framework for the entire Holy Land.
small fonts. The sole abbreviations used are PPNA, PPNB, From the Early Bronze Age onwards, ca. 3000 BCE, the
PPNC and PNA that, following Kenyon's Jericho sequence, historical chronology of the Holy Land is based primarily
designate Pre-Pottery Neolithic A, Band C and Pottery on that of Egypt (d. Stager 1992). As Mazar (1990: 28)
Neolithic A and B respectively. points out, Egyptian artifacts found in the Holy Land -
including royal inscriptions, scarab seals, and other finds -
and artifacts exported from the Holy Land to Egypt and
General historical chronological
discovered in dated contexts provide the basis for our
framework
historical chronological framework. This is due to the
The general chronological framework used by the close role that Egypt played in the history of our region
contributors in dealing with the periods spanning the from the beginning of the Early Bronze Age to the Iron
Early Bronze Age through to the British conquest of Age and later periods. The general framework presented
Palestine in 1917 CE is presented in Figure 3. Following here follows the one recently published in The New
the Chalcolithic period, the importance of radiocarbon Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy
dating diminishes and relative chronologies become more Land (Stem 1994). However, some of the contributors
important. These are based primarily on typological may use more fine grain divisions of this framework,
studies of pottery sequences obtained through careful depending on the questions they address in their respective
regional studies of stratified assemblages. When these chapters.
INTRODUCTION TO SECOND EDITION
Kent V. Flannery
l once bet $100 that the Old Testament would never meet
the New Archaeology. Now, thanks to the authors of
this volume, I have lost my bet. I am often asked why,
the volume's strengths is its commonsense use of social
evolutionary theory.
The southern Levant, a 250-km stretch of coast and
after ten happy years in the Near East, I left to work full- mountains at the east end of the Mediterranean, witnessed
time in Mesoamerica. It began with a terrifying dream. In more than its share of biological and social evolution.
that dream I was arrested, strapped to a chair in a Near Humans camped there 1.5 million years ago. During the
Eastern dungeon, and tortured for 10 hours. The first five Middle Paleolithic, both Neanderthals and anatomically
hours of torture consisted of lectures on Paleolithic tool modern humans occupied caves in Galilee, often using the
typology, accompanied by 1000 slides of microburins, same Levallois core preparation and making similar
pieces esquillees, and informative debitage. The next five retouched tools. For increasingly modern humans like
hours consisted of lectures on prehistoric pottery, accom- ourselves, this raises the fascinating (and potentially hum-
panied by 1000 slides of Halaf bukrania, 'Ubaid black-on- bling) question of who learned the technology from whom
buffs, and Uruk glockentopfe. Worst of all, I woke from the (eh.8).
dream to realize that I had actually enjoyed both lectures. Like their Mousterian predecessors, the Upper
That's when I knew it was time to go. Paleolithic hunter-gatherers of the Levant relied heavily on
At that moment I, like John Holladay (eh. 22), was small to medium-sized ungulates. Small game, birds, fish,
reading the literature of the Near East 'with growing feel- crabs, oysters, cockles, mussels, and land snails seem to
ings of frustration and annoyance' and wanted to do have been largely ignored, 'absent or marginal in the Upper
'anthropologically-based archaeology' that would lead to Paleolithic bone assemblages' (eh. 9). 'Niche breadth',
explanations enhanced by 'statistical modelling, manipula- however, was eventually to be increased by the addition of
tion, and testing' (p. 368). I thought I would have to leave those 'third-choice' foods to a diet dominated by ungulates.
the Near East to do it, but the authors of this volume have Today we know that this broad-spectrum diet did not orig-
proven me wrong. inate simultaneously everywhere; it began in the western
These authors give us full-coverage surveys, followed by Mediterranean and proceeded east. For example,
tables of site sizes which allow the discovery of settlement Mousterian hunter-gatherers at Gibraltar were already eat-
hierarchies (eh. 18). Using rank-size graphs, they deter- ing limpets and mussels, but such use of shellfish did not
mine the degree of political integration of a region (eh. 19). show up in Lebanon until the Levantine Aurignacian, per-
They attribute major social changes to a combination of haps 25,000 years BeE. And not until the Zarzian, or final
'external pressures and internal processes', and use con- Paleolithic, did invertebrates become a significant dietary
cepts like 'carrying capacity' (Ch. 21). They present multi- addition in the Zagros Mountains to the east. Gilead is thus
ple hypotheses and test them with empirical data (Window, correct when he points to the use of broad-spectrum
p. 363). They accurately compare social evolution's periods resources in the southern Levant before 20,000 BeE; but
of 'relative sameness', alternating with 'sudden and often when he says that the evidence is 'still too meager' it is
violent ..• paradigm changes', to paleontology's 'punctuat- because he is looking at too small a region.
ed equilibrium' (eh. 22). The real significance of a broad-spectrum diet, of
The reason this scientific, empirical, statistical, material- course, lay not in small game and molluscs. When such pre-
ist, explanation-seeking archaeology works is that virtually viously ignored species are considered worth harvesting, it
all of the volume's authors are genuine field archaeologists. increases the chance that even grass seeds will be considered
None have fallen prey to archaeology's latest messianic worth harvesting. And the largest grass seeds in the south-
cult, that anti-science, anti-materialist, anti-comparative ern Levant belong to the cereals, wild wheat and barley.
movement calling itself 'post-processualism'. For hard core During the subsequent Epipaleolithic period, 15,000 to
post-processualists (few of. whom spend much time on 8000 BeE, wild cereals became staples in the food supply -
archaeological sites), the past is merely a 'text' with no something that probably would not have happened before
objective reality, to be interpreted intuitively. Tom Levy has broad-spectrum harvesting. The southern Levant took cen-
chosen authors who believe 'in a unique past that is know- ter stage in the world at this period, and when wheat and
able through science. Ignoring Yoffee's idiosyncratic view barley were eventually turned into domesticates, that
of the New Archaeology as an 'intellectual embarrassment' region strode right to the footlights.
(Ch. 32), Levy's authors show how well processual archae- Without this first-ever cereal agriculture, it is a safe bet
ology works when applied without polemics. Indeed, one of that there would have been no civilization in Egypt to the
xviii Introduction to Second Edition
west or Mesopotamia to the east. In his 1996 book Guns, see a gradual shift from circular huts (typical of mobile
Germs, and Steel, Jared Diamond argues that domestic groups) to multiroom rectangular houses (typical of seden-
wheat and barley spread rapidly across the Old World tary groups). We also see cereal storage shift from (1) plas-
because their movement was largely east-west, within the tered pits out in the open to (2) rooms in the interior of pri-
latitude belt to which cereals were already adapted. In con- vate houses. Natufian encampments look like those of large
trast, maize spread more slowly in the New World because patrilocal, polygamous extended families, where risk and
its north-south movement crossed so many latitude zones. reward are shared communally. That kind of sharing usual-
The Epipaleolithic was an evolutionary watershed as well. ly declines in large villages, where neighbors may be too
Prior to the Natufian (10,500-8000 BCE), the southern distantly related to share risk.
Levant had witnessed lots of biological evolution but less Many PPN and Pottery Neolithic villages were too large
social evolution. From the Natufian onward, it saw more to be integrated by the kinship principles of bands.
social evolution and less biological evolution. The contri- Autonomous village societies often integrate large numbers
butions of this book to an understanding of social evolution of families by pretending that they all descended from a
are so great that I would now like to focus on them. common ancestor. Appropriately, PPN villagers in the
I must, however, begin by clearing up some misconcep- southern Levant saved the skulls of male ancestors, some-
tions about social evolution. It is not the rigid stepladder of times reconstructing the faces with plaster; they made fig-
Yoffee's Fig. 1 (Ch. 32), with rungs locked and a relentless urines of what may be apical or even deified ancestors. As
upward trajectory. Social evolution is stochastic, not deter- Gopher (Ch. 13) stresses, even Late Neolithic society shows
ministic. A society at Time T3 has many directions open to no evidence of hereditary inequality. Egalitarian villagers,
it, although its choices are partly dependent on events at however, often show differences in prestige based on age,
Times T1 and T2. achievement, or unequal participation in ritual sodalities.
Nor are hunting-gathering bands, autonomous village The Nahal Hemar mask (Window, p. 204) resembles those
societies, rank societies, and archaic states the only possible used by sodalities elsewhere in the world.
types of social organization. They are merely four types Finally, I should mention that societies where risk is
which work so successfully that they survived for long peri- assumed at the family level (and agricultural surplus can be
ods in the archaeological record. ('Chiefdoms' are but one privately stored, rather than shared) have greater incentives
class of rank society; 'tribe' was long ago dropped because to intensify production, which can increase interfamily dis-
it meant different things to different scholars.) Nor is bio- parities in wealth and prestige. Such disparities may be the
logical evolution more than a flawed analogy for social evo- raw material of which later rank societies were made.
lution. The first reptiles branched off from amphibians only In rank societies, individuals are considered unequal at
once, and all reptiles are their descendants. Rank societies, birth, and leaders inherit their positions from prestigious
on the other hand, branched off from egalitarian societies ancestors. If such a leader can extend his authority to other
independently at many times, in many places. Yoffee's Fig. communities, overcoming their autonomy and bringing
2 (Ch. 32), modelled on biological cladistics, is therefore them under his control, we say that a chiefdom has formed.
also mistaken. Better analogies can be found in the evolu- Thus our 'principle of incorporation' applies: a new chief-
tion of the eye, a structure that has evolved independently dom is composed of many previously autonomous villages.
at least 40 times, in very different groups of animals. According to Levy (Ch. 14), chiefdoms first appeared in
Yet another difference between biological and social the southern Levant in the Ghassulian and Negev
evolution lies in the way new social types arise. It is not by Chalcolithic (4500-3500 BCE). These societies had formal
natural selection but by human agency, and it involves cemeteries where different energy expenditures in burial
something I will call 'the principle of incorporation'. Each monuments, including tumuli and cist graves, suggest dif-
higher social type incorporates multiples of the preceding ferences in rank. Gold ingots had come into use, and one
type. If hunting-gathering bands average 25 persons, even a Samarian grave had numerous gold artifacts. Public tem-
modest autonomous village society is equivalent to 3-4 typ- ples like that of Ein Gedi served wide regions, reinforcing
ical bands. A chiefdom consists of numerous villages. A chiefly families' influence over large groups of villages. Like
pristine state forms in the context of a group of competing chiefdoms elsewhere in the world, these Chalcolithic soci-
chiefdoms, when one of the latter succeeds in incorporating eties featured both (1) elite exchange of prestige goods, in
its rivals into a larger political unit. This is not at all how this case copper and ivory, and· (2) endemic raiding, with
biological selection works. 'weapons for hand-to-hand combat ... developed to a high
The transition from band organization to autonomous degree' (p. 243).
village society took place sometime between Late Natufian An important point made by the authors of this volume
and PPNB (Ch. 11-12). I believe it had something to do is that the southern Levant's chiefdoms were usually
with the shift from (1) a society in which risk was assumed dimorphic - composed of both sedentary farmers and
by the group to (2) a society in which risk was assumed by transhumant pastoralists (see Finkelstein, Ch. 21). I believe
the nuclear family. During the seventh millennium BCE, we this to have been true of chiefdoms in late sixth/early fifth
Introduction to Second Edition xix
millennium BCE Mesopotamia as well. Such dimorphism, (Ch. 5) as physically 'foreign'. The resident society of
coupled with a relative lack of flamboyance, sets the early northern Canaan, relatively small scale and pastoral (Ch.
rank societies of the Near East apart from chiefdoms in 17), was no match for them. Between 2000 and 1500 BCE,
Polynesia and Central America. In particular, the ephemer- the local population and new arrivals were incorporated
al nature of pastoral settlements makes it easy to underesti- into an urban polity with monumental architecture, defen-
mate population sizes and territorial boundaries. sive earthworks, and a clear hierarchy of settlements. Its
Levantine's chiefdoms eventually collapsed (as did urban core was supported by irrigation of the Hula Valley.
North America's Cahokia, and Mexico's Olmec) without About 43% of the sites in this polity were small villages,
further evolution. This is typical of chiefdoms, and in no 0.3 hectares or less; roughly 12% were large villages, 1 to
way contradicts Robert Carneiro's statement that chief- 5 ha in size; another 12% were towns of. 10 ha or more.
doms were 'the precursor of the state' (Ch. 14, p. 226). Not Above them all sat Hazor, the 80-ha city which completes
all reptiles gave rise to mammals; not all chiefdoms gave the four-tiered settlement hierarchy. Through the kind of
rise to states; not all states became empires. What Carneiro incorporation typical of archaic states, Hazor had brought
means is that the world's first states - the so-called 'pristine' Tel Dan, an urban settlement some 25 km distant, into its
states - arose through consolidation of chiefdoms rather orbit. nan describes Hazor's territory running south to the
than egalitarian societies. Just as cynodont reptiles had the Sea of Galilee, north beyond the Hula Valley, east to the
skeleton, teeth, and territorial behavior from which natur- Golan Heights, and deep into Galilee on the west, an area
al selection could produce the first mammals, chiefdoms greater than 4000 km 2 • As for Hazor itself, it is unique in
had the hereditary leadership, multisettlement hierarchy, Canaan because of its true acropolis and palace, convincing
and competitive behavior from which powerful rulers could Han that it belongs 'to the Syrian/Mesopotamian tradition
create pristine states. It is in that sense that chiefdoms are of central place urbanism'. While this was presumably a
'precursors' . secondary state, it formed as many primary states do,
In parts of the ancient world, chiefdoms remained the through the incorporation of once-separate polities during
most complex societies to arise. In Southwest Iran, an age of escalating militarism.
Mesopotamia, and the Nile Valley, on the other hand, Thanks to Bunimovitz's use of rank-size analysis (Ch.
archaic states had appeared by 3000 BCE. These pristine, 19), the Bronze Age sites of the southern Levant show us
or 'first-generation', states fascinate us because they one more widespread process: the 'large, comparatively
appeared at a time when there were no previous states on integrated urban system' of MB times broke down during
which they could model themselves. As a result, we some- the Late Bronze Age (LB) into 'a cluster of semi-
times overlook the secondary states which arose nearby; autonomous city states'. It is worth noting that states, since
but this volume suggests that many secondary states formed they form through incorporation, are unlikely ever to make
by processes similar to those seen in primary states. their first appearance as a cluster of autonomous small
One historically documented case of 18th-century state units. Such clusters of petty kingdoms (a term many of us
formation exemplifies that process. In 1770 CE, the Zulu of prefer to 'city states') more often than not result from the
southern Africa were Bantu-speaking pastoralists and shift- breakdown of an earlier 'large, comparatively integrated
ing cultivators, organized into chiefdoms. Each chief com- urban system'.
manded a large group of people divided into local units, Because of his rank-size data, Bunimovitz warns against
each usually commanded by one of his brothers. projecting LB texts backward onto a more integrated MB
Competition between chiefs was intense, but raiding was society. Mesopotamian epigraphers should be similarly
unsophisticated, with warriors usually remaining a javelin- warned against projecting Early Dynastic texts backward
throw apart. onto the pristine Uruk state. Not only do that state's rank-
After 1775, a young chief named Shaka hit upon a strat- size graphs reflect a large integrated polity, Uruk had
egy of ferocious hand-to-hand combat, carried out by war- enclaves and local imitators all the way up the Euphrates to
riors organized into regiments of young men about the Turkey.
same age. So great was the solidarity of these regiments - After several cycles of consolidation and collapse, the
and so unprepared were Shaka's rivals for close-quarter Iron Age presents us with a second case of state formation.
combat - that in the space of a decade he had incorporated The process began in the central highlands with two large
most rival chiefdoms into a single Zulu state measuring 280 dimorphic chiefdoms, one centered at Shechem and the
miles on a side. Unfortunately for Shaka, this state failed to other at Jerusalem. These polities had settlement hierar-
survive the internecine strife which eventually killed him chies of at least three tiers, with communities like Bethel
and most of his brothers. and Hebron 'probably the seats of chiefs who were subor-
Let us now turn to the Levant's Middle Bronze Age dinates' (Finkelstein, Ch. 21). The Shechem chiefdom, ruled
(MB), which Ilan (Ch. 18) describes as a 'watershed period by a patrilineage called the House of Labayu, controlled at
in terms of military tactics and weaponry'. Around 2000 least 25 communities in a 5000 km 2 region stretching from
BCE we see a massive influx of people, described by Smith the Jezreel Valley to the Bethel Plateau.
xx Introduction to Second Edition
At the end of the 11th century BCE, the Shechem and contiguous valleys along 500 km of coast. (5) According to
Jerusalem chiefdoms were incorporated into a single state Henry Wright and Gregory Johnson, the Uruk state in
called the United Monarchy. This consolidation seems to southwest Iran also formed in the context of competitive
have been achieved more with political maneuvers than autonomous chiefdoms; when one of those chiefdoms col-
with conquest (one incentive may have been the strength- lapsed, it provided its rival with the chance to unify the
ening of the highlands in response to external pressures). region into a state centered at Susa. Like the United
This contrasts with the consolidation of the Nile Valley, Monarchy, that state eventually collapsed into two smaller
which is generally attributed to Upper Egypt's conquest of polities when Choga Mish broke away from Susa. This
Lower Egypt. Whatever the facts, the United Monarchy is worldwide sample of pristine states should also make clear
believed to have escalated leadership from 'paramount why I am less than enthusiastic about Yoffee's Fig. 3 (Ch.
chieftainship (Saul, early David)' to kingship in a 'nation- 32), where states arise directly from primordial 'bandish-
state (later David, Solomon)' (Holladay, Ch. 22). As often ness'. Nicknamed 'Evolution on Mars' by some colleagues,
happens, this union was eventually broken into the smaller this diagram applies only to those parts of our galaxy
kingdoms of Israel and Judea by power struggles. Here where mammals also arose directly from primordial 'fishi-
again we see multiple small, autonomous kingdoms to be a ness'.
stage in the breakdown - not the rise - of archaic states. On occasion, an archaic state might give rise to an
By now it should be clear why I cannot agree with empire. Following our 'principle of incorporation', empires
Yoffee's statement (Ch. 32, p. 546) that 'all the earliest form when a state expands to include neighboring states
states' (save Egypt) were city-states; in fact, none of them and chiefdoms (and sometimes even autonomous village
were. Precisely because the pristine state forms through societies). Already visited early on by Egyptians and
incorporation, it makes its first appearance as a large, com- Philistines, the southern Levant spent much of its later his-
paratively integrated system rather than a cluster of semi- tory under the rule of expanding empires. The Persians
autonomous 'city-states'. Let's look at some examples. (1) were followed by Greeks, then Romans, then Byzantine
Mexico's first state formed in the Valley of Oaxaca, when Christians, then Arabs, and finally the Ottoman Empire
one powerful chiefdom seized a defensible mountain (Ch. 25-30). Some of these empires controlled the southern
known as Monte Alban and set about incorporating its Levant by creating a client state or vassal state. In such poli-
rivals militarily; Monte Alban kept adding provinces by ties, local elites are left in charge but remain accountable to
conquest or diplomacy until it controlled 20,000 km2• (2) their imperial overlords. Such creations of empire are, of
The Basin of Mexico was once occupied by rival chiefdoms course, not cases of primary state formation, and
centered at Cuicuilco and Teotihuacan. This rivalry col- Carneiro's stipulation of chiefly 'precursors' does not apply
lapsed when the volcano Xitli erupted on Cuicuilco. to them.
Absorbing Cuicuilco's refugees, Teotihuacan grew in size The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land serves as
and power until it directly controlled at least 25,000 km2 a wonderful textbook on the prehistory and history of a
and had enclaves and willing local imitators up to 1000 km major world region, but it is more than that. Far from con-
distant. (3) One of the earliest Maya states formed when demning the New Archaeology to some intellectual purga-
the Tikal chiefdom conquered nearby Uaxactlln, then tory, these authors show how well it works when combined
incorporated rival polities like Rio Azul until it had created with high-quality empirical data and command of the liter-
a state covering 20,000 km2 • (4) Warfare among chiefdoms ature. Explanatory, processual, evolutionary archaeology is
on Peru's north coast was intense, with sacrificed captives alive and well in the southern Levant.
and trophy heads featured in art. One polity, the Moche, Ann Arbor
not only subdued their neighbors but went on to unify 14 January, 1998
PART I
a great impact on the scholarly community from the United temporal contexts. Braudel's framework of time is the type
States and Europe, have been of little concern for the of 'classic' model (e.g. Clarke 1968) which is especially
majority of researchers working in the Holy Land. The applicable to investigations which combine archaeological
most noted exceptions are those archaeologists contribut- and historical data. This is because the Braudelian model
provides a framework for viewing change which is
ing to this volume. The 'new' or processual archaeology,
influenced by different processes of time.
with its science-based ahistorical orientation was rejected 2. As mentioned above and by numerous scholars, the nature
by the majority of archaeologists working in Palestine. This of archaeological data usually precludes the identification
is because Palestinian archaeology has been practiced for of the individual in the archaeological record.
the most part by scholars who view all dimensions of the Consequently, we are drawn to Braudel's medium- and
archaeological record through the lens of the Bible when long-term structures of change. In Dever's (1992: 366 I)
investigating all aspects of the past. An in-depth survey of recent Anchor Bible Dictionary summary of Syro-
the reasons for this 'denial' of outside archaeological Palestinian and Biblical Archaeology, he highlights how
theory in Syro-Palestinian archaeology are discussed by examination of the more general aspects of a society, such
Dever (1992). as the domestic dimensions of ancient cultures, including
religion, can illuminate the dynamic nature of ancient
As we approach the year 2000 and look at where our societies. In his own archaeological studies of Canaanite
field is going, perhaps the most positive aspect to evolve out and early Israelite religion, which combine textual and
of Syro-Palestinian archaeology's view of the developments archaeological data, Dever (1987) has shown how Israelite
in 'new' archaeology was the adoption of multidisciplinary religion, which the Hebrew Bible proclaims as supposedly
projects which included specialists in archaeozoology, Yahwistic, was something much more complex. By
archaeobotany, geology, anthropology, archaeology, focusing on the general distribution patterns of Canaanite
epigraphy, and other fields. The result of this organiz- cult objects in Israelite sites, Dever uses archaeology to
ational change in research has been the production of vast show that the folk religion of Israel was highly syncretistic
amounts of essential environmental and non-environmental and included popular cults that were highly influenced by
data from these projects. Unfortunately, while these the Canaanite fertility religions (ibid.). Thus, by moving
away from a desire to isolate individual historical events,
organizational changes may have appealed to granting
Dever (1987) has isolated the dynamics of a medium-term
bodies such as the National Endowment for the Humanities process which affected Israelite society at large. While the
and the National Geographic Society in the United States, in intellectually stimulating developments of processual
truth there has been very little cross-fertilization between archaeology have blossomed and evolved with little
the researchers involved in these projects or the production impact on Syro-Palestinian archaeology, the renewed
of truly interdisciplinary studies. A case in point are the concern with history advocated by 'post-processual'
Gezer volumes which offer little synthesis of the vast archaeology (cf. Hodder 1986) on the world scene
quantities of published data (cf. Dever 1986; Gitin 1990). demands that we reconsider how to integrate the vast
Notable exceptions are the interdisciplinary studies quantities of archaeological and ethnohistorical data into a
published by the archaeological projects in the Madaba synthetic view of the past.
3. John Cherry (1987: 146) has suggested that archaeology
plains (La Bianca 1990), Shiqmim (Levy 1987), Izbet Sartah
may be viewed as 'political geography in the past tense'.
(Finkelstein 1986) and Idalion (Stager and Walker 1989). From the perspective of the southern Levant, geography is
As Paul Goldberg (1988), a long time geological specialist a prominent, perhaps the prime mover variable in the long-
involved in archaeological projects in the Levant, points term social evolution of the region. Palestine's geographical
out, if specialist reports do not fit in with the archaeologist'S setting and makeup present the long-term structure which
historical perception of the archaeological record the has enabled and constrained cultural developments in the
'interdisciplinary' input is usually ignored. region. Located on the land bridge connecting Asia and
After more than 100 years of scientific archaeological Africa, near the cradle of humankind in Africa's rift valley
investigation in the Holy Land, there is an immense body and the centers of ancient Near Eastern civilizations,
of historical, archaeological, and environmental data geography has been a determining factor on the prehistory
and history of social change in this region from the
which is amenable to the different scales of analysis
beginning over one million years ago until today. As A.
advocated by the Annales. For all of its virtues, the Annales Mazar (1990: 1) points out:
has been subject to detailed criticism (Clark 1985; Chartier
1988; Hufton 1986; Le Goff and Nora 1985; Schneider
1977; Sherratt 1992; Stone 1985). However, some of the The geographic location of the country determined its
positive aspects of the Annales paradigm which are related important role in the history of the ancient Near East.
On the one hand, Palestine formed a bridge between
to Syro-Palestinian archaeology can be summarized as
the two ends of the Fertile Crescent - Egypt on the
follows: south and Syria and Mesopotamia in the north; on the
other hand, it was compressed between the
1. Braudel's framework offers a concise model for Mediterranean Sea on the west and the desert to the
archaeologists to consider how change occurs in different east. This unique situation was a basic factor in
6 Part' * Approaches to the Past * Thomas E. Levy and Augustin F.e. Holl
Palestine's history and cultural development. More in this project, it was thought best to leave paradigm names
than any other country in the ancient world, Palestine out of the guidelines to authors. With such a vast array of
was always directly or indirectly connected with other scholars, it would have been a recipe for disaster to suggest
parts of the Near East and the eastern Mediterranean. that each one write according to' 'prehistoric', 'biblical
archaeology', 'new biblical archaeology', 'processual',
Thus, it is the geography of place which determines the 'post-processual', 'Annales', 'contextual', or another other
Holy Land's place on the post-Bronze Age periphery of school of thought. All of these terms are loaded with
civilizations, empires and superpowers. Although environ- conceptual and intellectual baggage which could easily be
ment is viewed as critical factor in social change, we follow manipulated in a small group, but would cause chaos in a
Shmuel Eisenstadt (1988: 239) and resist the 'temptation to large number of contenders. Instead, all the contributors
view environmental boundaries as independent of social were asked to organize their chapters along Annales
ones'. guidelines without utilizing the term Annales. The
According to Dever (1992: 364), the future of archaeo- following themes are addressed differentially, depending
logical research in the Holy Land may be linked to many of on the time scales and periods studied by the different
the conceptual developments made by the Annales school: researchers.
Archaeology does not, of course, possess the extensive
written documentation that can be sifted through by Major transitions
historians of the Annales school, nor can it perhaps ever
write really fine-grained individual history. But archae- Based on accumulated knowledge from archaeological and
ology today is ecological and focuses on setting; it turns up historical sources, the major cultural and/or historical
masses of obscure artifactual data that reflect the daily life transitions for each of the main periods of Palestinian
of ordinary individuals; and it is unique among all archaeology are identified. To summarize the temporal
disciplines in its sensitivity to cultural change over very trajectory of human occupation in the Holy Land, the
long periods of time. Thus, there is good reason to believe human occupation of the region has been divided up into
that Syro-Palestinian archaeology has scarcely begun to 22 traditionally accepted general chronological periods
fulfill its potential for writing social and economic history spanning the Lower Paleolithic to the modern nineteenth
on a much broader scale than formerly thought possible. and early twentieth centuries. This corresponds to Annales'
The tools are at hand, because the very multidisciplinary,
ecological, and systemic approaches noted above already position of identifying the major lines of development in a
point promisingly in the right direction. given period of time.
The optimism reflected in these remarks for a broader Pattern and process
socio-economic view of cultural change in the Holy Land is
hopefully realized by the contributors to this volume. By concentrating on changing patterns of settlement
While each of the prehistoric and historical archaeologists (identified archaeologically), the dynamics of change in
involved in this endeavor may not utilize the vocabulary of adaptation, social organization, and economic organiz-
the Annales, they all employ many of the qualities outlined ation can be garnered. As each of the archaeologists are
above that make it possible to write a social archaeology of advocates of interdisciplinary investigation, regional cases
the Holy Land today which can be subsumed into the studies depicting settlement change through time were
broad definition of the Annales. These approaches include requested which integrate environmental and cultural
an interdisciplinary approach to the past, the analysis of variables so that the magnitude of social organization and
cultural systems, and an emphasis on cultural ecology and interaction in a given period can be identified. Thus, maps
the paleo-environment. depicting the family group, local group, and regional polity
According to Birnbaum (1978: 230), 'contemporary' level of social integration were requested to highlight
Annales historical analysis is based on five platforms: changing socio-economic behaviors through time in the
broad environmental and cultural context of Palestine and
1. to establish distinctive temporal periods; the ancient world (d. Johnson and Earle 1987: 22-23).
2. to identify the major lines of development with each Discussions of changing organization in settlement pattern
period; on the family, local and regional level are related to
3. to identify and measure regularities specific to each
Braudel's medium-term conjonctures of time connected
development;
4. to recognize innovation and the emergence of new especially to the history of a region and the cycles of
structures within and between eras; economic, agrarian, and demographic change.
5. to propose a range of elements that helps to isolate and
explain continuity or change within and between periods. 'nnovations and technology
Given the vast sweep of time in our region and the different Contributors were asked to identify major innovations in
intellectual orientations of the numerous scholars involved areas such as technology, subsistence strategies, trade, and
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land 7
industrialization so as to identify the emergence of new for the 'grande perspective' covered in this volume. More
structures within and between periods. From a materialist important are the problems associated with social
perspective, these topics relate to structural change in the organization evolution for the contributors:
organization of production systems in societies. By looking
at the transmission of innovation or its local independent • How do institutions associated with social reproduction
change through time?
development which are manifest in the archaeological
• Can changes be seen in stratification systems through time?
record, it is possible to monitor how social groups acquire, • Did maladaptive social structures emerge during the
maintain, and lose power. These factors are of immense period?
importance for understanding how socio-political systems • How do different kinds of exchange systems relate to
evolve. This follows Birnbaum's (ibid.) point that the kinship organization?
'contemporary' Annales strive to recognize innovation and • How did ritual and political power work together to
the emergence of new structures within and between eras. produce new social organizations?
By studying the control of production, it is possible to
monitor changes in power relations in societies through From an Annales' perspective, the dimension of time
(evenements, conjonctures, longue duree) used to analyze
time and the rise and collapse of different social systems.
these problems will color the identification of the processes
responsible for social change in the southern Levant.
Religion anJ iJeology In dealing with state societies, Yoffee (1992) has
In examining religion and ideology, the emphasis here is on
suggested an important alternative model to social
evolutionary typologies based on the study of power. For
'the role of cult and/or religion in society. By using material
culture which reflects religion and/or ideology, contributors the purposes of identifying archaeologically the evolution
of state societies, Yoffee (ibid.) views the dimensions of
were asked how these dimensions of culture enforce,
power as the key to understanding the evolution of social
modify, and/or destroy existing social organizations. Some
complexity. Thus, power has three dimensions: economic
of the questions asked include: what is the scale of
power, societal power (including ideological), and political
investment in cult/religious facilities? Is there evidence of
power. The state depends on the interplay between these
differential participation of segments of the society in ritual
dimensions of power and emerges by combining economic
activities? Do other religions or cults exist in the society? Is
control over production, 'the segregation and maintenance
there a state religion versus a popular one and how does
of the symbols of community boundary, and the ability to
this influence the organization of society? From an
impose obedience by force'. Like many archaeologists, our
Annales' perspective, religion and ideology (collective belief
use of the Annales paradigm can be viewed as an
systems), and world views reflect and transform human
intellectual foraging expedition, unlike Yoffee who has
life. This view was not developed by Braudel but by other
presented a rare, independent archaeologically-based
Annalistes such as Bloch (1939/40), and constitutes what
model for the evolution of social complexity. However,
Febvre (1920) formalized with the term mentalites.
as this volume deals with over one million years of culture
According to Bintliff (1991: 11), Bloch's view has
change, in a region which lacks evidence for pristine state
dominated 'Annales' scholarship since the 1970s as
evolution, the impact of geography, the shifting control
"anthropological history". Bloch examined the social and
over local production organizations, and center-periphery
economic context of a mentalite as appropriate
relations may ultimately give us a generalized picture
explanatory conditions for its origin and role in history,
concerning the processes of culture change in the Holy
exploring the effect of human concepts of the logic of
Land. An Annales approach provides us with a more
everyday life (e.g. through the realities of health and
general framework for examining the full range of societies
hygiene, diet, and the class basis for certain ideologies).'
which evolved in the southern Levant.
Social organization
Processes of change
In an effort to develop a common terminology for
discussing the archaeological manifestations of past social To fulfill the ultimate goal of this volume, the explanation
organizations in the southern Levant, contributors were of culture change in the Holy Land over a period of some
asked to utilize the terminology of neo-evolutionary one and a half million years, the contributors were asked to
cultural typology developed by Service (Bands-Tribes summarize 'why' the major transitions identified in their
[Segmentary Lineages]-Chiefdoms-States; 1962) and Fried period occurred. By trying to answer 'why' these
(Egalitarian-Rank-State; 1967). Although elements of this transitions happened, a clear link is made with the
model, in particular Service's notion of 'Chiefdom', have settlement pattern data, innovations and technology,
recently come under fire (d. Yoffee 1992), the clear religion and ideology, and social organization. This is
definitions associated with these terms are of great utility where Braudel's tripartite 'wedding cake' of time is brought
8 Part' * Approaches to the Past * Thomas E. Levy and Augustin F.e. Holl
out, and, depending on the period under review, the undertaking precisely because archaeologists are inter-
processes of change related to events, cycles, or the longue ested in the diachronic issues of origin, growth, diffusion,
duree are summarized as the determinants of change. transformation, and the processes which frame these
developments (d. Knapp 1993, 1992a: 13).
In summing up the Annales and archaeology, R.W.
Center- periphery
Bulliet (1992b: 132) has said
A central motif in the archaeological history of Palestine is
its location on the periphery of the major states and There is ultimately nothing in the Annales school that can
civilizations of the ancient Near East. Following the take archaeologists much farther intellectually than they
Chalcolithlc period, cultural evolution in Palestine becomes have already gone ... like the failed bumblebee that defied
the predictions of the aeronautical engineer that its wing
intimately connected and affected by change in those
area would be insufficient to bear it aloft, this effort at
centers of civilization. Consequently, in dealing with post- interdisciplinary cross-fertilization flies, and buzzes, and
Bronze Age Palestine, social evolutionary theories are of makes honey.
less utility. Instead, an examination of the changing
relationships of power, both within the societies of the The Annales school will work for the archaeology of the
Palestinian periphery and in the political centers of the Holy Land because it advocates a comparative and
ancient Near Eastern empires holds more promise (d. interdisciplinary approach to the past which utilizes
Champion 1989; Rowlands, Larsen, and Kristiansen historical, archaeological, and ethnohistorical sources to
1987). Toynbee (1954) had long ago indicated the build a social archaeology. Unlike the 'New Archaeology'
tendency for new and dynamic societies to emerge on the which was ahistorical and based on building general laws
fringes of old and declining ones, which is certainly of human behavior, an Annales perspective tries to
reflected in the rise of Israel's United Monarchy. However, embrace the whole of human activity in a given society
simple center-periphery equations will not take us very far (histoire totale, Forster and Ranum 1975), which by
in gaining new insights concerning social change. Through default demands a concern with historical documents.
a careful consideration of change in center-periphery Finally Braudel's longue duree, which emphasizes the
relationships, combined with studies of shifts in power on impact of physical geography as providing the 'enabling'
the local and pan-regional level set against the backdrop of and 'constraining' factors in human history, is indeed the
the long-term structure of the Levantine environment, the key for understanding Palestine's internal and external
contributors will hopefully produce a new social evolution over the past circa one million years.
archaeology of the Holy Land.
These topics are in fact the bare bones of 'contem-
porary' Annales historical analysis applied to over one Acknowledgments
million years of human occupation in the southern Levant.
They represent the threads which can be used to weave a The authors would like to thank Fitz John P. Poole and
coherent picture of social evolution and socio-economic Guillermo Algaze of the UCSD Department of
change in this part of the Mediterranean. An Annales Anthropology for their erudite and very useful comments
perspective seems most useful for this enormous on the Annales school and this paper.
2
POWER, POLITICS AND THE PAST:
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF
ANTIQUITY IN THE HOLY LAND
Neil Asher Silberman
the Holy Land's past cultures, but the many editorial dug up, bought, sold, and highly prized for their spiritual
comments in the Old Testament relating to tells, tombs, and healing power. By the end of the fourth century, the
and 'high places' and the demonstrated continuity of export or 'translation' of relics from the Holy Land had
temple sites at Bronze and Iron Age cities (as in Yadin reached enormous proportions. Ancient bones, stones, and
1972: 67-105; Kempinski 1989: 169-88) indicate what pottery became objects of interest and veneration in
might be called a proto-archaeological consciousness. churches, monasteries, and private chapels throughout
Certainly some antiquarian investigations must have Europe (Brown 1981). This international market in relics
preceded the. construction of the monumental Herodian was encouraged by church officials, for it became an
enclosures around the Temple Mount in Jerusalem and the important source of revenue for the monastic and religious
Cave of Machpelah in Hebron. Yet there is no evidence establishments in the Holy Land. And the inherent value of
until a much later period of the use of ancient material these relics and the frequent conflicting claims to
remains to formulate an independent understanding of the possession of identical relics led to an ever greater
past. Venerated ancient or biblical sites became the stage emphasis on the objects themselves.
setting for a ritualized reenactment, in which the pilgrim or Recent archaeological discoveries in Jordan have
supplicant did not challenge or rewrite the historical revealed the extent to which the Christian historical
tradition. The object was, instead, the internalization - and landscape of the Holy Land survived that far-reaching
material illustration - of a sacred history. social and political transformation of the Muslim Conquest
Even after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem in (Schick 1988). And with the advent of Islam, the Qur'anic
70 CE, many of the most important biblical sites of the versions of biblical traditions encouraged Muslim interest
Land of Israel were never completely lost or forgotten. The in many of the ancient sites of the country as well (Le
tradition of Jewish pilgrimage to sites of biblical Strange 1890; Duri 1990). The establishment of the
importance continued (Mazar 1975: 237-9). With the Crusader Kingdom in the twelfth century ushered in a new
acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the era of antiquarian interest. Yet what was sought was not a
Roman Empire in the fourth century CE, the province of new understanding of the Holy Land's history but a
Palaestina became the 'Holy Land' for an enormous mass continuing search for biblical identifications - conveniendy
of faithful and many of its biblical sites (of both Old and fitted in to the standard pilgrim's itinerary (Grabois 1982).
New Testaments) were imbued with a corresponding The continuing trade in relics and seasonal religious tours
holiness (Wilken 1992). A new Christian tradition of conducted under the auspices of the various monastic
pilgrimage to biblical sites in the Holy Land was established orders can be seen as manifestations of economic and
and encouraged on a truly massive scale (Hunt 1984). The political connections between certain European cities and
efforts of Constantine's mother Helena can, in fact, be seen the trade networks of the Holy Land (Geary 1990).
as the first efforts at what might be called archaeology. In However, in the period we have come to call the European
contrast to the earlier practice of preserving and Renaissance, a new motivation and mindset began to
embellishing historical sites whose significance or location influence the contemporary understandings of the
was never in question, Helena sponsored extensive archaeology of the Holy Land.
excavations in Jerusalem and Bethlehem to discover the As representatives of the various European merchant
sites of Jesus' nativity and tomb (Hunt 1984: 28-49). cities sought to negotiate with the Mamluks and their
These, and dozens of other shrines established at sites of Ottoman successors for trade concessions and access to the
supposed or uncovered antiquity, became the focal points eastern spice routes, the purely religious interest in the
of an elaborate geographical representation of biblical Holy Land began to give way to a more down-to-earth
history. And although the purpose was religious, the curiosity about its peoples, plants, and ruins (Bliss 1907:
historical-geographical understandings of the Byzantine 121-72; Rodinson 1987: 31-44). Biblical traditions were
period, in literary works such as the Onomasticon of less immediately useful than factual information that might
Eusebius and in the archaeological evidence of the siting of lead to the discovery of profitable commodities and offer a
Byzantine churches, continue to be an important tool in the chance to corner the market in their trade. Botanists, such
modern identification of ancient sites. as the French physician Pierre Belon du Mans and the
The era of Byzantine pilgrimage added another German Leonhard Rauwolf, in the sixteenth century were
important element to the constellation of antiquarian pioneers in a study of the natural history of the Holy Land
interests that we have come to identify as 'archaeology'. that would reach culmination with the encyclopedic
For the first time - as far as we know - moveable studies of Palestinian flora, fauna, and geology of Carsten
archaeological artifacts began to take on a significance, at Niebuhr and Friedrich Hasselquist in the late eighteenth
least partially, independent of the place where they were century. New historical insights were also developed. The
found (Hunt 1984: 128-54). Bones of saints, garments and rise of antiquarianism in Europe sparked a new, secular
shrouds of New Testament figures, and virtually every sort interest in the monuments and geography of ancient
of relic associated with famous biblical personalities were Mediterranean civilizations and such explorers as Laurent
12 Part' * Approaches to the Past * Neil Asher Silbennan
observed plants, animals, mountains, valleys, rivers and
native inhabitants. Likewise a time scale stretching from
Creation to the present had to be filled with epochs,
cultures, and historical events. In place of the pilgrim's
subjective experience of 'reliving' or 'rediscovering' famous
biblical sites came a concerted effort to construct an
'objective' history and natural geography of Palestine. And
in contrast to the pilgrim's image of the Holy Land as a
self-contained biblical realm, this new method of
representation made it possible to equate Palestine's flora,
fauna, modern cultures and antiquarian curiosities with
those of other ancient lands.
British, an American preserve. The French Dominicans the material remains of the past as an inseparable part of
concentrated in Jerusalem, with its many church the landscape. In the tombs of the saints scattered on
establishments and religious associations. And German hilltops and valleys, in the names given to natural features,
activity centered in Galilee and the Jezreel Valley, in favorite epics and legends, and in favorite places of
conveniently close to the Haifa-Dera'a spur of the Hijaz pilgrimage, they participated in a subjective relationship to
Railway, built under the supervision of German engineers. antiquity (Canaan 1922; Vilnay 1973-8). Whether
The pursuit of archaeology had by that time become a celebrating the ceremony of the Holy Fire on the Saturday
national, rather than individual, undertaking. At times of before Easter in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre,
political crisis or tension in Europe, the competition for converging on the shrine of Nebi Musa in the spring time,
particularly noteworthy antiquities such as the Mesha Stele or flocking to the Tomb of Rabbi Simeon Bar Yohai in
and the Shapira 'Deuteronomy' (see Wmdow 1) became Meiron on Lag Ba-Omer, the connection to the past was a
matters of national prestige. highly-ritualized reenactment of a repertoire of familiar
At the turn of the century, the character of archaeo- historical motifs. Yet these traditions were now valuable to
logical work in the Holy Land underwent a methodological the archaeologists only in so far as they were seen to
revolution with the beginning of stratigraphic excavations represent the fossilized customs of antiquity.
at some of the country's most prominent tells. The earlier
work of Augustus Pitt-Rivers in England and Heinrich
Schliemann at the mound of Hissarlik in Asia Minor
The Igolden l age
demonstrated the character of stratified archaeological The conduct of archaeology in the Holy Land changed
deposits, and the excavation of Palestinian mounds became dramatically with the British conquest of Palestine during
the source of a new understanding of the progressive World War I. Within only a few years of the establishment
development of ancient civilization, not merely rich mines of an efficient, centralized colonial government and the
of relics and isolated monuments. This long range improvement of transport and communications throughout
perspective was apparent in the excavations conducted by the country, the Holy Land became one of the most active
W.M.F. Petrie and Frederick Bliss at Tel Hesi (1890-2), centers of excavation and archaeological research in the
R.A.S. Macalister at Gezer (1902-09), Gottlieb world. This was due in large measure to the regulatory
Schumacher at Megiddo (1902-05), and Ernst Sellin at efforts of the Palestine Department of Antiquities. As an
Ta'anach (1902-10) and Jericho (1910-14). Yet it should autonomous unit of the Mandatory Government, it was
also be stressed that each of these excavators identified a patterned after similar departments in other British
different element as the primary motive force in ancient colonies. By the provisions of the Antiquities Law of
Palestinian history (Silberman 1993). Petrie, a fervent 1928, the director of the department was authorized to set
adherent of the eugenic theories of Sir Francis Galton, saw standards for historical significance in a published list of
in the destruction levels of Tel Hesi, a millennia-long saga protected archaeological sites. The director was also
of the triumph of active races over the more passive ones empowered to specify permissible methods of archae-
(later expressed clearly in Petrie 1912). Schumacher and ological investigation, in setting standards for the issuance
Sellin, the excavators of Megiddo, Ta'anach, and Jericho, of excavation permits. Research facilities were also
were interested in distinguishing 'Babylonian' influence in improving. The construction in Jerusalem in 1935 of the
the material culture of Palestine as evidence for a natural Palestine Archaeological Museum (later known as the
process of cultural domination by a complex culture over Rockefeller Museum, after its American donor) greatly
its less sophisticated neighbors (Sellin 1905: 29-33). And facilitated the work of the Department of Antiquities by
in the version of Palestinian history devised by Macalister serving as its headquarters - with modern storerooms,
on the basis of his excavation of Gezer, the sequence of laboratories, study galleries and public exhibition halls.
various 'Semitic' and 'non-Semitic' periods underlined The period between the two World Wars is often called
what he considered to be an eternal and inevitable conflict the 'golden age' of excavation in the Holy Land (Moorey
between 'East' and 'West' (Macalister 1912). 1991: Chapter 3), and that description is certainly
The archaeological interpretations of these scholars in accurate, if only in terms of sheer scale of activity. Among
the era of high imperialism can still be clearly seen as the most important foreign-funded archaeological projects
metaphorical validations of the contemporary European carried out during this period were the excavations of the
penetration of the Middle East. Yet there is another Palestine Exploration Fund at Ashkelon (1920-1); the
important element to note in this period of growing University of Chicago Oriental Institute at Megiddo
archaeological professionalism: it was an era in which (1925-39); the University of Pennsylvania at Beth Shean
many older attitudes, understandings, and approaches to (1921-33); the American Schools of Oriental Research at
the past were finally and quite decisively discredited as Tell Beit Mirsim (1926-32); W.M.F. Petrie at Tel Jemmeh
mistaken, primitive, or naive. The peoples of Palestine - (1926-7), Tell el-Farah (south) (1928-30), and Tell el-
Jews, Muslims and Christians - had traditionally regarded Ajjul (1937-8); and the Welcome-Marston Expedition at
16 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Neil Asher Silberman
1950s, the Israel Exploration Society became a national occupied territories that, according to some critics, went
organization, coordinating the efforts of public and far beyond the legitimate and permitted function of
academic bodies involved in excavation, sponsoring public protecting immediately endangered archaeological sites. In
lectures and congresses on archaeological subjects, and early 1993 Israeli and Egyptian negotiating teams
promoting the participation in excavations by volunteers finalized plans for the return of archaeological materials
from all over the world. This period also witnessed the removed during Israel's occupation of the Sinai. The
crystallization of a unique Israeli style of large-scale, situation on the West Bank, however, remained as
architecturally based excavation - beginning in the Hazor uncertain as the areas's future status. Despite the vast
excavations directed by Yigael Yadin (1955-8). As an amounts of new archaeological data that were
increasing number of tells were excavated, participation in accumulated in excavations, and intensive surveys and
archaeological excavations came to be a national ritual for new historical insights gained for understanding the
Israeli schoolchildren, soldiers, senior citizens and foreign prehistoric, biblical, classical and early medieval periods,
visitors. Nowhere else in the Middle East or the eastern relatively little effort was made to preserve or protect
Mediterranean was the message of national rebirth archaeological remains from the later Islamic and
conveyed so effectively - through excavated sites like Ottoman periods, which were of direct relevance to the
Hazar, Arad, Beersheva, Megiddo, and Masada, and area's Muslim and Christian inhabitants.
through evocative artifacts like the Bar Kochba Letters and Thus arose what seemed to be an inevitable development
the Dead Sea Scrolls. in the history of archaeology all over the world. The pursuit
In June 1967, war once again dramatically changed the of the past through excavation had always been both a
character of archaeological excavation in the Holy Land. symptom of and factor in the crystallization of modern
With Israel's military occupation of the West Bank, all national consciousness. While the leaders of the Palestinian
antiquities in the area came under the control of the national movement had never shown any great interest in
Archaeological Staff Officer. In the years following the Six archaeological interpretation, the rapid expansion of West
Day War, large-scale excavations were conducted on both Bank universities in the 1980s led to the emergence of a
sides of the Jordan, examining levels from the Paleolithic to distinctive approach to Palestinian archaeology. A new
the Ottoman period. Their far-reaching results and generation of Palestinian graduate students and foreign-
historical insights comprise a significant proportion of the trained archaeologists began to study and uncover the
material of this book. Even more significant in the post- remains of the late Islamic and Ottoman periods in village
1967 period was the initiation of intensive regional contexts (Glock 1983, 1987). It remains to be seen whether
surveys, which introduced to the archaeology of the Holy this research trend represents a dramatic new approach to
Land the study of ancient demography and settlement the study of traditional Palestinian culture or whether these
patterns. are just the first steps taken along the well-trodden path of
In the 1970s and 1980s, large international consortia archaeological nationalism.
were organized to undertake multinational excavations at
important sites such as Tel Hesi, Lahav, Akko, Caesarea,
Modernizing the past
Tel Miqne, and Tel Dor (for an excellent survey, see Wolff
1991). At the same time, archaeological institutions in both The conduct of archaeology in the Holy Land was only
Israel and Jordan expanded gready. In Jordan, the belatedly affected by the theoretical revolutions of the
establishment of departments of archaeology at the American 'New Archaeology' (Dever 1980a, 1985).
University of Jordan and the University of the Yarmuk, the During the 1950s and 1960s, in the absence of serious
Government's growing concern with cultural resource theoretical discussion about the objectives and social
management, and the initiation of major international function of foreign expeditions in a changed Middle
projects at sites such as Pella, Gerash, and Petra signaled a Eastern reality, methodological refinement of excavation
period of intensification of archaeological activity (Hadidi techniques became a primary goal. Kenyon's excavations
1982, 1985). In Israel, teaching departments of at Jericho and the American excavations at Shechem and
archaeology were established at Haifa, Ben-Gurion, and Gezer were distinguished by their attempts to distinguish
Bar-Ilan universities - joining the efforts of the older ever more precise stratigraphic units, and pottery and
institutes in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. artifact types. This led to a much-publicized, though largely
The post-1967 period was also distinguished by bitterly inconclusive, methodological debate with Israeli archae-
argued political and ethical issues relating to the pursuit of ologists over their much greater use,. of architectural
archaeology in the Holy Land (Silberman 1990). Although analysis (Dever 1973). The adoption of such scientific
the Hague Convention, to which Israel was a signatory, innovations as radiocarbon dating, chemical provenance
explicidy prohibited the removal of cultural property from studies, geological, botanical and faunal analysis, and
militarily occupied areas, both foreign and Israeli increasingly complex data processing - had, by the 1960s,
archaeologists mounted extensive excavations in the made excavations in Israel and Jordan among the most
20 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Neil Asher Silberman
technologically sophisticated in the world. Yet in the far-reaching modern changes have influenced - if not
1970s, under the growing influence of American 'New completely determined - the interpretation of archaeo-
Archaeology', scholars working in Israel and Jordan logical finds in terms of complex social interaction and
became increasingly concerned with questions of social economic development.
evolution and adaptation, rather than traditional culture And so the process of reinterpretation continues.
history. Archaeology in the Holy Land can never completely avoid
As a growing proportion of funding for archaeology in being influenced by contemporary preoccupations and
the region came from non-religious sources, biblical and ideologies because it is, and has always has been, a
even specific historical questions were being gradually powerful social, religious and political activity. Future
supplanted by new research questions about agricultural generations of archaeologists must recognize their
efficiency, economic profits, specialized production and responsibility to the general public as well as to their
regional population growth. This change in emphasis can, scholarly colleagues. Images from the past have enormous
of course, be seen in a wider context, for it neatly parallels potential for encouraging either hatred or understanding,
the imperatives of modem economic development that for establishing either a shared or a conflicting heritage. It
have become so pressing in the closing decade of the is, therefore, inevitable that archaeology in the Holy Land,
twentieth century (Miller 1980; Patterson 1986, 1987). In in its reconstruction of ancient landscapes and societies in
recent years, as Middle Eastern peoples and economies the midst of modern economic challenges and continuing
have been drawn into the western industrial world system, political conflicts, will continue to play an important role
cities have grown up, and fellahin and bedouin have been in shaping the Holy Land's present and future - as well as
transformed into workers, it might be argued that these its past.
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eshel
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.. 29
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Upper Galilee
6
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.
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III M-Il Ir
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SA 1'IIrrn Glh'
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'" MolT IT $III Tlvm 0""
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Judean Mts.
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13
010 17 20
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10 10
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o ... ""T IT $III !'nom OIlY 0 1,11 .... ,1 IT SA Tlvm 0IIII ... "..IT .T SA r...... OIl'll
o ....." IT SA TIIrrn_
:11
Kinnrot Valley Samarian Desert Dead Sea Valley
18 21 24
Maelon Plrun
~~t' I
o "u.rr IT SA TIIrrn __
.." lI:tUdeanDeserl
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.
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. o ... U.,T IT SA Tntm OIlY o ... MolT IT SA Tlorm OIhl
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o ... Molt " SA TNrn_
• •.• • •••we
150 mm mean annual rainfall; above this value the
..
0
percentage remains more or less constant (see Figure 2). 0 b
•• ..- •
The percentage of ephemeral plants is reciprocal to that of
the persistents. However, from other curves presented by 10
Danin and Orshan (1990: 41), it is evident that the
proportion of herbaceous perennial plants (hemicrypto- o 200 400 600 800 1000
phytes and geophytes) in the flora is positively correlated PRECIPITATION,mm
with the mean annual rainfall. The curve expressing
percentage of annuals as related to the rainfall is more or Figure 2 Distribution of persistent species in the flora of 27 districts in
less curvilinear with the highest percentages occurring Israel as related to predpitotion. Full dots are for the districts with mean
between 200 and 500 mm of rainfall. The distribution of annual rainfall higher than 300 mm
life forms is also correlated with mean annual
temperatures, but less significandy.
The analysis of changes in leaf attributes in the Vegetation of the mesic part of 'srael
vegetation of 22 plant communities along the precipitation
gradient (Keshet et al. 1990: 151) showed the following 1. Maquis and forests
results: The mountains of Judea, Samaria, Carmel, Galilee, and
lower elevations of Mt. Hermon were covered in historical
The average leaf size increases with increasing times by forests or maquis of evergreen trees dominated by
precipitation; there is a prominent tendency for a change Quercus calliprinos on hard limestone with Terra Rossa
in leaf color from green in the moister part to glaucous or soil. Soft marly chalk lands with Light Rendzina soil were
whitish (due to tomentosity) in the moist part of the dominated by woodlands of Pinus halepensis and Arbutus
gradient; malacophyllous, sclerophyllous and winter andrachne. The shape, density, and to a certain extent even
deciduous plants are more frequent in the moist part of the composition of the vegetation in this area was
the climatic gradient.
influenced by human activity during the last millennia.
Clearing woodlands for agricultural purposes, leaving the
Most semi-shrubs in the dry and moist parts of the country land fallow for long periods, and the burning of areas to
are evergreen with two types of leaves - small and often increase the quality of the vegetation by pasture plants
hairy summer leaves and relatively large and less hairy were the main components of the history of land use in this
winter leaves. This dimorphism fits well with the limiting area. At present, and it seems that for a long time
seasonal environmental factors- paucity of solar radiation throughout history, large parts of this area look like
in winter when there is sufficient water in the soil, and high mosaics of formations, syngenetically related, and created
intensity of radiation in the warm and dry summer. following various kinds of disturbance by human activity
and by natural causes. The components of these 'mosaics'
are successional formations of herbaceous communities,
Vegetation semi-shrubs communities, and taller shrubs and trees.
These develop in areas that were covered by woodlands,
The vegetation can be dealt with, as the flora, in two destructed and then recover from destruction, passing
parts - that of the mesic Mediterranean part of the through different stages. The stage of herbaceous
country and that of the dry steppe and desert areas with formations is relatively short, due to the poverty of the
prevailing Saharo-Arabian species. The description of the soil in phosphorous on most types of Terra Rossa and
vegetation follows this subdivision and the categories in other nutritional problems on the Rendzinas (Rabinovitch
the key of the vegetation map (see Figure 3). 1979).
Man and the Natural Environment 29
kilometers 50
I
Mediterranean
Sea
showy semi-shrub Helianthemum vesicarium which has munities and the sequence of their occurrence along the
here its highest diversity of flower color in all its wadis are in close affinity to rock and soil types, which
populations of Israel. Together with tulips and other gready influence the moisture, salinity, and nutrient regime
showy geophytes, the blooming plants in a rainy year make in the wadi systems (Lipkin 1971). There are different
the steppe of the Central Negev Highlands look like an plant communities in wadis on flint pebbles, flint tocks,
unbelievably beautiful garden. This category differs from limestone outcrops, magmatic rocks, or marl. An example
the previous category by the presence of some 1400 adult of the diversity of plant communities in such an area near
trees, most of which are of Pistacia atlantica, and some are Hazeva is discussed by Rudich and Danin (1978: 160).
of Amygdalus ramonensis or Rhamnus disperma (Danin Land use in this category is minimal. Apart from small
and Orshan 1970: 115). These trees are found in affinity to areas irrigated near the few settlements and irrigated
outcrops of smooth-faced rocks. The high yields of runoff ornamental gardens in the urban areas, there is not much
water from these rocks to their crevices enable successful influence here. Phytomass production is low and its
germination and the establishment of seedlings, even out of consistency is such that pastoral life cannot depend on
wadis. In places with large enough outcrops of limestone most of this area.
the seedlings may develop into trees; some are several
hundreds of years old. Wadis with such outcrops in their 13. Sand vegetation
catchment area support large trees. Rare relicts, such as the Sand dunes or sand fields occur in Israel on the
vines of the Mediterranean maquis Prasium ma;us and Mediterranean coastal plain, in the Western Negev as a
Ephedra foemina, and endemic plants, such as Origanum continuation of Northern Sinai sands, a few valleys of the
ramonensis and Ferula negevensis, occur in these rocks too. Northern Negev, and in the Arava Valley. In each of these
Apart from the remnants of ancient agriculture found in areas there is a different climatic regime, sand texture is
the wadis this area is protected from destructive land use different, and hence the vegetation and processes of its
by humans. Being close to the international border human development differ.
activity is minimal here. Sands carried by the Nile River from Africa to the
Mediterranean are transported by currents in the sea and
12. Desert vegetation deposited on the coast. When dried, the sand is transported
Shrubs and trees are confined in this category, including inland by the common westerly winds. Devoid of fine-
the southern and eastern Negev, to wadis. However, on grained particles the plant-less sands become populated by
the boundary of the category with the steppes the typical the perennial grass Ammophila arenaria. Its seedlings are
semi-shrubs Anabasis articulata and Zygophyllum capable of growing above the mobile sand that covers
dumosum grow in a diffused pattern. Chalk and marl them. In time, when growing bigger, this grass decreases
outcrops are populated with the halophyte communities of sand mobility in its close vicinity and leads to the
Suaeda asphaltica, Salsola tetrandra, and Hammada formation of phytogenic mounds below it. Airborne fine-
negevensis. The nearly monospecific communities of semi- grained material is incorporated into the sand near the
shrub halophytes are accompanied by a diverse assemblage plants, thus leading to amelioration of its moisture regime.
of herbaceous plants that grow on the leached soil. Artemisia monosperma is the dominant on stable sand
Areas with a low amount of available water are that, in its first few years, may cause the formation of
populated with contracted vegetation. At the head of mounds. In the course of time new Artemisia plants
wadis, annual plants grow; one of the interesting plants of establish themselves among the mounds and the area
this community is Anastatica hierochuntica - the famous becomes flat. Dust accumulation becomes efficient once the
Rose of Jericho. This plant is a lignified annual, the seeds vegetation covers more than 30 per cent of an area. The
of which are not dispersed when becoming ripe unless moisture regime of the soil becomes better as additional
there is an event of strong rain that opens the entire plant quantities of dust and humus accumulate at upper soil
and splashes the seeds. This mechanism is regarded as a layers. The response of vegetation is an increase in species
strategy that enables water gauging by the mother plant diversity and phytomass production. At a certain stage the
before dispersing the seeds. The religious beliefs associated maquis plants succeed in growing in the shade of the
with this plant are related to its spread after being dead for Retama raetam shrubs and, in the course of time, replace
even dozens of years. A lower section of the wadi gets them. When much of the area is covered by shrubs of
higher quantities of water and supports small and short Pistacia lentiscus and Calicotome villosa, the trees of
living semi-shrubs such as Pulicaria incisa; further down, Ceratonia siliqua develop in their shade on a humus-rich
larger semi-shrubs such as Anabasis articulata grow. A soil. In the southern coastal plain the succession does not
section dominated by shrubs such as Retama raetam go much beyond the Artemisia monosperma with Retama
prevails further down the wadi system. In the lowest raetam stage. .
section of the wadi system, trees - mosdy acacias or Mobile sands in the Western Negev are dominated by
tamarisks - may be found. The nature of plant com- the grass Stipagrostis scoparia that grows above the sand
Man and the Natural Environment 35
Plate 6 Oblique satellite image of Jericho oasis area (prepared by J. Plate 7 Desert savannaid vegetation. Acacia Tortilis in the Arava
Halll valley near Hazeva. Tree density indicates high water table
Relatively large date groves are planted in the vicinity of 16. Swamps and reed thickets
the fresh water springs or on sites with a high water table The large swamp areas with diverse vegetation that existed
in this category. The high winter temperatures and the in the country at the beginning of the century have been
scarcity of events of low temperature ensure the regular drained and only small nature reserves, such as that of the
growth of summer vegetables in these areas in winter. This Hula Lake, remain. Fresh water springs still flow and a
kind of land use typifies the area of the following category small number of species that produce high quantities of
as well. phytomass are rather prominent throughout the country.
The most common indicators for the flowing water are
15. Desert savannoid vegetation Phragmites australis, Arundo donax, Arundo plinii, and
Savannoid vegetation where Acacia trees are accompanied Typha domingensis. Large areas of swamps in the Hula
by desert semi-shrubs is the main feature of large parts of Valley supported Cyperus papyrus which had reached here
the Arava and the Dead Sea Valleys . The upper soil layers its northernmost station. Several rivers of the Coastal Plain
support in wadis the typical desert vegetation (as described that supported riparian vegetation in the past have now
in category 12) with Anabasis articulata, Hammada become sewage canals and their polluted water has
salicornica, Zygophyllum dumosum, Retama raetam, and destroyed most of the rivers' vegetation that existed in the
Lycium shawii as the principal contributors. Acacia past.
gerrardii subsp. negevensis is confined to the areas that are
at a relatively high elevation, such as the upper tributaries
of Nahal Paran. Acacia raddiana, which is less resistant to 17. Wet salines
low temperatures, is the dominant at lower elevations, and Wet salty soils occur in places where springs of salty water
Acacia tortilis, which has the highest demands for high rise or in sites where the water table is close to the surface
temperatures, grows in the southern Arava or below sea and the evaporating water leaves salt in the upper soil
level in the northern Arava and Dead Sea Valley (Halevy layers (Dan in 1981: 269). In arid regions, a salt crust may
and Orshan 1972: 120) (see Plate 7). The density and size of be formed at the soil surface and plants may grow only in
trees depends much on the water regime of the specific wadi small wadis where leaching takes place. Most plants
and that of the deeper soil layers. Tree density is relatively growing in the desert salt marshes are perennials that
high in the vicinity of Hazeva, En Yahav, and Yotvata establish themselves in the rare events of leaching. The
where there is a high water table and a few springs flow typical plants of desert salty soils are Suaeda monoica,
from geological faults (such as En Hazeva, En Tamid, En Suaeda (ruticosa, Suaeda vermiculata, Nitraria retusa,
Mashak, and En Yahav). Many Acacia trees are much Seidlitzia rosmarinus, and a few species of Tamarix.
larger than expected from the ca. 50 mm of mean annual Small areas of wet salines occur along the Mediter-
rainfall that fall on this a rea. In a few places there are ranean coast mainly near Akko, where the geological
species such as Nitraria retusa and Alhagi graecorum which structure enables the penetration of salty water inland and
are indicators of a high water table. In other places such as its mixing with fresh underground water. The vegetation
the water divide of the Arava, near Beer Menuha, there are here is more diverse than in the desert areas and contains
only a few small Acacia raddiana trees in the entire area also many annual species in microhabitats that are better
that supports only a few semi-shrubs in the few wadis. leached than in the desert.
Man and the Natural Environment 37
18. Synanthropic vegetation in 18b the tree is Ziziphus spina-christi, and in 18c it is
There are records of human activity in the Middle East Acacia raddiana and Ziziphus spina-christi (Danin 1988:
starting hundreds of thousands of years ago. Humans had 129).
gathered fruits and plants as many animals do today.
Unlike today, these activities did not interfere and did not
change the vegetation and the natural conditions. The lists Concluding remarks
of plants found in the excavations of archaeological and
prehistoric sites do not differ much from those of the This then is the present day vegetation pattern of the
present day flora of Israel. There is no clear evidence southern Levant. For human subsistence activities in the
supporting the idea (as brought by Zohary 1983: 287) that region, the Mediterranean region provided lush herbaceous
the present flora of Israel is composed of plants which vegetation which promoted raising herds of domesticated
escaped the intensive human activities of the last millennia. herbivores. Annual grasses with large seeds such as wheat,
This is not to say that human activity has had no impact on adapted to local environmental conditions, were
the vegetation - such an impact was discussed above in domesticated and function at present as one of the basic
terms of the sandy areas of the western Negev. Dozens of sources of food for humankind. Pulses were domesticated
species that belong to the flora of remote countries succeed too from wild species growing at present in this area.
in growing in habitats made by humans at present. The Olives, the fruits of which have been used since prehistoric
degree of affinity to human-made habitats (synanthropy, times, still grow as an important component in the maquis
d. Danin 1991a: 95) in the flora of several habitats in covering the mountainous parts of Israel. Desert and steppe
Israel can be summarized as follows: areas of the country did not provide much subsistence for
human activity beyond the basis for extensive pastoral life
1. Overgrazing in areas such as the Judean Desert, Negev
Highlands, and the Galilee do not open niches for the true in these areas. Fresh water springs at present support wild
synanthropic plants that develop in urban areas at present. date palms, as they probably did in the past. Such
The flora of this area has experienced the stress of grazing populations could have been the primary populations used
by herbivores, such as ibex, gazelle, and such like in for the domestication of dates.
evolutionary times. Thus it seems that grazing is not a The most effective environmental factors influencing the
factor that may enable the penetration of invader boundaries and the extent of the vegetation zones are the
colonizing species from remote countries. climatic ones. While rainfall patterns may have shifted
2. Fire is also one of the natural evolutionary factors leading these vegetation zones some dozens of kilometers in the
to the development of plants that belong to the natural east-west direction in the rainshadow of the central
flora of an area. Here the number of synanthropic invader
mountain range of the country, they shifted even hundreds
species is relatively small.
3. Roadsides at present, in the way they are constructed and of kilometers in the north-south direction towards Sinai.
managed, function as an important habitat for invaders. However, the general vegetation make-up is believed to
The spraying of roadsides with herbicides that control the have stayed about the same as it is today.
development of winter annuals, that are typical to Israel's Although human activity imposed a strong pressure on
mesic part, leave an opened niche for the establishment of plant life as human populations grew, the flora of the
plants that germinate in late winter when the herbicides country has remained about the same throughout history,
have already became inactive. Several adventive species except for changes in the proportions of plant populations.
from the genera Sorghum, Panicum, Conyza, Amar- The proportions of plants sensitive to a certain kind of
anthus, and Xanthium belong to this group (Danin pressure decreased whereas the proportions of resistant
1991b: 392).
plants increased. Thus, very few plant species are known to
Category 18 is further divided into three subcategories have become extinct during the Holocene, even if
according to the remnants of trees found in the intensively woodlands gave place to herbaceous vegetation in certain
cultivated areas: in 18a it is trees of Quercus ithaburensis, places or vice versa.
Plate 1.1 Making a plant fiber rope.
(al Twisting palm leaflet fibers (bl The bundle of
fibers bends and the two parts start winding
around each other (c) Further twisting of the
fibers w hile the rope is held firm (d) Adding new
fibers to lengthen the rope
4
THE CHANGING LANDSCAPE
Paul Goldberg
Introduction Physiographically, the area is constrained on the west
kilometers 50
I
Mediterranean
Sea
Tel Aviv 0
W estern NefJev
, I
all over the country from various environments, which is to occur in association with archaeological material is that
both difficult to comprehend and dreary. from the 'Ubeidiya Formation. These sediments are best
exposed at the site of 'Ubeidiya south of the modern
Kinneret (see Figure 1) (Tchernov 1987; Bar-Yosef 1989a;
Lacustrine environments
Bar-Yosef and Tchernov 1972; Bar-Yosef and Goren-Inbar
Lacustrine deposits and environments are limited primarily 1993). In all, there are about 190 meters of alternating
to the area of the rift valley, which has served as a locus of limnic and fluviatile members (Picard 1965; Picard and
geological deposition and archaeological settlement Baida 1966).
throughout the course of the Quaternary, and exhibits a At 'Ubeidiya, the lacustrine units are composed of soft
wide variety of temporally diverse lacustrine and fluvial chalks, marls, oolitic limestone, and laminated clay,
sediments. Here a number of relatively large lakes existed whereas the fluviatile units consist of conglomerates, sands,
sporadically throughout the Quaternary, continuing to silts, clays and interbedded fresh-water chalks (Plate 2).
today with the presence of the Dead Sea and Kinneret. Although in total, four distinct lacustrine and fluvial units
Smaller, more ephemeral lakes can be found in the Western were recognized (Li, Fi, Lu, Fu), there are noticeable lateral
Negev, extending into Northern Sinai. lithological variations throughout the formation. These
indicate that in the area of the prehistoric site, deposition
Jordan Valley was associated with fluviatile deltaic and lake margin
The earliest lacustrine deposits in the Jordan Valley known environments in an expanding and contracting lake. The
The Changing Landscape 43
Table 1 Majar soil types in Israel and their relation to climate and topography (modified from Dan 1988)
TOPOGRAPHY CLIMATE
Plains, plateaus and Gravel or Stony dark Brown soils Stony light Stony Serozems Regs
undulating areas stones witl1 Brown soils
fine
material
Sand Hamra Ouartzic dark Ouartzic light Sand dunes and Sandy Regosols
Brown soils Brown soils
Silt (loess Grumic dark Loessial light Loessial Alluvial soils
and Brown soils Brown soils Serozems
alluvial)
Clay Grumusols Grumic dark Natric
(aeolian Brown soils Grumusols
and
alluvial)
Basalt Basaltic Brown Basaltic Grumusols Natric
Mediterranean Grumusols
soils
final, fluviatile phase (Fu) appears to mark the final Gesher Benot Ya'akov area about 35 km north of the site
regression of the lake. Sometime after its deposition of 'Ubeidiya, steeply dipping beds of lacustrine chalks and
tectonic movement caused the folding, faulting and tilting marls occur with some peat (Mishmar HaYarden
of the 'Ubeidiya Formation. Formation of Horowitz 1979; see also Picard 1965).
Palaeontological and palaeobotanical data from the two These are rich in molluscs and contain a few vertebrates
lowermost units (the bulk of the archaeological material is and some flakes that are reminiscent of those at 'Ubeidiya,
limited to the lower fluviatile member, Fi), suggest a moist indicating that the same lake continued this far north.
Mediterranean climate during accumulation of the These deposits at the Gesher Benot Ya'akov were
'Ubeidiya deposits (Bar-Yosef and Tchernov 1972; Picard covered by at least one flow of lava, and later faulted, a
1965). phenomenon which continues until recently (Goren-Inbar
No direct dating of the 'Ubeidiya Formation is available. and Belitzky 1989). The area was then occupied by the
The most recent study of the biostratigraphic evidence of Hula Lake, whose expansions and contractions reflected
fossil mammals places it about 1.0 to 1.4 million years old general climatic conditions: at pluvial times the lake
(Tchernov 1987; Bar-Yosef 1989a). Preliminary paleo- expanded south, and during drier intervals receded
magnetic research had indicated that at least some of the northward toward the center of the lake in the Hula
deposits display reversed magnetic polarity, although these Basin. The shores of this lake, and the streams which fed
results have recendy been questioned (D. Braun, personal into it, were frequently occupied (Stekelis 1960; Goren-
communication, 1991). Inbar and Belitzky 1989). The earliest lacustrine layers
Overall, then, during the time of the deposition of the were rich in molluscs dominated by Viviparus apamea, and
'Ubeidiya Formation there is evidence for a repeatedly contained Acheulian artifactual assemblages that seem to
fluctuating lake whose deposits were covered and share affinities with Africa (Goren-Inbar et al. 1992; Bar-
interspersed with fluvial sediment, all of which was Yosef 1987; Goren-Inbar 1990).
deposited under a Mediterranean climate, somewhat The dating of the Acheulian layers at Gesher Benot
moister than today's. Ya'akov remains imprecise. The Benot Ya'akov Formation
Similar types of sediments crop out in the Hula Valley unconformably overlies the Yarda Basalt which has been
(the northern segment of the Jordan Valley). Here, in the recently dated to between 800,000 and 880,000 years
44 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Paul Goldberg
Plate 2 Steeply dipping sediments of the 'Ubeidiya Fm. These are Plate 3 White marls of the White Cliff Member of the lisan Fm. abut
primarily lacustrine chalks (li member) on the left ond become more against bedrock in the area of Ein Boqeq, west of the present day Dead
fluviol to the right (Fi) . The entire formotion wos tilted during a major Sea. Above and left are remnants of strandlines left by the lisan lake as it
tectonic phase that affected the entire central Jordan Valley retreated from its maximum of - 1 80 m below sea level
before present (Goren-In bar and Belitzky 1989). Thus, it is about 15,000 or 17,000 years ago. During this period, the
younger than 800,000 years old. lake probably attained its maximum extent at an altitude
Two prominent and widespread lakes that were of -180 m asl (its present elevation is ca. -400m).
precursors to the modern Dead Sea are the Lisan Lake, Furthermore, a recent compilation of radiometric dates on
and its predecessor, the Samra Lake. These lakes algal stromatolites, oolites, and organic matter in the Lisan
extended from the Sea of Galilee in the north to Hazeva, marls imply that fluctuations of lake level did take place
south of the present-day Dead Sea. Numerous exposures over the last 30,000 years (Begin et al. 1985). As discussed
generally reveal a predominantly detrital Samra below, the final stages of lacustrine deposition and retreat
Formation, overlain by chemical sediments of the Lisan of the lake are more closely pinpointed by the distribution
Formation. The latter, in turn, consists of two basic and stratigraphic position of prehistoric sites.
units, the Laminated Member and the younger White The study of both the diatoms and the sediments
Cliff Member (for details see Horowitz 1979: 148; Begin demonstrate an increase in salinity through time, although
et al. 1974, 1980; Kaufman et al. 1992). Of these, Lake overall salinity was less than that of the present Dead Sea
Lisan and its deposits are of greater interest since it is (Katz et al. 1977). This is interpreted by Begin et al. (1974)
more widespread, complete and associated directly or to represent a general trend toward climatic aridity, with
indirectly with archaeological sites. We note in passing, greater precipitation/evaporation ratios at the base of the
however, that recent 230ThIU dates show the Samra Lake Lisan Formation, some 63,000 years ago.
to have existed between at least 350,000 years ago to Understandably, few prehistoric sites are found in direct
about 63,000 years ago, with fluctuations in lake level association with the lacustrine Lisan sediments themselves.
(Kaufman et al. 1992) . Most of the sites or isolated artifacts have been recovered
In the Lisan Formation, the Laminated Member (ca. 26 in stream channels, with associated freshwater springs and
m thick), is comprised of alternating fine laminae of white lush vegetation.
chemical precipitates (aragonite, gypsum, calcite and In the area of the Lower Jordan Valley near Wadis
halite) and darker clastic components (quartz, dolomite, Fazael and Salibiya (see Figure 1), several prehistoric sites
clay minerals, and detrital calcite), whose proportions are associated with sediments that are contemporary with
change laterally throughout the basin (Begin et al. 1985). the Lisan Formation (Bar-Yosef et al. 1974; Schuldenrein
In contrast, the upper White Cliff Member typically has a and Goldberg 1981). In Wadi Fazael, for example, the in
greater proportion of chemical sediments compared to situ Mousterian site of Fz I occurs at an altitude of ca. -
detrital ones. 185 m, within sediments that interfinger with the Lisan
The Lisan Formation (Plate 3) has been dated by Formation. Further upstream and well above this elevation,
radiocarbon (Vogel and Waterbolk 1972) and Uranium- Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic sites occur within
series methods (Kaufman 1971; Kaufman et al. 1992). alluvium that interfingers or rests upon the Lisan
Both have yielded roughly comparable results which show Formation (Bar-Yosef et al. 1974; see below) .
that the lake began 63,000 years ago with the deposition of In Wadi Salibiya, ca. 7 km south of Wadi Fazael,
the Laminated Member. At about 36,000 years ago Epipaleolithic sites (Kebaran and Geometric Kebaran - ca.
deposition of the White Cliff member began, and lasted to 17,000-13,500 years ago) are generally found between -
The Changing Landscape 45
180 m, and -193 m and -203 m (Hovers and Bar-Yosef system 'that indicates a westward drainage, which began at
1987; Hovers 1989). The location of these sites appears to the foot of the Central Negev Highlands, where the
indicate that the Lake Lisan was roughly at this maximum HaMeshar Formation wedges out, and proceeded toward
elevation until the end of the Geometric Kebaran (ca. the Southern Negev Plains and Sinai' (Horowitz 1979:
13,000 years ago). 116) (Figure 3). In other words, the drainage system led
Natufian sites are situated at lower elevations in westward from the Transjordanian Plateau and flowed into
topographic lows developed on the Lisan marls as the lake the Mediterranean. Its exact age is not known but is
retreated; the lowest are located at -215 and -230m in the considered early Pleistocene by Horowitz, since it rests
Salibiya basin. Geomorphic and palynological evidence upon Pliocene sediments and is eroded by streams which
suggests that climatic conditions were wetter during the flowed into the present-day Dead Sea Basin. Patches of
Geometric Kebaran and Early Natufian, and became some early Pleistocene deposits are also known near
increasingly arid during the late Natufian (Schuldenrein Bethlehem (Bethlehem Conglomerate), in the coastal plain
and Goldberg 1981; Leroi-Gourhan and Darmon 1987; and in the area near Eilat (Horowitz 1979); these have not
Baruch and Bottema 1991). This drying period has been been dated.
tentatively correlated with the 'Younger Dryas' (Goldberg Middle Pleistocene fluvial deposits are generally
and Bar-Yosef in press), a major climatic event marked by represented by more patchy occurrences. In the Jordan
global cooling. Valley, near Gesher Benot Ya'akov, for example, outcrops
The rather rapid retreat of the Lisan lake left behind a of the Hazor Gravels occur, which clearly underlie the
generally flat valley bottom with a few small basins and Benot Ya'akov Formation but whose age is not known.
freshwater pools or small lakes. This is also reflected by the Further south, near 'Ubeidiya, the Nahariyim Fm. crops
faunal assemblages of the Early Neolithic sites of Gilgal out, consisting of interbedded gravels and reworked
and Netiv Hagdud in the Salibiya basin. There, numerous brown clay soils; it post-dates the 'Ubeidiya Fm. and is
remains of ducks and the water mole, Arvicola, were covered by the Yarmuk basalt, dated to about 700,000
uncovered in archaeological deposits dated to 10,100- years ago (Horowitz 1979). Some Acheulean artifacts are
9400 BP (Noy et at. 1980; Bar-Yosef 1987). found associated with it.
During the end of the Middle Pleistocene and onset of
Negev lakes the Late Pleistocene, fluvial landscapes begin to resemble
Lacustrine sediments in the Negev are rare, tend to occur those of today. This is also when temporal and strati-
over areas of a few km2, and are related more to factors of graphic resolution improves dramatically, aided by the
local drainage, such as in interdunal depressions in relative abundance of in situ archaeological sites and by the
northern Sinai; these appear to be associated with Upper ability of techniques to date objects in this range. This
Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic sites (Goldberg 1977, 1986; period is typified by alternating periods of deposition and
Goldberg and Bar-Yosef 1982). erosion, with an overall increase in relief and deepening of
In the Nahal Sekher area of the Western Negev (Figure valleys, particularly in the southern part of the country.
2), migration of dunes led to the blockage of the stream Alluvial deposits are best exhibited in streams in the Negev,
channel, resulting in the formation of a playa (Yair and and in wadis that flow into the Jordan Rift. In the north,
Enzel 1987). Radiocarbon dates of post-playa carbonates the landscape is much less dynamic, and most valleys are
indicate that the playa formed before 11,000 BP (Magaritz filled with Holocene alluvium and colluvium that contain
1986). This dating is bolstered by the occurrence of exceptional sites (Garfinkel 1987). The abundance of sites
Epipaleolithic sites within the sands (see below and Goring- along stream courses is not particularly surprising since, as
Morris and Goldberg 1990). today, water must have played an important part in trying
to subsist in these marginal environments.
Streams and terraces
Alluvial sediments in the Central Negev
Fluvial landscapes of the early Pleistocene (roughly A wealth of prehistoric sites can be found in the Nahal
equivalent to the 'Preglacial Pleistocene' of Horowitz AqevlNahal Avdat areas of the Central Negev Highlands
1979) were different from today's although virtually none (Marks 1976; 1983) (Figure 1). This area is situated along
have been found in association with prehistoric sites. the edges of an incised chalky plateau, with in situ
Sediments from this interval - consisting primarily of Mousterian, Upper Paleolithic, Epipaleolithic and Neolithic
gravels - are most widespread and best known in the sites found at successively lower elevations between 500
southern part of the country, although Plio-Pleistocene and 400 m asl (see window 1).
fluviatile sediments occur in the central Jordan Valley near The in situ early Mousterian site of D-35 is situated in
'Ubeidiya (e.g., Erq el Ahmar Fm; Tchemov 1975). an eroded terrace remnant that overlooks the spring of Ein
The HaMeshar Formation for example, consists of Aqev in Nahal Aqev. Lateral facies changes within the silty
extensive conglomerates deposited in a complex fluvial gravels show that prehistoric occupation took place at the
46 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Paul Goldberg
margins of the former channel, which received both
alluvium and colluvial scree from the valley walls.
-.,.
NETIVOT
Contemporary travertine deposits have yielded Uranium- '-,,
series dates of between 75,000 to 85,000 BP (Schwarcz et
al. 1979). The geomorphic and palynological evidence ,,
,,
point to substantially wetter conditions at the time of ,
occupation (Horowitz 1979; Goldberg 1986).
This gravelly unit was subsequently eroded by down- ,
" BE'ER SHEVA
cutting of the stream sometime between 75,000 and ,
50,000 years ago, leaving behind a surface which today Western .."",'... 'erS"e~8 AIi-_ ....... ,.....
.~', SHIQMIM tl.~,--- '-'
can be found about 30-40 m above the valley floor. The Negev "Q.',---- ,!---:-
erosional remnant, which can be observed in both Nahal "...~ ~ .......
Aqev and Nahal Zin as a semi-continuous surface or as
isolated patches of gravel, was followed by a period of
,,
" ,, .
',-
" ~
...
I ... .,_ ....
,
deposition coeval with Upper Paleolithic occupation in the ,
area, beginning about 47,000 years ago. These deposits, ~ \
... ~~_~ r
logical evidence, and fossil pollen collected from these sites km I I ,- ",' ..
Colluvial settings
In the northern, more humid part of the country a number
of archaeological sites, mosdy Neolithic and younger tend
to be associated with colluvial deposits. Many of these are
located along footslopes in which the archaeological
remains interfinger with colluvium. Since these situations
tend to be localized and relatively abundant (e.g., Ain
Mallaha, Hatoula, Abu Ghosh, Yiftahel), it is not possible
to discuss them in detail. Suffice it to state that the
environmental conditions responsible for such colluviation
are poorly known, although some may have been related to
the destruction of vegetation caused by humans around
o 20km
semi-sedentary and sedentary setdements (Bar-Yosef et al.
35' 1974).
Figure 3 Map illustrating the westward drainage of streams during
early Pleistocene time (modified from Horowitz 1988) Aeolian landscapes
during and after the hyper-arid phase associated with the Loess and loessial deposits
Late Glacial maximum at ca. 18,000 years ago (see below; Accumulations of aeolian silt (loess) are widespread in the
Goring-Morris and Goldberg 1990). northwestern Negev and in the Beersheva Basin (see Figure
Widespread erosion and downcutting of Late 2). These deposits, which are 25-30 m thick (Horowitz
Pleistocene silts took place over most of the area of the 1979: 127), consist primarily of calcareous silt, and become
Western Negev. This is particularly striking in the Nahal increasingly rich in clay from south to north. This, coupled
Beersheva. Here the Chalcolithic site of Shiqmim (ca. sixth with study of the heavy minerals of loess and modern
millennium BC; Figure 4; Plate 4), is situated next to the atmospheric dust (Ginzbourg and Yaalon 1963; Ganor
present-day Nahal Beersheva channel. The latter in turn 1975), and studies of pollen (Horowitz 1979), suggest a
has incised close to 20 m below the top of the Late source of the dust from central and northern Sinai.
Pleistocene silts that ceased to be deposited about 10,000 As stated above, abundant Upper Pleistocene silty fluvial
years ago (Figure 4). Recent excavations at the site deposits - containing numerous Upper Paleolithic and
demonstrate that the site is interstratified with at least 2-3 Epipaleolithic sites - also occur in this region. The
m of alluvial sands and silts that rest upon 3-4 m of well- petrography and overall aspect of these water-lain deposits
rounded gravels that contain Chalcolithic material is identical to that of the aeolian deposits. This indicates
(Goldberg 1987). This demonstrates the possibility that that both are genetically related and that as the loess
the Chalcolithic inhabitants were able to exploit the accumulated on the ground it was being contempor-
aggrading fine-grained alluvium of Nahal Beersheva for aneously reworked into nearby drainage systems. Several
cultivating their fields using floodwater farming (Levy authors (Horowitz 1979; Issar and Bruins 1983; Goldberg
1986). 1986) have independendy argued that both aeolian and
fluvial accumulations of these silty deposits are tied to
The Northern Negev/Southern Shefela more moist, equable climates. Horowitz and Sneh (1984)
Alluvial sediments in the Northern Negev/Southern Shefela have even suggested year-round rainfall during the period
region (see Figure 1), consist of Holocene gravels, sands, of accumulation.
silts and clays that contain pottery dating to the Early The age of these loess deposits is not precisely known.
Bronze (EB), Middle Bronze (MB), Late Bronze (LB), Iron For the relatively intact Netivot section, Bruins and Yaalon
Age and Byzantine periods (Rosen 1986 a, b). During the (1979) suggest that deposition began about 140,000 years
EB for example, the finer grained units, were considered to ago and continued to the beginning of the Holocene,
48 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Paul Goldberg
s N
o 50 2
m [0 m
Figure 4 Cross-sedion across Nahal Beersheva at the Chalcalithic site of Shiqmim. Note the three different alluvial fills: Late Pleistocene fill, which
contains Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic sites, the mid Holocene fill associated and coeval with the site of Shiqmim, and the latest one dating to
the Byzantine Period. Also note the amount of erosion and downculling of Nahal Beersheva between the time of deposition of the Late Pleistocene fill
and the occupation of Shiqmim. This vemcallowering of ca. 18-20 m took place during a span of about 4000 yr
although in the Central Negev Plateau near Har Harif Goldberg 1990). Results from these surveys and
abundant Chalcolithic material is buried under ~10 cm of excavations show that most of the dunes rest
true loess (Goldberg 1986). Elsewhere in the Negev, most unconformably upon vast silty alluvial deposits that
loess and loessial deposits do not seem to contain artifacts contain Late Mousterian through Upper Paleolithic sites
older than Middle Paleolithic, although some handaxes (see above and Window 1).
have been found at the northern end of the Central Negev The first occurrences of sandy deposits resting upon this
Highlands eroding out of silty deposits (Goring-Morris, Upper Paleolithic 'undercoating' are found in northern and
personal communication). eastern Sinai, and are dated to about 25,000 years ago. In
In sum, it seems that during much of the Late Qadesh Barnea, E. Sinai, for example, the Upper
Pleistocene the northern and western Negev was the locus Paleolithic site of Qseima I (ca. 25,000 years old) was
of accumulation of large amounts of aeolian dust excavated from well-sorted aeolian sands that exhibit
emanating from the west that was being washed out of aeolian festoon cross-bedding oriented NW-SE. However,
the atmosphere and being reworked into the fluvial system. as one moves toward the Nahal Beersheva drainage to the
This was associated with noticeably wetter climatic northeast, the initial arrival of dune sand from the west
conditions. becomes successively younger. In Nahal Nizzana, for
example, the 20,000 (?) year old site of Azariq xm is
Sandy deposits situated at the base of the dune complex. In the Shunera
Significant amounts of aeolian sandy deposits are generally area, 15 km further to the east, the earliest sites at the base
limited to the areas of Northern Sinai and the Western of the dunes overlying fluviatile silts with Upper Paleolithic
Negev (see Figures 2, 5 and 6), with lesser amounts implements date to ca.16,000 to 20,000 (?) years ago. In
distributed along the coast in the more northerly part of Nahal Sekher, ca. 50 km east of this, aeolian dunes occur
the country (see section on coastal environments below). In in association with Epipaleolithic sites that are about
the south, modern and subrecent dune accumulations cover 14,500 years old (Goring-Morris 1987; Goring-Morris and
much of the area, except where anticlinal ridges poke up Goldberg 1990).
through the sand cover. The sands are disposed primarily It would appear then that, based upon the timing of
as linear dunes which are oriented southwest to northeast the movement of the dune sand prior to its stabilization,
or west to east, depending upon locality, and generally the period of -25,000 to 18,000 years BP is one
cover deflated silty alluvial or aeolian deposits associated characterized by increasing aridity. Dune mobilization on
with Upper Paleolithic sites (see above). These sandy a much more local scale can be documented for later
terrains, particularly where sand cover is thin, provide a periods in the Holocene, such as the Neolithic,
good habitat for foraging and grazing. Chalcolithic and Byzantine (Goring-Morris and Goldberg
Prehistoric sites are relatively abundant in this area, and 1990), generally tied to overall aridity for the Western
provide a good chronological framework. Most of this NegevlEastern Sinai. However, as has been discussed
information is based on recently published surveys and elsewhere (Goldberg 1986; Goldberg and Bar-Yosef
detailed excavations of prehistoric sites in association with 1990), geomorphic changes associated particularly with
exposures in the Nahals Nizzana, Shunera, Sekher, and Byzantine settlements are not assuredly related to
Beersheva (Goring-Morris 1987; Goring-Morris and paleoclimate alone; intensive settlement and human
The Changing Landscape 49
Mediterranean Sea
Haifa
...
/ Kurkar
o Sanddunas
Jerusalem
o o, 5' 10
,
kin
Beersheva
#
Caves
c:=J Sand
Although caves represent small landscape features, they are
[-:-:-1 Loess
particularly important in Israel because they are a primary
locus of prehistoric activity. Moreover, as sediment traps,
they commonly have relatively long and complete
stratigraphic sequences that can contribute to our under-
standing of the conditions outside the cave. Finally, their
well-preserved human remains directly reflect upon the
o Km 80
origin of modern humans (Val1adas et al. 1987; Valladas et
a1. 1988; Stringer et al. 1989; Bar-Yosef et al. 1992).
Although there are many caves in the area, the most
prominent are Tabun, el-Wad, Skhul, Kebara, Qafzeh,
Hayonim, Amud, Zuttiyeh, Rakefet and Emireh. Only the
Figure 5 Map of Israel showing distribution of loess and sandy dune
deposits.-The latter occur in both the western Negev and along the coast
succession at Tabun and Kebara will be discussed here,
since they have been excavated relatively recently. Hence,
1967; Yaalon and Dan 1967; Gvirtzman et al. 1983/1984). their stratigraphy - including dating - is better
For example, it is still not clear which of the sandstones are understood. Moreover, stratigraphic succession at Tabun
continental in origin (aeolian or beach) or shallow marine, most clearly reflects the effects of paleogeographic changes
nor whether the sandstones and loams form during periods that took place outside the cave, including changes in
of marine transgressions or regressions, or both (see sediment source that appear to be tied to eustatic changes
Farrand and Ronen 1974). of sea level. Kebara was chosen because it illustrates the
In sum, in spite of their prevalence, the kurkar and complexity of depositional and post-depositional processes
hamra units provide little unequivocal paleoenvironmental that take place in these caves (Laville and Goldberg 1989;
data. The best that can be stated at present is that people Goldberg and Laville 1988; Bar-Yosef et al. 1992).
occupying the coastal region during the Pleistocene would
have observed a sandy landscape which was periodically Tabun
stabilized by vegetation probably during periods of wetter Et-Tabun Cave is situated on Mount Carmel, about 22 km
climate; this resulted in the formation of reddened soil south of Haifa (Figure 1). Facing northwest, it overlooks
horizons that commonly were locally eroded and the coastal plain which is composed of alluvial clays that
redeposited. They would have also noted the rising and overlie and abut against a number of kurkar ridges.
lowering of sea level in response to retreat and advance of Essentially, the deposits can be broken down into a
the ice sheets in the northern latitudes. lowermost unit consisting of silty sands grading up to
The Changing Landscape 51
sandy silts (with Upper Acheulean, Acheulo-Yabrudian The Upper Paleolithic sediments, siltier and less organic-
and Mousterian industries) (see Plate 1). These are overlain rich, tend to be findy laminated, particularly in the upper
by stratified burnt layers containing Mousterian part. These appear to be a result of deposition by runoff
implements. These interdigitate with an overlying red clay from outside the cave and are associated with greater
unit containing abundant rockfall (Garrod and Bate 1937; effective moisture, possibly tied to a wetter climate
Jelinek et al. 1973; Jelinek 1982; Goldberg 1973, 1978; (Goldberg and Laville, 1988). Like the Mousterian
Goldberg and Nathan 1975; Bull and Goldberg 1985). deposits, they are also burrowed. Such burrowing,
The textural analysis of the sediments points to particularly at the boundary between the Middle and
primarily one episode of deposition for the lowest unit: Upper Paleolithic units, obscures the contact between them,
sand was blown into the cave from the neighboring coastal and helps account for the 'transitional' nature of the
plain, probably· during a relatively high stand of an industries of these units (Laville and Goldberg 1989).
interglacial sea levd. Within this unit, the upward increase Most of the sediments (terra rossa. quartz silt and sand)
in the silt to sand ratio reflects a regression of the sea, since within Kebara originated from outside the cave, and were
the silt essentially represents suspended aeolian dust. The either blown in or transported by runoff. The latter is
middle unit is anthropogenic, and represents periodic shown by the lamination of the deposits with Upper
burning episodes (Jdinek et al. 1973). Its composition of Paleolithic artifacts. Colluviation is probably responsible
red clay and stones show that the roof had begun to open for the deposition of much of the non-laminated
at this time allowing the soil mande (terra rossa) to be sediments, but many of the original sedimentary
washed into the cave from the chimney. structures and fabrics have been modified by post-
The chronology associated with these events is still depositional processes, such as rodent burrowing or
being debated. Initial interpretations suggested that the earthworm activity, or diagenesis (phosphate mineral
entire sequence began in the Last Interglacial (Farrand transformations) (Weiner et al. 1993). The effects of
1979; Goldberg 1978). However, recent considerations anthropogenic sedimentation are illustrated by the
would assign the Acheulo-Yabrudian to Isotope Stage 6 numerous burnt layers, and the overall organic rich
and the Upper Acheulean to an earlier time (Bar-Yosef nature of the Mousterian deposits in particular.
1989b; Gran et al. 1991). Post-depositional transformations of the deposits are
delineated by subsidence of the deposits into subsurface
Kebara swallow holes; a phenomenon which took place a number
Kebara Cave, like Tabun (see Figure 1; Plate 1) is situated of distinct times during the infilling of the cave. In addition,
on the western flank of Mt. Carmd. The temporal secondary mineral transformations are widespread (Weiner
succession at Kebara is much shorter, with Middle and and Goldberg 1990; Weiner et al. 1993). Most of these
Upper Paleolithic, Kebaran and Natuf1an industries. Burnt involve the precipitation of various phosphate minerals
flints from the Mousterian units have been dated by TL associated with dissolution of bone or phosphate-rich
from about 60,000 to 45,000 years ago (Valladas et al. solutions derived from guano. These mineralogical
1987); charcoal from the lowermost Upper Paleolithic transformations have important archaeological implica-
sediments dates to about 42,000 years ago (Bar-Yosef, tions that rdate to the distribution of bone within the cave.
personal communication). At Kebara the distribution of bone appears to be a result of
The Kebara sediments are generally fine-grained organic both human activities and post-depositional modifications
rich silts and clays, marked by a number of burnt, ashy (Bar-Yosef et al. 1992; Weiner et al. 1993).
horizons, particularly in the Middle Paleolithic units In sum, both of these studies, and other works not
(Meignen et al. 1989) (see Plate 2.1; Window 2). The discussed (e.g., Sandler et al. 1988), reveal that much of the
lowermost deposits in these units consist of brownish grey sediment in Israeli caves has been influenced by
silts that are generally sterile (Goldberg and Laville 1988). conspicuous anthropogenic and biogenic activity and
The uppermost layers with Mousterian contexts fill modification. In terms of deposition, this is shown by the
irregular depressions in the underlying sediments, and presence of hearths and organic-rich layers. Bio-anthropo-
appear to represent sediments that have been reworked by genic activities are also prominent post-depositional agents,
biological and geological activity. Burrows are widespread which foster actions such as trampling, and extensive
throughout all the deposits and are expressed by circular burrowing. The latter is widespread in most caves
holes, or by masses of homogeneous, loose, crumbly including Tabun, Kebara, Hayonim, Nahal Heimar, and
sediments. These upper sediments appear to interfinger Rakefet. These biological influences, along with diagenetic
laterally with red, calcareous, silty clays that represent mineralogical transformations, hamper our ability to
terra rossa clays originating from Mt. Carmd. The dip of decipher the paleoclimatic meaning of these. cave
many of these deposits to the rear of the cave, indicates sediments. As a consequence the paleoclimatic signal
subsidence of the sediment into solution cavities developed appears to be weak and possibly non-existent (Goldberg
in the bedrock. 1990).
52 Part' * Approaches to the Past * Paul Goldberg
CAVES "
•
.... .......
0'
•
0'
'0 0
0' •••••••
'
•• ', •• '. ", ",
1? .
HAMRAIKURKAR
(undifferentiated) NEGEV DUNES C
I I I I I I I I I I I I I
14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0
Years (x100,OOO)
Figure 7 Chart showing temporal distribution of landscape features and deposits during most of the Quaternary in Israel. Noteworthy is the lack of
continuity of any of the environments. Although the 'kurkar/hamro' bar is long. most of the accumulations cannot be temporally differentiated and they
are distributed in time in a much more punctuated fashion
rich in remains of former human occupation as represented (e.g., Hayonim, Rakefet, Amud). Thus at Kebara, although
by caves, in situ sites in hamra, and by surface scatters. the change from Middle Paleolithic to Upper Paleolithic
However, these contexts also suffer to some extent from a can be roughly bracketed to between ca. 47,000 and
certain lack of stratigraphic continuity. ca.41,000 years ago (Bar-Yosef, personal communication),
In caves, the possibility of monitoring and documenting the stratigraphic relations between these two cultural
culture change more closely is potentially greater since identities have been blurred by post-depositional
they represent more of a closed system, and, as such, they modifications in the form of biological activity
tend to retain whatever materials accumulate there. Caves (burrowing) and slumping (Laville and Goldberg 1989).
are also typified by relatively rapid rates of deposition One of the only other localities in Israel where a similar
which can provide greater temporal resolution. This transition has been observed is at the site of Boker Tachtit
resolution is also aided by the relative abundance of in the Nahal Zin (Marks 1983). Elsewhere in Israel, this
materials (both organic and inorganic) that can be dated transition does not appear to be visible because in many
with a variety of techniques, such as radiocarbon, localities, particularly the fluvial landscapes of the Negev,
uranium series, thermoluminescence and electron spin erosion was taking place and there is no sedimentary
resonance. Their temporal capabilities match the apparent record from this time interval. .
time span of most of the Israeli cave sequences. As is always the case with empirically derived data such
Information teased from cave sediments, however, can as those presented here, the above assessment should be
have limitations. For one, occupation of caves in Israel viewed as a tentative working document that needs to be
seems to be relatively recent, with apparently no remains of continually updated as more information accumulates. The
occupation earlier than 200,000 years ago. Although above statement is true for all periods, although there is a
Tabun and Oumm Qatafa may be somewhat older than greater chance of finding new information in the younger
this, most contain Middle Paleolithic and later industries deposits simply because they are fresher and there are more
that are probably younger than 150,000 years; however, of them. For example, recent unpublished investigations by
the dating of these earlier deposits is still open to question. D. Braun (Hebrew University) have uncovered new and
As such, most extant cave deposits represent about less exciting information on Plio-Pleistocene sediments in the
than 10 per cent of Quaternary time. Central Jordan Valley area.
In addition, although caves have the potential for Future work in the study of ancient landscapes and
registering long cultural sequences and transitions, they are environments should continue in all sectors of the country
not immune to post-depositional modifications. This is the and time periods. In particular, however, and as ironic as it
case at Kebara and it is visible at other caves in the area may sound, much more work is needed in the northern half
54 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Paul Goldberg
of the country, particularly for the Late Pleistocene and at all of the above scales is micromorphology, the study of
Holocene. Here, geological and archaeological reconnais- sediments and soils using petrographic thin sections
sance work has been hampered by several factors. Principal (eourty et al. 1989) (see Window 2). Micromorphology is
among them is the general youth of the valley fills (i.e., directed at the interface between geological, pedological
early half of the Holocene) which have concealed many and anthropogenic processes (in their broadest senses) that
sites, as at Yiftahel, for example. Similarly, exposures tend operate and come to focus at an archaeological site. By
to be poor in this region and much of the landscape has being able to recognize these factors, we are in a stronger
been disturbed by modem agricultural practices that have position to fully understand the types and distribution of
decreased the visibility of sites and the geomorphic and human activities at a site, and assess patterns of behavior
stratigraphic contexts in which they are found. and their relationship to the geological environment. This
For these historic periods, greater attempts should be should help contribute to answering broader scale
made to gather and freely incorporate other paleoenviron- problems related to changes in settlement patterns,
mental data (e.g., pollen, fauna) as is routinely done in technological transitions and aspects of social organization.
prehistoric research, where, ironically, there are far fewer
material remains to work with. Baruch's (1986) attempt to
integrate pollen data with historic land use practices is very Acknowledgments
notable in this regard and should be expanded.
Finally, and most important, we need to develop new Over the years I have benefited greatly from discussions
ways of looking at evidence of existing landscapes and and collaboration with Ofer Bar-Yosef who has been
their associated sites. This can be done at all scales, instrumental in helping me gather much of this
including the regional scale (e.g., the site and its drainage information. I would also like to thank Tom Levy for his
basin), the meso-scale (the site in relation to its immediate support and interaction, and for the invitation to
surroundings, i.e. few km2 ), and the micro-scale (e.g., the participate in this volume. The helpful comments of
significance of a certain layer: geologic vs. anthropogenic). Jessica N. Johnson are appreciated for their value in
One relatively new technique that has proven very improving the quality of the manuscript for which I bear
effective in sorting out geological and anthropogenic effects full responsibility.
55
Plate 1.2 Nahal Zin looking southward towards Avdat and the Central Negev Plateau
from Sede Boker. The beige colored hill in the center right of the photograph displays the
remnants of stream gravel, as well as the Mousterian site of D-6. About 35 m lower than
this, on the west side of the Zin channel and next to the dirt road is a flat terrace containing
alluvial silts and gravel and the Upper Paleolithic site of Boker Tachti!. The site of Boker is
hidden behind this hillock
plate 1.1 Nahal Shunera, western Negev. The lighter band in the middle ground are
with fluvial silts which locally contain Upper Paleolithic material in them. The se are overlain
by a longitudinal dune marked by a long ridge under the sky line, and contain late Upper
Paleolithic, Epipaleolithic and Neolithic sites upward
SE NW
Avdat Plateau _ _- - - ,
500
450 Boker
Tachtit
400
... (~.~~ ......... .
350
N.Zin
500m
Figure 1.1 Cross-section through Nahal lin in the vicinity of the Middle Paleolithic site of D-6 and the
Upper Palaeolithic sites of Boker and Boker Tachtit, iIIustroting the surfaces and terraces shown in Plate
1.2. Note the difference in elevations of the landscapes during Middle Paleolithic and Upper Paleolithic
times and the amount af lowering that took place between them
Plate 2.1 The west profile of Kebo ro Cove showing numerous ash
layers formed during Middle Paleolithic occupation of the cave.
Thermoluminescence dates on burnt flints show that these deposits are
between 48,000 and 58,000 ye rs old. In the upper left part of the profile
are numerous burrows w hi ch formed at the end of the Middle Paleolithic
kilometers 50
I
Medite rranean
Sea Hefzibah .
Tel Aviv 0
the Mount Carmel skulls, especially Skhul IX. In a more one individual, a second mandible and isolated teeth from
recent study Vandermeersch (1981a) suggested that the Tabun (McCown and Keith 1939), a minimum of 14
Galilee skull was ancestral to early Homo sapiens sapiens individuals from Qafzeh (Vandermeersch 1981b; Tillier
represented at Skhul and Qafzeh. Suzuki (Suzuki and Takai 1989), two individuals and isolated bones and teeth from
1970: 189) and Trinkaus (1992), however, considered Wadi Amud (Suzuki and Takai 1970; Rak et al. 1992),
Zuttiyeh as possibly ancestral to Neandertals, but two individuals and numerous teeth from Kebara Cave
emphasized that any attempt to classify it could only be (Bar-Yosef and Vandermeersch 1991; Smith and
tentative since it is so incomplete. Arensburg 1977; Smith and Tillier 1989) and isolated
bones and teeth from Hayonim Cave (Arensburg et aL
1990).
Upper Pleistocene Hominids
The specimens from Skhul and Qafzeh have been dated
The Mousterian to around 92,000 BP (Schwarcz et al. 1988 and 1989) and
For the period ca. 150,000- 50,000 BP, the number of have been generally classified as Homo sapiens sapiens.
well-preserved fossil hominids that have been excavated in Those from Amud and Kebara have been dated to ca.
Israel is exceptionally large. All were found in caves or 58,000 BP (Valladas et al. 1987) while layer C from
rock shelters located in the North of Israel (see Figure 1). Tabun, in which both the female skeleton (C I) and male
They include 10 partial skeletons and additional frag- mandible (C II) were found, may date to as early as
mentary remains from Skhul (McCown and Keith 1939), 150,000 BP (Grtin and Stringer 1991; Grtin et al. 1991).
62 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Patricia Smith
Plate 2 Frontal view of the Galilee skull Plate 3 Lateral view 01 Skhul V skull
The hom in ids from the Tabun, Amud, Kebara and difference present in the morphology of the deciduous teeth
Hayonim caves show many similarities to Mousterian that begin development early in utero (Zilberman, Skinner
hom in ids from Iraq and Europe, and are generally and Smith 1992), while according to Tillier (1992), most of
classified with them as Homo sapiens neandertaliensis. the differences in head shape and facial morphology appear
The recognition of two different hominid groups in in childhood (Tillier 1992). Current studies now in
Mousterian context in Israel can be traced back to progress further suggest that Neandertals also differ from
McCown and Keith (1939). Writing of the Tabun and Homo sapiens sapiens in the internal structure of their
Skhul specimens, McCown and Keith (1939) refer to them bones.
as different 'breeds' of humanity, 'but breeds of the same Trinkaus (1992) has recently summarized the evidence
stock' (1939: 265). Discussing the distinctive character- for morphometric differences between the two groups of
istics of the Tabun woman they state, 'We find it very hard Mousterian hominids. He agrees with other researchers in
to believe that these are mere individual anomalies; they concluding that these differences may reflect functional
have all the appearance of intrinsic structures of adaptations, and so presumably behavioral differences
morphological value' (1939: 373). between them, despite the similarities in lithic assemblages
The distinctive morphometric features of the Tabun and diet suggested by the archaeological record.
female have now been identified in the Amud, Hayonim and The provenience of all these specimens, except for those
Kebara specimens, but not in the hominids from Qafzeh from Tabun, is good. At Tabun however, Garrod (Garrod
who resemble those from Skhul (Plates 3 and 4a-b). They and Bate 1937: 61-64) was uncertain as to whether the
include details of cranial form and orbital torus Tabun female found in level C was contemporary with
development; angle formed between the cheekbones and these deposits or intrusive from level B. The skeleton was
maxilla; angle formed by the cranial base; relation of the found 35 cm below the surface of C, in an area where the
mandible to the maxilla; mandibular angle; anterior distinction between the two levels was poor. The male
posterior dimensions of the alveolar bone and dental mandible from Tabun was found at a lower level, some 1.2
morphology. In the postcranial skeleton the most distinctive m beneath the surface of C. While the Tabun C male
feature is pelvic form and, specifically, the dimensions of the mandible could be accommodated within a generalized
pubic element that is flattened caudo-cranially in the early Homo lineage, the Tabun female is very definitely
Neandertal group. Other major differences include the Neandertal and similar to the Kebara Neandertal. If the
morphology of the limb bones (Plate 5) and bones of the Tabun female is indeed over 150,000 years old, then she
extremities, that suggest differences in muscle development would predate any Neandertal yet known, and we would
and function between the two groups of hominids. have to assume biological stasis for the 100,000 years that
Many of these differences result from very early would then separate her from the other Neandertals in
divergence in developmental pathways, that are genetically Israel. Direct dating of the Tabun human remains is
determined. A good example of this is the significant necessary to resolve this issue.
People of the Holy Land from Prehistory to the Recent Past 63
But if the Tabun specimens really do date to ca. 150,000 exact age is unknown, is long and only slightly curved, and
BP, other possibilities must be considered. These include looks somewhat more primitive than the Ohalo skull. It
the possibility of displacement of an early local Neandertal has marked superciliary eminences, measuring some 16
population in Israel by early Homo sapiens sapiens as they mm in height, that fan out above the central portion of the
migrated out of Africa in a warm phase; evolution in situ orbits, and are directed upwards and outwards. The
of early Homo sapiens sapiens to a Neandertal form, or the mandibular fragments from Qafzeh 2 consist of the right
sumultaneous presence of Neandertal and sapiens and left sides of the corpus and molar teeth. Corpus
populations in Israel throughout the latter part of the thickness at M1-M2 and molar tooth size lie within the
Upper Pleistocene. range of values found at Ohalo, and molar tooth size is
Sites with late Mousterian and transitional industries are similar.
known, especially in the Negev and Sinai (Bar-Yosef 1992), Morphometric parameters of the bones and teeth found
but they have yielded no human skeletal remains. There is in Aurignacian context at El Wad and Kebara can similarly
then no skeletal evidence to show how long the be accommodated within the range of variation known for
Neandertals survived in Israel or their possible contri- the later Natufian period. Despite the retention of some
bution to later populations. No specifically Neandertal primitive facial characteristics of the orbital region,
traits are, however, present in Upper Paleolithic or recent discussed in Arensburg (1977), Upper Paleolithic and
populations. This I would suggest indicates that the Kebaran skeletons so far known from Israel resemble the
Neandertals did not contribute to the modern gene pool, Epipaleolithic Natufians in stature, head form and tooth
and so presumably did not interbreed with early size.
representatives of Homo sapiens sapiens. The paucity of human skeletal remains for the Early
Upper Paleolithic in Israel, precludes any attempt at
The Aurignacian and Kebaran directly analyzing the extent of change taking place in this
Aurignacian and Kebaran sites with human remains, like dynamic period. However, the fossil record for Europe
those of earlier periods in Israel, are located in the and North Africa provides two different models against
northern third of the country (see Figure 1). Fragmentary which to evaluate the probable rate of change in the
Upper Paleolithic remains were found at Qafzeh by Israeli Upper Paleolithic sequence. In Europe, marked
Neuville and Stekelis in 1933 and briefly described in changes occurred between the Early and late Upper
Vandermeersch (1981b: 26). They comprise the frontal Paleolithic, with late Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic
bone and part of the nasal bones of an adult male and populations significantly shorter, with smaller teeth and
two fragments of a mandible (H. 2). Teeth and jaws than those of the early Upper Paleolithic populations
fragmentary bones have also been found in the (Frayer 1984). In North Africa, however, little change
Aurignacian deposits at El Wad and Kebara (McCown seems to have occurred over the same period. Ibero-
and Keith 1939) and more recently at Hayonim Maurasian Epipaleolithic populations from Taforalt and
(Arensburg et al. 1990). However, the most complete Malou were as tall as early Upper Paleolithic Europeans
skeletal remains from the Upper Paleolithic are those from with even larger jaws and teeth, reminiscent of those of
the early Kebaran (ca. 19,000 BP). They comprise a Skhul and Qafzeh. In the Nile Valley, represented by Wadi
female from Nahal Ein Gev, on the eastern shore of the Haifa and Jebel Sahaba, large bodied and large toothed
Sea of Galilee (Arensburg 1977), and at least four partial robust populations survived until as recently as some 7000
skeletons from Ohalo on the southwest shores of the Sea years ago (Smith 1979, 1988).
of Galilee (Nadel and Hershkovitz 1991, Hershkovitz et The similarity present between the Kebaran populations
al. 1992). Additional remains dating to circa 13,000 BP of Israel and the Late Upper Paleolithic populations of
have been recovered from Ein Gev I (Arensburg and Bar- Europe in stature, head form and tooth size, suggests that
Yosef 1973), Newe David (Kaufman 1989) and Hefzibah they may have been exposed to similar selective pressures.
(Ronen et al. 1975). The observed reduction in tooth and body size and
The human remains from Ohalo have not yet been robusticity in European Upper Paleolithic populations has
described in detail, but preliminary observations by been related to changing selective pressures associated with
Hershkovitz (1992) on the male skeleton indicate that this new behavioral and dietary adaptations that occurred
specimen was similar to the Natufians in morphometric towards the end of the Pleistocene (Frayer, 1984). The
characteristics, but resembled European Upper Paleolithic archaeological evidence suggests that even more drastic
CroMagn~ns, especially in orbital configuration and changes in technology and food staples occurred in the
degree of robusticity. The same applies to the cranial Israeli Upper Paleolithic sequence (Bar-Yosef 1980; Belfer-
features of the female from Nahal Ein Gev (Arensburg Cohen 1991: Goring-Morris this volume). The stability of
1977), although her postcranial skeleton appears to have North Mrican and Nile Valley populations may, in turn,
been extremely gracile, even in relation to the more recent reflect the lack of major changes in subsistence strategies in
Natufian females. The male frontal from Qafzeh, whose these regions.
People of the Holy Land from Prehistory to the Recent Past 65
The advent and consequences of the:basis of the archaeological findings (see Bar-Yosef and
agriculture: Terminal Pleistocene and Valla 1991, Belfer-Cohen 1991; Valla, this volume, for
Holocene populations detailed summaries of the archaeological evidence) and
human remains have been found at numerous sites (see
The Natufians provide a good starting point from which to Figure 2). At El Wad, Hayonim and Eynan, the human
study the changes that have taken place in the populations remains date to all phases of the Natufian. At Kebara and
of Israel as hunting and foraging activities were replaced by Erq el Ahmar they appear to be restricted to the lower
farming, pastoralism, the development of urban societies phase, and at Hatoula, Nahal Oren and Shukbah they
and increased trading. These changes were associated with date to the upper phase (Valla 1987).
marked shifts in selective pressures operating on The Natufians are characterized by low to medium
populations. The characteristics needed for success in stature, large, low, dolichocranic (long and narrow) skulls;
hunting are not necessarily those most advantageous in short, broad faces, short mandibles with wide rami, an
farming or herding, while minor genetic differences can anteriorly flattened dental arch and marked alveolar
affect not only the ability to utilize new foods but also prognathism (Plate 6; Arensburg 1973; Crognier and
disease susceptibility. It is not then surprising that marked Dupouy-Madre 1974; Ferembach 1961a, 1977; Keith
microevolutionary changes have taken place in the 1934, McCown 1939; Smith et al. 1984; Soliveres 1988;
populations of Israel, even within the relatively brief time Vallois 1936).
span represented by the past 12,500 years. The teeth are relatively broad bucco-lingually with large
Arensburg (1973) suggested that the Natufians and their lingual tubercles and Carabelli's cusps. The second
descendants formed a 'core' population in Israel that could premolars and both the upper and lower second molars
be traced down to recent periods, but was added to, or are reduced mesio-distally. Lower second molars are
temporarily displaced at certain times. I have adopted his generally four cusped «90 per cent) and upper second
assumption as my working hypothesis in this analysis of molars have reduced or missing hypocones. In addition,
Natufian to recent populations from Israel. The there is a high frequency of congenitally missing third
provenience of the specimens studied is given in Figures molars, relative to other populations of comparable tooth
2-4. Unfortunately, the number of specimens available for size, especially at Hayonim (Smith 1991). Since congenital
analysis varies from period to period, and some samples absence of third molars is an inherited condition, the high
were too small for reliable analysis. Descriptive statistics prevalence at Hayonim is evidence for consanguinity
for cranial measurements in different periods and cultures between the people buried there. Belfer-Cohen et al. (1991)
are shown in Table 1 and their relative distance from one correctly state that the incidence of third molar agenesis at
another is plotted in Figure 5. Some estimate of the extent Hayonim is similar to that found in modem small-toothed
of diachronic trends in the teeth and jaws can be seen in populations. However, it must be remembered that the
Figure 6 (see p. 73). Between the Mousterian and Natufian frequency of congenital agenesis is inversely related to
periods, head size, jaw size and tooth size reduce. From the tooth size. The incidence of agenesis in Natufians from
Natufian to recent period, tooth size reduces more than other sites, or indeed from populations with similar tooth
any other parameter studied here. In order to identify the size to the Natufians, averages less than 5 per cent
presence of 'outlier' groups and the significance of the compared to the 21 per cent at Hayonim.
differences between them and the core population, two Intersite differences and diachronic trends in the
tests were employed. One provided a robust test for the Natufians are relatively few. Ferembach (1961a) reported
comparison of samples of unequal size (Brown and that the Natufians from Eynan had larger skulls and
Forsythe (1974a, 1974b); one provided for the simul- mandibles and were taller than Natufians from other sites.
taneous comparison of a number of samples (the She postulated that this was due to nutritional differences
Bonnferonni test described in Miller 1981). Except for between Eynan and other sites. Soliveres (1988) has now
basion-bregma height, which may be affected by environ- analyzed the entire series from Eynan, and her results
mental factors, all variables chosen were those considered confirm those of Ferembach's earlier study. Head length at
to have a high component of hereditability. A detailed Eynan appears to be slightly greater than at El Wad or
summary of the evidence for this is given in Keita (1988). Hayonim, and mandibles are slightly larger. Stature
estimates at Eynan were also reported by her and by Belfer-
Nafufian populations Cohen et al. (1991) as greater than those of Hayonim, El
Wad or Nahal Oren. This conclusion should, however, be
The most dominant feature of the Natufian period is the regarded with caution as there were intact femora from
increasing reliance placed on foraging, with cereals only two individuals at this site. The additional estimates
gaining ever increasing importance in the diet. This were derived from femur shafts - and the error of estimate
adaptation affected behavior as well as nutrition. Three involved is several centimeters.
distinct phases of the Natufian have been recognized on Smith (1989b, 1991) suggested that most of the
66 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Patricia Smith
... PP NB
• PPNA
• Natufi an
kilom eters 50
I
Keba ra cave .,
M editerranean
Sea
Tel Aviv 0
available measurements from Eynan may have been shift to more cariogenic foods that require less vigorous
derived from skeletons from the earliest phase of the chewing. This finding is corroborated by the archaeological
Natufian, so that the apparent intersite differences might be evidence in the form of number of grinding implements,
due to diachronic trends within the Natufian. The paper by sickle blades and remains of cereals.
Soliveres (1988) confirms that indeed most of the
measurable specimens from Eynan do date to the earliest
Neolithic populations
phase, but they still appear to be larger than early Natufian
specimens from Hayonim and El Wad. The largest Considerable differences in adaptations are present
Natufians appear to be those from Erq eI Ahmar and between the various phases of the Neolithic (10,300-
Eynan, followed by Hayonim and El Wad and finally by 6500 BP), and between contemporaneous sites in different
Shukbah and Nahal Oren. The first group have the longest ecological zones. Sites with published human remains are,
largest skulls and mandibles, the second group have however, few. Specimens from Israel, the West Bank and
rounder skulls and mandibles with short thick ascending Jordan discussed here include, from north to south Yiftahel
rami, and the third group are the most gracile. (Hershkovitz et al. 1986), Horvat Galil (Hershkovitz and
Between and within sites, the only significant diachronic Gopher 1988), Beisamoun (Ferembach 1978; Soliveres
trend that can be traced is a reduction in ramus width and 1978), Nahal Oren and Abu Gosh (Arensburg et al. 1978)
increase in dental disease over time (Smith 1991). Both Hatoula, Jericho (Kurth and Rohrer Ert! 1981) Nativ
appear to be related to changes in the diet, indicating a Hagdud (Belfer-Cohen et al. 1990), Ain Ghazal (Kafafi et
People of the Holy Land from Prehistory to the Recent Past 67
... Chalcolith ic
• Early Bronze 1· 111
• Early Bron ze IV
• Middle Bronze II
* Late Bronze
kilometers 50
I
Mediterranean
Sea
al. 1990; Rollefson and Simmons 1985; Rollefson et al. gracile, and tooth size slightly 'smaller than In the
1985}, Nahal Hemar (Arensburg and Hershkovitz 1988) Natufians.
and Basta (Schulz 1987, Schulz and Scherer 1991). Most of The PPNB specimens span some 1500 years but the
these specimens are fragmentary and cranial sample sizes skeletal finds are too fragmentary for evaluation of
available were too small for detailed statistical analysis. diachronic trends in this dynamic period that is associated
They are, therefore, excluded from the plots shown in with animal domestication. The PPNB crania from Nahal
Figure 5. For the mandibles and teeth, sample sizes are Hemar, Abu Gosh and the plaster skulls from Jericho and
larger and the Neolithic values for these variables are Beisamoun, appear to be shorter and broader than those of
included in Figure 6. the Natufians. Facial measurements are available for very
For the PPNA there is one skull from Jericho for which few specimens and are extremely variable. They suggest a
measurements have been published by Kurth and Rohrer- more elongated face than that characteristic of the
Ertl (1981). An additional PPNA skull from Hatoula is Natufians and this is substantiated by comparison of the
now being studied and there are some jaw fragments with mandibles. These tend to be longer with greater ramus
teeth frolJ1 Hatoula and Netiv Hagdud (Belfer Cohen et al. height than is characteristic of the Natufians. At the present
1990). The PPNA skull from Jericho is long and narrow time sample sizes are too small for definite conclusions, but
and falls within the range of measurements seen in the the underwater excavations being carried out by U. Galili
Natufian. The Hatoula skull most closely resembles that at Atlit and Neve Yam may change this picture. Kurth and
from El Wad. The PPNA mandibles from Hatoula are Rohrer-Ertl (1981) suggest that head moulding may have
68 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Patricia Smith
• Iron Age
.. Hellenisti c
• Roman
• Byzantine
* Recent
kilom eters ,
50
Mediterranean
Sea
been practiced at Jericho, and Strouhal (1973) reported specimens from Basta and Ain Ghazal also appear to
that one of the plaster skulls examined by him showed have more dental disease - especially calculus and caries -
evidence of intra vitum head moulding. However, most of than those from the PPNA or early PPNB sites previously
the illustrations provided by Kurth and Rohrer-Ertl (1981) described.
show clearly that considerable post-mortem deformation People in the Neolithic also show an increased
had taken place in the Jericho skulls. frequency of ante-mortem tooth loss from severe dental
Stature in PPNB samples appears to have been similar to attrition in comparison with the Natufians. Since this
that of the Natufians, although the PPNB specimens from condition increases with age, this means either that people
Abu Gosh and Beisamoun appear to have been more lived longer or that the diet became more abrasive
robust than even the largest Natufians (Arens burg et al. (probably from increased carbohydrate consumption)
1978, Soliveres 1978). At Jericho, Kurth and Rohrer-Ert! between the Natufian and Neolithic periods. Evidence for
(1981: 449) report on male stature in the PPNA as 167 cm such a change in diet between the Mesolithic and Neolithic
and in the PPNB as 171 cm. Male stature in the terminal populations of Abu Hureyra in Syria has now been
phase of the PPNB at Ain Ghazal (Rollefson's PPNC) was published by Molleson and Jones (1991), based on SEM
reported as 170.8 cm (Kafafi et al. 1990; Rollefson and studies of tooth wear.
Simmons 1985; and Rollefson et al. 1985: 108, Schulz The differences in stature and skeletal robusticity within
(1987) and Schulz and Scherer (1991) described the the Neolithic may also be related to differences in
terminal PPNB sample from Basta as gracile. The environmental stress and changing lifestyles. Dental
People of the Holy Land from Prehistory to the Recent Past 69
hypoplasia, which is one estimate of environmental stress, Stature shows little or no change between the Natufian
is present in less than 50 per cent of Natufians and PPNB and Chalcolithic to EB periods, averaging 168 em in males
samples, affected over 90 per cent of the PPNA sample and 155 em in females. Head form also shows little
from Hatoula, and appears to increase again towards the alteration in shape, but a slight reduction in size (see Table
end of the PPNB. If the situation at Hatoula proves to be 1 p. 70; Plate 7). Mandibular dimensions decease slightly,
reflected at other PPNA sites, this may indicate a but the main difference seen is in tooth size (Figure 6).
temporary increase in environmental stress in the initial Tooth size in the Chalcolithic-EBI sample is significantly
stages of plant domestication, followed by a temporary smaller than that of the Natufians or Neolithic samples in
amelioration of conditions in the earlier phases of the bucco-lingual dimensions, and decreases even further in the
PPNB through the addition of other crops such as legumes, EBIV (Figure 6). Dental hypoplasia reached an
and the beginning of herding. The findings from Basta and exceptionally high level in the Chalcolithic, affecting
Ain Ghazal suggest, however, that the improvement was some 90 per cent of individuals studied. These data suggest
temporary, and that by the end of the PPNB the quality of an exceptionally high level of environmental stress in
life of most people was deteriorating. Recent excavations at infancy and childhood. It has not yet been determined to
Lod, Neveh Yam and Nahal Zohoriya have yielded PN what extent this was diet-related, or reflects an increase in
skeletons that are now being analyzed. The results will disease load in the wake of increased sedentism and
show if the poor health suggested for the terminal PPNB population density. The frequency of dental hypoplasia
continued into the PN. decreases slightly in the EBIV, suggesting some
amelioration of environmental stress at this time.
rhe Chalcolithic anel Early Bronze Age: proto-
ur&an anel early ur&an communities
Mielelle Bronze populations: th. evielence for
The Chalcolithic-EBI provide the earliest population
population elisplacement
samples of fully fledged farming communities yet published
from Israel. Like the earlier periods discussed, this is again Most of the MBll samples that have been studied are
a period of transition in which societies increased in dated to the MBllB or MBllC. Specimens studied here
complexity and size, and in which regional differences may are derived from Efrat, Nahal Refaim, Tel Dan, Ganei
have become ever more pronounced (Levy, this volume). HaTa'arocha, Megiddo, Sasa and Hazar (see Figure 4).
Statistical data presented here for the Chalcolithic and They show significant differences from all of the earlier
EBI, are based on specimens from Ben Shemen (Lacombe populations in this region in craniofacial characteristics.
1980), Nahal Mishmar (Haas and Nathan 1973), Jericho In the MBll samples the head is shorter and wider, with
(Kurth and Rohrer-Ertl 1981), Megiddo (Hrdlicka 1938), a high rounded skull and shorter broader face and nose
and unpublished specimens from Arad, Gilat, Shiqmim, than in any of the earlier or most of the later populations
Horvat Hor and Wadi Maqoch, shown in Figure 3. In inhabiting Israel. Statistically significant differences are
contrast to the earlier periods, where skeletal remains were present in five out of the seven measurements shown in
concentrated in the Northern part of the country, many of Figure 5, and the direction of change found differs from
these sites are from the Judean desert and Negev. However, that to be expected as the result of microevolutionary
preliminary studies have shown that they resemble both the trends or environmental factors affecting growth and
Chalcolithic sample from Byblos on the Lebanese coast development. The MBll samples studied here then
described by Ozbek (1974) 'and the Early Bronze I-ll represent an intrusive group, and their characteristics
samples from Bab-edh-Dhra in Jordan described by suggest that they originated from a damper and/or more
Krogman (1989). This suggests that there were no major temperate climate than that of Israel. Determination of
genetic differences between populations living in different their exact point of origin is now planned, using DNA
parts of Israel and those on its northern and eastern analysis.
borders at this time. '
The urbanized populations of the EBll and EBm are
poorly represented by human skeletal remains. In addition
Late Bronze to recent populations: cultural
to the small sample from Tel Erani, studied by Ferembach
eliHusion versus migration
(1961b), some EBm specimens were found at Lachish, but
were pooled with the Middle Bronze Age series from the From the MBll to recent periods the archaeological and
same site for analysis (Giles 1958). The situation with written records suggest very rapid Change as well as
regard to skeletal remains is somewhat better for the considerable admixture. Space limitations preclude a
EB1V. Sites with human remains examined for this study detailed discussion of all the population samples
include Jebel Qaaqir, Givon, Nahal Refaim and Efrat (see associated with the different cultures identified, but a
Figure 3). brief overview is presented here. For the Late Bronze Age
C:I
Table 1 Cranial measurements for human populations in different periods in the Holy Land CP
~
Biasterion
N
Bosion-nasion
length
M SO N
Porion-bregma
height
M SO N
width
M SO N
Cranial length
M SO N
Cranial breadth
M SO
*
:g>
Mouslerian - - - 2 114.5 - 2 127.0 - 2 199.0 - 2 145.5 - a
Natufian 4 97.5 8.1 27 114.5 9.6 3 109.0 6.0 27 191.6 8.3 26 135.7 6.6 9-~
Neolithic - - - 2 115.5 1.0 - - - 9 183.2 8.2 11 146.9 8.3
0"
Chalcolilhic 5 96.6 2.8 15 116.4 6.8 10 106.2 6.8 22 186.5 5.8 21 136.8 5.1
3'-
MBI 10 102.7 4.8 12 120.8 7.0 12 108.7 8.3 15 186.9 7.8 13 136.1 4.9 CD
MBII 5 104.4 2.8 3 126.0 5.1 7 112.0 4.0 7 183.7 3.9 7 139.5 5.6 CP
~
Iron
!l'*
Achziv 4 102.7 1.7 4 116.5 0.5 5 116.0 4.1 5 189.2 3.9 5 141.8 5.4
Jerusalem - - - - - - - - - 5 181.4 - 4 135.0 -
Lochish 26 101.0 3.8 - - - - - - 322 184.5 5.8 327 136.8 5.1
g:
Hellenislic-Roman
Samaritan 25 100.2 5.7 20 116.4 4.0 21 109.1 6.4 22 181.9 6.2 22 136.8 4.4 ~
Jewish 9 96.2 8.2 8 113.1 7.6 13 115.8 9.3 18 182.2 8.4 19 143.8 4.6 ~
Ottoman 17 105.1 4.0 17 118.4 5.1 17 109.8 3.8 18 183.6 5.4 17 140.0 5.8
G LAB ELL A OCC IPIT AL e ASIQH. BRE cau. PO RIO N.BREeM... WIH IWU W FRONTAL
L EN GTH HELc.lT HE I G~H WIOTH
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 567
NATUFIAN
CHALCO LITHIC
M81
MBII
IRON
ROMAN
OTIm.llAN
HATUFIAN
CHAlCOLITHIC
M81
M811
IRON
ROMAN
OTTOMAN
(b)
(c) (d)
Plate 7 Lateral view of skulls: a} Natufian from EI Wad; b} Chalcolithic skull from Shiqmim; c} EBIV skull from Jebel Qa'aqir: d} EBI skull from Kabri.
Not all to same scale
provides only a tantalizing glimpse of the peoples Neandertals and Homo sapiens sapiens Mousterian
associated with the Acheulean culture. The Mousterian hominids in Israel and those elsewhere in the world. In
samples, while more numerous, are still too few in time spite of these deficiencies, the Mousterian hominids do
and space to provide a detailed record of the evolutionary provide a starting point from which to estimate the pattern
changes and interactions that led to the emergence of the and rate of change that has occurred in different skeletal
Upper Paleolithic populations. There are still numerous parameters.
unanswered questions regarding the relationship of Stature is at its maximum in the early Homo sapiens
People of the Holy Land from Prehistory to the Recent Past 73
140
. .
120 . .. .
100
80 r-
60 r-
'" *** *
-I-
40 r- + ,..,
'-'
,.., ,..,
20
o I L I I L i i. I
Figure 6 Diachronic trends in the mandible and taoth size for the samples described in Table 1
sapiens from Skhul and Qafzeh (180 cm in males), while corpus. However, the only parameter to show continued
from the Kebaran to recent periods it averages 168 cm in reduction until the present time is tooth size (Figures 5 and
males, with only slight fluctuations. This reduction in 6). From the MBII to recent periods, there is considerable
. stature is generally associated with increased environ- fluctuation in all other parameters discussed above.
mental stress that acted to depress growth. However, the Between the Natufian and the MBII it is possible to trace
plasticity of the available gene pool has been drastically unidirectional microevolutionary trends in the skull,
demonstrated by the marked secular trend in stature in mandible and teeth. From the MBII onward, there are
modem Israeli populations. numerous fluctuations in all measurements, suggesting
Unlike the change in stature, the changes in head form - greater heterogeneity in the peoples inhabiting Israel and
especially in head length, facial height and bizygomatic masking, to a greater or lesser extent, evidence of
breadth - continue through to the Early Bronze Age. They microevolutionary trends in the skull and mandible,
result in decreased head length and increased head height although tooth size continues to reduce.
so that the skull has become more globular. However, head The extent and timing of changes in the skull, mandible
length and head width ratios change only slighdy so that and teeth have not all taken place at the same time, and in
most of these early Holocene populations remain some periods, notably in the MBII and Roman-Byzantine
dolichocranic. Figure 5 shows the extent of differences in periods, a sudden change and apparent reversal has taken
morphometric characteristics of the skull in populations place in cranial but not dental parameters. The long-term
from different periods in Israel, in relation to the pooled trends can be related to long-term selective pressures, that
mean of all samples studied. As can be seen, the Natufian, have acted to reduce skeletal robusticity and tooth size,
Chalcolithic and EBIV samples group together and whereas the sudden changes seen in MBII and Jewish
separate out from the much more heterogeneous samples populations indicate the introduction of a different
from the MBII and later periods. The changes occurring in population group. Smith (1989c, 1991) and Smith et al.
the mandible are similar in timing and extent to those that (1984) have proposed that the pattern of microevolu-
have occurred in the skull. Size and robusticity decreased tionary change that characterizes the Israeli sequence, can
markedly between Mousterian and Upper Paleolithic be related to increased levels of environmental stress in
populations. In later periods, the Natufian mandible with a Holocene populations following the adoption of
broad ramus and acute gonal angle, was replaced by a agriculture.
thinner ramus with an obtuse gonal angle and thinner Obviously, many more samples are needed before any
74 Part I * Approaches to the Past * Patricia Smith
(a) (b)
(c)
- - (d)
Plate 8 Lateral view of skulls: oj MBIIB from Sasa; b) Late Hellenistic skull from Ein Gedi; c) Iron Age skull from Achziv; d) Arab skull from Dor. Not
all to same scale
attempt can be made to map the full extent and pattern of the new techniques available such as c-t scan imaging and
regional and temporal diversity within Israel, or the DNA analysis of fossil bone, will improve the scope of
connections between populations in Israel and neighboring research and enable the anthropologist both to ask new
countries. Hopefully, the additional samples will become questions and to answer old ones with a degree of
available through continued excavations. At the same time reliability undreamt of in the past.
PART II
- ...
.. - _. -:: :-:
~
6
SOCIAL CHANGE AND THE
ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE HOLY LAND:
PREHISTORIC LITHIC PRODUCTION
THROUGH TIME
Augustin F. C. Holl
Thomas E. Levy
present, and that this feature is highly relevant and basic findings would apply to accounts of the origin of
important today and certainly tomorrow. mammals, or the flowering plants, or of life . . . or even
According to both Wille (1985) and Hall (1984b), there the big bang and the cosmos. (Isaac 1989: 101)
is no need for archaeologists to be defensive about However, we are not condemned to follow this strict
explicitly or implicitly drawing on their personal, cultural anthropogenic narrative if we take seriously into account
and political experience in their professional work: the very nature of historical sciences, in which singularity
I think we should drop the pretense of absolute objectivity. and contingency play a major role in the fabric and
Further, I suggest that drawing on present experience and evolution of human social systems (Gould 1991). In this
interests is hardly 'unscientific' and that it strengthens, perspective, the long-term transformations which occurred
rather than weakens, our work. The connection between in past social systems were certainly unpredictable for
present and past is a source of power, the power to offer prehistoric peoples. Depending on actual circumstances,
legitimacy or attack. . . . Rather than condemning those what may appear as a minor fluctuation near a bifurcation
who 'pervert' the past to their own political purposes, we
should acknowledge that there is no neutral value-free, or point may have produced unexpected and grand scale
non-political past - that if we take the present out of the consequences which finally resulted in a profound change
past we are left with a dry empty husk. (Wille 1985: 319) of the whole system (Prigogine and Stengers 1984).
Hypotheses testing is therefore the main possibility to
In this regard, it does not seem to be controversial that assess the congruence of our narratives on the evolution of
'archaeologists are not impassive and neutral conduits past social systems.
passing on the past to a wider audience but active and Social change refers to the archaeological study of
motivated participants in an industry the business of social dynamics; the issues concern a wide range of topics
which is creating versions of the past' (Smith 1992). In and can be addressed from different points of view such as
this context, archaeology obviously does not occur in a analysis of settlement patterns, subsistence systems,
social vacuum. patterns of social organization, etc., at different time
scales. In this chapter, we will focus on lithic technology
Archaeology and social change of paleolithic hunter-gatherer societies and its connections
with patterns of mobility of prehistoric hunter-gatherer
There are diverse and sometimes conflicting views about societies.
the aims and methods of archaeology; however, such a
general discussion is beyond the scope of this chapter. The
long sequence of the archaeological record from the Holy Paleolithic lithic technology and socio-
Land, which starts with early occurrences of Lower economic dimensions
Paleolithic through to the present, offers an opportunity to It is common knowledge that stone artifacts from the
discuss some major issues concerning the tempo and Paleolithic were manufactured, used, and discarded by
modes of change of past social systems. Accounts of the mobile hunting and gathering societies who, depending on
evolution of human societies are almost always shaped time and place, later adopted food-producing economies.
after the format of hero tales in folklore, as a struggle for This general statement is probably true, but it is useless in
survival against blind forces of mother nature, the terms of operational research. Stone artifacts, sometime
outcome being the development of civilization - control associated with animal bones, are the most common
and then domestication of plants, animals and nature, the archaeological items to be found in Paleolithic sites; the
emergence of cities, states, empires; and, finally, human major research problem is how to infer behaviorally-
domination over everything. All general textbooks in significant information from this category of data, beyond
prehistory and archaeology seem to be based upon this the necessary but insufficient morphological, technologi-
narrative which appears to be a genuine genre littiraire. cal, and stylistic classifications. An archaeological artifact,
Following Isaac (1989: 101), we are seriously worried and a stone tool for example, is
embarrassed by such a strong bias. Is it possible to avoid
falling into this trap? At first glance, the position taken by a product of patterns of behavior, and the form of that
Glynn Isaac (ibid.) for the research field of paleo- object may be a result of the combined effects of
constraints imposed by the raw material, technology,
anthropology is partly relevant for our purpose:
intended function, traditional and stylistic preference,
I have got used to the idea now - and would counter- ideological considerations, and so forth, plus a certain
argue that provided the fit between the stories and amount of random variability. (Close et al. 1979: 11)
empirical evidence is improvable through testing and
falsification, then this is indeed science. - H any of the rest Generally, in archaeological fieldwork, it is concentrations
of the scientific community is inclined to snigger at the of discarded material which are found in sites and
embarrassment of the paleoanthropologists (here archae- collected. The sampling techniques used to collect the data
ologists) over all this, pause and reflect. I bet that the same recorded are therefore important to assess the reliability of
80 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Augustin F.e. Holl and Thomas E. Levy
our inferences about past social systems. Lithic assem- even a reduction in its size if increasing mobility reduces
blages are often distributed among several localities within the overall transport capacity of the group. Tools may also
the same study area, they may vary from one site to become smaller and lighter and assume a greater range of
another, share some similarities or be totally different, or uses; that is, tools should become less specialized and
more multifunctional in character. In addition, tools
be made from the same or different categories of raw should be designed to enhance their portability. (Shott
material. It is these different kinds of variability which are 1986: 20)
interesting; we can no longer simply assign stone tools to
discrete functional classes and then use the range of classes
and relative frequencies of tools as indices of activities Mobility can therefore be considered as a critical
conducted in past social systems. It appears increasingly variable in the technological organization of foraging
clear that variability in stone tool technologies is not societies. There are, however, different kinds of mobility
explained solely by the functional requirement of activities connected to environmental and social parameters which
(Eder 1984; Shott 1986; Torrence 1983, 1986). Lithic may need to be understood according to their dominant
technologies are integrated in a larger set of interacting characteristics, along with their actual duration and
components which condition the way they are organized relative frequency (Binford 1980, 1982). Depending on the
within cultural systems. H we intend to shed some light on existing climatic patterns, which may have been more or
the dynamics of prehistoric societies of the Holy Land, we less predictable, and the time scale under consideration, the
need to learn not only to apply the appropriate questions lithic technological system - procurement of raw material,
to our static data, but to frame our queries in a manner manufacture of stone items, use, recycling and discard - of
which will yield the adequate information. In order to any prehistoric foraging society is intimately connected
explain the variability of stone tool assemblages, we must with the actual economic and subsistence strategies. A
understand the organizational principles of lithic foraging system combines in varying degrees residential
technological systems, and their interaction with both and logistic kinds of mobility, and both vary in duration of
the settlement patterns and systems of mobility of each actual stay at one place, and frequency of moves in
prehistoric hunter-gatherer societies (Kaufman 1986, any specific time unit (a day, a week, a month, a season, a
1988). The topic is a very large one and will be year). Theoretically, at the general level, it is possible to
addressed through the formulation of an interpretive consider that logistic mobility is more connected with task-
theory, the transport-cost model for foraging societies. specific demands - procurement of raw material, hunting
stand, butchering sites, etc. - while residential mobility is
more related to global maintenance activities and other
The transport-cost model for foraging numerous and undifferentiated activities of daily life - food
societies preparation and consumption, craft activities, building of
The transport-cost model for foraging societies may be dwelling facilities, etc. - these two components being
articulated to each other by the efficiency of the
summarized as follows: in any kind of hunter-gatherer
society, transportation of items of material culture places transportation system actually developed - leather bags,
heavy constraints on the organization of the foraging- baskets, etc. Thus, we may expect different degrees of
settlement system. Thus, we may expect diverse strategies variability in site lithic assemblages belonging to similar
in the development of technological systems which will spatial and/or temporal frames of references. The same
result in alleviating these constraints; sequences of these place may be settled at different times by the same or
alleviating mechanisms which may appear optimal may another group of hunter-gatherers for different activities; it
may be reoccupied regularly or not at short-term intervals
later be selected and included in the cultural repertoire of
foraging societies and may be directional in the long run, of time. The result is a palimpsest of lithic material which is
the normal archaeological situation. An archaeological
and/or time and place specific. According to Shott (1986)
study of lithic assemblages cannot simply be based on the
and Eder (1984), ethnographic evidence shows that
important but inaccurate experimental research on lithic
elements of technology are related to the settlement
technology, whatever strict and controlled experimentation
mobility of forager societies in numerous situations.
protocol may have been implemented. We need to devise
Mobility places constraints upon technology mainly by
research methods which are congruent with the very nature
imposing carrying costs. Consequendy, with the same
transportation system, the size and diversity of the of our archaeological data base; it is therefore lithic
assemblages from sites which are the basic unit of analysis.
equipment and the technology cannot increase indefinitely
The above discussion of our preliminary interpretive
even if there are functional demands to meet. In this
model suggests some interesting expectations which may
regard,
be important if we wish to achieve a deeper understanding
the response to constraints imposed by settlement mobility of paleolithic lithic assemblages. To mention but a few of
should involve a limit on the size of the tool inventory or these expectations:
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land: Prehistoric Lithic Production Through Time 81
1. The problems of the scheduling of multiple sets of activity others are not. Consequently, depending on the quantity
within the same time-budget of foraging societies (Marks of labor invested in the production of items, some artifacts
1983; Halstead and O'Shea 1989; Torrence 1983; Wobst produced with the minimum quantity of labor have been
1983).
2. Actual responses to risk and uncertainty in the implemen- classified as expedient tools, that is tools made to face
tation of strategies of procurement of the needed raw immediate demands (Binford 1982), and those
materials. manufactured with much more attention, to face future
3. Long-term patterns of transformations of stone tools needs, have been termed curated tools. This last category
inventories. of the lithic inventory is often studied more seriously as it
is considered to contain important technological, stylistic
Such expectations can only be dealt with within a new and cultural information which may disclose some major
analytical framework, based on space/time as major aspects of paleolithic foraging societies. The concept of
variables. Lithic assemblages may therefore be considered chaine operatoire is very useful regarding the study of
as actual technological testimony of human behavior on technological know-how of prehistoric hunter-gatherers
the studied site, and their variability within any time/space but it has to be coupled with attempts to understand the
frame of reference may suggest the range of possibilities patterns of management of selected raw materials. At a
attempted in the past. general theoretical level the dichotomy between expedient
Considered from the perspective outlined above, the and curated tools is important, but it often results in the
dynamics of lithic technology is somewhat similar to non- neglect of assemblages dominated by expedient tools
equilibrium systems following a non-linear path of which are equally important for the understanding of the
transformations (Nicolis 1989, Prigogine and Stengers dynamics of past foraging societies.
1984; Prigogine 1988), even if it appears to be directional. Within the space/time approach, it is the spatial
In this regard, it is the variability of stone tool assemblages distribution of lithic assemblages and their degrees of
which is the rule, and recorded variations may be variability which is relevant as a starting point. Raw
considered as fluctuations. The range of fluctuations may material procurement sites may be located near rock
be wide or narrow depending on actual circumstances. outcrops .or close to a river course if cobbles are collected.
Fluctuations may be near a bifurcation point, that is near a Alternately, the location of procurement areas may shift
radical and unpredictable change. A minor fluctuation may from one place to another according to the actual
produce unexpected and grand scale transformations, as it distribution of cobbles. Such sites are often littered with
may be boosted and amplified by feedback with other thousands of primary flakes or blades with cortex,
components, that invade the whole technological and even secondary flakes and blades, and cores and chunks, if the
social system. In studies of paleolithic lithic technology, the manufacture of tools and preforms is carried out on the
development of the Levallois technique, the blade and spot. In the first case, the lithic workshop is located on the
bladelet debitage techniques and the production of raw material procurement site; it may however occur that
microliths are examples of fluctuations as they have often the manufacture of tools is carried out elsewhere, in a
been recorded in earlier chronological contexts in different specific locality or within the settlement of the foraging
parts of the world, well before their generalization within group. Tools are used in daily life activities and when
some specific space/time contexts (Bar-Yosef 1980: 116). worn out they may be recycled, they may sometimes be
The approach to lithic technology proposed here highlights lost within the site territory, and/or purposely discarded.
the importance of contingency in the evolution of human Theoretically at least, paleolithic sites can be arranged
societies as it is the random interaction of relatively following the relative proportions of diverse classes of
independent dynamic components which shapes the unpre- stone items within the landscape - with site assemblages
dictable evolutionary pathways of human social systems. dominated by debitage by-products and waste at one
extreme of a continuum, and those with discarded tools at
On the making of stone tools and the other. The number of possible combinations between
archaeology these extremes seems infinite, as changing patterns of
settlements may complicate the matter. In summary, lithic
Due to the subtractive nature of the process of technology as a dynamic system may at least be
manufacture of stone tools, a linear and sequential partitioned into four interacting components:
model is easy to frame. The process starts with the
selection and procurement of raw materials. The selected
1. the search for and selection of raw materials unevenly
cobbles or blocks are then processed following some distributed in the physical environment,
sequences of knapping and some specific by-products are 2. the range of tasks to be performed within the changing
discarded and abandoned on the site. Different classes of economic, subsistence and social requirements,
stone items are thus produced and used to perform 3. the development of a flaking technology, and
different tasks; some items are function-specific some 4. a tool repertoire,
82 Part" * Stone Age Adaptalion, Evolulion and Survival * Auguslin F.e. HoIl and Thomas E. Levy
Table 1 Frequency distribution of sites per chronological periods according to different authors
Study areas The Levant Mount Carmel Negev/Sinai Northern Negev
(Bar-Yosef: 1980) (Olami: 1984) (Goring-Morris: 1987) (Levy: 1987)
n % n % n % n %
all the mentioned components being submitted to random 1984) can be used for a preliminary exploration of the
drift and cultural selection. changing patterns of settlements through time, from the
The quality of our data base on paleolithic foraging Lower Paleolithic to the Chalcolithic Period (Table 2,
societies of the Holy Land depends on the sampling Figure 2). Sites have been recorded according to their
techniques used by different generations of researchers to nature: cave sites, in situ open-air sites, quarry and alluvial
collect and publish information from archaeological sites sites, displaced material and undetermined occurrences.
(Bar-Yosef 1980; Bar-Yosef and Valla 1991; Bar-Yosef Based on these survey data alone, the former idea of
and Vandermeersch 1989; Goring-Morris 1987; Marks Paleolithic hominids as cave dwellers becomes partly
1976, 19n; Ohel 1986, 1990; Olami 1984; Phillips 1987; intelligible, as shown by the shift which occurred during
Ronen 1984; Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970). Several criteria the Neolithic period with the increased number of open-
are often useful in order to have a realistic estimate of the air settlements relative to cave sites (Figure 2). Considered
degree to which the information published in archaeo- from the perspective of fluctuating densities of settlements,
logical reports matches the potential information available it also appears that there have been two major periods of
from the global sampling universe of sites. Among these intense settlement, the Middle Paleolithic and the
we can mention a few simple criteria such as site size, Neolithic period as suggested by the bi-modal distribution
areal sample size, total number of artifacts; and complex curves. Many other interesting hypotheses can be
criteria like average density, density of stone items, density formulated from the data collected from grand scale
of debitage and waste, clusters of classes of artifacts, etc. surveys such as the one cited above, and can be used to
Depending on the nature, the aim of the research and focus on narrower problem-oriented research strategy.
the frame of reference used by authors of archaeological
reports, different and complementary information on
prehistoric societies of the Holy Land may be gleaned
Approaches to Paleolithic lithic
(Table 1). A r~t synthesis of the prehistory of the
assemblages
Levant (Bar-Yosef 1980) was framed to highlight some of The earliest series of stone tools collected in the Holy
the important achievements of prehistoric research in that Land belong to the Acheulean period and every type of
part of the world. Olami (1984) offers the result of his environmental zone, from the Sinai and Negev deserts
archaeological survey in the Mount Carmel area. Goring- (Phillips 1987) to lake shore and caves, was occupied
Morris (1987) has published in-depth studies of Late (Bar-Yosef 1980: 109-110). Lithic assemblages are
Upper Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic foraging societies of characterized by varying proportions of core tools,
the Negev based on survey, excavation and integration of choppers, chopping tools, bifaces, cleavers and picks; but
earlier research. And finally Levy (1987) provides flakes and informal tools are predominant. According to
information based on systematic survey, integration of Bar-Yosef (1980), a feature common in Lower Paleolithic
earlier works, and excavations. Each of the selected assemblages is the lack of standardization of forms among
examples presents a particular trend of the frequency the tool groups and tool kits changed very slowly during
distribution of archaeological settlements through time this long period of more than one million years. Middle
(Figure 1). Paleolithic sites are more numerous and their lithic
For example, information on the regional distribution assemblages present much more variability than during
of archaeological sites in the Mount Carmel area (Olami the former period; it lasted from ca. 100,000 BP to ca.
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land: Prehistoric Lithic Production Through Time 83
~~ %
80
70
60 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
10 10
0 0
UP GK R m LN H LNE C EBI
K M EN
Key. LP - lower Paleolithic; MP - Middle PaleolilhiC; UP - Upper PaleolilhiC; EP - Epipalealithic; K - Kebaran; M - Mushabian; GK - Geomelric Kebaran; R -
Romanian; TR - Terminal Ramanian; EN - Early Natufian; IN - late Nalulion; H - Harman; N - Neolilhic; lNE - late Neolilhic; NC - Neolilhic/Chalcolilhic; C -
Chalcolilhic; EBI - Early Bronze Age I
Figure 1 Same frequency curves of the distribution of archaeologicol sites in the Holy Land
40,000 BP. Basically, the lithic technology is geared above components used for composite tools such as the bow
all toward the manufacture of tools on flakes and blades, and arrow, and lasted from ca. 18,000 BC to 8,000 BC.
with an important proportion obtained through the use of From the above short summary of lithic assemblages of
the Levallois debitage technique. The formal tool the Holy Land, the crudest level of variability observable
repertoire is expanded to include different kinds of at this point of our discussion is temporal change. During
scrapers, burins, borers, knives, notches, denticulates and the Lower Paleolithic, unretouched flakes are predominant
points. Some bifaces are attested in the earliest levels of and core tools are the major category while flake tools
some sites such as the cave of Tabun (Olami 1984: 108- appear to have contributed only marginally to site
109). The four Mousterian facies recorded in the Holy assemblages. During the Middle Paleolithic, with the
Land are more an artifact of the Bordian typological type generalization of the Levallois technique which has been
list than a genuine understanding of the vexing problem of recorded in Late Acheulean contexts, the technology
the variability of Middle Paleolithic lithic assemblages. shifted toward the manufacture of different classes of flake
Upper Paleolithic assemblages are characterized by the tools, and some of them, such as Mousterian points, were
development of bladelbladelet debitage technique and certainly hafted as spears. During the Upper Paleolithic a
greater techno-typological variability among site assem- new shift occurs with the development of the blade!
blages. Settlements seem to have been relatively small and bladelet debitage technique. The technology is highly
it is inferred that 'small mobile bands of hunter-gatherers standardized but at the same time there is greater
formed the basic social units during that period.' (Bar- variability between site assemblages. During the Epipaleo-
Yosef 1980: 118). Finally, the Epipaleolithic is lithic, the miniaturization of stone implements occurred
characterized by the predominance of micro lithic with the production of microliths for composite tools.
84 Part" * Stone Age Adaptotion, Evolution and Survival * Augustin F.e. Holl and Thomas E.levy
Table 2 Nature of prehistoric localities in the Mount Carmel area after Olami (1984)
-
TOTAL therefore technical solutions devised to cope with this new
lP
situation.
CAVE SITE
MP Both models presented above share several implications
4--- OPEN SITE
even if the sequences do differ: environmental change -
LP time stress - economizing behaviors - adapted new lithic
technology. Both models have been devised to explain the
%
0 100 development of lithic technology during a particular time
sequence of the prehistoric record, and cannot be
Figure 2 Distribution of prehistoric sites (open vs. cave) in the Mount expanded to the long-term evolution of the Paleolithic
Cannel region (after Olami 1984) record, a possibility offered by our preliminary
interpretive model, the transport-cost model. It can easily
be observed that, on average, the size and bulk of
Such changes are often explained in general adaptive individual stone tools decreases from the earliest times of
terms combined with a natural drift; however, models the Lower Paleolithic to the Epipaleolithic. At the
presented by Torrence (1983) and Marks (1983) are more beginning we have relatively heavy Acheulean core tools,
specific and interesting. According to the 'time-stressed then less heavy but still large flake tools of the Middle
environment' model of Torrence, in ecologically Paleolithic, which are followed by tools on blades and
specialized zones with a limited range of relatively bladelets from the Upper Paleolithic and, finally,
mobile and unpredictable resources, the acquisition of microlithic tools during the Epipaleolithic. In the long
needed food is under strong pressure. Therefore, the term, the transportability of stone tools seems to increase.
efficient use of time will be favored by such behaviors as The observed long-term pattern may be explained as
the scheduling of resource exploitation or by increasing follows: an above all expedient technology lacking any
the speed and efficiency of critical activities such as standardization and related to very mobile foraging
capturing and pursuing prey. Such strategies will be strategy was predominant during the Acheulean. This
implemented through the development of an embedded appears to have been a period of moving peripatetic
procurement of raw material, the manufacture of tools groups, not focused on specific places, following the
integrated within other activities or within specific parts of patterns of group choice. In this regard, Acheulean groups
the time-budget. In the same vein, Marks (1983) has seem to have merged at some localities which were visited
presented a model to explain the Middle-Upper Paleo- at a specific time of the year - Central Place Foraging -
lithic transition in the Levant, as attested by changes in and then split into smaller social units following dominant
lithic technology. The model is based on the hypothesis of individuals, males or females. In such a strategy, the major
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land: Prehistoric Lithic Produdion Through Time 85
portion of tool kits may have been manufactured for territories of smaller groups after the initial split of larger
immediate need or for short-term purposes and then bands. If, as suggested here, marine resources may have
discarded after use. Tools were, under exceptional been collected by Upper Paleolithic foragers along with
circumstances, curated for future needs. With low terrestrial mammals, the model of 'time-stressed
densities of population and large tracts of unsettled environment' will have to be modified or even discarded.
territories, the Acheulean system was basically territorially It is the transport-cost of stone tools which is at a
unbounded and space-expansive; the technological system premium, if the distribution of raw material in the
evolved very slowly and the whole complex lasted for landscape was highly skewed.
more than one million years. During the following Epipaleolithic, lithic technology
During the Middle Paleolithic, depending on the nature became very standardized; items produced are small sized
of the site and the episode of occupation, a punctuated objects which are combined with wood and bone for the
and unstable equilibrium between expedient and curated manufacture of composite tools, thus enhancing their
technologies seems to have existed for the whole period. portability. The sizes of sites are moderate on the average,
The large range of variation in number of formal tools suggesting a high frequency of mobility made possible by
recorded in Middle Paleolithic assemblages suggests a the existence of highly curated and portable technology
greater degree of intersite differentiation within the same (Goring-Morris 1987; Bar-Yosef 1980). However, the
foraging system, and a combination of residential and long-term perspective presented above suggests some
logistic kinds of mobility, with multiple occupations of the interesting views which can be tested at different levels
same places for longer periods of stay. Variability in the with site assemblages•
.occurrence of formal tools, often collated under the term
Mousterian facies, may have resulted from the addition of
multiple activities executed at the same place at different Socio-technological strudures of lithic
times by the same group of foragers, in patterned assemblages
succession by different but linked groups with varying The concept of socio-technological structure refers to the
technological know-how, and/or the superimposition of interaction between the dynamics of hunter-gatherer
the same set of activities at roughly regular intervals on foraging systems and the organizational principles of stone
the same site. The emergence of the habit of burying the tool production as manifested by the procurement and
dead at some sites such as Skhul, Tabun and Qafzeh (Bar- selection of raw materials, manufacture of tools, use,
Yosef and Vandermeersch 1989) suggests that during the recycling and discard (Kaufman 1988; Wendorf and
Middle Paleolithic some notion of territoriality emerged Schild 1992; Torrence 1983; Mitchell 1988). The study of
among early Homo sapiens. On average, some Middle these structures may be operationa1ized through the use of
Paleolithic sites seem to have been more intensely settled, six criteria:
even if the quality and quantity of information published
do not allow very definitive conclusions (Bar-Yosef 1980). 1. of tools to debitage and waste
The mobility pattern may have been structured on some 2. the ratio of cores to waste
base camps and special purpose sites, such as flint 3. the ratios of cores to primary waste (unretouched flakes
procurement sites (Phillips 1987), within bounded but as and blades with cortex)
yet Unknown territories. The lithic tool kits were more 4. tool diversity
easily transportable from one place to another. s. tool versatility
During the Upper Paleolithic, the all blade and bladelet 6. degrees of equipment flexibility.
debitage technique succeeded in alleviating constraints on
the transportability of stone tools; but these tools were The different ratios may signal the relative importance of
more and more specialized and function-specific. The stone knapping in each site assemblage and their
consequence of this transformation was greater variability distribution in the landscape relative to known SQurces
between site assemblages, some being dominated by flake of raw materials may give some accurate pictures of the
debitage while others are mostly composed of blades! territorial ranges of Paleolithic foraging groups.
bladelets. If the sea level was about 100 meters lower than Tool diversity indicates the number of distinct tool
today (Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970), large parts of the classes or categories in a site assemblage; if grouped into
coastal plain were probably included within the economic activity sets we may gain some knowledge about the range
and social territories of Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers. of activities carried out at each site and assess their space/
It is therefore hypothesized that major settlements, which time compatibility within the actual furaging systems.
may have fulfilled the role of base camps, may have been Tool versatility denotes 'the number of tasks to which
located on the coastal plain. In this scenario, sites tool classes can be applied. It may vary across tool classes
recorded today which appear to be relatively small would and values can be calculated by class or in the aggregate
have belonged to micro-bands who camped in the for complete technological inventories' (Shott 1986). This
86 Part" * Stone Age Adaptotion, Evolution and Survival * Augustin F.e. Hall and Thomas E. Levy
preliminary definition poses no theoretical problem, but in degrees of equipment flexibility, raw material selected, etc.
practice, assigning specific functions to tools using shape Such an approach will show that the Acheulean period
as determining criteria is a very difficult problem, very was characterized by a high degree of mobility, connected
close to circular reasoning. However, we can devise a to the existence of an above all expedient lithic
classification of dementary task applications based on technology, and settlement strategies in a relativdy
types of physical motions (Leroi-Gourhan 1971) such as unbounded space seem to have been poorly structured.
hammering, chopping, knapping, cutting, scraping, During the Middle Paleolithic, residential and logistic
sawing, piercing, etc. Then, tools belonging to each mobility seems to have emerged as a structured pattern
assemblage are partitioned into non-exclusive classes within bounded territories, with specific base camps and
under these different headings. If we assign one mark for special purpose sites. During the Upper Paleolithic,
each heading under which a tool appears, some tools, territories seem to have been larger with a greater
such as Acheulean bifaces appear to be very versatile or differentiation between summer and winter camping areas,
multifunctional while others, such as burins, are and site assemblages witnessed greater variability thus
exclusively task-specific. It is the sum of the marks over suggesting a greater diversity of activity sets and
all the tools in an assemblage which gives the index of technological know how (Gilead, this volume Chapter
tool versatility. There is, however, one problem resulting 9). During the Epipaleolithic, the legacy of Upper
from the fact that unretouched flakes and blades are not Paleolithic continued for the early phase of the period but
integrated in this scheme, even if it appears that they may was followed by a shift toward smaller territorial units
have played an important role as expedient tools. In the (Goring-Morris 1987). Due to the reduction of the size of
long-term perspective, it appears that the degree of tool stone tools, composite tools, and the high degree of
versatility decreases in general from the Acheulean to the portability of the technology, the average frequency of
Epipaleolithic, as multifunctional tools are replaced by moves from site to site seems to have been quite high. At
more specialized ones, with a later shift toward the this time subsistence-settlement systems were highly
manufacture of microlithic components for more complex structured within a more 'planned' foraging strategy.
tools. A comparison of tool diversity to tool versatility Stone tool manufacturing sequences appear to have been
carried out for the Saharan desert (Holl 1989) has shown relatively free from the locations of raw material
that the lower the diversity, the higher the versatility. procurement areas. The Natufian culture, which has
The degrees of equipment flexibility are measured in emerged as a pan-regional phenomenon with rdatively
site assemblages by the differences between tool versatility bulky dwelling facilities and storage features, is probably
and diversity. This measurement is based on the simple the outcome of the process of territorialization of hunter-
fact that in lithic assemblages exclusively composed of gatherer societies which later culminated with the
specialized tools, versatility is equal to diversity. In such development of settled and sedentary Pre-pottery
situations it may be inferred that lithic assemblages do not Neolithic A and B groups (see in this volume: Bar-Yosef,
offer any possibility to grasp the reaction of prehistoric Chapter 8; Bar-Yosef and Valla 1991; Goring-Morris
peoples to unexpected task demands. However, the 1987; Goring-Morris, Chapter 10; Valla, Chapter 11).
flexibility of tool kits based on the patterned occurrence of
groups of tools pertaining to different sets of activities
performed at different settlements within the same space!
The space-time approach as
time social units can be used as an approximation of
exploratory model
socio-technological structures developed by prehistoric The general ideas discussed above can be contextualized
societies. to make sense of the empirical record at hand in one
As hunter-gatherer strategies always combine different sdected study area, the Late Pleistocene settlements of the
kinds of moves at different time scales to meet subsistence Negev and Sinai studied by Goring-Morris (1987). The
and social demands, residential, logistic and semi-logistic important discussions by different researchers (Goring-
patterns of mobility may thus interact to produce Morris 1988; Henry 1988; Marks 1988; Speth 1988;
prehistoric settlement systems. With due understanding of Valla 1988) have highlighted some issues needing further
the site formation processes and their patterned clarification and elaboration. The most important point,
distribution within each regional unit, it is possible to however, is that the research carried out in these areas is
extend the study of socio-technological dimensions of based on an explicit theoretical approach which can be
Paleolithic lithic assemblages beyond simple typology. In tested using a scientific methodology. In this chapter, we
this regard, research must be carried out using multiple will focus on the spatial dimensions of the prehistoric
and complementary criteria such as the regional record.
distribution of sites, site sizes, areal sample studied, total The prehistoric record at hand ranges from the
density of artifacts, tools, waste, number of debitage Terminal Upper Paleolithic (ca. 30,000-17,500 BC) to the
categories, different ratios, tool diversity, versatility and Harifian (ca. 8,500-7,500 BC), organized into seven
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land: Prehistoric Lithic Production Through Time 87
Table 3 Late Pleistocene prehistoric sites of the Negev and Sinai after Goring-Marris (1987)
Period/Cuhure n % Uncolibroted radiocarbon chronology
Terminal/Upper Paleolithic and Kebaran
ca. 17,000-13,500 Be 23 7.54 ca. 20,000-17,500 Be
Geometric Kebaran 63 20.65 ca. 14,000-11,500 Be
Mushabian 60 19.67 ca. 13,500-10,500 Be
Romanian 74 24.26 ca. 11,500-10,500 Be
Terminal Romanian/Early Natufian 37 12.13 ca. 11,000-8,500 Be
Late Natufian 21 6.88 ca. 9,000-8,000 Be
Harifian 27 8.85 ca. 8,500-7,500 Be
Figure 4 Kebaran sites (after Goring-Morris 1987) Figure 6 Mushabian sites (after Garing-Morris 1987)
\
Figure 5 Geometric Keboran sites (after Goring-Morris 1987) Figure 7
,--,--~"",.
1987)
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land: Prehistoric Uthic Production Through Time 89
\ 2',,"
'-~~-.........
SYNCHRONIC
Figure 11 Diagramatic model of nested territorial units of Late Pleistocene hunter-gatherer societies of the Negev and Sinai
Table 5 PaHems of distribution of Late Pleistocene seHiements in the Negev and Sinai
Terminal
Upper
Paleolithic 3 8
Kebaran 3 6
Geometric
Kebaran 6 7 2 2 10 62
Nizzanian 4 6
Mushabian 4 2 2 2 48
Ramonian 6 5 2 49
Terminal
Ramonian/
Early Natufian 8 2 2 2 33
Late Natufian 6 2 2 20
Harman 5 2 2 32
settled areas are considered, there are important variations the Harifian. It therefore appears that each local area
from one area to another (Table 8) Figure 14). Larger witnessed a specific dynamic of settlement which needs to
settlements were preferentially located in the Azariq area, be understood. The fact that settlements from the same
which was inhabited from the Upper Paleolithic to the area have been presented as summer camp (Mushabi XlVI
Ramonian, followed by the Mushabi area, which was 2) and winter base camp (Mushabi V) highlights the
settled from the Kebaran to the Ramonian, abandoned difficulties of assigning the general distribution of
during the Late Natufian and resettled during the settlements to seasonal variation in animal and plant
Harifian. The Shunera area was inhabited during the biomasses alone, in an ecotonal situation such as that of
whole Late Pleistocene, while the Lagama area was the Negev and Sinai foothills which may have been a
abandoned during the Late Natufian and resettled during patchwork and a mosaic of different kinds of resources.
Social Change and the Archaeology of the Holy Land: Prehistoric Lithic Production Through Time 91
Table 6 Patterns of sub-regional distribution of Late Pleistocene settlements in the Negev and Sinai
Table 7 Settlemenls sizes during the Late Pleistacene in the Negev and Sinai
Standard Coefficient
Parameters n Min. 1m2) Max. 1m2) Mean 1m2) Range deviation of variation
Terminal Upper Paleolithic 6 30 200 81.33 170 60.08 0.73
Kebaran 5 5 75 47.20 70 23.86 0.50
Geomelric Kebaran 25 10 100 48.00 90 26.87 0.55
Mushabian 20 15 150 70.50 135 41.94 0.59
Ramonian 16 5 200 52.50 195 53.58 1.02
Late Natufian 6 10 5000 960.83 4990 1813.85 1.88
Hariflan 13 25 600 260.38 575 191.72 0.73
11
f
,., • AZARIQ AREA
'000
I
I , '0
o SHUNERA AREA
I V LAGAMA AREA
I
900 I
J C MUSHABI AREA
f
• HALUTZA AREA
800 J
J
f
700 I
J
J
600 J
J
500
1\JP GK M R LN H
400
200
'00
LH
Tabla 8 Long-tenn dynamics of Late Pleistocene seltlements in some selected areas of the Negev and Sinai
kilometers 50
I
Mediterranean
S ea
Tel Aviv 0
Holon .
with regard to the analysis of lithics. This domain displays but some from Lebanon, Syria and Jordan) described
a multitude of approaches, each emphasizing different below in some detail, greater emphasis is placed on Late
aspects of the material and focusing on different results. Acheulean occurrences, which represent the final
This situation does not allow for effective comparisons manifestation of the Acheulean Industrial Complex in
between assemblages and renders any generalizations the Levant. It is in this stage, that the acceleration in the
difficult. tempo of cultural change is most evident. An attempt is
Given the great antiquity of the period under made to view individual sites against the broader
consideration, its long duration and the relative scarcity background of the entire Lower Paleolithic sequence in
of data, topics such as subsistence strategies, models of the Levant, and to relate them to an up-to-date
adaptation or indeed any inferences of structural or chronological framework, notwithstanding its fragmen-
cultural traits reaching beyond the actual evidence of the tary nature.
material remains, should be treated with far greater The discussion is illustrated by two case studies treated
reticence than is perhaps necessary when discussing later in somewhat greater detail - the sites of 'Ubeidiya and
periods. From the above, it should be clear that the Gesher Benot Ya'akov, both located in the Dead Sea Rift
following discussion is a factual, primarily lithic-oriented (see Figure 1). These sites are of utmost importance for
account of Lower Paleolithic manifestations that refrains, prehistoric research as they constitute rich sources of data
quite deliberately, from too far-reaching conclusions. suggestive of hominid modes of living during the Lower
Among the Acheulean sites (most of them from Israel, and Middle Pleistocene.
96 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evo/ulion and Survival * Naama Goren-Inbar
Needless to say, opinions expressed in this overview phases, was likewise based on techno-typological criteria.
reflect the author's point of view, alone. He recognized within the Late Acheulean material four
distinct groups - those of Ma'ayan Barukh, Evron, Yiron
and an Acheulean of a Yabrudian Facies (ibid.).
History of research Another scheme, based on the Syrio-Lebanese data
During the early decades of this century, prehistoric (Hours et al. 1973), conceives of the entire Lower Paleo-
research in Israel was dominated by European research lithic as a sequence of manifestations of the Acheulean
orientations, which tended to place greater emphasis on Industrial Complex - the Early and Middle Acheulean,
the investigation of cave sites where stratified sequences followed by the Tayacian and culminating in the Late and
could be expected to be found, than on open-air sites. Final Acheulean (the latter encompassing the Yabrudian,
Consequendy, of the five Lower Paleolithic sites known in pre-Aurignacian and Amudian). This framework was later
Israel at that time, three - Umm Qatafa (Neuville 1951), revised twice, the first time (Hours 1975) to include the
Zuttiyeh (Turville Petre 1927) and Tabun (Garrod and Para Acheulean, the EarlylMiddle and MiddleJLate
Bate 1937) - were of the former type, and the other two - Acheulean and the Tayacian, and the second time
Gesher Benot Ya'akov (Stekelis et al. 1937, 1938) and (Hours 1981) to include the Early, Middle and Recent
Baq'ah Rephaim (Arensburg and Bar-Yosef 1967) - Lower Paleolithic, followed by the Developed Recent
belonged to the latter type. In later years, more Acheulean.
archaeological occurrences from this period were These recurrent revisions, dependent on the ever-
identified, many of them exposed in the course of changing nature of constandy accumulating data, clearly
cultivation and construction activities. demonstrate the pressing need to formulate solid criteria
Following a shift in research orientations during the which will allow clearer identification and easier clustering
1960s towards regional research (Goren 1981b), extensive of the diverse Lower Paleolithic entities.
fieldwork took place in the Negev and in Sinai, which
nevertheless yielded no Lower Paleolithic occurrences. NOTE: In order to avoid confusion in nomenclature, the
However, in the coastal plain and the northern parts of term 'Late Acheulean' is employed below with regard to
the country, numerous surface finds were detected as well all the cultural entities stratified above Tabun F -
as many additional sites, frequendy much disturbed by including all the lithic assemblages correlated and
various recent activities (Gilead 1975). compared with the Mugahran Tradition Uelinek 1981)
of Tabun.
Chronological and classificatory
schemes Dating
Several temporal divisions have been proposed for the The antiquity of the Lower Paleolithic and the nature of
Lower Paleolithic sequence in the Levant. These Levantine sedimentary deposits, preclude application of
subdivisions, most of them threefold ones as those the most common radiometric dating technique of C-14.
suggested for the corresponding period in Africa and While enormous progress has been made recendy in the
Europe, were based mainly on typological criteria while application of other radiometric techniques to archae-
stratigraphical considerations were rarely heeded. ologically-relevant material - particularly those of ESR
Garrod's (Garrod and Bate 1937) division, based on . and TIL but also those of uranium series (230Th/234/U),
the 24-meter-thick Lower Paleolithic deposits of Tabun potassium argon (KlAr) and Argon/Argon e'JArfOAr) (see
cave, postulated a sequence whereby the Tayacian cultural Figures 2, 3) - these are still very much restricted to
entity was succeeded by Upper Acheulean ones. Both her Upper Pleistocene sites and thus far yielded only
subdivision as well as Neuville's (1951) scheme, based on preliminary results for terminal Middle Pleistocene
his study of Umm Qatafa where Tayacian, Middle and occurrences (Griin and Stringer 1991 and references
Upper Acheulean levels were identified in stratigraphic therein).
sequence, have evidendy been strongly influenced by The stratigraphic context of a site and its depositional
European prehistorical percepts, reflected in the adoption character are highly significant to the choice of dating
of both European terminology and European typology. technique to be applied. It is frequendy the case that
Gilead's (1970a) division of the Lower Paleolithic in the whereas an archaeological horizon cannot be direcdy
Near East, into Early, Middle and Late Acheulean phases, dated for technical reasons, another part of that
encompassed only assemblages comprising a bifacial depositional sequence (such as volcanic rock) does allow
component and was based 'neither on chronological nor application of some dating method. Indirect as such
on faunal grounds, but on cultural differences' (Gilead chronological information is, as regards the archaeological
1970a:4). His subdivision of the Late Acheulean, which he horizon itself, it is nevertheless of considerable importance.
considered more diversified and widespread than the other Thus in Berekhat Ram (Feraud et al. 1983; Goren-Inbar
The Lower Paleolithic of Israel 97
Tlte Tayacian
.
:Ii ><
E
a:
><
~
~ .IIo.!
oj
~
:;;-
![ ![ !!!.
x x x i:ii
" " § §
:s
~ ~
!§ 1 l§
"
~
oj
§ j j
...
... ::;: !!!
olI ;ll !!!
~
~ 1;
~
E
layer G at Tabun and at Umm Qatafa layers E, F and G -
was detected at both these caves in the lowermost part of
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ the cultural sequence, and was defined as a cultural entity
~
.I devoid of bifaces (Garrod and Bate 1937; Neuville 1951).
It was termed 'Tayacian' due to the resemblance of the
Figure 3 Radiometric dates of Lower Paleolithic sites (data derived
from: Feraud at 01. 1983; Griin et 01. 1991; Hennig and Hours 1982;
assemblages to the European Tayacian ones, being 'poor,
Mercier 1992; Mor 1986; Porot and Schwarcz 1991; N. Porat, per. both in quantity and quality . . . [and] consist[ing] for the
comm., 1992; 5chwarcz et 01. 1980) most part of small flakes and chunks of flint, more or less
extensively utilized' (Garrod and Bate 1937: 86).
These assemblages, elsewhere also termed 'Tabunian'
1986), the broad chronological context of the site was (Howell 1959), are characterized by the presence of flakes,
established once the two basalt flows directly underlying waste products and cores, by rare retouched artifacts, and
and overlying it, were dated to ca. 800 ka and ca. 233 ka, by the absence of bifaces and products of the Levallois
respectively (Plate 2 p. 98). Such 'deduced' chronological Technique (Neuville 1951).
information is of even greater significance when the The resumed excavations in the deepest layers of Tabun
stratigraphical sequence has been paleomagnetically cave (Jelinek 1975: Bed 80; 1981: Beds 90A-90]), yielded
investigated. Thus, a combination of radiometric (KlAr) no similar assemblages. Instead, the recovered material
98 Part II * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Naoma Goren-Inbar
plain striking platforms and items with Quina and demi-
Quina retouch . Assemblages of similar characteristics were
retrieved in Zuttiyeh (Gisis and Bar-Yosef 1974), Humrnal
Ib (Besan~on et al. 1981), Jerf Ajla (Schroeder 1969),
Yabrud I (Bordes 1955) and Adlun (Copeland 1983).
Reexamination of the Acheulo-Yabrudian, Yabrudian and
Acheulean lithic assemblages from Layer E at Tabun
(Jelinek et al. 1973; Jelinek 1975) convinced Jelinek that,
contrary to previous notions, the two cultural entities
could not be distinguished from one another on the basis
of any other techno-typological criteria but the presence
(in the Acheulean) or absence (in the Yabrudian) of the
bifacial component. He consequently argued that the
entire sequence should be regarded as representing a single
Plate 2 Berekhat Rom. Top: Upper Kromim Basalt; bottom: Lower
cultural entity: the Mugharan tradition (Jelinek 1981,
Kromim Basalt. The flint artifacts are bedded between the two flows 1982).
Excavations in Adlun, Lebanon (at the Bezez Cave and
at Zumoffen rock-shelter) led to identification of three
seemed to constitute a typological mixture of the finds Yabrudian variants within the Bezez C sequence, each
from Garrod's layers G and F, featuring bifaces, scrapers located in a different area of the site. One of them was
and a variety of flake tools such as burins and notches. found to be characterized by the presence of racloirs,
This assemblage was assigned by the excavator to the Late another by the presence of bifaces, and the third was
Acheulean, due to the presence of whole and broken declared a less typologically distinct facies (Copeland
bifaces as well as by-products of their manufacture. 1983; Kirkbride et al. 1983). A Yabrudian complex,
Tayacian levels have also been identified in Bezez, clearly characterized by a distinct blade component, was
Lebanon, though sample sizes were too small (Copeland identified at Abri Zumoffen as well (Garrod and Kirkbride
1983). Indications were found to the presence of bifaces, 1961), in addition to an Amudian sequence.
Levalloisian items, notches, denticulates and various other
retouched flakes. These lithic assemblages differ both
The Amudian and Pre-Aurignacian
technologically and typologically from those of Umm
Qatafa, Tabun or Yabrud IV, and as they were recovered Distinct assemblages, recovered from within Acheulean
from levels stratified below the Acheulo-Yabrudian layer and Yabrudian levels, were reported from Tabun as well
C, they were regarded as younger than the Tayacian as from Yabrud and Adlun. The assemblage from layer E
assemblages from those sites and were claimed to be 'some at Tabun, notable for the presence of blades and blade
sort of residue of an Acheulo-Yabrudian industry like the tools, was originally termed 'pre-Aurignacian' (Garrod
one that is in itself so well seen in the overlying layers' 1956) following Rust's (1950) taxonomy. Later, it was
(Copeland 1983: 205). found to be associated with bifaces and scrapers (Garrod
1956), and labelled 'Amudian' (Garrod and Kirkbride
1961). Though Garrod viewed this particular assemblage
The Acheu/o-Yabrudian and Yabrudian
as an intrusion of non-European origin within the
The Levantine Acheulo-Yabrudian and Yabrudian entities sequence, she nevertheless argued that the entire contents
are most extensively represented at Tabun Cave (Garrod of this level were indicative of the fact that the technique
and Bate 1937; Garrod 1956; Jelinek 1981) in layer E, of blade production was in use by the Acheulo-Yabrudian
which attains a thickness of at least 4.50 m. However, it and Acheulean occupants of Tabun: 'Nous avions trouve,
was the site of Yabrud I, where the archaeological layers en effet, des grattoirs sur lames, des burins, et quelque
were interstratified with archaeologically-sterile ones, lames grignotees jusq'a la base de la couche F, rna is
which enabled a more clear-cut distinction between them toujours isoles et en petit nombre' (Garrod 1956: 46).
(Rust 1950). Adopting Rust's terminology, Garrod (1956) A comparison between the Tabun E Amudian
abandoned her original identification of Layer E at Tabun assemblage and the 'Pre-Aurignacian' one from Yabrud I
as 'Upper Acheulean', proposing instead that it be (layer 15) shows that the two differ in too l-type
regarded as an Acheulo-Yabrudian and Yabrudian frequencies, the former featuring a high frequency of
sequence. backed knives and low frequencies of endscrapers and
This entity was characterized by the presence of bur ins, thus resembling the Amudian of Abri Zumoffen
asymmetrical convergent scrapers (dejete or Winkelkrat- and the 'Beach Industry' there. These assemblages contain
zer) , transversal scrapers, thick blanks, high frequencies of scrapers, bifaces and products of the Levallois Technique,
The Lower Paleolithic of Israel 99
Table 1 Cultural entities of the Levantine Lower Paleolithic (based on references mentioned in text)
Acheulo-
Yabrudian Amudian Tayacian
and Yabrudian Pre-Aurignacian Tabunian Hummalian Samoukian Shamshian
Tabun E Tabun E Tabun Hummalla Nahr al Arab Yabrud IV
Yabrud I Yabrud I Umm Qalafa Fidio III
Zutliyeh Bezez Bezez Mcharrfel as Samok
BazezC Zumoffen Ros Bairuth Idris Ilia
Zumoffen Hua Fteah
Mosloukh
Hummallb
lion spring
C spring
though their presence, especially in Adlun, is minimal geographical factors, and explaining the pronounced
(Copeland 1983). element of overlap apparent in the lithics in terms of
Both Garrod (1956) and Jelinek (1981) assigned the contact zones between the various entities (Copeland and
complex sequence of Tabun E to the Last Interglacial, in Hours 1981).
disagreement with the much younger age ascribed for the At present, however, there is wide agreement -
Amudianl'Pre-Aurignacian' by Bordes (1955, 1977). generated by awareness of the drawbacks of the available
While their chronological considerations differ (the data - that the inherent complexities of the Late
stratigraphy of the Lebanese coast for Garrod, and the Acheulean entity are yet beyond full understanding.
global climatic oscillations for Jelinek), their notion of the
antiquity of these assemblages proved to be in greater
Other L.ate Acheulean lithic entities
accord with recent radiometric dates, although these
indicate yet older ages (Grun and Stringer 1991; Grun et In the course of the last 20 years, several Late Acheulean
a!. 1991). A list of radiometric dates obtained for the Late entities have been documented outside the boundaries of
Achaeulean sequence, is presented in Figure 3. the Levantine coastal plain. Of importance are the
Several approaches have been advocated with regard to Samoukian, the Hummalian and the Yabrudian of el-
the observed variability within the Late Acheulean lithic Kowm, all of them identified in Syria and assigned to the
assemblages. While Rust and Garrod conceived of the latest phase of the Acheulean complex. The Samoukian
sequence of Yabrud I and Tabun in terms of discrete and (Copeland and Hours 1978; Hours 1979) is characterized
different traditional entities, Jelinek and Copeland by the presence of bifaces, cores, choppers, products of the
preferred a somewhat less clear-cut distinction. Thus, Levallois technique and a high frequency of flake tools. It
Jelinek (1981, 1990) explains all the observed variability is considered as a distinct facies of the Late Acheulean,
of Tabun E as reflecting coexistence of three 'facies' of the contemporaneous with the Yabrudian and thus with the
same tradition - the Mugharan. Advocating a functional Mugharan. The Hummalian (identified at Hummal site
approach, he interprets the observed variability in terms of 1a), likewise identified as a Late Acheulean entity
climatic oscillations, so that an increase in biface (Besan~on et a!. 1981), nevertheless shows such a striking
frequencies is attributed to cooler conditions, and techno-typological similarity to the Mousterian assem-
decreased frequencies or complete absence to warmer blages of Tabun D, as to yet leave room for certain doubts
ones. Interestingly, Copeland (1983) suggests a similar regarding this attribution (and see excavators' note (ibid.
interpretation for the observed variability at Adlun, where 41) describing the Yabrudian level as located some 75 cm
the spatially-organized facies were viewed as task-specific higher than the Hummalian, albeit not in the same section
areas. of the pit).
Two additional models were proposed in an attempt to All Late Acheulean entities share two common
account for the variability within the Late Acheulean lithic features. They are all stratigraphically located above
assemblages from Lebanon and Syria. The first unilinear Acheulean levels and below Mousterian ones, and they
model (Copeland and Hours 1978; Hours 1979) based on are all characterized by the presence of bifaces, in varying
the sequence in Tabun or Yabrud I, views the Mousterian quantities, in their inventories. Lithic assemblages
as probably deriving, by a continuous process, from Late ascribed to the closing phases of the Acheulean
Acheulean entities. A second, later, model (Copeland and Industrial Complex display far greater diversity than
Hours 1981) is a regionally oriented scheme, interpreting those assigned to its earliest stages. This phenomenon
lithic variability in terms of cultural diversity arising from denotes the emergence of a pattern which is to be very
100 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Naama Goren-Inbar
typical of all prehistoric cultures to follow (see, for Technology, innovations and the process of
example Isaac 1972): a lengthy period marked by change
absence of any significant change is terminated with an
outburst of diversification in both the typological and the The impression of considerable complexity emerging from
technological aspects of the material culture. an overall assessment of even the earliest manifestations of
Lower Paleolithic material culture, preclude their
attribution to a 'beginners' stage. The principal factors
Discussion responsible for the appearance of each type and each
Stratigraphical considerations - the position of layer E at technology - whether functional, traditional or others -
Tabun and other Acheulo-Yabrudian layers elsewhere may be largely a matter for speculation, but the
directly between Acheulean and Mousterian levels - as complexity typical of this entity and of its African
well as certain techno-typological similarities (i.e., analogues, is nevertheless striking (Bar-Yose£ and Goren-
presence of the Levallois technique; high scraper indexes) Inbar 1993).
between the Mousterian and the Mugharan, led Lithic assemblages such as that from 'Ubeidiya attest to
prehistorians to view the latter as a transitional phase, the existence of a 'standardized' tool-kit, repetitively
either tightly-linked with the Middle Paleolithic sequence produced throughout an immense span of time. This
(Garrod 1956; Copeland 1983), or virtually constituting technologically complex tool-kit is characterized by careful
its earliest manifestation (Jelinek 1981). While Copeland's selection of specific raw materials for the production of
opinion was based on the wide-range evidence of the distinct tool types. The various tool types can be
'Stratified assemblages from Tabun and Adlun, Jelinek's demonstrated to be each the end-product of a different
evaluation rests on the fact that 'the composition of the and quite independent modification strategy. Thus, when
Yabrudian Facies, ... typologically, is strikingly similar to the arbitrary distinction (Leakey 1971) between flint
the Quina Mousterian of the Middle Paleolithic of chopping-tools and flint polyhedrons is ignored, both
Western Europe' (Jelinek 1981: 272). types are clearly recognized as products of the same
The current state of knowledge does not seem to process of manufacture, differing from the technological
confirm either Jelinek's or Copeland's views concerning sequence employed for the manufacture of limestone
the Mugharan's transitional status and hence its Middle spheroids which, in turn, is distinctly unlike that used to
Paleolithic affinities. The sheer thickness of the relevant produce basalt quadrihedrals, trihedrals, etc.
layers at Tabun appears to negate such an assumption, as Two prominent strategies of artifact production are the
it quite evidently attests to a very long history of sediment Levallois and the Kombewa techniques. The use of these
accumulation and to a lengthy occupational sequence, advanced procedures - each of which is of a clearly
repetitively interrupted. distinct nature and each of which is applied equally to
Furthermore, techno-typological comparisons between different raw materials - implies an impressive scope of
Late Acheulean and Mousterlan assemblages clearly planning as well as directedness towards very specific end-
indicate that the latter are typically devoid of a bifacial products. Although both techniques are commonly
component (handaxes and cleavers). In the case of Tabun, ascribed to an African origin, nothing can be firmly
for example, of the few handaxes recovered from the established regarding their earliest appearance, at least
Mousterian layer D, 'the majority were found at the base until more data is available from Africa and Euroasia
of the layer and [were] undoubtedly derived from Ea' (Goren-Inbar 1992). Thus, at Gesher Benot Ya'akov,
(Garrod and Bate 1937: 77). In the light of this, certain ancient reduction processes such as those reported
Schroeder's (1969) assignment of unit 'Yellow 2' in Jerf from 'Ubeidiya for the production of spheroids or heavy
Ajla, Syria, to the Mousterian, is rather questionable, as duty scrapers disappear altogether, clearing the scene for
the presence of bifacials in that unit would seem to these two novel technologies and their products (cleavers
indicate Yabrudian affinities. and a variety of other bifacial tools).
Since the Levantine Mousterian likewise lacks the At a certain point, postdating the times of Gesher Benot
chopping-tool component characteristic of all Late Ya'akov, the diversity typical of raw material selection is
Acheulean entities, it is only the presence of Levalloisian replaced by a rather simplified pattern, characterized by
items and flake tools (particularly scrapers) which remains an exclusive use of flint. The technological and typological
the common feature for both entities. It seems, therefore, heterogeneity, otherwise characteristic of the Late
that at least until more solid criteria are established for Acheulean, is definitely not reflected in the patterns of
differentiating between the Lower and Middle Paleolithic raw material utilization.
- criteria .that are needed equally with regard to these On the techno-typological level, however, the Late
periods in Southwestern Europe - the Late Acheulean Acheulean and specifically the Mugharan Tradition,
should be regarded as a Lower Paleolithic entity whereas clearly exhibits coexistence of several distinct technologies,
the Mousterian as a Middle Paleolithic one. expressed by a variety of retouch techniques (regular,
The Lower Paleolithic of Israel 101
Plate 1.1
Table 1.1 'Ubeidiya - typological classification of lithic assemblages (minimal sample size =65)
Choppers Bifaces Polyhedrons Discoids Spheroids HDS Scrapers Voria N
1-27 13.39 0.89 1.78 1.78 15.17 66.96 112
1-260 31.25 0.36 0.36 1.47 0.73 12.13 53.67 272
1-26 bl 27.88 1.44 3.36 1.92 0.48 1.44 18.26 45.19 208
1-26 b2 35.13 7.20 5.85 0.45 2.70 2.25 9.90 36.48 222
1-26 b/c 10.97 2.43 9.75 76.82 82
1-26 c 28.08 4.87 5.15 2.86 2.25 7.16 12.03 37.53 349
1-26d 32.65 7.14 7.14 1.02 4.08 4.08 11.22 32.75 98
111-34 39.00 7.80 0.70 2.12 3.54 11.34 35.46 141
11-24 28.30 19.81 1.88 8.49 7.54 9.43 24.52 106
11-26 30.54 1.47 5.41 2.46 5.41 0.98 4.92 48.27 203
11-36 20.71 4.14 2.36 1.77 2.36 1.77 9.46 57.39 169
K-25 13.84 9.23 15.38 53.84 65
K-26 4.73 2.95. 1.18 1.18 17.75 72.18 169
K-28 3.57 1.02 16.32 79.08 196
K-29 37.68 4.34 9.27 2.60 17.10 0.86 5.79 22.31 345
K-29 VB 18.55 0.51 4.63 2.57 5.15 1.54 20.61 46.39 194
K-30 28.47 42.03 11.52 0.67 3.05 0.67 4.47 8.81 295
K-30VB 21.11 22.22 5.55 3.33 15.55 32.22 90
Total 16 100.0 17 99.97 7 99.99 7 99.98 15 99.99 124 99.98 20 100.0 86 99.97
HEAVY DUTY
•
.
SCRAPERS
CHOPPING
TOOLS
•
.fg
DEBITACE
DISCOIDS CORES
Figure 1.1 'Ubeidiya: schematic madel of the typological components (the relative contribution
of each type of raw material to the flake)
AreaS
+ 268235
T 268230
+ + + 268220
III
~
Area A
[1 268190
268180
5
= 10m
Gesher Benot Ya'akov - the recent
excavations (Loyer 1 1 -6, level 4)
4 o
o 1m
I
Gesher Benot Yo'okov. Detailed distribution mop of Loyer 11-6, level 1 (partial)
': '\vJ N,Q~()~ :'2'~:'
~ ,~~
109
eM
Introduction: the debated issues and scavenging of large bovids, while Upper Paleolithic animal
the Mousterian chronology bone assemblages were largely the result of hunting and
T
trapping. Such differences can be interpreted as gradual
he origin of modem humans, whose earliest fossils innovation or improvement in tool use but may indicate the
were recovered in Middle Paleolithic deposits, has introduction of new techniques.
been in recent years at the center of a lively debate. Needless to say, other scholars have suggested alternative
Both the dating of the fossils, their attribution to one or two interpretations. The advocates for regional continuity in
populations and their archaeological contexts are under the Levant also view the European sequences as
constant revision (Figure 1). The rival evolutionary models demonstrating similar continuity (Clark and Lindly 1989;
Clark 1992) in spite of overwhelming evidence to the
that try to accommodate the evidence and explain 'when' contrary (e.g., Harrold 1989).
and 'where' modem humans, as defined by their morpho-
type charcteristics, emerged are dubbed the 'multiregional In recent years, the chronology of the Levantine
evolution' and the 'out of Africa' models. The relevance of Mousterian has been the subject of major controversy.
the Levantine fossils and their lithic industries to this Alternative chronological frameworks which indicated the
intriguing argument is discussed in various publications much older age of Qafzeh (Bar-Yosef and Vandermeersch
(e.g., Vandermeersch 1981, 1992; Bar-Yosef 1989a,b, 1981; Tchemov 1981) were criticized (Jelinek 1982a) but
1992; Grlin and Stringer 1991; Marks 1991; Tillier 1992; were supported later when Thermoluminescence (TI.) and
Trinkaus 1989, 1992; Wolpo££ 1989). In brief, the main Electron spin resonance (ESR) readings became available
controversies emerge from the following observations: (Valladas et al. 1988; Schwarcz et al. 1988, 1989). The
older age of Tabun D and E (Bar-Yosef 1989b) gained
1. Nuclear and mitochondrial DNA indicate that it is quite
possible that modern humans came out of Africa sometime support from the ESR dates (Grlin and Stringer 1991).
between 400,000 and 60,000 years ago. However, new TI. dates (Mercier and Valladas in press),
2. A few fragmentary skeletal and rare isolated skulls, defined indicate that the Tabun sequence is even older and suggest
as archaic Homo sapiens, were dated to about 100,000 that Tabun D is about 270-300,000 years old (see opening
years ago in south and east Africa and could be considered paragraph, Chapter 4). The ESR ages for Tabun C are
as the predecessors of modern humans. supported by the ESR and TI. dates for Skhul as about ca.
3. The morphological and metrical variability among the 100-120,000 BP (Figure 2). The ages for Kebara layers
Middle Paleolithic human fossils in the entire Near East Xll-vn are between 60-64 and 48,000 BP (both TI. and
and especially in the Holy Land is larger than the recorded ESR) and for Amud cave, with the same industry, ESR
variability among Middle Paleolithic fossils in Western dates are around 47-55. Similarly, Tor Farj in Jordan
Europe. Among these there are those that were named
'Proto Cro-Magnons' (uncovered mainly in Qafzeh and provided dates at the same range of 60-50,000 BP (Henry,
Skhul) and were assumed to be the ancestors of the personal communication). Considered together with the
European Cro-Magnons (e.g., Vandermeersch 1981, stratigraphic evidence, it seems that the Levantine
1989). Others were classified as Neanderthals although Mousterian lasted from about 270,000 (or 180,000) BP
they differ from those of western and central Europe (e.g., to about 47-45,000 BP (Figure 2).
Trinkaus 1984).
4. The earliest Levantine Upper Paleolithic assemblages reflect
a rapid change of flint knapping technique that is Paleoclimate and chronological
cautiously dated to around 47-45 ka BP. From 38-35 ka uncertainties
BP blade technologies fully dominate most of the Upper
The late Middle Pleistocene and Upper Pleistocene
Paleolithic sequence. The poor conservation of early Upper
Paleolithic sites precludes conclusions concerning changes paleoclimatic sequence is based on studies in the caves of
in subsistence, mortuary practices or even intra-site the Lebanese coastal range, the Galilee and Mt. Carmel as
distribution of faunal and lithic remains. well as the valley basins. Incorporation of the data from
5. Most Middle Paleolithic faunal assemblages reflect hunting both inland and coastal sites is attempted here based
of small and medium-sized animals and opportunistic essentially on the Lebanese shoreline evidence (Sanlaville
112 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Ofer Bar-Yosef
• l;tasaK a~
.2 .1
• EI· Kown
AI Hadithali .
M editerran ean Sea
Figure 1 A map of Middle Paleolithic sites in the Levant (1) Douara; (2) Jerf Aila; (3) Keoue; (4) Nahr Ibrahim; (5) Ras el Kelb; (6) Ksar Akil; (7)
Yabrud; (8) Bezez; (9) Shukbah; (10) Fara II; (11) Rosh Ein Mor; (12) Ain Aqev; (13) Ain Difla (14) Tor Farai; (l5) Tor Sabiha
1981), the reinterpretation of the Tabun cave sequence directly linked to the Pleistocene marine stratigraphy.
(e.g., Bar-Yosef 1989b; Grtin and Stringer 1991), the TL Coastal abrasion with episodal arid sporadic depositional
and ESR dated Mousterian sites (Qafzeh, Skhul, Kebara, events left a series of clear-cut marine terraces, dunal
Tabun; see Figure 2), and the Negev and Transjordanian accumulations and beach-rocks. Sanlaville's detailed
sites (Goldberg, this volume; Goldberg 1986; Henry 1986). studies (1981) defined a sequence of marine terraces of
The Lebanese coast, where the mountains descend both transgressive and regressive character, ranging in
directly into the sea, provides a series of sites that are altitude between 20 and 8 m above sea-level, named
The Origin of Modem Humans 113
SQk~cIa!ltrtiL::$- _______________________________________________________________________~~~~~_~~~()!:I!.':I!~ __
_~-_~~~~~~~ ___~_l __± ________________________________________________________________ .1
LEGEND:
=:=
____ AAR
~~~ Ei~:~~0~~~~e
Tabun 0 ::,i .
_n ... n n
: . .
B 8
I
EARLY MOUSTERIAN
.----------.-•• - ••• - •• -~.-.----.-- ••• -.-------.----- •• ---- ••••••••• ~yt:}•• - •• ----.---.~---------------------- --------------------------------------------------------------.-._._--.--
Tabun Ea ,:
:
:
- -----~~.~====~------
AVO e
------- - - --- --e- - -e- ---- .. ---------
.-------------------o-----------~------------------- ACHEULO-YABRUDIAN
3 5 I 6 I 7 8 I 9 I 10
K YRS 30 40 50 80 70 80 90 100 110 120 130 140 150 160 170 180 190 200 210 220 230 240 250 260 270 280 290 300 310 320 330 340 3SO
Figure 2 Distribution of 14C, TI., ESR, amino add racemization (MRI, mass spectrometer Uranium series (MS-UI for early Upper Paleolithic and
Middle Paleolithic sites. The vertical line marks the appraximate age for 7 the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic. Nate the descrepency between the
the ESR and TL dates for Tabun C, 0, and Ea; acceptance of these dates meons that the Mousterian sequence began earlier than previously accepted
Enfean I and n and Naamean. Only the Enfean n which would correlate it with Tabun cave, Layer E, or
shoreline deposits contained the Strombus bubonius Lmk. Isotope Stage 9 or 7.
a West African molluskan species which usually designates The geological studies in Tabun cave, which lies 45 m
the Tyrrhenian faunas in the Mediterrranean basin. This above sea level, clarified the site's stratigraphy (Jelinek
Senegalese species, penetrated to the Western Mediterra- 1982a,b; Farrand 1979, 1982) and made it into a general
nean at least during Isotope Stage 7 and never reached the cultural yardstick. The lower part of the sequence
southern Levant due to the dominant sandy environment (Garrod's layers G, F and half of E - 'TayacianlTabunian',
of its shoreline. Instead, the Tyrrhenian fauna is Upper Acheulean and Acheulo-Yabrudian) are predomi-
considered to be represented by Marginopora, a nandy sandy, and resemble the modern dune sands of the
foraminifera that inhabits warm sea water, probably not Mt. Cannel shoreline (Farrand 1979). The upper part of
more than 30 m deep. Sandy deposits that contain this Layer E (Acheulo-Yabrudian) becomes increasingly silty,
species and identified in Mt. Carmel between the 6m and while the deposit of Layer D (Mousterian) resembles loess,
the 45m beaches, were tentatively correlated with presumably from the Sinai and Egyptian deserts (Farrand
Tyrrhenian shorelines of the Western Mediterranean 1979). The lower sandy unit in Tabun (Garrod's Layers G,
(Horowitz 1979). F and part of E) contains evidence for at least two
Enfean I and Enfean n shorelines were uncovered inside slumping events, apparendy caused by the lowering of the
and in front of the caves of Ras el-Kelb, as well as Bezez water table which could hardly be a local event. Such
and Abri Zumoffen, near Adlun (Roe 1983). A major changes could have been during each of the Pre-
transgressive shoreline deposit without Strombus shells Middle Paleolithic glacials and interglacials when the
was identified at Abri Zumoffen. This 12 m beach is shore of the Mediterranean reached the steep escarpment
overlaid by.lithic assemblages of the Mugharan Tradition of Mt_ Cannel, perhaps earlier than Isotope Stage 9 or 7.
(Amudian and Yabrudian). Although it was assigned to the The repeated retreat of the sea could have caused these
Enfean n on the sole basis of altimetric considerations, it is slumping phenomena (Isotope Stages 11-10, 9-8 and
suggested to re-date it to post-Enfean I (Bar-Yosef 1992b), 7-6?).
114 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * OMr Bar-Yosef
The accumulation of the more silty upper Layer E and 'Tabun B' industry and probably to Amud cave as well as
the 'loessial' deposit of Layer D are taken to indicate that Tor Faraj and Tor Sabiha (Henry 1986), two rock-shdters,
the source of the sand (i.e., the shore) was further away located in the hilly area of southern Jordan.
from the cave at this time. These conditions could be In wadi terraces in the Negev and dsewhere, the
correlated with the continuous deposition of the kurkar erosional phase which followed the accumulation of the
ridge, 2 km west of the cave and the hamra formation, that gravelly unit indicates arid conditions (Goldberg 1986)
indicates a woodland landscape. Such wetter conditions during 75-65 ka. In Nahal Besor, the site of Fara n
(Horowitz 1979) could be correlated with wet phases of (Gilead 1988), which is embedded in silts, suggests that the
Stages 8 or early 6. At that time the Negev highland sites return to somewhat wetter (and possibly cold) conditions
were occupied by the Early Mousterian 'Tabun D type', as took place before the beginning of the Upper Paleolithic.
both the geomorphological and the pollen evidence This is also indicated by the deposits which underlie Boker
indicate. Tachtit. The lithic industry from Fara n is made of cobbles
The Negev Mousterian sites have so far provided very and shaped by predominantly unidirectional convergent
few clues for their dates. The stratigraphic position preparation. An additional open air site is Biqat Quneitra,
indicates that Mousterian sites existed in this desert area located on the basalt plateau of the Golan, where rich
before the deposition of the massive, well rounded lithic and faunal assemblages were recovered (Goren-Inbar
gravds interpreted as the results of higher and more 1990). ESR dates provide an age of about 53 k yrs (Ziaei
sustained discharges under a climatic regime wetter than et al. 1990) to the industry which is dominated by the
today's (Goldberg 1986). In the current interpretation it radial and convergent preparation. Finally, no clear
will be Isotope Stages 5d-5a. This reconstruction is evidence for a climatic break marks the onset of the Upper
supported by the U-series dates of fossil travertines from Paleolithic. A summary of the chronology of Middle
the Ain Aqev area (Schwarcz et al. 1980) and by the few Paleolithic sites is presented in Figure 3.
pollen samples from adjacent Mousterian sites (Horowitz
1979). Thus, sites like Rosh Ein Mor would be better
placed in Stage 6, a suggestion which is supported by
their overall lithic resemblance to Tabun D (Munday
The hominids
1979). Middle Paleolithic human fossils from Levantine sites form
During the Last Interglacial, the Strombus assemblage, one of the largest samples in Eurasia. Better known are the
a cluster of West African mollusks, penetrated into the various burials uncovered in Tabun, Skhul, Kebara,
Eastern Mediterranean basin - an event which could have Qafzeh and Amud (Plate 2). Isolated bones and teeth were
happened only during the warmest interglacials. This is found in' these sites as well as in El-wad, Geula and
the reason why the Enfean n shoreline in Lebanon is Hayonim caves.
rdated to Isotope Stage 5e and covered by industries that Morphologically the Levantine homonids, as mentioned
can be included in the 'Tabun C type (see below), such as above, are divided into two groups; the first is known as
Ras d Kelb, Bezez and Naame. The dry and warm 'western Asia neanderthals' or Mediterranean Nean-
conditions which characterize the second half of an derthals while the others are classified as 'Proto-Cro-
interglacial may explain the faunal assemblage collected in Magnons'. The first group includes the skdetons from
the lower Mousterian layers in Qafzeh cave. The TL and Tabun, Kebara and Amud, the second those found in Skhul
ESR dates for these layers range from 92-115 ka (see and Qafzeh (Plate 3). It is worth mentioning that the
Figure 2) and indicate that the burials were probably done hominids from Shanidar cave, in the Zagros mountains,
over a period of at least 20,000 years during Stage 5. are also classified as Neanderthals (Trinkaus 1984). The
Recent dates from Skhul suggest a similar interval two groups are differentiated morphologically (e.g., Smith,
although the exact provenience of dated flints and teeth is this volume; Tillier 1992, Trinkaus 1992; Vandermeersch
unknown. 1992 with references) although they do share some
The dry and cold conditions of Stage 4 are probably common features.
responsible for the erosion in the main chamber of Kebara The Skhul-Qafzeh group has higher skulls with flatter
cave (Bar-Yosef et al. 1992). This was followed by the faces than the Neanderthal group. The mandibular gap
rather rapid accumulation of Mousterian layers between the ramus and the last molar is reduced or absent.
approximately 4.5-5 m thick, rich in hearths, bones, Their legs were longer, although there is little indication
charcoal and lithic artefacts dated to 65160-48 ka by TL that they were taller than the other group. Comparing the
and ESR. In Unit xn an almost complete burial of an adult Skhul and the Qafzeh skdetons the latter are the more
male, classified as a Neanderthal, was uncovered in 1983 remote from the Neanderthal group, resembling the more
(Bar-Yosef et al. 1988; Bar-Yosef and Vandermeersch modern Homo sapiens. Due to their 'transitional'
1991). The lithic analysis (Meignen and Bar-Yosef 1991) characteristics, the first researchers, McCown and Keith,
indicates that the assemblages of Kebara are similar to the interpreted the entire sample as a local population•. It was
The Origin of Modem Humans 115
~
170
AlN AQEV? both periods are compared across Europe and Western
160 DOUARAIV? :, Asia this transition can be defined as a revolution. Several
190 ~
JERFAJLA ? major features went through significant changes which are
200 not so obvious when we compare the latest Mousterian to
210 the Early Upper Paleolithic. Similar to other revolutions,
'TABUN- 0 type' YABRUD 1.11-23
7
220 ROSH EIN MOR? the change is better demonstrated when a slightly later
230 period is examined, after the revolution took place. In the
240 case of the European sequence, the proliferation of antler
250 ZUTTIYEH i3. and bone tools, mobile art objects and the cave art in the
ACHEULO-YABRUDIAN ea~ler than 250k
21Q.4OO
southwestern comer of the continent, are well known. In
the Near East, it is more the ephemeral character of the
Upper Paleolithic sites that indicates higher mobility - the
Figure 3 A composite chronological table bosecI on the dates from
evolved blade technology, the appearance of grinding
Figure 2, that indicates the overlapping between ESR and TL dates. As
yet undated sites are indicated by a question mark. The chronological
tools, the modest use of bone and antlers mark the shift.
position of the hominids is noted in the far-right column. Note the two That the change was rapid is clearly demonstarted by the
possible dates far the Tabun Woman (from Layer CJ 14C dates. Until 48-46,000 BP Mousterian industries are
dominant while from 42,000 BP onwards blade industries
are the basic stone tool-kits. This is well expressed in the
only later that the woman from Tabun was grouped with few excavated and recorded sites.
the West Asian Neanderthals. The Levantine Upper Paleolithic began with two
Similar differences were noted in the metric attributes of versions of a 'Transitional Industry' - one in the central
the teeth that happen to be smaller among the more Levant in Ksar Akil, Lebanon (Ohnuma 1988; Ohnuma
modern populations. The local Neanderthals have short and Bergman 1990) and the other in the Negev, namely in
more prognathic faces. Differences in the length and angles Boker Tachtit (Marks and Kaufman 1983). The transition
of limb bones are interpreted as reflecting unknown from the Mousterian to the Upper Paleolithic in Ksar Akil
behavioral differences between these two groups (Trinkaus is characterized by the continued use of the unipolar
1992). These morphological charcateristics developed since Levallois core reduction strategy. Similar unipolar
infancy as shown by Tillier (1992). Only further convergent blanks, which in the late Mousterian times
archaeological investigations will be able to document were shaped into radoirs and points, were modified into
whether it is the nature of the behavioral differences that is end scrapers, chamfered pieces (an end scraper in which
reflected in the bones of these humans while living in the the working edge was obtained by a transverse blow) and
Levant or if Neanderthal morphology is of foreign origins. burins. The study by Ohnuma and Bergman (1990)
indicates that prismatic, unipolar cores dominate the
earliest assemblages of Ksar Akil (XXV-XXI) with
Maior transitions
diminishing numbers of Levallois cores_ This industry
The transition from the Lower Paleolithic to the Middle directly evolves into the full-blown blade based Ahmarian.
Paleolithic is generally considered to be not well defined. Marks and Volkman (1986), while reanalyzing the
Several scholars have suggested including the Acheulo- Mousterian assemblages of Ksar Akil, demonstrated that
116 Part II * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Ofer Bar-Yosef
Plate 2 The skull from Amud cave (The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) Plate 3 A skull from Qafzeh cave (photograph: B. Vandermeersch)
a trend to radial preparation is well expressed in the literature: (a) sites that designate residential moves and (b)
latest Mousterian assemblages and, therefore, they could sites of logistical moves(Binford 1980). In the Near East,
not have been the technological origin of the unipolar Mortensen proposed two models known as circular and
and bipolar Early Upper Palaeolithic Transitional radial mobility. The first means that the entire group moves
Industry. However, it is worth mentioning that there is while the second accepts the notion of a base camp and
a stratigraphic gap in Ksar Akil between the Middle and stations for task forces within the surrounding territory. In
the Upper Paleolithic and the samples of the earliest reality, the two models were probably mixed together as
Upper Paleolithic assemblages (XXV-XXIV) are quite the subsistence strategies depend on the ability to predict
poor. the placement of various resources. The accessability,
predictability and reliability of the dispersed resources
could have been different from year to year, especially in
Settlement Pattern
the eastern Mediterranean where the distribution of the
The information concerning the number of Middle rains depended on several storm tracks. During some years
Paleolithic sites is incomplete although many are known the main storms would come through North Africa,
from surface scatters. Many sites have been destroyed by making the southern part of the country richer and lusher;
erosion and are now found as isolated pieces incorporated in other years, the rain was mostly distributed towards the
in gravel and aliuviaVcoliuvial deposits. Moreover, the northern region. In both cases areas along the coastal plain
clustering of all Mousterian sites into one entity ignores from the Galiliee to Judea would have been wetter that any
their temporal range which, by the new chronology, is other area. This means that survival in Mt. Carmel was
much longer than suggested in most of the summaries always feasible. In addition, one has to take into account as
published before 1989. If the current TL and ESR dates get limiting factors the neighboring groups and competition
further support in the future, the Mousterian period lasted with other predators. Although we know very little about
at least from about 180,000 BP (or more) to about 47- the vegetal diet of the Mousterian, it seems from the
46,000 BP. example of Kebara cave to be rather limited (see Plate 1.1
Prehistoric sites of hunter-gatherers are generally in Window 1 p. 122). We therefore employ here the
classified in relation to the pattern of mobility of the typology of camp-sites as devised for modern humans but
group. On the whole, two kinds are well explored in the with reservation.
The Origin of Modem Humans 117
On the basis of their known contents, Mousterian sites between D and C. In Kebara about 4 m of ashes and fine
can be defined as (a) hunting/gathering ephemeral camps, sediments were deposited from 60/65 to 48 ka (see
and (b) kinds of base camps. The first class is often Chapter 4). In Ksar Akil an accumulation about 18 m
represented by low frequencies of artifacts relative to the thick represents a time span from ca. 45 ka to 20 ka
excavated volume, sometimes a large number of curated (based on 14C). Of course, there are many sites in which
pieces, and a paucity of primary chipping that is the intensity of use is less impressive and a gradual
expressed in the rarity of cores. In other cases, when the change can be observed as one moves into semiarid/arid
sites were hunting stations, most of the tools were regions or high altitudes.
produced locally and many pieces can be refitted (Gilead The distribution of Mousterian sites with the thicker
1988). The list of ephemeral sites will include in Mt. deposits in the Mediterranean coastal belt was already
Carmel the sites of Tirat Carmel, that was perhaps a noted by S. Binford (1968) who suggested human groups
quarry site (Ronen 1974), Sefunim cave that could have were moving across the countryside in an east-west
served as a hunter's shelter (Ronen 1984), and perhaps direction following the main wadi courses. Studies of tooth
Geula cave (Wreschner 1967), although only a small increments of gazelles (Lieberman and Meadow 1992)
portion of the cave remained after the modern quarrying indicate that even among the cave sites located on the west-
activities. In the lower layers of the Qafzeh cave the facing slopes of the coastal ranges, the season of
remains of a range of special activities have been found, occupation differs from one locale to the next.
including building fires, and human burials. A special case When the intra-site patterning is examined it becomes
are the rock-shelters found in the Judean desert (Neuville obvious that there is no use of stones in hearths for
1951) for which we do not possess the entire assemblages cooking or providing warmth. Small round-oval hearths
(although Erq el-Ahmar layer H provided the same were uncovered in Qafzeb and Kebara. A large hearth, 5 m
limited assemblage as Sefunim). Several plateau sites in in diameter, was reported from Douara Cave (Syria), layer
the Avdat area (Munday 1979) served as a basis for IV (Akazawa 1987).
reconstructing, with Rosh Ein Mor, the settlement pattern The available evidence concerning the spatial
for the Negev Highlands (Marks 1981). Fara II was both distribution of artifacts within the archaeological horizons
a quarry site and a hunting station; Quneitra possibly of the Mousterian is rather scanty. Spatial analysis in Rosh
served as a hunting station on the edge of a seasonal Zin suggested to Stevens and Hietala (1977) a pattern of
pond (Goren-Inbar 1990). repeated occupations in which Levallois points, burins, end
Base camps or intensively used sites include Tabun cave scrapers and notches were usually aggregated in the same
(see opening photo Chapter 4), Qafzeh layers XV-VB area over the total thickness of the site (ca. 1 m) within the
where numerous animal bones, mostly of large- and excavated block (45 m3 ). A certain patterning is suggested
medium-sized mammals were found (Bouchud 1974), in Kebara where the area of the hearths and distributed
Kebara cave (Bar-Yosef et al. 1992), El-Wad G-F (Garrod ashes contain a few artifacts while all the bones, the lithics
and Bate 1937), Amud cave (Suzuki and Takai 1970; and the small debitage are laid around, towards the rear
Hovers et al. 1991) and probably some levels at Hayonim part of the cave. Infrared Spectroscopy demonstarted that
cave. If well preserved, these sites contain the remains of the areas without bones did not contain bones. The small
numerous hearths (see Window 1: Kebara cave, Plate 1.1) percentage of burnt bones (Speth in Bar-Yosef 1992) is the
and the seasonality evidence would indicate repeated same as in later periods, thus it does not preclude-cooking
occupations during the year. In the case of Kebara cave, over the fire.
gazelle were hunted during summer and winter (Lieberman
and Meadow 1992) and legumes collected in the spring. It
Innovations and technology
is still premature to ascertain whether the Mousterian
groups were sedentary in the same sense as the Natufian, There is evidence for the use of fire during the Late
but they stayed for longer periods in what seems to have Acheulean, but the better preserved information comes
been a relatively small territory of several hundred square from Middle Paleolithic deposits. Mousterian hearths,
kilometers. when intact such as in the lower layers at Qafzeh and
Site size and intensity of occupation (artifacts per Kebara are generally small (30-60 em in diameter).
cubic meter) are difficult to discuss due to insufficient However, it should be mentioned that a large hearth was
published information. However, it should be stressed uncovered in Douara Cave (Akazawa 1987). These
that several sites lend the impression of having been used features differ considerably from the ashy deposits of Layer
relatively quite often. For example, in Tabun Cave a total C in Tabun Cave (Jelinek 1981, 1982a,b; Garrod and Bate
of 8 m accumulated between 270/180-50/60 ka (layers 1937) that are interpreted as being the result of brush fires.
D:'B, without the accumulation in the chimney which Micromorphological evidence suggests that different types
was about 3 m thick). This sequence, besides slumping of combustibles (e.g., wood, grass) were burned in the
and minor gaps, includes a major erosional phase various hearths in Kebara (see Window 2 in Chapter 4).
118 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Ofer Bar-Yosef
Branches of Tabor oak (Quercus ithaburensis) were the
most commonly used (U. Baruch, personal communica-
tion). Phytolith analysis aimed at the identification of
grasses is underway in both Kebara and Hayonim caves
(A. Miller-Rosen, personal communication).
Due to the lack of well-preserved wood or bark objects,
most of the information about the available technology
employed by Mousterian groups is derived from lithic
studies.
The new way in which Mousterian assemblages are
currently examined is known as the chaIne operatoire
approch (Geneste et al. 1990; d . Hall and Levy, this
volume). This is the dynamic process that exposes, when
clearly analyzed, the choices made by humans. It begins
with the selection and transportation of raw material,
through the production of the blanks, the using andJor re-
shaping and using of artifacts (Dibble 1987), to the final
discard of utilized objects and other debitage elements. It is
assumed, as based on the analysis of ethnoarchaeologically Plate 4 A radiallevallios core from Kebara cave (photo: Kebara
recorded operational sequences, whether in stone, pottery archives)
or metal, that the series of sequential decisions reflected in
the analyzed operational chain are determined by the
technical traditions of the studied human group. Aspects type-list is used by most researchers in a reduced version.
such as differential selection of raw material, methods used Progress in understanding site formation processes made it
for the knapping, and the selection of the blanks for either clear that the percentages of retouched pieces, debitage
use or retouch and use, are derived from the technical (unretouched blanks often longer than 2.5 cm), debris and
habits of the given population. On the basis of cores in an excavated assemblage reflect a wide range of
ethnographically and historically studied groups, it is activities including: the type of occupation, different
assumed that the methods used for tool manufacturing activities such as retooling, curation of selected artifacts,
among prehistoric groups were transmitted orally or and production of an expedient industry nature which is a
through imitation from one generation to the next. result of the quality andJor abundance of raw material.
However, in a prehistoric social entity, either Middle Paleolithic prehistoric groups are now better
synchronically or diachronically, individuals possess the defined on the basis of their operational reduction
knowledge of several, interrelated techniques from which sequence, their exploitation of raw material, and the
they are able to choose a certain mode or modes. Each of choices made in shaping certain retouched pieces. The
the modes is defined as the existing options through which premise of the 1970s - that under the same environmental
a preconceived object can be produced and later used, circumstances different groups will produce similar lithic
while taking into account the presence of constraints such industries because function and raw materials are the
as the quality, availability and accessibility of raw material. dominant factors - is not accepted any more. In the same
When choices, methods and modes are recurrent, they place and from the same abundant raw materials the
cluster into what archaeologists characterize as the Mousterian artisans of Mt. Carmel succeeded in producing
expression of a social group (Geneste et al. 1990). different industries.
In the case of the Levantine Mousterian, the study of the The definition of the Levantine Mousterian is based on
various Levallois methods indicate that Levallois core the Tabun sequence and has been roughly subdivided into
reduction can be achieved by either radial, unidirectional three phases labelled 'Tabun D-type, Tabun C-type, and
or bidirectional removals (Plate 4). In addition, the distal Tabun B-type' or 'Mousterian Phase 3,2,1' (Copeland
and lateral convexity of cores can be obtained either by 1975; Jelinek 1982a,b; Bar-Yosef 1989a,b; Meignen and
radial flaking or by unidirectional eclat debordant ('lateral Bar-Yosef 1991). The basic morphological charcteristics of
core-edge flake'; see Boeda 1988). Variations can be the assemblages are as follows:
identified at each stage of the operational sequence and
1. 'Tabun D-type'. Blanks, blades, and elongated points
may occur in numerous combinations. The best way to were predominantly removed from Levallois unipolar
study these sequences is by refitting and through tedious convergent cores, and more rarely from bipolar cores,
replicatory experiments. with minimal preparations of the striking platforms.
Although F. Bordes employed quantitative analysis of Elongated retouched points, numerous blades, racloirs
assemblages as the basis for defining 'cultures', his famous and burins are among the common tool types. Rare
The Origin of Modern Humans 119
Plates 5 and 6 Two Levo llios points from Kebara cave (photographs: Kebara archives)
bifaces occur in Tabun Cave (that could have been a Additional refinement is urgently needed as well as a better
mixture with Tabun layer E). This industry is found in dating resolution for the Early Upper Paleolithic.
Tabun D, Abu Sif, Sahba, Rosh Ein Mor, Nahal Aqev 3, The Levantine Mousterian differs markedly from the
Hayonim cave, Jerf Ajla, and Douara layer IV (Plate 5). Mousterian facies in the Zagros and the Taurus mountains,
1. 'Tabun C type'. The blanks, often ovaloid flakes,
although the industry of Karain Cave (in southwest
sometimes large, were struck from Levallois cores,
Turkey) has a more substantial component of radial
through radial preparation or from bi-polar cores.
Triangular points appear in small numbers (Plate 5). This Levallois preparation (that differs from the Zagros
industry is common in Qafzeh (Boutie 1989), Tabun layer assemblages). The number of retouched pieces in these
C, Skhul and Naame (Fleisch 1970). assemblages is higher than in the Levant, perhaps due to
3. 'Tabun B type'. Blanks were mainly removed from unipolar constraints of raw materials.
convergent Levallois cores with small frequencies of radial Stone tools were produced mainly for maintenance
preparation. Broad based points, often short, thin flakes activities (preparing wooden spears, digging-sticks,
and some blades are common. The best examples for this scrapers and knives for hide working, etc.) and
industry are Kebara units Vl-Xll, Tabun B, Amud and procurements tasks (e.g., stone spear (Shea 1988) heads
Bezez B (Meignen and Bar-Yosef 1991). for hunting, butchering knives, and so on). Unfortunately,
The suggestion to see 'Tabun B type' and 'Tabun C type' most of the direct evidence concerning Middle Paleolithic
industries as two facies of the same entity (Ronen 1979) diet still comes from the analysis of the preserved animal
was not well established and the new technological bones. Rare finds from sites such as the Kebara and
analyses, together with the radiometric dates, make this Douara caves indicate that we are missing the vegetal
proposition untenable (Meignen and Bar-Yosef 1991). menu. By comparison with other low to mid-latitude
I, therefore, suggest referring to the stratigraphic hunter-gatherers, it can be assumed that their diet was
sequence of Tabun as a scale and as a basis for correlation based primarily on fruits, seeds, leaves and tubers. In
with other sites and industries (see Figure 3) . In sum, this Douara cave, near Palmyra, the fruits of the Celtis sp.
would place the Late Acheulean in Stages 9 and 8, the (Akazawa 1987) were found. Legume seeds, mostly
Acheulo-Yabrudian as well as 'Tabun D type' assemblages various species of vetch, occur in all the Mousterian layers
in Stages 7 and 6, the 'Tabun C type' (Qafzeh, Skhul) will in Kebara (E. Lev, personal communication), indicating the
be in the early part of Stage 5 (1301110-90/80 ka) and presence of humans in the cave in springtime and the
'Tabun B type' from about 90/80 ka to 47/45 ka. exploitation of carbohydrates at the time of seasonal stress.
120 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Ofer Bar-Yosef
~
Sample size, QJ
e!
n= ~C) ~.
C)~
I~
l'
Masloukh (1273)
Abri Zumoffen (196) III
-
Ksar 'Akil29-26 (2719)
Ksar 'Akil 36-30 (451)
Kebara (2098)
•
Hayonim
Shukbah
(186)
(?) •
..
Farah 11 (147)
Douara (650)
Skhul (668)
I I
0 50%
Figure 4 Frequencies of animal bones from Acheulo-Yabrudian and Mouslerian sites from the coastal mountains of the Levant (bosed on the table
in Bar-Yosef 1989a).
It is quite possible that the differences between Middle Tabun layer E are of large animals (Bas primigenius,
and Upper Paleolithic humans were in the ways in which rhinoceros and equids),
vegetal resources were collected and prepared for food. 2. Large mammals are predominant in the two open-air
Carbonized plant remains from Ohalo II - a Late Upper Mousterian sites - Farah IT (Gilead and Grigson1984) and
Paleolithic (19,000 BP) waterlogged site on the shores of Biqat Quneitra (Davis et al. 1988). It was suggested that
such bone collections reflect opportunistic scavenging (Bar-
the Sea of Galilee (see Goring-Morris, this volume) provide Yosef 1989a).
important data concerning diet. This assemblage supports 3. The dominance of fallow deer, gazelle, roe deer and a few
the contention of a wide ranging use of plants, other relatively small mammals in Kebara and Amud caves
encompassing more than 35 species. Sporadic grinding are indicative of intentional hunting (Speth and Tchemov
stones in several Upper Paleolithic contexts substantiate in Bar-Yosef et al. 1992).
this observation. 4. The tendency to consume medium and small mammals,
Other sources of information concerning the reptiles and birds continued, without apparent change, at
Mousterian economy are the faunal reports that record least from the Late Mousterlan through the Upper
both hunted and scavenged animal species. The frequencies Paleolithic. The interpretation that these assemblages
represent the results of hunting and trapping now requires
are given here in Figure 4 (from Bar-Yosef 1989a). Only a
further examination in order to find out what were the
few published studies include counts of body parts, The techniques employed, Different trapping methods could
main phenomena in the Mousterian assemblages can be mean different rates of success and, therefore, changes in
better understood when compared to the Acheulo- work load.
Yabrudian, as reflected in the bone counts (NISP):
The overall conclusion that hunting techniques developed
1. One-third of the mammalian bones in Acheulo-Yabrudian during Mousterian times is in accordance with similar
contexts such as Masloukh cave, Abri Zumoffen and situations in a Mediterranean environment in coastal Italy
The Origin of Modem Humans 121
(Stiner 1991). In prime situations where scavenging was a Garrod's hesitations, to better suit the current
time and energy saving strategy, the Mousterian people interpretation. Fossils with the 'Tabun C type' industry
took advantage of the available carcasses. are those of Skhul, Qafzeh, and Tabun n (the mandible).
Fossils with the 'Tabun B type' are Kebara, Tabun I, and
Amud. Currently we have no human fossils associated with
Symbolic behavior
the 'Tabun D type' industry. Uncovering additional human
Human burials from the Middle Paleolithic provide one of remains will facilitate the testing of the hypothesis that the
the earliest views of human ideology in the Levant. The archaeological assemblages included in this entity, or an
suggestion to view Mousterian burials as depositional earlier one (such as a Late Acheulean of Levallois facies),
accidents was refuted (Belfer-Cohen and Hovers 1992). were produced by an in-coming African or a local
Perhaps the most important observation that should be population.
stressed is that in the active formation processes which Superficially, there seems to be a correlation between
characterize the Levantine cave-sites, not one skeleton - certain lithic industries and the fossils. However, the reader
whether animal or human - would remain intact unless is reminded that there are early manifestations of blade
well covered. The evidence for intermittent occupations of industries (in Stage 6 and Se) in the Levant and Western
humans and hyaenas is obvious when micromorphological Europe (Jelinek 1990; Otte and Keeley 1990) which are
analysis is used as a tool for deciphering the micro site not necessarily associated with modem looking hominids.
formation processes. The evidence for such alternate Making blades by removals from flat shaped unidirectional
occupations was uncovered in each of the properly cores is an invention that is repeated several times. It is
examined sites such as Kebara and Hayonim" caves (see only with the appearance of prismatic cores, at the
Goldberg, this volume). beginning of the Upper Paleolithic, that both the invention
There are no demonstrable differences between the and the needs come together to play a driving role in the
burials left by Middle Paleolithic modern-looking hominids newly shaped lithic assemblages. In sum, the association
(Skhul and Qafzeh) or the local Mediterranean Neander- between the fossil hominids and the archaeological
thals (Tabun, Kebara and Amud). It is worth mentioning assemblages indicates that modem-looking, hominids
that we often assume that the hominids were buried in their such as those from Qafzeh and Skhul, produced
own camps, whether occupied repeatedly (like Kebara) or Mousterian industries which show no hints of developing
ephemerally (like the lower layers at Qafzeh). This requires into characteristic Upper Paleolithic industries. Therefore,
further detailed examination that our archaeological we may conclude that the transition from Middle to Upper
analytical tools are not yet able to produce. Paleolithic was mainly a socio-economic and cultural
revolution unrelated to the morphological differences that
are observed among the human fossils. It is possible to
Conclusions: processes and change hypothesize that this cultural shift occurred within the
The chronology of the Middle Paleolithic fossils which descendents of populations similar to the Qafzeh-Skhul
contribute to the recent debate is presented in Figure 2 (see group although no fossils from the end of the Levantine
Smith, this volume). I have placed the woman from Tabun Mousterian are available. Only additional human relics
in the context of Layer B, where it seems, in view of will enable the testing of this hypothesis.
, ,
122 WINDOW 1
CASESTtIDy: KEBARA CAVE time passed, they moved their center of activities
'!_~1:~l~~~~!~~~J~~~ii·l."
indoors
slop~d
't~IAI.:~~:~~:~;~:~~,~§:
. bedroi:[(.~asfoLndbe low several sterile, mostly wa~er
laid laye/~(u nits Xlv5 XV), The Upper Paleolithic was
excavated over 'a limited surface (units IV-I). These
layers correspond to Turville-Petre's E and lower D and
were dated to 42 ,000 - 28,000 BP. One of the most
striking.discoveries w as a Mousterian burial of an adult.
However, theteam of researchers was interested in the
followihg ques~ions t~at ill ustrate several potential
;esearch~vende s in Middle Pa leo lithic sites: "
~ii:~i~l~i!:;~~!!~t~~~I~~~i'
'. h e~/ths t~roughtime while diagenic brocesses
Plate 1.1 Keboro cove . a general view (photo. Keboro archives)
w~re actiy€?
2. What wetethe agents and processes that resulted in the redeposition of sediments from Unit VII, that more colluvial'
accumulation of different bone assemblages in various material was washed into the cave.
parts of the cave? How do the frequencies of cut marks, The hearths are often visible as white ashy deposits and
gnaw marks, charring and fragmentation patterns reflect indicate two phases in hearth use (see Goldberg, this volume).
the varying roles of anthro pog e nic, biogenic and natural First a rounded or oval fireplace was estab lished, and laterthe ,......
processes? ..•... white ashes were distributed over a larger surface creating an
1N9~J ,#erethec)pEerational red~ctionseque!1cesernp l oyed irregular ashy lense .Y.heb:st preserved he~rths w;re un~o\'.;r~~
in fuap ~..t~ ctwiniJ)be lit h ic ind~~tries;)nclud i ?g the v.;ays in
whjthar~lfilc~swere used as viewed through [nicro;wear
a~d~ dge ~~ ~;n~g~riii cros copicstudi ~~? .
dU~~; ~~~:~~:~:t~:~sa~~~S}~~~~:~~as:~~~:~~~n0,ii~~r:co;:~~
Withigthe central area the spJfial distribution of bones and
includirig small debris, reflectsan intentional arrangeme nt,
hearths.and ashes loca ted towa rds the cave's entrance while 1, an infant, and ~fv1H-2, anadult (Plate 1 .2). The e~~~tdispositi?n
of the ,li!Q,lcs and all ,o f the bOQ~~~re dispersed towar9sit~ e
;h~l~g,~t~s:i~?!!fr~;I';~~
part of~~~~ave. Thi~SlJatial dist~j.~ution wa~/~peated I,n~he
MoustEirian layers,and was trthcated by a diagenic frDill,
meansthat the entire souther~ portio n of the cave in the
Mousterian is devoid of bones. . narrow pit with vertical si des·j'hus the thoraic caviWw~s ....
1~~~fgf::~~1~£?!~,gv~~~~I~~"
· · I?S~te d 13 ,~mb(lrth of Kebara , sh~r,~d a similar eilVironment.As
~xplained a~8~~:the MoGsterian layers D, C and Ei~tTabun; ~~ .
d ~.fined in Garrod's excavations, helplJp identify the sub-divisions
pal~~~t~i~:~~eO~;::lf~~~~i~~~:~~~:~~' ~~~~~ee~~~~i~1~~;ts·~.~· • • • • • •·
b rthe LeVaqtirieMousterian. The uni .directional convergent
. ihethod of cdI~flreparation charact~h.~tic amo ng the Kebara >
assemblages ~esemb l es that reporte~from Tabun B (Copeland the jaw and the iliac blade. Ne~. pdert hal features aregfiserved on .
1975). The Leyallois flakes in Kebara~re always the dominant the f'1'\andible, the upper limb.sand the pelvis. The ~?;'phometrics
#r?Up and ~#Levalloisp()ints are s~q. rC with a broad base a8? of t8 r ~yoid, theribs and th.~8~ [tebraI5,?IU~n fall ~itttr1 the di
\ !n~ ir strikin~BI~iform ,yv~soften sha9~i.lin the fo~~ of 'chapTau
' ~egendarrne~(Plate 5). Most of ihe<lrtlfacts in K~bara were not
rJtouched . Ext·~nsive study of edge damage demonstrated that
~i~~l~:;~i~:~f!~t~~~~~td~~?~~:S;:;ii~~;~h~~7®~~fh~a;:~~i~i
Qafi eh skeletons.Moreover;ithas a special placea lji6ilg the first
tools were used for a variety of activiti,~s and motions, inclu ding group by being the most robu~tjbdividual knovyn f~?fu .the Levant.
~utcheri ng; Yfpod working, etc., while.the Levallois points were
~sed as speat~6ints and butcherin9~SJolS (Shea 1989).
t The spati~I IY and temporally uniform, cu t-marksand burning
~igns on theahil'11alS b08,es enableu~t,o , assess the role of
H4nnans whhf\ilpsportedanimal parts into the cave. These
pieces werepiocessed and the bones were discarded,
close to the ri'o rth wall. Evidence of carn ivore gnawing and
depletion of soft ep iphyses and upper limb elements are the
[~sults of at1;itional processes operating on these bones after
they had alre4,~ybeen abandoned b~r~mans . Th~, se conclusions
db not predy'.d e the occasional dennipg of hyen as within the .'.
. c}ve, especi~lly during the Upper Pal~olithic. In addition, an
increase (frornthe Mousterian to theypper Paleolithic) in the
' proportionofifnmature gazelles andJaliow deer and the decline
in the propOrtion of very old gazelles, as well as an apparent shift
in·the sex ratf() of gazelles from mostlY females to an equal or
eve~~ale-biased sex ratio, Ijere observed. These
reflect sh~nges in th~seasonaJi}X9tsite
Plate 1.2
9
THE FORAGERS OF THE UPPER
PALEOLITHIC PERIOD
Isaac Gilead
Introduction recovering 'living floors' are better than in the cave sites
where post dep.lsitional disturbances are more common.
Nahal Ein-Gev I
The marginal area extends to the south and east of the only evidence of vegetal remains consists of charcoal
core area, i.e., Sinai, the Negev, the southern and eastern samples from EI-Wad E and D (Bankroft 1937), and from
Jordan, and the Syrian desert (Figure 1). The most recent sites in the central Negev (Liphschitz and Waisel 1977:
research has been conducted here, mainly in the south. Table 1) and southern Sinai (Phillips 1988). Bankroft
The vegetation of the area is rather sparse, mainly bushes, identified oak, tamarix, and olive at El-Wad. The charcoal
due to the low annual average rainfall, ranging from 100- remains of the Upper Paleolithic central Negev sites
350 mm. consist of six Pistachia, three Olea, and two Tamarix
The role of the vegetation in human diet during the trees. The few wood samples from southern Sinai consist
Upper Paleolithic period is practically unknown. Danin of pistachia and quercus.
(1983: 124-6), for example, provides a list of numerous About 1400 pistachia trees grow today in the central
edible wild plants that the Bedouins use in the marginal Negev and hundreds in southern Sinai (Danin 1983: 102-
areas. These include edible leaves andlor herbaceous 4). These are the relicts of a larger population of such
stems, bulbs and roots (fresh or roasted), juicy plants and trees that existed there during the Upper Pleistocene. The
spices. Naveh (1984: Table 3.2) compiled a list of 70 pistachia, and other nuts and fruits, were probably one of
edible plant species near Sefunim Cave, in Mount Carmel. the main staples of the local Upper Paleolithic inhabitants.
In the marginal area the vegetation is sparse compared to Some of the limestone tools in the site, discussed below,
that of the core area. The vegetal mass in the latter is and were probably tools to grind them. The poor preservation
was denser, more diversified and, hence, more predictable of vegetal remains and their scarcity in the archaeological
for gatherers' subsistence. record is a major limitation in Upper Paleolithic studies.
Ethnographic analogies (e.g., Lee 1968) suggest that A key resource of the Upper Paleolithic inhabitants of
vegetal food played a more important role in the Levant the Levant was meat, mostly of medium to large
compared with its role in Europe. Unfortunately, the ungulates. The Upper Pleistocene mammalian fauna of the
botanical evidence is too scanty. Macrobotanical remains Levant witnessed no dramatic changes and most of the
are very rare in the Levantine Upper Paleolithic sites, so it now extinct ungulates survived until the late historical
is not easy to establish the nature of the vegetal diet. The periods. The most important meat sources of the Upper
The Foragers of the Upper Paleolithic Period 127
EI Ko ume
e Palmyra
Paleolithic were the bovids (mainly gazelles, cattle and in the Upper Paleolithic diet is not clear yet. They are
ibexes), cervids (mainly red deer, roe deer and fallow either absent or marginal in the Upper Paleolithic bone
deer), and the equids (horse and onager). The faunal assemblages. Tchernov (1984: 409, 416) lists a few
assemblages in the sites clearly indicate this (Table 2). elements known from Upper Paleolithic cave contexts such
There are more ungulate species in the core area than as the huge (1.20 m long) legless lizard (Ophisaurus
in the marginal area. Of the three species of the cervids, apodus), including many burnt bones, and the lizard
for example, none is reported from the marginal area Agama. The tortoise (Testudo graeca) is also present, and
during Upper Paleolithic times. The gazelles, on the other could have been preserved live for extended periods.
hand, while typical dwellers of the arid marginal zones are Pigeons and bats were probably also meat resources.
also common in the core zone. Moreover, the smaller Avnimelech (1937: 87, 91) suggested that mollusks from
territories and the higher densities of the gazelles, and the Upper Paleolithic levels of Qafzeh (Levantina
probably other herd animals, in the core area compared caesareana, Unio sp.) and Erq el-Ahmar (Levantina
with their larger territories and low densities in the hierosolyma) were eaten.
marginal zones, indicate that the biotic richness of the The faunal assemblages of the cave sites in the core area
core area was greater and its resources of meat more consist, as expected, of bones of a diversified range of
diversified and predictable (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen animals, mainly ungulates (Table 2). Generally, the most
1989: 450- 1). common species hunted were gazelle and fallow deer
The role of smaller mammals, reptiles, fish, and snails (Dama mesopotamica), along with cattle and goats. In
128 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Isaac Gilead
Table 2 Selected megafaunal assemblages from Levan6ne Upper potamus and elephants) and Epipaleolithic assemblages.
Paleolithic sites (from Gilead 1991: Table II) They suggest a subsistence economy of extensive gathering
Kscr Aldl Qafzeh Kebara EI-Wad Erit el-Ahmar of the available resources scattered over the landscape,
VI-IX 8-9 E 0 F-C 0 B rather than any specialized foraging. The faunal
assemblages, along with the small size of the sites, to be
Gazella X X X X X X X
discussed soon, suggest that the Upper Paleolithic
Alcelaphus X X X X X
Capra X X X X X X X 'foragers' of Palestine congregated in small, highly
Dama X X X X X mobile bands (Gilead 1988; Marks and Freidel 1977).
Cervus e/aphus X X X X X X The composition of the faunal assemblages thus reflects
Caprea/us X X X X X primarily the nature of the environment and, to a lesser
Procavia X X X extent, climatic change. In Lebanon, for example, the
Equus X X X X X X X fallow deer dominates the faunal assemblages, constituting
Sus
80s
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X , , X two-thirds of the bone. To the south, in the Gamee and
the Carmel caves, gazelles are also important since it was
HysIrix drier than in Lebanon (Gilead 1991: 114-15). In the
Martes X X
marginal zone, the absence of deer and the dominance of
Me/es X X X
Vorme/a X X ibex, gazelle and equids, reflect the available species, even
Hyenids X X X X X when the climate was more humid.
Canis X X X X There seems to have been no fundamental change in
Ursus X X x the subsistence economy throughout the Upper Paleolithic
Vu/pes X X X X period, until about 13,000-12,000 BP (Gilead 1988).
Felis chaus X X Moreover, the evidence for the 'Broad Spectrum
Felis silvestris X X X Revolution' in the Levant is still too meager. The
Panlhera pardus X available data does not support the suggestion that the
X= present; - = absent; , = large bovid. smaller resources (e.g., fowl, fish, mussels, snails) were
added to the diet only after 20,000 BP (Gilead 1991).
The discussion in this section has emphasized that the
addition, there are pigs, carnivores, birds, rodents and resources of the core Mediterranean area are richer and
reptiles. It is likely that owls introduced some of the bones more predictable than those of the marginal area. This
of the smaller mammals, birds, and reptiles, while the dichotomy existed during Upper Paleolithic times as well.
Paleolithic hunters brought to the sites all or most of the On this basis, one should predict that the core area of
larger mammals. Palestine was more extensively inhabited during the Upper
The Upper Paleolithic sites of the marginal area yielded Paleolithic period. That this was not always the case is
very few bones. In Ein Aqev (central Negev), for example, one of the interesting, and even somewhat enigmatic,
the bones of ibex, gazelle, and equid were too few for aspects of the Upper Paleolithic period.
detailed study (Tchernov 1976: 70). Only in the southern
Sinai sites do the faunal remains seem to be more frequent
Paleoclimates 01 the Upper Paleolithic perioJ
and better preserved (Phillips 1988: 186-7). They include
bones of Gazelle sp., Sus saara, Equus hemionis, Bas Bate (1937: 39-142), in her famous Dama-Gazella graph,
premigenius, Capra ibex, Vulpes sp., Canis lupus, Felis sp, was the first to attempt a reconstruction of the
and Haliaetus rocirer (African fish eagle). This relative paleoclimatic sequence of the Paleolithic period, on the
abundance is probably because the sites were near basis of archaeological evidence. Currently, paleoclimatic
perennial ponds or marshes. The differential distribution indicators other than fauna play the major roles in
of the bones in these sites suggests that one of them was a attempts to reconstruct past environments.
butchery site of an onager and that another site was a Palynological (Bottema and Van Zeist 1981; Horowitz
base camp. 1979) and geomorphological (Goldberg 1986) studies of
Ostrich egg shells are common in the sites of the Late Pleistocene sediments during the last two decades
marginal area. In Qadesh Barnea 601, for example, there have contributed immensely to the better paleoenviron-
were hundreds of fragments on the living horizon (Gilead mental recognition of the Upper Paleolithic period. The
and Bar-Yosef 1993). Although less common in the other various isotopic studies (Gat 1981; Issar and Gilead 1986;
sites, the evidence indicates that it was a more important Goodfriend and Magaritz 1988) add a new dimension to
component of the diet in the marginal zones, and less paleoenvironmental reconstructions. The available evi-
available in the core area. dence suggests the following general sequence of climatic
The Upper Paleolithic faunal assemblages are similar in fluctuations during the Upper Paleolithic period (Gilead
nature to the other Middle Paleolithic (excluding hippo- 1991).
The Foragers of the Upper Paleolithic Period 129
Table 3 Climatic phases of the Levantine Upper Paleolithic after 24,000 BP: Zone A-1 is less rich in arboreal pollen
Phase Years BP 0 18 stage Period
and suggests a forest-steppe vegetation.
There were, most probably, also short-term fluctuations
Climatic post 13,000 1 early Epi-paleolithic
that could have influenced human adaptations but the
amelioration
record is not yet complete enough to detect them. The
C. Very dry, 22,000-13,000 2 late Late Upper
relative abundance of settlements in the marginal zones at
cold Paleolithic about 32,000 and 14,000 BP, for example, may be the
result of such short term fluctuations, each about 1000-
B. Humid 32,000-22,000 2 early Early Upper 2000 years long.
Paleolithic
.~~
;:'.-: tffi·
4"-
2 3 4 5
6
~. a ~-CJ
..,.
7 8 9 10 11
o 2 em
-=
midden' with numerous bones (Belfer-Cohen and Bar- flint quarrying, specialized hunting, etc. This pattern of a
Yosef 1981: 21-22). Here - as in most of the other cases central site and its satellites that represent a settlement of a
- the bones and artifacts were most concentrated near the more sedentary nature - the 'radiating pattern' - is
hearths. different from the 'circulating' pattern of the more mobile
The interpretation of the hearths, and especially their Upper Paleolithic groups.
linear arrangement, is not easy since it is hard to know Lieberman (in press) has recently studied the cementum
whether each is a discrete temporal unit or they are all increment in gazelle teeth from major cave sites in Israel.
contemporaneous. A hearth, or a few hearths, in the open His study, that determines the season(s) sites were
sites, may represent a light structure, a sleeping area, or occupied, itidicates that the Upper Paleolithic sites were
other activity areas. In many cases, however, the hearth only seasonally settled, while most Natufian and some
and its surroundings feature finds that do not support a Mousterian sites ('Tabun B') were occupied on a multi-
specific task interpretation. seasonal basis. This further supports the suggestion that
Marks and Freidel (1977) carried out a settlement the Upper Paleolithic settlement system tended to be more
pattern study of a more general nature of the central seasonal while some elements of the earlier and later
Negev Stone Age sites. They suggest that during the Upper periods tended to a kind of sedentism.
Paleolithic and early Epipaleolithic periods (our Early and The two settlement systems probably signify, among
Late Upper Paleolithic) the settlement patterns were other things, two different hunter-gatherer social systems.
different from before (Mousterian) and after (Natufian). The Upper Paleolithic circular pattern, smaller and more
The Upper Paleolithic settlements are ephemeral when ephemeral in nature, represents small groups with a
compared with the others, without the pronounced inter- relatively simple social organization. The radiating pattern,
site variability of the lithic assemblages. The shift towards especially in the Natufian, signifies larger residential units
the mobile, general pattern of the Upper Paleolithic, the with a higher social complexity.
'circular pattern', is evident also in the intra-site variability
of the different levels at Boker Tachtit; coupled with the
technological shift, it marks the onset of the Upper
Non lithic obl'ects ofthe Levantine
Paleolithic pattern (Marks 1983b).
Upper Paleo ithic
The Mousterian and the Natufian settlement patterns in
Bone tools
this area are different since they feature a number of large
and intensively settled locales that were occupied for The most important contribution of the Upper Paleolithic
longer time spans. In addition, there are also small, very humans to the repertoire of artifacts is the bone tools
ephemeral sites that were used for special activities such as (Figure 7). Bone tools were manufactured before, but seem
134 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Isaac Gilead
o "
. 1\
·6 Paleolithic bone industries from Europe and the later local
Natufian industry, the Upper Paleolithic assemblages are
I
poor and monotonous, both typologically and technolo-
\ ' gically.
Most bone tools originate from Levantine Aurignacian
layers, mainly Neuville's phase IV, and the first impression
is that this craft was not practiced in the Ahmarian. It is,
however, interesting to note that the only typical
,.. f'
European Aurignacian bone tool, the base-split point,
was recovered from the Ahmarian context of El Quseir D.
I I II
5~ 6~
It is also worth noting that in most of the Levantine
."
.. I
-!I- Aurignacian sites bone tools are either scarce or entirely
absent even if animal bones were preserved. Ksar Akil and
..- ,, , 1-, ' 0 , 2
Hayonim D are rather exceptional. Another point to
2 fA ~cm consider is that the sites that best represent the early
Ahmarian are in the arid zones, where the preservation of
animal bones, and consequently the bone tools, is
7 extremely poor. In the Wadi Feiran sites where the
-~:i
preservation of bones is relatively better than in the other
desert sites, there is a bone point in the site of Abu Noshra
II (Phillips 1988: 187). In short, it is difficult to evaluate
properly the significance of the association between bone
.' , tools and the Aurignacian.
, '
Figure 7 Bone tools from Hayonim D, 1, 7: awlsi 2-6: poinlsi 8: The earliest stone objects originate from the lowest Upper
decorated haft ("i 9: polisher; 10-11: teeth pendanls (from Belfer- Paleolithic layer (9) in Qafzeh cave: a flat mortar and a
Cohen and Bar-Yosef, 1981, Figure 61 handstone of basalt (Ronen and Vandermeersch 1972,
Figure 8). Stains of ochre are clearly visible on the rim of
the quem-like stone, suggesting that it was a color grinder.
to be rather an exception in earlier periods. However, A cobble with one extremity showing traces of ochre was
during the Upper Paleolithic times a large corpus of bone reported from EI-Khiam (Perrot 1951: 139).
tools reflects a relatively standard industry in terms of Layer D at Hayonim cave yielded a relatively rich
types and of techniques. collection of basalt and limestone objects, many of which
The bone tools have a variable distribution in the sites, exhibit ochre stains (Belfer-Cohen and Bar-Yosef 1981:
and they are most common in the caves of the 34-5). There are several flat limestone slabs with ochre
Mediterranean zone. The largest assemblage is from stains, incisions, and signs of cutting and pounding. In
layer D at Hayonim cave (75 items). There are also addition, there are a few limestone scrapers and a chisel,
smaller quantities in El-Wad (7), Et Tabban (2), Umm and three basalt rubbing stones - again all with ochre
Naquos (1), El Quseir (2), Masaraq an-Na'aj (2) (Belfer- stains. The same site also yielded a unique grooved stone
Cohen and Bar-Yosef 1981), and in the Upper Paleolithic made of soft basalt, with several deep incisions. It could
sites in Fazael (Goring-Morris 1980a). have been used as a shaft straightener or whetstone
Typologically, the points dominate the assemblages of (Figure 8: 1).
bone tools (Figure 7: 2-6), including a base-split bone from In the south, two handstones and two grinding slabs
El Quseir D. Awls (Figure 7: 1,7) are the second common made of porphyritic dike material were found in southern
type. In addition, there are also polishers (Figure 7: 9), Sinai (Phillips 1988: 187). Limestone and basalt grinders,
spatulas, incised fragments (Figure 7: 8) and perforated three of which were used for ochre processing, were
teeth (Fig. 8: 10-11). Generally, the typological recovered from Boker BE (Jones et al. 1983: 323-5). The
composition of the assemblages is monotonous. In Late Upper Paleolithic site of Ein Aqev produced three
Hayonim D (Belfer-Cohen and Bar-Yosef 1981: 30-1) pieces of groundstone (Marks 1976: 268-70): a
the points (37 per cent) and awls (13 per cent) dominate, handstone (Figure 8: 4) and a fragmentary quem made
although there are also spatulas (4 per cent), polishers (3 of basalt, and a fragmentary limestone handstone.
per cent), worked antler (9 per cent) and other Although there were pieces of ochre in all the excavated
miscellaneous pieces (34 per cent). Compared with Upper layers of the site, ochre was not reported to adhere to
The Foragers of the Upper Paleolithic Period 135
Shells
The use of sea shells, probably for personal adornment, is
another innovation of the Upper Paleolithic humans in the
Levant. Although they are not abundant, their presence in
sites is more than accidental. In Gebel Lagama sites,
isolated dentalium shells were recovered from Lagama
3 IIIE, Lagama XI, and 82 pieces from Lagama X. The five
o 'ern 4 dentalium pieces from the in situ context of site QB9 in
~
Kadesh Bamea area are, in fact, the earliest shells in the
Levant since they originate from an area where identical
Figure 8 Upper Paleolithic stone objects. 1: basalt grooved stone from cultural assemblages were radiometrically dated to ea.
Hayonim 0 (from Beller-Cohen and Bar-Vosef, 1981, Figure 7: 4); 2:
32,000 BP (Gilead and Bar-Yosef 1993). Site A306a in
incised limestone slab from Hayonim 0 (from Beller-Cohen and Bar-
Vasel, 1981, Figure 8q; 3: a frogment 01 a basalt grinding stone from northern Sinai (Gilead 1984), 150 m from the sea shore,
Fazael X (from Goring-MorriS, 1980b: Figure 14); 4: a basalt demonstrates that the southern Upper Paleolithic groups
handstone from Ein Aqev (From Marks, 1976, Figure 9-28a) were familiar with environments closer to the coast, where
dentalia, and other shells, could have been collected.
Late Upper Paleolithic assemblages with shells are Ein
these stones. Basalt grinders (Figure 8: 3) without ochre Aqev, featuring along with dentalium, Nassa gibberula (a
stains were also reported from Fazael X (Goring-Morris few covered with ochre) and Mitrella scripta (Marks
1980a). 1976: 235). A dentalium bead and other unidentified
This suggests that substances other than ochre, maybe marine shell fragments were found in Ein Aqev East
vegetal food, were ground as well. However, the presence (Ferring 1977: 87). Dentalium shells and Mediterranean
of ochre in Upper Paleolithic occurrences and its gastropods were also reported from the Late Upper
association with grinding stones is prominent. Compared Paleolithic sites of the western Negev (Goring-Morris
with the Middle Paleolithic period, ochre is very common 1986, 1987: Table X-2). In the Jordan Valley, numerous
in Upper Paleolithic sites. Along with pieces of raw ochre Mediterranean mollusks were found in the Fazael sites: in
and smeared stones, stains of ochre were also found on addition to Trivia sp., Columbella rustiea, worth
flint artifacts, best exemplified in the Lagaman sites of mentioning are the 220 Dentalium sp. fragments and the
northern Sinai (Bar-Yosef and Belfer 1977: 81). The flint 61 Mitrella gerdillei fragments (Goring-Morris 1980a).
artifacts were probably used to scrape or cut the ochre Although reported, there seem to be less marine mollusks
lumps, mainly in Lagama VII and XVI. in the caves and rock shelter sites of the Levant (listed in
Ochre is rare in Levantine Mousterian sites. Wreschner Inizan and Gaillard: 1978: 303-4).
(1980), who studied the distribution of ochre in Paleolithic The presence of sea shells in Upper Paleolithic sites,
sites and its significance, mentioned ochre in only two especially in the sites of the Jordan Valley, Negev and
Middle Paleolithic sites: Qafzeh and Geula (where its Sinai, indicates a network for transporting raw materials
association with human activities is not clear). During over relatively long distances - up to about 100 km and
Upper Paleolithic times, on the other hand, the role played maybe more. Shells, however, were not the only substance
by ochre in the Levantine material culture is unequivocal. that was transported. Basalt, of which the grinders in
The Upper Paleolithic artisans were probably the first in Boker BE and Ein Aqev were made, is found about 25 km
136 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Isaac Gilead
Plate 2 The Upper Paleolithic burial of a woman from Nahal Ein-Gev I, before removal (photograph: courtesy of O. Bar-Yosef)
south of the sites. Moreover, the possibility that the basalt from El-Wad, and fragments of femur and teeth from
of the Negev sites originated either in the Transjordan or Kebara. The scarcity of human remains and burials
the Galilee cannot be excluded. hinders the assessment of important issues related to social
It is yet impossible to reconstruct the network behind and spiritual aspects of life in the Upper Paleolithic period.
the transportation of the above mentioned raw materials. That burials were hardly found in Upper Paleolithic
The fact, however, that in some cases long distances are sites, is one of the noticeable characteristics of this time
involved suggests that exotic raw materials were indirectly span. There are numerous burials in the preceding
procured through exchange (gifts) with other groups Mousterian sites, especially in the cemeteries of Qafzeh
closer to raw material sources. The frequencies and and Skhul, and there are hundreds of burials in Natufian
probable role of exotic materials in the Upper Paleolithic sites. For the Upper Paleolithic period there are only three
cultures were relatively restricted, especially in comparison burials: in the Levantine Aurignacian site of Nahal Ein
with the succeeding cultures of the Natufian and the Gev I, in the Kebaran site of Ein Gev (Arens burg 1977),
Harifian (Goring-Morris 1986: 176, 184). and the Geometric Kebaran site of Neve David (Kaufman
and Ronen 1987).
It seems that the burial from Nahal Ein Gev I
Cognitive-spiritual aspects of the
(Arensburg 1977) is the earliest among the three. It is of a
Levantine Upper Paleolithic
woman, 30-35 years old, 1.56-1.58 cm high; lying on her
One of the main sources for studying the cognltlve- right side, with legs strongly flexed towards the head
spiritual aspects of culture is the burials. Unfortunately, (Plate 2). There were three bovid horns near her left
they are very rare in the Upper Paleolithic sites of the shoulder. Strongly flexed bodies characteize Natufian
Levant. Fragmentary and isolated human remains were burials and later they became very common.
recorded from a few Upper Paleolithic sites (Arens burg A comparison of this skeleton with Upper Paleolithic
1977): a complete prepubertal male skeleton and skeletons from Europe (Arensburg 1977) indicates some
fragments of skull from Ksar Akil, fragments of a skull differences. Worth noting is the smaller cranial capacity,
and long bones of a fetus from Antelias (cave sites near shorter length of skull, and mesocraniality. The
Beirut), two frontal bones from Qafzeh, fragments of comparison between the Nahal Ein Gev I specimen, the
humeri, ulnae and mandibles from Kebara, miscellaneous Kebaran one from Ein Gev I, and Natufian specimens
fragments of limbs, trunk, mandibles and isolated teeth shows a strong similarity. This similarity is behind
The Foragers of the Upper Paleolithic Period 137
Arensburg's (1977: 214·) statement that the populations Cohen 1988). If indeed arts reflect social stress in large
in the southern Levant in the Late Upper Paleolithic to the groups of tribal societies, its scarcity in the Levantine
Neolithic are autochthonous. Upper Paleolithic should not be surprising. The settlement
The small sample of only three graves hampers pattern studies indicate that the size of the Upper
discussion of Upper Paleolithic burial practices and their Paleolithic social unit in the Levantine habitation sites was
possible spiritual and social implications. The three burials limited, an~ that the sites were ephemeral in nature. Only
are primary, with flexed individuals. Such burials are during the Natufian times, with the sedentism, larger
common in the Natufian times, when interment is very social units and complexity, do the art objects became
common. This suggests that some of the burial practices more common.
have their roots in the local Upper Paleolithic. The flexed
fetal or sleeping position of the dead suggests that they
were not supposed to be active in the after life. It is also Summary
worth noting that there were no personal adornments on
the bodies.
The scarcity of Upper Paleolithic burials in the Levant The Upper Paleolithic of Palestine has its roots deep in
does not seem to reflect bad preservation. It rather reflects the local Mousterian traditions of the Middle Paleolithic
that the practice of burial in habitation sites was not period. The first true local Upper Paleolithic tradition
common (Ronen 1975). The higher frequencies of burials (post 37,000) the Ahmarian features an
in the Levantine Mousterian and their abundance in the overwhelming dominance of the retouched, pointed and
Natufian clearly contrast with the Upper Paleolithic data. backed blades and bladelets. At about 32,000 BP, or
The semi-sedentary or sedentary nature of Mousterian and somewhat later, another cultural entity appeared and for
Natufian settlements (Marks and Freidel 1977; Bar-Yosef 16 millennia coexisted side by side with the Ahmarian.
1983) on one hand, and the nomadic nature of the Upper This new tradition, the Levantine Aurignacian, in its
Paleolithic settlements on the other hand (Gilead 1988), classical manifestations is radically different to the
suggest that burials signify a stronger attachment to the Ahmarian. It features a poor blade technology and only
habitation sites. If this is the case, the scarcity of burials in a few blade tools. The dominant tools are either
Upper Paleolithic sites is another indication of their endscrapers, burins, or both.
ephemeral nature. Although it is possible that the local Aurignacian is a
Works of art are another indicator of the spiritual local development, the early dates of the Aurignacian in
aspects of the culture. In the Levantine Upper Paleolithic southern Europe suggest that the Levantine Aurignacian is
sites such works are virtually nonexistent. The few incised an intrusion into the Levant. It probably diffused after
bones and stones mentioned earlier may have had some 35,000 BP from southern Europe both to western Europe
cognitive significance. Otherwise, there is only one art and the Levant.
object, from the Levantine Aurignacian of Hayonim D The variability within the Ahmarian and the Levantine
(Belfer-Cohen and Bar-Yosef 1981: 36-7, Figure 8). This Aurignacian and the partial radiometric control hamper
is an incised limestone slab with a line that resembles the the subdivision of assemblages into more discrete units
back of an ungulate and its head, with many lines that (cultures). It is, therefore, difficult to trace and explain the
give the impression of fore-legs and rear-legs (Figure 8: 2). culture change through the many millennia and explain it.
Hovers (1990) has recently described another art object Settlement pattern studies imply that· the Upper
from a Kebaran site: a limestone pebble with mostly Paleolithic social units were small and that their sites
concentric incisions. were ephemeral in nature. This suggests that the Upper
Both the Neanderthal and the Stone Age Homo sapiens Paleolithic societies in the Levant were foragers with a
had the potential capacity for symbolic behavior. This is simple social organization. This is well reflected in the
confirmed in the Levantine Middle and Upper Paleolithic nature of their sites, and the scarcity of burials and art
by the Mousterian burials and the ochre. The use of objects. Less favorable environmental conditions,
powdered ochre and marine shells in the Upper Paleolithic especially during the Late Upper Paleolithic (after
period further supports this suggestion. It is, therefore, of 24,000-22,000 BP), were at least partially responsible
interest to note that in Europe works of art, including for this pattern.
sculpturing and painting, are very common compared The Upper Paleolithic inhabitants were the first to
with their virtual absence in the Levant. In Palestine, art introduce into the Holy Land many new aspects of
works become relatively abundant only in the Natufian, at material culture that were never, or hardly, used before:
ca. 12,000-10,300 BP. bone tools, stone vessels, ochre and shells, probably for
A possible explanation of this discrepancy may be decoration and art. Thus they set the stage for the
found in the functional approach to prehistoric art (Belfer- Natufian Revolution at the end of the Paleolithic period.
Figure 2.1 Loco~on of Upper Paleolithic sites (III, Y-YIII, X-XII, XV, XVI) at the foot of
Gebel Lagama (from Bar-Yosef and Belfer, 1977, Figure 15)
Plate 2.2 The channel and the Upper Paleolithic sediments in the Qadesh Barnea area.
A typical setting 01Upper Paleolithic sites in the marginal zones 01 Palestine (courtesy 01 O.
Bar-Yosel)
10
COMPLEX HUNTER/GATHERERS
AT THE END OF THE PALEOLITHIC
(20,000-10,000 BP)
Nigel Goring-Morris
the Epipaleolithic) are dealt with in other chapters in this present to some degree in the Upper Paleolithic -
volume, they will only be referred to when relevant to the microliths, marine mollusk ornaments, artistic endeavors,
main thrust of this chapter. Finally, mention is made of etc. - but on a much smaller scale. Other major
what appear to be potentially promising avenues for distinguishing features include the clearly increased tempo
future research of this period. of cultural change coinciding with and following the
glacial maximum at ca. 20,000 BP, and increasing
territorialism.
ParaJigms, me,ltoJo'ogy anJ systema,ics
Raw material constraints for chipped stone tools are
The approach adopted here is based upon a number of rarely of significance in the Levant, since sources (of
premises detailed elsewhere (Goring-Morris 1987). These varying qualities) are widdy available throughout the
include the assumption that various aspects of the most region. Only in areas such as the southern coastal plain of
commonly preserved material remains, most especially the Israel, southern Sinai and the basalt massifs of the Golan
lithic assemblages, can be used to identify specific social and Jebel Druze are flint sources absent (though rarely
groups in the landscape. more than a day's walk away). It is, however, clear that
Most conspicuous, and the element almost invariably some Epipaleolithic groups preferred specific types of flint,
present, is the stylistic content - consciously or not always immediatdy available, e.g. chalcedony in the
unconsciously invested by the knappers in the microliths Negev and Sinai, lustrous whiteJblue/grey patinated flint
- rdating to specific aspects of morphology, metric for some Natufian groups, though the matter awaits
dimensions, retouch and the specific techniques of systematic study.
manufacture (e.g., the microburin technique). As such The primary building block is the assemblage - a
they are the 'calling cards' or fossiles directeurs of specific collection of artifacts from a defined area, whether 1-2 m2
population groupings. Other tool groups may be similarly or several dunams, and of defined thickness. Such
diagnostic, but are not so numerous or not always so collections may be classified in terms of their integrity.
distinct. Thus, small clusters of artifacts commonly deriving from a
The view advocated here is that Epipaleolithic knappers 5-8 em thick surface, and sealed by under- and over-lying
saw the finished product, i.e. the tool in its functional low-energy, sterile sediments, are pristine assemblages -
context, as the ultimate objective. Specific techniques of often amenable to detailed spatial analysis. Where
core reduction were adapted accordingly, and thus stylistic accumulation is slow or there is subsequent deflation or
input is likely to be less marked at the levd of blank erosion, however, overlap and admixture of different
manufacture than in the finished product. Since microliths assemblages may occur; given the re-use of the same
are the most commonly produced items, due to their use localities during the course of the Epipaleolithic, such
in various combinations in composite tools (projectile instances are quite common (e.g., the Negev, Sinai, and
points, knives, etc.), they tend to display a high degree of especially the Coastal Plain). Based upon comparisons
standardization. In the vast majority of assemblages only a with assemblages of greater integrity, various elements
very limited array of basic microlithic forms tended to be (usually the more distinctive microlithic forms) can be
produced, albeit within a range of variability acceptable to identified and separated. In caves and rock-shelters, where
the knappers. In general, uniformity tends to be greatest in available area is necessarily restricted, repeated re-
smaller ephemeral occupations, presumably reflecting both occupation over many millennia may blur separate occu-
the restricted number of knappers and the length of pations - the result of a combination of anthropogenic,
occupation of the site. biogenic and geomorphic processes. In such cases
Other realms of material culture - such as marine meticulous excavation may sometimes isolate living
mollusks, beads, exotics, bone tools, artistic endeavors, floors. Seeming mixtures, however, may also result from
groundstone tools, installations (hearths and structures), intergroup exchange mechanisms.
internal spatial organization of occupations, etc. - may Currendy, the most promising approach for grouping
also be utilized as supplementary sources for identifying the assemblages, given the plethora of sites available, is
specific social groups. Indeed one of the primary to first define the smallest units in terms of material
differences distinguishing the Upper Paleolithic from the remains in time and space, and then to use these
Epipaleolithic lies in the obviously more marked emphasis 'building blocks' to construct larger groupings at the level
on stylistic elements of the material culture in the latter. of cultural complexes and the like. This avoids the
Though undoubtedly present earlier during the Upper pitfalls of broadly-defined entities which necessarily
Paleolithic, they appear to be more subtle and difficult to assume a degree of association which mayor may not be
isolate, perhaps partly due to the different chronological present - a problem seen in some definitions of the
spans. Kebaran, Mushabian and even Geometric Kebaran
However, it should be stressed that almost all of the complexes, for example. Despite the ensuing difficulties
dements distinctive of the Epipaleolithic were already for those interested in the broad overview of cultural
144 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
historical developments who are not specifically versed in BP (Bard et al. 1990). This is particularly troublesome
the intricacies of Levantine lithic technotypology, this given the indications for a series of 'radiocarbon plateaus'
approach is strongly recommended. about 12,500, 10,000 and 9500 BP (Lotter 1991), and
Occupation sites are viewed as being part of open there is also the likelihood of earlier plateaus.
systems: that is, the preserved remains were not necessarily Additionally, there are problems with the materials
(and indeed frequently were not) manufactured, used and being dated - old wood, bone, etc. Even when what
discarded solely within the confines of the location where appears to be a consistent series of dates is derived from a
they were found. This is all the more valid for relatively single occupation horizon, the results on occasion seem to
mobile adaptations. Raw materials and finished products contradict the stratigraphic data. As dates accumulate it is
would be introduced and abandoned onsite, others would becoming obvious that, while the central chronological
pass through the site, and yet others would be spans of various archaeological entities can be more
manufactured onsite for use and eventual abandonment certainly defined, the crucial beginnings and ends become
elsewhere. increasingly blurred. Some 45 percent of the available
Nevertheless, based on the premise that the major dates are suspect to some extent (whether clearly aberrant,
typological classes do reflect broad functional categories in too large standard deviations, in inverse stratigraphic
at least some instances, the general composition and order, etc.). In short, radiometric dating cannot yet
frequency of tool types are considered to be partially replace solid stratigraphic evidence and detailed techno-
representative of the range of tasks performed with typological seriation.
knapped tools at or from the site. Unfortunately, prior to
the late Epipaleolithic (Natufian), many of the more
FooJ resources
standardized knapped tools seem to be associated mainly
with tasks connected with animal exploitation (hunting, On the basis of ethnographic parallels, plant foods are
butchering, hide processing, etc.), or with manufacturing likely to have been more significant than meat in terms of
tools to work with more perishable materials such as the overall diet. Furthermore, vegetal foodstuffs probably
antler, bone, sinew, wood, fiber, etc. The overall role or reflect more accurately local ecological conditions in the
input of tasks such as vegetal procurement and processing surrounding landscape at the time of occupation.
can often only be hinted at on the basis of site locations, Until recently recovery of botanical remains has been
plant distributions, broad ethnographic comparisons, and virtually non-existent due to the nature of Levantine soils.
so on. Though some plant processing equipment is Recently, however, isolated but significant assemblages
preserved, such items may also have been made from have been recovered, most notably from the Early
perishable materials. Epipaleolithic of Ohalo n (Kislev et al. 1992) and the
A final proviso relates to animal procurement. Azraq Basin; from the Late Epipaleolithic from Tell Abu
Complete projectile points can also be made of perishable Hureya (Hillman 1989b), Wadi Hammeh 27 (Colledge, in
materials, whether, antler, bone or wood (an argument Potts et al. 1985) and Hayonim Cave; and, further afield
used elsewhere to explain the lithic composition of some in the Nile Valley, at Wadi Kubbaniya, ca. 17-18,000 BP
Upper Paleolithic Levantine assemblages). However, there (Hillman 1989a). Occasional macrobotanical remains
is virtually no direct evidence to indicate when trapping, have also been identified in the Negev and Sinai (e.g.
snaring and netting of prey was initiated in the Near East. Liphschitz and WaiseI1977; Bar-Yosef and Phillips 1977).
Though few and far-between, all these permit at least a
glimpse of the wide variety of seeds, nuts, berries, tubers,
The chronological frameworlc
rhizomes, etc. that were present, known, and commonly
Radiometric dating has become a commonly-applied tool exploited from at least the Early Epipaleolithic.
for ordering Late Quaternary prehistoric occupations over The situation regarding faunal remains is more
the past 30 years, further encouraged lately by the promising in terms of numbers and sizes of assemblages,
introduction of linear accelerator dating techniques. though reports in the past were frequently insufficiently
Some 140 dates are available for occupations that do, detailed and emphasized larger mammalian species at the
or most probably should, fall within the interval under expense of smaller elements. There is little evidence to
discussion and almost another 100 for the Late indicate major faunal shifts in the procurement of prey
Epipaleolithic (Figure 1). However, many problems exist, through the various regional Epipaleolithic sequences
not all of which can be adequately explained away as prior to the Natufian. The assemblages generally appear
'intrusions'. Currently it is not possible (or likely to be in to reflect the natural mix of locally-available species -
the near future) to calibrate dates from this time period fallow deer are emphasized in the mountainous northern
accurately, though recent evidence has been presented that areas of Lebanon, mountain gazelle predominate in the
C14 dates are consistently younger than the true ages, rest of the Mediterranean zone, dorcas gazelle and ibex
with a maximum difference of 3500 years at ca. 20,000 feature in the southern craggy regions, and goitered
Complex Hunter/Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000-10,000 BP) 145
10
Q.
a.
.... ...Q.
a.
:E
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>-
;:
W
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...J ~
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a. L
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11 ...J co
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em
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C)
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co
W ...J u: :I:
24
0 charcoal/seed
IZJ shell
IS] bone
EB ostrich
I2?J carbonate
Figure 1 Plot of C 14 dates for the Levontine Epipaleolithic arranged by entity for the interval 20,000-10,000 BP
146 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
gazelle and wild ass dominate on the eastern steppes. documented in the Azraq area at Wadi Jilat and Uwaynid
Other larger species hunted more sporadically include (Garrard et al. 1994). Further south, in the Hisme, dunes
aurochs, hartebeest and wild boar. Smaller species were were also active (Henry et al. 1983).
also taken on occasion, such as hare, fox, reptiles, The steppic, Irano-Turanian zone in particular would
tortoise, lizards and birds. Behavioral studies indicate probably have shrunk considerably at the expense of the
that all of the larger species mentioned above, with the Sahara-Arabian zone in the Negev, Sinai, and southern
possible but unproven exception of goitered gazelle, are and eastern Transjordan and Syria, while the
non-migratory and tend to be quite territorial within Mediterranean zone would also have been restricted to
limited ranges. Many bird species, by contrast, use the the lower lying areas.
Levant as their main migratory corridor between Africa Compared with previous conditions during the Upper
and Eurasia, and so can provide valuable indications Paleolithic, the impact of these environmental changes on
concerning seasonality. the potentially habitable land available throughout the
Levant, given the technological and social resources
available would have been profound. In consequence
The early Epipaleolithic - ca. 20,000- human hunter-gatherer populations most probably
14,500 BP retreated into a number of local and relatively isolated
refugia, i.e., the Israeli and Lebanese coastal plains, and
Environmental baclcground
the fringes of the Rift Valley along the narrow shores of
Conditions during the Pleniglacial in the Levant were the central and northern portion of Lake Lisan (Plate 1);
severe and undoubtedly had a major impact on human the fringes of the Negev highlands; southern Jordan; and
populations. The snowline was lowered, particularly around the shores of the inland basins. Such competition
affecting the habitability of large areas of the Lebanese may have triggered the increasing emphasis on group
and Anti-Lebanon Mountains, as well as areas such as the identities and territoriality more noticeably expressed in
southern Sinai High Mountains. This is reflected in pollen the stylistic elements of the material remains. The
diagrams throughout the Near East, which all display very frequency, intensity and nature of intergroup contacts are
low AP levels through to at least ca. 16,000 BP (Baruch thus likely to have changed quite radically. The environ-
1994; Bottema 1987). mental changes brought about by the Pleniglacial could
The global drop in sea levels to approximately 120 m not be anticipated in terms of 'normal' annual variability,
below the present level would have almost doubled the and hence 'insurance policies' such as the exchange
size of the Israeli and northern Sinai coastal plain, and mechanisms described for the Kalahari San, are probably
annulled the Gulf of Suez, while the much deeper Gulf of not applicable in this instance.
Aqaba would presumably have been almost entirely cut
off from the Red Sea at the Straits of Tiran to form a
Cultural sequence
virtual lagoon (Figure 2).
At the beginning of the period Lake Lisan, covering The transition from the Upper Paleolithic to the Early
some 2850 km2 , probably continued its high stand at ca. - Epipaleolithic remains poorly defined in terms of change
180 m, causing a major impediment to contacts across the in the material culture remains. Until now most
Rift Valley in much of the central-southern Levant, assemblages assigned to this time frame have been
though, following the glacial maximum at 18,000 BP grouped under the taxon 'Kebaran', rendering the term
there is some evidence for a major but temporary drop, largely meaningless, while hints of the complexity of the
the result of tectonics and/or changes in the rate of influx situation have emerged in the description of some largely
and evaporation (Begin et al. 1985; Yechieli et al. 1993). coeval assemblages as Late or Terminal Upper Paleolithic.
Lake Lisan would have displayed a north-south cline in This has become increasingly manifest as research has
terms of salinity. expanded out of the Mediterranean littoral zone.
Although details are scant, the inland basins on the On one hand there is considerable continuity in terms
Transjordanian plateau, such as el-Jaffar (1000-1800 of the techno-typology of the lithic industries throughout
km2 ), Wadi Hasa, Azraq (4500 Km2 ), and Wadi Sirhan, this period, while on the other, there appear to be quite
and north in Syria at Damascus, Palmyra, el-Kowm, etc. pronounced changes (Figure 3).
probably also sported shallow, year-round lakes. Though numerous occurrences can confidently be
Extensive dunefields rapidly advanced from the Nile ascribed to the Early Epipaleolithic, particularly along the
Delta across the floodplains of northern Sinai and the Mediterranean coast and the Jordan Valley, many of the
western Negev (Goring-Morris and Goldberg 1991). Dune former are mixed surface collections. Of the in situ sites,
formation is also documented in the el-Kowm basin, at the majority have been subjected to limited testing only so
Umm el-Tlel 2, levels VII-V and IV (Molist and Cauvin few data are available concerning the spatial organization
1990), while aeolian silts and loess accumulations are of such settlements.
Complex Hunter/Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000-10,000 BP) 147
EuphrcJtes\
N
9,ijv
, ':,"'.. )
:.V"-"''''
~ \)
'--
MEDITERRANEAN - - - - -//1
.. /- -:::~,{ ,
I ~ ,... I' ,,'
/
,.,
I ) , .. ~!' /,' ,"
/ ., "" J ,/
r / , .. ..
~,
,
~Cdiro
,,
,
I
I
1
,,
I
I
,,
I
,,
,, ,
, KEBARAN
,I
I
NE8EKIAN- QALKHAN
,,,J
,,
, MASRAQAN
" 0 km 200
\I bo-=-=- - = - - - I N I ZZ A NAN
Figure 2 Distributions of Early Epipaleolithic Levantine entities, showing reconstructed topography at ca. 18,000 BP
148 Part II * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
E A f,:L Y
E AR L Y N ATU FIAN
NA T.
.-----------
UN· r---
RAMON IAN N A ME D Humid,
Wdrm
M US H ABIAN
Plate 1 Southern end of Sea of Gali lee from the Golan Heights. /
'Masraqan' site of Ohalo II is located on opposite shore (centre);
15 LA TE KE BA RAN
' Kebaran', 'Nizzonan', and 'Geometric Kebaran' occupations at Ein
Q
Gev and Haon on eastern Coastal Plain (left); the lake probably
~---
QJ
succeeded the Lisan Lake during the course of the Middle Epipa leolithic
l:'"0
N I ZZANAN
~ Dry ,
a Co ld
A small number of key sites provide the chrono- 0
2
stratigraphic framework for subdivision of the Early E ARLY QALKHAN
Epipaleolithic sequence (Table 1) . These include: Ksar Aqil ?
KEB ARA N
phases I-V (Tixier 1970; Tixier and Inizan 1981) and Jiita NE B EK IAN
II (Chevaillon and Hours 1970; Hours 1976) in Lebanon; ----_._-
Yabrud rock-shelter III (Rust 1950; Bachdach 1982) in
Syria; Wadi Jilat 6 (Garrard and Byrd 1992; Garrard et al. MA SRA Q AN
Romonian VII +
Mushabian
Geometric Kebaran C/O 111/3 TerO IIiC 2 + 3 8-9 In
1-3
~
'Late Kebaran' 8 111/49 1(11 11/1-2 Co IIIAlO
Nizzanan A 1(31
11/3-5
111/1-2 Cb 7-89 4-6 IV
I:r:::
Upper
§
'Early Kebaran' II 111/3-59 Cc 9 1118 iI'
Qalkhan Middle 1114-5 ~
G')
Nebekian Lower 1116-7 9 AI-2 Q
Masraqan III 111/3-59 (X-XII :r:-
CD
iii
iii
'Late UP' 111/8 62-39 5 A3-E
II/IV
a
:r:-
CD
Atlilian 111/9 IV 87' (IXI 10
Levant Aurig C
11/2
11/3-4 V-VI 0 9 , !r
a..
~
(VIII :f.
CD
NOTES: iJ'
1. Ksar Aldl phases after rlXier. iii
Q..
~
o·
i\)
,0
0
0
0
-
,0
0
I
0
0
IXJ
.:;g
-.
-0
150 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
10
l~-
I I
tt!I4 16 17 J!lb. 18 ~ 19 Btl 21
2S 26
22 2.3 24
u~J
37 M
~L 31 32 :n 34 A3S ~36
0 2
I 1
lit \ (II
Figure 4 Tools of Early Epipaleolithic 'Masraqan' industry: 1-12, Fazael X; 13-15,40, Wadi Hasa 784x; 16-21,41, Ohalo II; 22-24
Azariq XIII; 25-29, 42, Ein Aqev East; 30-34, 39, Shunera XVI; 35-38, Lagama X
Complex Hunter/ Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000 - 10,000 BP) 151
""
~ ~ ~ ~~
- <.ill>
: !~ '~.
,I
:.:., . :.
I I
(;~ 'I ,
'11
". , .
I :, @ 3 4
II ;i; ,I ,
: III ~ I.
I)
,I ~: '2
I \ I~,
1 ,1
'
!I
~
I W
:\
1 ''';.
~,
Plate 2 Fond de cabone (Locus 1) at 'Masraqan' site of O halo II at - 5
southern end of Sea of Galilee. Note that the strudure is D-shaped,
seemingly with entra nce facing the shore, and large workslab on right
(sca le 20 em) (courtesy D. Nadel)
',' I
" ,"
~1 ~
1 ;'1 )
-' ,:1
blanks tend to be narrow, elongated and thin, with "
The resulting picture is one of major diversity through Spatial variability is also present, presumably
time and space during the early Epipaleolithic. Intensive representing local provinces as well as raw material
research conducted over the past two decades in the availability as, for example, the proliferation of short
peripheral areas to the south and east has cast doubt on micropoints in the southern Coastal Plain. Falita points
the integrity of the 'Kebaran' as an entity. It has generally and microgravettes are claimed to reflect an eastern
become synonymous for the entire Early Epipaleolithic in province, while inverse retouch seemingly continues
the southern Levant, with a diverse set of technotypolo- through most of the stratigraphic sequence in Western
gical traits which could, by the same criteria, be applied to Galilee and the Lebanese Coast.
virtually the entire Epipaleolithic (e.g., presence/absence of This extensive variability reflects the temporal and
microburin technique, specific technologies of core reduc- spatial trajectories of specific groups through the changing
tion and blank production, typological variability, etc.). landscape over the course of at least 2000-3000 years, if
Over the years, Bar-Yosef has modified his original not more. Groups would presumably be constantly
scheme, incorporating both the results of work by Hours readjusting as local conditions changed, and in response to
(1976) in Lebanon and more recent investigations the movements and behaviors of other groups. West of the
elsewhere (Bar-Yosef and Vogel 1987). This is not the Rift Valley and south of Lebanon, various groups appear
appropriate forum to review matters in detail and hence to have shifted on a seasonal basis from the Coastal Plain
the following outline is based primarily on Bar-Yosef and (Poleg 18MII) across the Samarian Hills to the Jordan
Hours' pioneering syntheses. These rely especially upon Valley in the spring (Fazael IIIB, xn, Urkan e-Rubb II)
specific typological aspects within the microlith class (see Lieberman 1993). Ein Gev I also displays evidence of
(Figure 6). winter occupation. Further south along the coast,
territories were seemingly more circumscribed. Similarities
1. Group A is characterized by narrow, curved micropoints. on both sides of the Jordan Valley (Wadi Hammeh and
This may be subdivided into: 1. narrow micro points with Fazael IlIA) may indicate contacts across the Lisan as it
basal truncations (Kiriat Aryeh II, Kfar Darom 3, 26, contracted.
Soreq 33T and Hayonim Cave Cc); and 2. broad Kebaran sites are generally quite small, usually from ca.
micropoints (Kfar Darom 8; Soreq 33Q, and perhaps also
Azariq VI). 25-100 m2 and rarely exceed 250 m2 • Unfortunately,
2. Group B features large curved and pointed bladelets, some virtually no horizontal data are available beyond the brief
with basal truncations (Azariq IV, Poleg 18M1I, Fazael descriptions of the series of superimposed flimsy fonds de
IIIB, XII, Urkan el-Rubb II-IIa, Hefzibah south, and cabane at Ein Gev I (Bar-Yosef 1970).
perhaps Soreq 33MI). With the exception of the female burial under the floor,
3. Group C presents a combination of micropoints and and another two at Kharaneh IVIB, few skeletal remains
oblique truncations (Hayonim Cave Ca, Meged, Nahal have been recovered, though the presence of seven
Oren 9, Soreq 33M2, 33M1?, Kfar Darom 13, 28, seemingly cremated remains at Kebara C may provide
Rakefet, Sefunim A2, Nahal Hader Vl1-3, and Giveat another reason for their scarcity. Mortars, bowls, pestles
Haesev) (Plate 3). and mulIers are a minor but quite common component in
4. Group D has large oblique truncated backed bladelets
(Kebara points) and narrow, curved backed bladelets (Ein many Kebaran occupations (Figure 7). Marine mollusks
Gev I, Ein Gev II, Haifa I, Nahal Oren 9, Umm Khalid, are usually present, but not particularly abundant in most
Nahal Hadera Vl1-2, Kiriat Aryeh I, Poleg 18X, Soreq sites: in addition to dentalia, species include Nassa and
33MI, 33M2, Kfar Darom 13, and Kharaneh IVB). Columbella rustica. Art objects during the Early
Epipaleolithic occur only sporadically on bone, as with
Several other variations can also be recognized as, for the 'poincon a fut conique' at Ksar Akil 8c, a similar item
example assemblages with proximal Kebara points and at Kharaneh IVID, an engraved point at Jiita 11/2, and Jilat
microgravettes of Hours' Phases E and F for Lebanon 6 upper. The engraved pebble from Urkan e-Rubb II is
(Jiita IIIl, Abri Bergy IV, Dhour Chousir, Hayonim Cave unique (Hovers 1990; see opening photograph p. 142).
Cb, Poleg 18M, and Fazael VII). Another group features The bone tool repertoire of the early Epipaleolithic is also
micropoints and narrow trapezes (Mushabi XXI, Azariq I, quite impoverished, with occasional awls, points and
VIII). spatulas.
As noted by Bar-Yosef, these groupings display
evidence for both temporal and spatial trends. Thus a
Tlte Nizzanan
general progression from inverse and fine retouch, through
more abrupt backing techniques is apparent. Furthermore Assemblages characterized by minute scalene and isoceles
micropoint dominated assemblages tend, on stratigraphic triangles made by the microburin technique and
and sparse C14 data, to precede those featuring Kebara microgravettes ('spiky points') were described several
points. The latter type also displays variability in terms of decades ago from Wadi Jilat 6 (Wadi Dhobai K) and Ein
location of tips. Gev IV. Bar-Yosef (1970, 1981; and Bar-Yosef and Vogel
154 Part II * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
. '
_ w n ~
L:J 25
18 19 21 t 23
24
r o 2
.'-.t:::=:llc m
30 31 33
34 35
40
41
6
42
43
44
Figure 6 Microlithic forms of various Early Epipaleolithic 'Kebaran' industries: 1 -2, Jii!a 11/2; 3 -6, Kfar Darom 28; 7-8, FazaellllB; 9-10, Kfar
Darom 26; 11-14, Kfar Darom 8; 15-16, Nahal Soreq 33Q; 17-18,26-28, Hayonim Cb; 20-21, 29, Famel VII; 21-22, 30-31, Jiita "
superieur; 23-25, Poleg 18MII; 32-33, Giva! HaEsev; 34-35, Azariq VI; 36-42, Ein Gev I; 43-44, Kharaneh IV/B; 45-49, FazaellllA;
50-52, Nahal Hadera V/upper; 53-56, Azariq I
Complex Hunter/ Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000- 10,000 BP) 1 SS
Plate 3 View of Nahal Oren ta the narthwest acrass the Coastal Plain
fram the Carme l Hills. Site is lacated on oppasite bank at mouth of the
-
wadi. During the Epipaleolithic the coastline would have been located
several kilometers further west
~
1987) has variously viewed them as essentially part of the
Geometric Kebaran complex, either as a lateral facies or a
00
":"'f,~
~~'6
h :.
12
0
13
20cm
15
later phase. The discovery of similar sites in the Negev ., .
;;
U() 0 0 0 0 0
and the coastal plain, and further investigations in the .
. 1
:~
II ..
Figure 8 Microliths of Early Epipaleolithic 'Nizzanan' industry: 1, 14-15, Kharaneh IV/A; 2, 31-35,Jilat6 upper; 3-6, 16-17,51-52, Ksar
AkiI3;7-8, 25, 27-30, 53, Ein GevlV; 9, 23-24, 26 Nahal Oren P"ItG2/G3 and level 7; 10,21-22,49-50, Nahal HaderaV; 11,37-41,
48, 54, Azariq IX; 12-13, 45-47, Hamifgash IV; 18-20, Jiita 11/3; 36, 42-44, Mitzpeh Shunera III
158 Part II * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
Rift Valley, though much more extensive settlements are
documented in the Azraq Basin (up to 6000 m2 ). Regional
variability is evident in various aspects of the geometric
microlith assemblages, whether in the appearance of large
asymmetric trapezes in coastal plain sites or variations in
specific retouch types and frequencies, e.g. bipolar retouch
(Goring-Morris 1987).
The seasonality data from Neve David (falVwinter and
?spring) would seem to indicate a continuation of Early
Epipaleolithic subsistence strategies, though more data are
required (Lieberman 1993). In general (the Azraq Basin
excepted), Geometric Kebaran populations seem to have
exploited the landscape in small family-based, mobile
groups.
Plate 5 View across Wadi Mushobi, Gebel Moghoro in Northern
A variety of grinding equipment, including stone bowls,
Sinai, showing Middle Epipoleolithic lake sediments resulting from
blockage by dunes. The stratified 'Geometric Keboran' and 'Mushabion'
mortars and pestles, muliers and other handstones are,
site of Mushobi XIV is located at the lake edge (centre of photo) again, a small but quite constant component of
(courtesy of O. Bor-Yosef and J.L. Phillips) systematically investigated sites (see Figure 11 p. 163). A
possible innovation is the presence in sites throughout the
region of small limestone or sandstone disks, perhaps
Mediterranean across to the Saudi Arabian border (and deriving from earlier, larger items .
perhaps beyond). Within the area as a whole several Local continuity from the earlier Epipaleolithic can be
regional variants can be recognized (Figure 10). recognized in several instances, as for example at Ein Gev
In the Mediterranean zone the Geometric Kebaran III, while there is also local development from the Late
appears to have continued contemporaneously with the Kebaran in the Negev and Sinai (Azariq I, Azariq VIII,
changes in the south. Interestingly, Geometric Kebaran and Mushabi XXI). The lithic technology of the
occupation of the Coastal Plain (both Israeli and Geometric Kebaran appears to display a shift from
Lebanese) seems to decline somewhat in comparison elongated, narrow bladelet production, through time, to
with the Early Epipaleolithic, both in numbers and an essentially blade-oriented mode which is more
intensity. The presence of Geometric Kebaran occupations pronounced in the south, but for the production of
in the Lebanese mountains and uplands of Galilee also microlithic rectangles and trapezes. Stylistic criteria appear
demonstrates the 'opening up' of those areas. to indicate two contrasting modes - on the one hand,
Whereas the spatial arrangements of the more three subregional clusters can be recognized with the
ephemeral occupations in the south are quite well central and western Negev and northern Sinai perhaps
detailed, the excavated evidence from the Mediterranean demonstrating separate provinces (based on retouch types
zone is extremely scanty, with limited exposures and even and serration of the working edges); op the other, longer-
more limited descriptions in the literature. Flimsy range stylistic similarities between the western Negev
constructions were seemingly fairly common features, dunes (Shunera I) ".nd the central Coastal Plain of Israel
e.g. Umm el-Tlel 2!lIl? and Haon II (fonds de cabane), (Kiriat Aryeh I and Hofith). Whether these represent two
Kharaneh 4 (postholes), Ein Gev III (two superimposed different settlement (and subsistence) systems operating in
stone-built semi-circular structures, a stone pavement, and tandem, or facets of a single system, or even shifting
a 2xl m oval stone-built installation), and possibly Neve developments within the Geometric Kebaran is still
David (though the reported architecture from the latter is unresolved. In the east, particularly around the Azraq
almost certainly not Epipaleolithic). A number of Basin and Wadi Hasa, there is also evidence of greater
occupation sites at the edges of the large basins in the variability during the Middle Epipaleolithic, e.g., Azraq 8,
east, as previously, appear to be much larger than those 17, 22, Jilat 8, and Kharaneh N phases C-D. These may
west of the Rift Valley, e.g. Umm el-Tlel 2!lII (2400 m2 ), reflect the limits of groups exploiting areas within Saudi
Nadaouiyeh 2 (2400 m2 ), and Kharaneh 4 (2 hectares), Arabia at a time of amelioration.
though subsequent deflation and slopewash may have In the Negev and Sinai at least the Geometric Kebaran
biased the original situation and the size of occupation at is characterized by the noted clumping of sites of all sizes
anyone time is still unclear. in the lowlands (100-400 m asl), corresponding almost
Human remains are still notable for their rarity, though exclusively to the extensive dunefields of northern Sinai
two burials with stones and grinding equipment have been and the western Negev. Adjacent hamadas and loess
recently described from Neve David (Kaufman and Ronen surfaces are less favored. However, a couple of larger sites
1987) . Again, site sizes are small (25-100 m2 ) west of the are documented at higher elevations, one in the Negev and
Complex Hunter/Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000- 70,000 BPI 159
EUPhrdfQS' \
r iV"~
~~
f--- - - - "._-------- ""-""-"-- - - - -" - - - - - - ----Jrr
_: . D
~~i\J< Druze
.: '
Figure 9 Distribution mop of Middle Epipoleolithic levantine entities, showing reconstructed topography of area at co_ 14,500 BP
160 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
~
I
~
o
I
~2.7
\-
-J
2
I
~28 ~
:I 29
3'
32
36
- JS
-~-
JJ
~
41
.d:fl? 46 ~47
Figure 10 Microlithic tools for Middle Epipoleolithic 'Geometric Kebaron': 1-3, Abri Bergy I-II; 4-7, Hayonim Terrace E; 8-9. Ein Gev III;
10-13, Haon III; 14-15, Wadi Ahmar II; 16-17, Fazael VIII; 18-21, Gat Riman; 22, 27-29, Shunero I; 23-26, Kiriat Aryeh I; 30-32,
Azariq XVI; 33-34, Azariq XVIII; 35-36, Azariq II; 37-40, Nahal Sekher 22; 41-44, Lagama North VIII; 45-47, Nahal Lavan 105
Complex Hunter/Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000-10,000 BP) 161
u_~ -~-
..-tA
d1A3 5
6 8
9
,dl). I ..&.2 0
I
2
I
1 - 7
ca2\
-Q--
12 13
--t-~- ~j ~J
4IP 14 1llIJb.15 16 17 18
'2.0 21 22 23 24 25
t
T
-~ -~-
26 27
I~ 28 29
tll1b-
30 31
~
32
Figure 11 Microliths of the Middle Epipoleolithic 'Mushobian': 1-6,41-42, Mushabi V; 7, 10-16 Mushabi XIV/1; 8-9, 18-19, 40, Ramat
Metred II; 17,26-29,37-38,43-44, Amriq XII; 20-24, 35-36, Nahal Nizmna XIV; 25, 30-32, 34, 39-40, Amriq XX
164 Part /I * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
determinant of specific Mushabian site locations. with those that preceded it. Although the majorIty of
However, a number of sites do appear considerably occurrences continue to cluster in the lowland dunes (with
removed from possible water sources, perhaps indicating an emphasis on the western Negev rather than northern
less tethering to this resource than was evident for the Sinai, in contrast to the Mushabian), for the first time
Geometric Kebaran. Mushabian groups often appear to significant numbers also appear at the highest elevations
have favored exposed locations or vantage points in the on loess-covered surfaces in the Irano-Turanian zone
local topography. (Marks and Simmons 1977; Goring-Morris 1985).
The specific clustering and sizes of sites indicates a Perhaps most compelling in terms of this shift is the
pattern of coalescence and dispersion at a subregional observation that they include many of the larger tool
level, but there is no obvious evidence from the assemblages. A third peak can be distinguished at
composition of tool-kits for differential exploitation of intermediate elevations (500-700 m asl) within the Irano-
the various environmental settings. Turanian corridor; this is apparent both in terms of
The few systematically-investigated Mushabian sites assemblages and tool totals. Whereas overall most
have yielded a quantity and variability of groundstone Ramonian assemblages fall into the 50-250 tool
tools similar to the Geometric Kebaran. category, in terms of total tools for each assemblage size
category the pattern is somewhat different with a bimodal
distribution - the principal peak represented by
rite Ramonian assemblages in excess of 750 tools, and the other
The Ramonian has previously appeared under various centred on the 50-750 tool category. There appears to be
headings and, like the Mushabian, is a purely Negev and a tendency for the larger assemblages to cluster in
Sinai manifestation (Goring-Morris 1987). There are highland settings, although this is by no means exclusive.
compelling techno-typological data to suggest viewing it as Stylistic analysis of the ramon points indicates that at least
deriving from the Mushabian, but various features two partially overlapping provinces may be discernible.
warrant retaining its separate status. Unfortunately few The specific location of Ramonian sites generally
C14 dates are available, though a range from ca. 131 indicates a pronounced disinterest in proximity to water
13,500-12111,500 years seems a provisional estimate for sources - both in the highlands and at lower elevations -
the threefold sequence. In its latest manifestation, the although Ein Qadis II is an exception. Rather, exposed
Terminal Ramonian, it is likely to have been contem- locations with extensive vistas along the principal natural
porary with the early Natufian, and thus straddles the routes of communication are the main tethering agents; in
Middle to Late Epipaleolithic interface. such localities clusters of sites are found.
Ramonian lithic assemblages differ from the Unfortunately, none of the upland sites investigated to
Mushabian in several significant aspects. There is a date have been in situ, so there is little information
marked tendency through the sequence to use chalcedony concerning internal spatial arrangements within such
as the preferred raw material and there may be evidence occurrences. In two instances occupations are located
for heat treatment. Cores tend to be single platform, close to bedrock mortars (Ein Qadis II and Har Harif I);
pyramidal varieties and bladellet blanks are frequently although it is tempting to assign these to the sites, hence
quite narrow and elongated. The tools are characterized reflecting the addition of a new processing technology,
by the ramon point - a commonly concave backed and direct confirmation is lacking. In the lowlands too data are
obliquely truncated bladelet manufactured using the scanty; however, in the largest sites several hearths do
microburin technique (Figure 12). A marked preference occur at Shunera XXI, accompanied by quantities of burnt
for distal tips and microburins is present. Ramon points stones. Smaller sites appear to contain single hearths.
tend to be highly standardized. Another possible difference Marine mollusks are not especially profuse, although a
lies in the probable presence of a quite separate reduction few examples of Red Sea species are documented.
sequence for larger tools, such as scrapers. These are made The composition of Ramonian lithic assemblages
on thick blades, often with double patination, sometimes display considerable variability in terms of elevational
featuring typical 'Aurignacian' lateral retouch. Of setting - highland assemblages are more diverse, with less
chronological significance is the added presence in some of an emphasis on the microlithic element. This seems to
assemblages of helwan lunates in varying quantities, reflect more than the state of preservation of assemblages,
together with other Early 'Natufian' features, such as and a functional interpretation is to be preferred. In this
spokeshave notches and denticulates (Goring-Morris context, it is interesting that the overlap in stylistic
1987; Marks and Simmons 1977). These features provinces is most pronounced in the highland area.
probably indicate contemporaneity and a degree of Thus the Ramonian represents a departure from
interaction with the early Natufian of the Mediterranean previous patterns in that the two major phytogeographic
zones to the north and, particularly, east. zones (the highland Irano-Turanian and the lowland
The Ramonian settlement pattern contrasts markedly Saharo-Arabian) appear to have been exploited
Complex Hunler/Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000-10,000 BPI 165
9 10
~3
\~ 13
a~ -~- t~
II- 17
18 19
12
0
, 2,
~- ~20
-, ~ ) ~
- 21 - 22 24 27
~~~-~
- 31 32
Figure 12 Tools of Middle Epipaleolithic 'Early and Middle Ramonian': 1-7, Mushabi Ii 8-10, 33, Nahal Lavan loo3i 11-13, Azariq XIX;
1.4-19,37-39, .41, Shunera XXii 20-22, 36, Har HarifKVi 23-2.4, Nahal Nizzana XIIi 25-27, 3.4, Har Hariflli 28-32, 35, Ein Qadis IIi .40,
Har Harif K6 or K7
166 Part II * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Nigel Goring-Morris
differentially; it seems likely, though currently unproven, the emphasis on such major contrasts may ultimately be
that this may reflect seasonal patterns of aggregation and misleading (see also Kaufman 1992).
dispersion by groups whose local ranges transected the One of the few regions to document continuity from
different environmental zones. Middle to Late Epipaleolithic is the Negev and Sinai,
where the late Ramonian displays continuity into the
Terminal Ramonian by the acquisition of several typically
The Late Epipaleolithic - ca. 12,250-
Natufian traits in the lithic repertoire, with the rest of the
10,000 BP
material culture remains, apart from Red Sea and
The Late Epipaleolithic is frequently considered Mediterranean mollusks, being impoverished (e.g.
synonymous with the Natufian Culture, which in many Mushabi IV, Shunera VII and Nahal Sekher 23, Har
general treatments is often regarded as a rather monolithic Harif K7). However, the Terminal Ramonian is envisaged
entity. However, research beyond the confines of the area as continuing the earlier Ramonian mode of a mobile
where it was first discovered and documented reveal that, adaptation over a large territory. Here, the question arises
far from being homogeneous, the Natufian should also be as to the precise nature of interaction and chronology
regarded as a complex, comprising a whole range of local between the Terminal Ramonian and the Early Natufian
adaptations and sharing a range of common traits to of neighbouring areas - who is influencing whom?
varying degrees through both time and space. Thus, in Currently the chrono-stratigraphic framework is unable to
addition to the general sequential subdivision into Early, provide an unequivocal answer. It is, however, of some
Late and Final phases spanning some 2500 years, it is also interest to note the presence of isolated assemblages in the
now possible to recognize at least five separate regional Negev, such as Azariq XV and Shunera xm, which
provinces or facies. Thus the more sedentary, 'classic' appear to be genuine Early Natufian campsites. On
Core Area Natufian is located in the central Levantine stylistic grounds these appear to represent (contemporary
Mediterranean zone with three phases and probably also or later) occasional forays across the Arava by Natufian
several regional facies (Carmel, Jordan Valley, Galilee, groups based east of the Arava in Moab and Edom (e.g.,
Lebanese Beqaa, etc.). In the desert to the south, the Late Tabaqa and Beidhal). Another region where some
Negev Natufian and the local Final Natufian equivalent, continuity may be present is southern and eastern
the Harifian, are well defined. The Terminal Ramonian is, Transjordan, though there is some uncertainty as to the
as noted above, probably at least partially coeval with the integrity of some of the candidate assemblages in the
Early Natufian of adjacent areas. In the southern Jordan south.
corridor two Early Natufian facies can be discerned, while
the Jebel Druze and adjacent Black Desert area appears to
Discussion
have another Natufian variant, and still further north are
the Euphrates Late and Final Natufian. Outside the classic The sum total of research over the past 25 years has
core area some are well-documented in terms of time, significantly enlarged the data base for the period from
space and adaptational mode - such as the Negev Desert 20-10,000 years ago. Although various gaps remain to be
Natufian and Harman - others, such as the Jebel Druze filled, the broad chronological framework is in place.
variant, remain poorly defined at present. Most characteristic, perhaps, is the wide range of
One of the most uncertain aspects of the Natufian has variability at the stylistic level and the rapid pace of
to do with its origins, particularly in the core area, where change (in prehistoric terms). This diversity reflects the
the early Natufian appears quite abruptly and fully dynamic pace of development and interaction of small
fledged, with its complement of distinctive architecture, hunter-gatherer bands with the landscape, readjusting
cemeteries, artistic endeavors, lithic knapping tradition their specific adaptations (within the bounds of their
and other hallmarks. Most sites are newly founded, and technological and social skills) as the physical conditions
even where Early Natufian occupations overlie Geometric about them constantly changed.
Kebaran levels (e.g. Hayonim), they are separated by a At various times populations would have been quite
clear unconformity. Though many elements are indeed isolated, at others contacts would have been eased.
documented earlier, the scale and intensity of most facets Territorial size, delineation and the mobility of bands
of the Core Area Natufian material repertoire west of the would thus be likely to have depended on the specific
Rift Valley are impressive and distinctive. However, this setting, mix and distribution of resources at any given
seemingly radical shift is perhaps more a reflection of time. These are reflected in the areal spreads, depths,
research priorities than reality, and has to do with the densities and specific contents of occupation sites,
relative dearth of larger scale investigations of the Middle indicating the specific array of resources available. It
Epipaleolithic in the region. Though extremely restricted must be emphasized that the vast majority of sites are not
in scope, the recent tests of both Early and Middle located in specific settings typical of the surrounding
Epipaleolithic megasites in the Azraq Basin indicate that terrain, but rather in locations to maximize access to the
Complex Hunter/Gatherers at the End of the Paleolithic (20,000-10,000 BP} 167
resources to be exploited: water, plants, animals, raw Another area of study concerns the retrieval of
materials, shelter, lines of communication, etc. Thus, meaningful botanical samples from occupation sites. The
localities with a wide array and dense availability of all too rare preservation of organic material at sites such
resources would have necessitated less mobility, and then as Ohalo and Abu Hureyra vividly illustrates the potential
over shorter distances, and could have supported larger contribution of such assemblages to comprehending
populations (e.g., the Israeli Coastal Plain, the eastern subsistence strategies and local environmental conditions.
flanks of the Rift Valley) than other more peripheral areas, However, given the nature of sediments in the region, a
where increased mobility would be advantageous and, combination of good fortune and judicious choice of site
commonly, necessary. In the latter instances, interband and retrieval techniques are required to fulfill
contacts could either be small scale (as, for example, the expectations. These should supplement more, and more
Geometric Kebaran in the Negev and Sinai) or could be detailed, pollen cores throughout the region.
achieved by short-term, seasonal aggregation of large Ongoing attempts at conjoins from small, well-
groups (e.g., the Desert Natufian of the Negev, and preserved occupations in the Negev are providing
probably on an even larger scale in the Azraq Basin earlier promising results with regard to specific lithic reduction
in the Epipaleolithic), the location being largely techniques employed in particular assemblages, that
determined by the local, clumped availability of some appear more reliable than traditional studies of lithic
specific, seasonal resource(s). Taking the Epipaleolithic as technology by observation of cores and debitage alone
a whole it is thus likely that, as Binford was careful to (Marder, personal communication). Variations are already
stress but which is commonly overlooked, the full indicated between different phases of the Ramonian
spectrum from forager to collector type adaptations were sequence. Furthermore these studies also provide
practised by the population occupying the Levant, even promising data for spatial analyses within sites.
among populations sharing many common traits in terms Last, but by no means least, without a rugged and
of the material remains. detailed chronological framework, the definition of ranges
As to future fieldwork research orientations in the of, and interactions between, the specific groups which
Levantine Epipaleolithic, given present regional political roamed the southern Levant some 10-20,000 years ago
and financial realities, these will undoubtedly be largely will not be attainable.
dependent on external constraints or opportunities. Never-
theless, several avenues of research appear promising.
Among these are the excavation of large horizontal Acknowledgments
exposures of sites focusing on internal spatial
organization, particularly on Geometric Kebaran (and I am grateful to Ofer Bar-Yosef for originally introducing
Natufian) sites. This will almost certainly be at the expense me to the Levantine Epipaleolithic and for many
of methodical recovery techniques, given the nature of the conversations concerning the subject over the past two
material record, though this can be countered by well- decades. I have also benefited from fruitful discussions
planned sampling techniques. Otherwise, we are likely to with Anna Belfer-Cohen, Ofer Marder and Erella Hovers
remain bogged down in narrow test trenches, which in recent years. Finally, I wish to thank Tom Levy for his
provide virtually no data concerning spatial organization encouragement and infinite patience, which finally brought
and other, non-microlithic, material remains. this chapter to fruition.
o AI 5
The industries
this time, between 12,500 and 10,200 BP in radiocarbon
years, that the conditions which transformed hunter- Identification of the Natufian rests upon its lithic industry
gatherer societies of the Geometric Kebaran to those of (Figure 2). It has to be this way, since the Natufian was
the first cultivators in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic first began first recognized on the characteristics of this industry
to be put into place. Here, the differences between the (Garrod 1932). Even today, we continue - on this basis
cultural entities concerned appear more significant than alone - to attribute to the Natufian sphere of influence
anywhere else. This factor explains the deep interest with sites which lack all the other distinctive characteristics of
which scholars have closely studied the Natufian for over the culture. Typically, the lithic industry makes rather
60 years, in an effort to understand what happened during eclectic use of the raw material (it can use on the same site
the two millennia of its existence (Figure 1). a large variety of flints). Knapping results mainly in the
Before we can offer an explanation of the phenomenon it production of flakes, most of them very small. There are
is necessary to observe it, take measure of its complexity, more bladelets than blades, but usually these are relatively
and to describe it appropriately. Today there exists no short. Most tools are microlithic and, among those,
consensus on the fundamental cultural traits of the lunates are significant. 'Heavy duty tools' also appear. A
Natufian. The debates focus on its geographical extent, particular type of bifacial retouch, ('the back of the
whether a sedentary or mobile way of life was practised, the implement is not blunted in the ordinary way, but is
use of techniques such as the creation of clearings by fire, the trimmed obliquely from both surfaces' (Garrod 1932: 261)
preparation of land through cultivation, sowing, attitudes termed Helwan retouch, is found frequently in the early
toward the gazelle (the hunting of which could be more or Natufian phase, and tends to become less frequent through
less controlled), and the actuality and extent of storage, not time, without it necessarily disappearing altogether.
to mention the eventual hierarchization of society. These basic features are found, with some nuances,
Archaeological evidence never has an unequivocal from Lebanon to the Negev, and from the middle
meaning, and this is more acute in prehistory than Euphrates to southern Jordan. But envisaging the Natufian
elsewhere. The view that each scholar has of the Natufian, simply from the characteristics of its flint industry would
therefore, depends upon a series of interpretations. The be a singularly reductive approach. Such a view would fail
extreme fragility of our explanations must be stressed: with to take into account the majority of the precise aspects of
the help of hypotheses of varying boldness, all explanations Natufian culture which form its originality and mark its
try to account for situations which are themselves most significant differences with the preceding and
reconstructed from questionable opinions. In the following following cultures in the region. Next to the flint industry,
pages, I shall endeavor to present those main characteristics the working of non-siliceous stone (basalt, limestone, etc.)
of Natufian material culture that have been recovered and bone undergoes a relative blossoming. Previously
through excavation. Although it may be desirable to these materials were worked only to a limited extent, but
present an 'objective' account, the approach taken here with the Natufian, their use becomes commonplace.
leads us to enter several debates concerning the Natufian. It Mortars, pestles and grinding stones which are
should thereby be possible to propose a dynamic view of traditional implements although rare, now become
the culture, without concealing the weaknesses of such a common (Plate 2; Wright 1991). Grooved stones, absent
tentative approach. As in painting, all light presupposes since Aurignacian times, reappear. These are made in
dark comers. basalt, limestone, sandstone or steatite. Their form and
Plate 1 Reconstruction of a necklace made of bone and dentalia found in a Natulian grave at el-Wad
Cave, Mt. Carmel (courtesy of the Israel Antiquity Authority and The Israel Museum, Jerusalem)
The First Settled Societies - Natufian (12,500-10,200 BP) 171
EI Kowm.
M editerranean
Sea
kilometers ,
150
Figure 1 Mop of Notufion site
distribution in the levont
dimensions vary, suggesting a variety of functions. Usually integrates a handle and a grooved haft to facilitate the
they have been interpreted as bone tool polishers or shaft- inclusion of flint armatures. Usually these tools are made
straighteners. Also known are several flat querns. More either on a long bone or a rib. The most impressive are
than their form, the dimensions of some vessels and decorated with an animal representation at the extremity
pestles reveal an understanding of the raw material, a of the handle (Plate 3). The ornamental elements include
boldness of conception and a dexterity, all of which are perforated teeth (fox canines) (Belfer-Cohen 1991b: 571),
unprecedented. Some mortars are as much as 60 cm in the extremities of sectioned bones (gazelle phalanges,
height. Furthermore, some of the basalt objects show partridge tibio-tarsus) and various beads, such as the
fairly elaborate geometric designs. well-known 'twin-pendants' (Garrod and Bate 1937: 39)
Bone craftsmanship exhibits a growth parallel to that which combines two pyriform elements.
of stone (Campana 1989; Stordeur 1981, 1991), and Shells were also worked for ornamentation purposes.
there are both tools and ornamental elements (Figure 3). Dentalium shells (Dentalium sp.), either complete or
Traditional artifacts, mainly pointed implements made on sectioned, were used to produce elongated beads (see Plate
the split long bone of a small herbivore, increase in 1). Sometimes the wall of the shell was perforated.
number. New types appear, such as armatures Dentalium shell beads are by far the most dominant form,
(spearheads or arrows, some of them barbed), unknown followed by the less common use of Columbella rustica,
in the Levant since the Aurignacian, and small bipoints. Nassa sp., Conus sp., etc., which were sometimes worked
The most unexpected object, the 'sickle' or reaping knife, in such a way as to allow them to be hung. Most often
172 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * FranfOis Valla
o 1 • Ian
.1 -==-
- -0
- 0
...
1-3: Lunates (2: with Helwan retouch), 4: Truncation, 5: Retouched
flake, 6-7~cked bladelets, 8: Burin-scraper, 9: ~urin, 10:
7 .
,
Figura 4 Detailed map of the topography near Mallaha. Maps of the Early and Late NatuRan houses at the site. Hatched circles indicate grave pits
The First Seffled Socielies - Natufian (12,500-10,200 BP) 175
1-0
the people at Mallaha and Kebara were taller than their periods, the Natufian was placed in a time of warming,
neighbors at EI-Wad, Hayonim, Nahal Oren and Shukba. probably accompanied in the southern Levant by an
Those at Hayonim and Mallaha possessed a more robust increase in rainfall. This is indicated in the variation of
skeleton than those at Nahal Oren. These nuances are Oxygen 18 to Oxygen 16 in the eastern Mediterranean
perhaps related to diet. In the same way, certain basin (Nesterhoff et al. 1983) and in the pollen diagrams
modifications come to light through time. Sexual obtained from the Hula Lake (Baruch and Bottema 1991
dimorphism, measured by the difference in size between and Goldberg, this volume). The presence of palearctic
men and women, tends to diminish, which could be the migratory birds which no longer frequent the region
result of living conditions becoming a little more difficult confirm this reconstruction. Between 11,000 and 10,000
at the end of the period. However, broadly speaking, the BP, a brief fluctuation - cold and probably dry -
Natufian skeleton shows a population free from serious occurred. However, one must not overestimate the local
diseases or deficiencies. The teeth are generally much more impact of this episode: despite the dryness, the uplands of
healthy than those of Neolithic peoples although, again, the Negev, it seems, continued to support trees. At Abu
there are differences from one site to another. The people Hureyra, wild einkorn, which today has retreated 100 km
at Nahal Oren had more worn teeth than their congeners to the north, and pistachios (equally dispersed) probably
(Smith 1991). Another significant trait is that there are no remained to provide for the inhabitants.
signs of violence. We would, of course, like to learn more
about the demographic structure of the population, but,
Early NatuRan phase
besides the difficulties inherent in determining the age at
death, especially for elderly individuals, it is well known As is often the case in prehistory, where cultural
that any archaeologically recovered population represents manifestations become visible only at a certain stage of
only a small proportion of the living population at the maturity, the beginnings of the Natufian remain obscure.
time. From a superficial observation one has the impression of a
break in cultural tradition, accompanied by regional
diversification. In Lebanon, the evidence is very limited
Time and space
and too elusive for us to rely on any of the proposed
The foregoing analysis endeavored to put forward a examples of continuity (Copeland 1991). In northern
global, yet static, image of the Natufian. In outlining the Israel the rupture is mainly expressed in the choice of
salient traits of the culture we were able to introduce some inhabited places, in the extension and thickness of deposits
of its main innovations. However, this approach is at new sites, in new developments in the industries, etc.
somewhat limited because it does not take into account The break is less clear in the Negev than in the north
the variability of a cultural phenomenon which extends because of the presence of lunates as early as the Final
across profoundly different regions, and which occupies a Ramonian. It is nevertheless indicated through a shift in
period of more than 2000 years, during which neither the settlement pattern: the highlands are abandoned and,
natural conditions nor the society itself remained contrary to that which occurs in the north, larger sites
unchanged. Already in the preceding pages it has proved disappear while small ephemeral stations become the rule
impossible to avoid reference to regional specificities and (Goring-Morris 1987: 433-6, this volume; Hall and Levy,
chronological developments. It is these aspects which will ibid).
no~ be emphasised in an attempt to place the Natufian At this time, the most characteristic evidence of the
culture in an historical perspective. Nevertheless, one Natufian comes from the Carmel and the Galilee areas.
should keep in mind that the seriation scheme and the Sites are few and, for the most part, associated with a
correlations on which these views are based - explored cave: Kebara, El-Wad, Hayonim. Wadi Hammeh 27, an
elsewhere with more details (Valla 1987, Valla n.d.) - rest open air site in the middle Jordan Valley, may also be
on interpretations, some of which are supported by solid considered as part of this group. The first occupation at
stratigraphic data while others are just extrapolations. Mallaha, another open air site on the bank of Lake Hula,
Neither climate nor geography are, in themselves, could have taken place a little later. All of these sites are
sufficient to explain the solutions brought by people to the settled at low altitudes. The highest, Hayonim, is 250 m
problems which confronted them. However, together they asl (Plate 6). Usually, they are found on the interface
contribute to the creation of the framework within which between the plain (coastal plain, Hula basin) and the
these problems were presented and resolved. After years of mountains, sometimes in the proximity of a large spring.
trial and error, it seems that we are now beginning to (Henry 1989).
understand something of the climatic fluctuations The Early Natufian is not restricted to these few
experienced during the Natufian. On average, tempera- 'villages'. However, their extraordinary richness justifies
tures at the end of the Pleistocene were still several degrees the view that they represent the 'center' of the culture in
below those of today. But compared to the preceding the sense of a limited diffusion. Towards the south, the
The First Settled Societies - Natufian (12,500-10,200 BP) 179
Finally, people would have been buried flexed in and the preceding period does not preclude a real
individual graves (EI-Wad, Mallaha). Decorated persons continuity. The attraction of the active life of annual
are known throughOl1t the sequence. However, an gatherings, compared to the relatively dreary existence of
attempted reconstruction of this type is faced with the dispersal periods, could have supplied the motor element
problem of non-verifiable stratigraphic correlations. It also of change which the warming at the end of the Pleistocene
ignores the practice of reburial, which is present from the may have allowed to develop further. How would these
beginning onwards if one accepts the conclusions of the aggregation periods have operated? We do not know. The
excavators. Even postulating a tendency to observe similar way in which groups at the end of the Geometric Kebaran
practices, one is forced to notice that a real uniformity organized their territory currendy eludes us, and this
was never reached. information could be necessary for us to respond to this
At this stage it becomes possible to address the question question (see Goring-Morris, this volume). The few facts
of the origin of the Natufian phenomenon. In the 'center' which show connections with previous traditions are too
(Carmel-Galilee), the Natufian appears to have resulted tenuous to offer anything better than some vague
from the abandonment of alternating aggregation and indications. At the most, one suspects that each group was
dispersal periods which are characteristic of the majority limited to a few families, and that if the number of people
of human .societies and a shift towards groups coming within each group increased during the Natufian, it was
together on a more or less permanent basis in the same only by rather modest amounts.
place (Valla n.d.). These groups maintained, for most of The way of life successfully experimented with in the
the year, the intense intellectual, religious, social and Carmel and Galilee areas could have spread by diffusion.
sexual life, which becomes feasible in such a situation. For Towards the south, from where we have our best
the essentials, they could have easily exploited traditional information, the Jordanian basin could have been the
knowledge. The majority of the products of Natufian favored route of such a spread. However, the system
industry utilized old techniques, or took advantage of could not have been transported without adaptation
possibilities which were, until then, under-exploited. occurring in those environments less favorable than the
Similarly, neither their semi-subterranean houses nor forest-steppe of oak and pistachio present in the Carmel-
funerary practices were without antecedents. This Galilee area. A site such as Erq el-Ahmar seems to have
situation, however, could have resulted in new types of been occupied rather briefly. Sometimes, as at Beidha, it is
social behavior. As Mussi has remarked (1984), it may likely that the aggregation period did not last all year
have induced a tendency to invest more time in the (Byrd 1989a: 85). The Negev poses a problem not yet
production of relatively durable goods. Evidence for this solved. Could the occurrence of the small sites in the
may be seen in architecture and in the non-siliceous stone dunes correspond to the dispersal period of the groups
industry. This point should not, however, be exaggerated. which gathered on the margins of the region, as suggested
Plisson (personal communication) notes that flint by Goring-Morris? But why were the highlands
implements continued to be exploited just as before, in abandoned when one would expect to find aggregation
that the life of tools remained extremely ephemeral. At the sites there, as is the case in the Later Natufian? Was the
same time, sedentism led to a more intense exploitation of 'model' from the north rejected, despite the influences
the natural resources around villages. The use of a larger shown in the flint industries?
variety of flint than before goes hand in hand with a
reduction in the demands made of the knappers. The
Lat. Natulian pitas.
cutting by sickle of cereals while only near-ripe, thereby
helping to reduce waste, points in the same direction, and The Late Natufian phase lasted from around 11,250 to
the same can be said for the search for small game. 10,500 BP. The 'center' continued to follow the traditions
Finally, near-sedentism could have introduced an entirely it had maintained for more than a millennium. Certain
new attitude towards the surrounding world, by bringing sites were abandoned (Kebara, Wadi Hammeh 27). At
closer together humans and dangerous animals, such as Hayonim, the main occupation moved onto the terrace in
the wolf. The new way of life could, in fact, only be front of the cave (see Plate 6). New setdements were
derived from ancestral customs. It resulted simply in the established at Rakefet and, above all, at Nahal Oren -
lengthening of the annual gathering periods, and of its sites at low altitude. In comparison to the preceding
more active life, to the detriment of the dispersal periods, epoch, Natufian influence seems to expand. At the foot of
during which each family was isolated from the others. the western side of the Palestinian dorsal, the cave of
Nevertheless, these periods did not completely disappear: Shukba experienced considerable occupation (Garrod and
a part of the group at least could continue to disperse Bate 1942). In a similar position, Hatoula was perhaps
themselves for several weeks during the autumn, when inhabited on a seasonal basis (Lechevallier and Ronen
resources were more scarce. 1985) despite Lieberman's suggestion of a multiseasonal
Thus, the apparent dislocation between the Natufian occupation (Lieberman 1993). On the eastern side, high
The First Settled Societies - Nalufian (J 2,500- J0,200 BPJ 181
altitude sites are more numerous than before in the Judean to have functioned while almost entirely buried in the
Desert (Oumm ez-Zoueitina, el-Khiam, Tor Abou Sif) ground (Valla et al. 1989: 255). On the upland sites of the
(Neuville 1951), and occupation persists in the lower Negev, a particular type of artifact in the form of deep
Jordan Valley (Salibiyah I) (Shuldenrein and Goldberg cylindrical mortars cut into the bedrock was developed.
1981). The Negev is one of the regions where the progress These can be numerous (e.g., 109 at Saflulim). On the
of the Natufian 'model' is more clearly marked. Euphrates, Abu Hureyra supplies a considerable amount
Aggregation sites appear in the highlands at Rosh Zin, of original material, with flat forms (grinding dishes,
Rosh Horesha and Saflulim, although small sites continue querns) taking over from deep forms. The Syrian sites of
to be found in the dunes. We know almost nothing about Jayroud (Cauvin 1991: 226 ff.) and the Lebanese site
the mountains of southern Transjordan, where Beidha was Saaide n also appear to have been rather well supplied in
reoccupied in an episodic fashion after a long period of terms of heavy material artifacts. In general, the bone tool
abandonment. Towards the east, the sites are much more assemblage tends to be rather less varied than in the early
modest than those in the 'center', but the Natufian phase. In the 'center' it sometimes remains very abundant,
influence is clear at places such as Ain Rahub (alt. 420 m), whereas it is rare in the 'peripheries' except at Abu
Taibe (alt. 570 m) and in the Black Desert, Khallat Anaza Hureyra.
(alt. 880 m), where, despite its remoteness, remains of More clearly than in the preceding phase, undoubtedly
structures were found (Betts 1991: 219). The oases of the because the period is shorter, human burials display a
Syrian Desert seem empty; on the other hand, the Middle superimposition of both regional tendencies and local
Euphrates witnesses the installation of a large site at Abu customs. In the Carmel and Galilee, graves and
Hureyra. In Lebanon the situation remains confused, but habitations continue to be associated to some extent. On
one can with certainty attribute to this period the site at Hayonim Terrace, the graves and habitations seem to be
Saaide n in the Beqaa (alt. 1035 m) (Schroeder 1991). interstratified. In Hayonim Cave, at Nahal Oren and at
Generally, the lithic industries display a reduction in Mallaha they are separated. Everywhere, except at
Helwan retouch and in the length of lunates; the use of Mallaha where this is the period of multiple burials,
the micro burin technique had spread. However, behind individual graves dominate. In Hayonim Cave and
these general shifts, the regional and local specificities of Mallaha secondary inhumations are found. The custom of
the preceding phase are maintained. It seems that Helwan removing the skull, which appears in this period, is not
retouch diminishes only very progressively on the older attested at Mallaha. Only one general point can be made:
sites occupying the 'center'. It disappears much more the dead are no longer buried with their ornamental
quickly in the 'peripheries': central Palestine, the Negev, elements. Leaving the 'center', some burials are still found
eastern Jordan, the Euphrates valley and probably also in the close 'peripheries' at Shuqba and Saaide n, but none
Lebanon. On the other hand, lunates remain rather longer are found in the Negev. At Abu Hureyra, dispersed
in the south than those in the 'center'. They are also very human bones were recovered but there are no actual
large on the Euphrates. As for the micro burin technique, it graves there.
is sometimes in use at places in the 'center' such as EI- The Late Natufian appears, therefore, to be marked by
Wad and Hayonim Terrace, in contrast to the Negev sites an extension of the prestige of the Carmel-Galilee
where its waste continues in superabundance. On the 'center'. Its way of life influenced distant populations in a
Euphrates, Abu Hureyra makes no use of it, but it is well more evident fashion than before. The adaptations which
attested at the Lebanese site of Saaide. The more subde were recognized from the preceding phase are clearer in
nuances - certain types of rare tools, the shape of lunates, this period. In central Palestine, Hatoula, Shukba (?),
etc. - which we have' already seen occurring from one site Salibiyah I, and probably also those in the Judean Desert,
to another in the Early Natufian, continue in this phase. the sites appear to have functioned as places for seasonal
They probably bear witness to both the permanence of gatherings. The camps which may have corresponded to
local traditions on those sites where occupation goes on, dispersal periods are unknown. The picture is more
and the self-esteem of each group in relation to others complete and more coherent in the Negev. There,
(Valla 1984: 130 ff, 177). opposite to what we see in the 'center', the aggregation
The stone and bone tool assemblages continue to sites are all located at high altitudes. Study of the gazelle
demonstrate the relative richness of the 'center' in hunting season shows that these sites were frequented in
comparison to the peripheries. However, this statement autumn and winter (Lieberman 1993). For the rest of the
should be treated with caution, especially for stone. In the year, it seems that groups lived in a dispersed form in the
'center', one generally finds the same types of objects as in dunes and depressions. Without doubt, neither of these
the preceding period. Perhaps there is less care taken in environments could have supported gatherings lasting all
the production of large mortars, many of which are in year round. The same observation holds for the Black
limestone, as the exterior surface is often fashioned in a Desert sites. On the Euphrates, on the other hand, it
rather rudimentary way. However, some of these appear seems that the 'center' model could have been adopted
182 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Fran~;s Valla
without major transformations other than the necessary this complex situation, the Euphrates only has one site,
adaptations to local resources. The inhabitants of Abu Mureybet, which was probably occupied all year round
Hureyra seem to have been practically sedentary. (Cauvin, 1991).
Summing up, even when the Carmel-Galilee 'center' The general tendencies displayed in the lithic industries
began to give signs of impoverishment - it is at this time of the previous phase have a number of outcomes in the
that the gazelle population at Hayonim degenerated Final Natufian. Helwan retouch disappears almost
because of over-exploitation - in the 'peripheries', such as everywhere. It persists only at Mallaha, which is
the Negev and the Euphrates Valley, systems are adopted particularly conservative in this respect. Lunates become
which are derived from the original model, and which very small, and the microburin technique is present
went on to become capable of pursuing their own everywhere. However, it would be wrong to suggest a
particular development during the last episode of the standardization of industries. In the 'center', Mallaha and
Natufian. Nahal Oren remain very different. The former preserved
Helwan retouch and broad lunates while the latter
produced narrow lunates and rare microburins (Valla
fina' Nafufian pltase
1984: 171 ff.) The Negev and the Euphrates, while still
The Final Natufian occupies, broadly, the third quarter of part of the general trend, developed their own original
the eleventh millennium BP. The relative briefness of this traditions. The Harifian has the first arrow points, of
period, which still had its own particular characteristics, which the most well-known is the Harif point, and thick
may explain why some scholars prefer to include it within scrapers with finely denticulated edges are unique to this
the Late Natufian. Its presence, however, is undoubtedly assemblage. This coincides with a relative decline in the
recognizable on certain 'center' sites, and is particularly use of the microburin technique. On the Euphrates,
evident in the Negev and on the Euphrates. Treating it as Mureybet is known only from the excavation of small
a clearly-defined phase allows us better appreciation of the areas. In flint tool material, its main originality lies in the
range of Natufian innovations and the significance of this production of the first 'herminettes de Mureybet' (adzes)
culture in the historical development of the Levant. and larged tanged points which do not appear anywhere
The episode is signalled by an obvious decline of the in successive periods.
'center' sites, where architecture is no longer in evidence The current state of the literature does not allow us to
(Valla 1987: 281). Hayonim is deserted, and at Mallaha extend our analysis to other elements of Final Natufian
the period is represented by a layer of small stones and material in any great detail. Heavy artifacts continue to be
rubble, probably displaced, but very rich in material and used on the Carmel and Galilee sites. At Nahal Oren,
into which the Natufians installed some small structures grooved stones with cylindrical bases, which are unique to
such as stone basins and pits. Later, after the this site, seem to be an innovation of this phase (Noy
abandonment of the site, some (still Natufian) burials 1991: 557). The Negev, better known, appears very
were cut into a deposit (which has since disappeared) and particular. Some sites (those where building activities are
placed just at the summit of the rubble layer. Perhaps the evidenced) yielded numerous cupstones. Bedrock mortars
ancestral way of life was best maintained in the Carmel, become less frequent. Among the artifacts unique to this
where Nahal Oren stands out as the main site. region, often produced in material coming from Sinai, are
Outside the Carmel and Galilee areas, the presence of bell-shaped handstones in green rock, of which we have
the Final Natufian is seen in the Lower Jordan Valley at two examples. The heavy material of Mureybet in this
Fazael IV (Bar-Yosef et al. 1974), but it is above al~ as phase remains largely unknown. Little can be said of the
previously mentioned, in the Negev and on the Euphrates Final Natufian bone industry, which' probably maintained
that the most significant developments took place. The the features of the preceding phase - standardization at
Harifian results from better adaptation to the desert Mallaha, where it is still abundant; rarity in the Negev
conditions of the Negev (Scott 1977). Aggregation sites (poor preservation?) and at Mureybet (due to the relative
are found on the high uplands (Abu Salem alt. 970 m, paucity of excavation?).
Ramat Harif, Shluhat Harif) and lower down at the base Funerary customs appear to follow the same tendencies
of the plateau (Ma'aleh Ramon east and west), to mention as the lithic industries. In the 'center' they are relatively
only those where built structures are attested. Other sites, standardized, but without implying a genuine homo-
less substantial and lacking architecture but which also geneity. Simple individual inhumations dominate, but
represent aggregation episodes, exist to the west on the multiple burials persist at Nahal Oren, as does the practice
border of the dunes (Shunera VI and IX). Finally, some of skull removal. There is no evidence for this last custom
sites - even more modest - are encountered everywhere at Mallaha, and, yet again, neither the Negev nor the
right down to the north of Sinai; these could be the Euphrates have burials.
remains of temporary camps of isolated families (Goring- After the apparent high point of the late Natufian, the
Morris 1991: 206 and this volume). By way of contrast to cultural connections woven across the Levant under the
The First Settled Socielies - Norufian (12,500-10,200 8P} 183
influence of the Carmel-Galilee 'center' seem to slacken followed by the Sultanian which resumes the earlier
during the final Natufian. In the Carmel and Galilee there architectural tradition, with a preference for the
is even a return towards a more mobile existence. The contemporary steppic environment of the Jordan Valley,
prestigious way of life which the people there had sought at Jericho, Gilgal, Netiv Hagdud and Gesher, although the
to maintain tended to be abandoned. Does the reduction western side of the Judean mountains is not entirely
in the consumption of vegetal resources which may have deserted as is shown at Hatoula. It is in this type of
taken place at this time (Sillen 1984; Sillen and Lee-Thorp environment, rather than in the Mediterranean zone, that
1991: 406) reflect a cultural choice? Or, alternatively, the first morphologically domesticated plants appear, at
after almost two millennia of human exploitation, was the Tell Aswad in Damascene. Nevertheless, in the same way
environment around the traditional sites exhausted? Was that the dislocation observed at the beginning of the
the social network unable to maintain the cohesion of the Natufian conceals a number of elements of continuity, the
group for some unknown reason? Since the populations dislocation which marked its end does not prevent the
do not seem to have been subjected to strong nutritional further transmission of such elements (Bar-Yosef and
constraints (Belfer-Cohen et al. 1991: 422), it may be Belfer-Cohen 1989). But this is a matter for the next
necessary to envisage a combination of explanations. chapter (see Chapter 12).
Whatever the case, the prestige and influence of the
Carmel and the Galilee became weaker. This is evident in
Sedentism in the Levantine sequence
the Negev and on the Euphrates, where, on different lines,
the societies exhibit a tendency to disassociate themselves It remains for us to ask ourselves what the Natufian
from the practices in the 'center'. In the Negev, the signifies. We have said that it is situated between two
Harifians seem to convert to a new system of seasonality, points of dislocation, but we have also shown a profound
perhaps based on a different mode of resource continuity from the preceding period. If our analyses are
exploitation. It is likely that the upland aggregation sites reliable, then the key innovation introduced by the
could have been frequented during spring and summer, Natufian resides in the tendency to prolong as much as
but no longer in winter as was the case in the Late possible those periods when families grouped together, at
Natufian. Another significant shift is that most of the the expense of periods of dispersal. The way of life which
exotic objects, among them the decorative elements, came resulted from this has been termed, perhaps a little
from the south (Red Sea, Sinai) during this period and no incorrectly, sedentary. However, it does undoubtedly
longer from the Mediterranean. On the Euphrates, appear that the practising of a less mobile way of life than
separation from the 'center' worked in a different before, along with the habit of returning to the same sites
direction. At the time when the Carmel and Galilee were (where some members of the group may have stayed), is at
abandoning the traditional sedentary way of life, the very heart of the majority of the changes which
Mureybet seems to have perpetuated it. If the tendency characterize the period.
toward sedentism has been one of the specific indicators of Among the changes more visible to archaeologists are
the Natufian, then Mureybet is, at this time, the most the increase in the size of sites, in the thickness of deposits
'Natufian' of all the sites in the Levant. There are also, and in the density of the remains which they contain.
however, certain traits at Mureybet which bear witness to Following the ideas put forward by Binford (1968), many
the spreading of influences from elsewhere. For example, have regarded these phenomena as secure evidence for an
unlike Abu Hureyra, Mureybet does not have dentalium; increase in the size of groups compared to the preceding
on the other hand, it has Anatolian obsidian, which period and, consequently, evidence for a general increase
arrived there in small quantities at a time when it hardly in the population. Relative sedentism could have resulted
ever reached any further south. in changes in the demographic structure, due to a
Just like its beginnings, the end of the Natufian reduction in the length of time between births. The
corresponds to a 'dislocation' in the Levantine sequence. increasing pressure exerted on the environment could have
The settlement of the country underwent a total forced groups to divide up and to colonize land which was
transformation. The Carmel and Galilee seem to have incapable of producing naturally the necessary staples.
become empty, with only Nahal Oren being reinhabited Agricultural practices may have been developed in these
somewhat later. The Harman vanished towards the end of 'peripheries' where people may have tried to introduce
the eleventh millennium, and the Negev lacks any evidence species which did not grow there naturally, but were
of occupation for a long period of time. Mureybet familiar in their region of origin. Unfortunately, the
provides the only example of an uninterrupted human demographic expansion suggested cannot be sustained by
presence in the same location. In central Palestine, the the available evidence. The size of sites and their relative
brief period known as the Khiamian appears to show richness can be understood in terms of the way in which
small, rather ephemeral, groups of hunters at sites such as people frequented them - in terms of changing social
Hatoula, el Khiam and Salibiyah IX. This episode is practices, without having to rely on models which· cannot
184 Part" * Stone Age Adaptation, Evolution and Survival * Fran90is Valla
be proven. Furthermore, the stability of traditions, which biological grounds, there was a constant demand for
seems to be one of the characteristics of the period, does matrimonial exchange between local groups.
not suggest large-scale movement of the population. But art and decoration also open the way to symbolic
Finally, evidence from the 'peripheries' during the thought. This domain is not any less problematic than that
Natufian does not indicate that people there developed of social organization. Nevertheless, the male and female
agricultural practices. symbolic meaning of the marine shells with which the
The general impoverishment of the culture at the end of Natufian decorated themselves is universal. It is difficult to
the eleventh millennium, which occurred everywhere imagine that people were unaware of it. This impression is
except in the Euphrates, along with what we observed of reinforced if one turns to the bone ornamental elements.
the 'wild' character of the plant crops, cereals, legumes The fox canines are unambiguous. Some beads appear to
and others, indicates that nowhere did the Natufians pass imitate deer canines, and these also carry male values. The
the stage of intensive gathering of diverse resources (of 'twin-pendants' from EI-Wad are probably also part of the
which cereals were most probably not as central as may same symbolic system, whether one wishes to see them as
have been thought). This point of view could become two stylized deer canines or, along with Marshack, as
more plausible if it could be confirmed (which may be equivalent to the female figurine pendants from Dolni
possible) that the last Natufians of the Carmel and Galilee Vestonice. It is, maybe, not necessary to choose between
consumed less plant food than their predecessors. the two interpretations, since the symbolic mind would be
The changes evidenced by the faunal remains may also able to bring both into play. Finally, the presence of
be explained by a new way of using sites. The hunting of phallic representations, and that of a probable female
small game could be rooted in the necessity of thoroughly figurine (at Hayonim Terrace), allow us to conclude that
exploiting the territory close to villages. In this context of the Natufian mind uses the sexual divide to understand
limited hunting grounds, it becomes clear how the the world. We have already noted that towards the end of
selective hunting of gazelles led to over-exploitation of the the Natufian, dentalium shells became relatively less
species. However, perhaps the most interesting innova- popular - a trend which increased during the following
tions in this field result as much from the behavior of periods. Female figurines increase in number during the
humans as from the behavior of animals, namely the Khiamian. It is appropriate to note here the beginnings of
invasion of commensals and the domestication of the dog. this shift, which constitutes yet another connection with
It is unclear if the domestication of the dog was so the following cultures, even if for the moment one cannot
revolutionary per se; dogs may have existed elsewhere at refine much in this field.
the end of the paleolithic. But the way in which burials
suggest domestication may have been understood at this
Conclusion: grounds for future
time - opening the way for further 'humanization' of the
research
world at the expense of nature - was in itself important
for the future (see Plate 2.1, Window 2). Axe the Natufian the first settled societies? Probably yes.
The development of art and decoration no longer seems But this statement must be cautiously delimited. The
unusual to this new way of living if it is indeed true that Natufian does not appear as a uniform whole, either in
aggregation time is one of intense intellectual and religious time or space. On the contrary, we see it as a complex of
activity. The ornamental elements which are found in regional entities, each of them maintaining their own
Early Natufian graves have been interpreted as indicators originality, even if sharing most aspects of the same
of a hierarchical society because decorated burials seem to material culture. From that point of view, the main
cross-cut age and sex differences (Wright 1978). There can difference between sites in what is called here the 'center'
be no doubt that these decorative elements had a social (the Carmel and Galilee areas) and those in the
function, probably as a means for each group to affirm 'peripheries', is a gradual impoverishment of sites the
their identity. Study of the graves does suggest that certain farther they are from the 'center'. Nevertheless, even this
subjects - not necessarily those individuals who are picture is still an oversimplification. The so-called
decorated - may have enjoyed particular prestige. But 'peripheries' that we imagine receiving innovations from
claiming that prestige was hereditary or that the Natufians outside, do not appear to have been passive. Not being
were organized into chiefdoms (Henry 1989: 210) by able to adopt fully the way of life of the 'center', they had
imposing on the archaeological evidence an imported to adjust the 'ideal' it may have represented for them to
evolutionary model, obscures the facts instead of the limitations of the relatively poor, or at least different,
explaining them. With the current state of the evidence, environment in which they were living. Finally, when the
it is difficult to properly understand Natufian social 'center' lost its dynamism, the peripheries themselves
organization beyond noting the desire of each group for became areas of innovation - at least in the Negev and on
self-individualization, of which there are many indications. the Euphrates.
This was probably all the more necessary because, on So, what is the Natufian culture? What is called here
The first Settled Societies - Natufian (12,500-10,200 BP) 185
'Natufian' is a 'culture' in the sense that all areas included equivocality of their data. Wright'S (1978) interpretation
and groups referred to are reregnizable as part of it on the of the graves at El-Wad may be legitimate as an exercise
basis of the material elements they have in common. In showing one possible avenue for further research. It is less
other words, we do not assume among those groups a clear if it is acceptable on methodological grounds, in that
uniform way of life. Maybe this definition would not be the author casts the data in a pre-existing mould without
acceptable to ethnographers. But prehistorians and questioning whether they could fit another model. But the
ethnographers do not have at their disposal the same fragility of his conclusions become obvious if one
kind of data, and the extent to which the observations of considers both the quality of the data involved (excavated
the latter (and a fortiori their theoretical constructions) in the early 1930s) and the quantity of the material (five
can be imposed on the remains of Pre-Neolithic societies graves). Nothing seems to be more difficult to obtain in
has still to be demonstrated. Pre-Neolithic prehistory than data relevant to social
In this context it is relevant to evoke the controversy organization; even the ways in which past people thought,
between those who hold that flint tools are useful cultural elusive as they are, may be easier to approach. What is
markers, and the supporters of the view that they reflect sure, in any case, is the need for more well-excavated and
only specific tasks on each site. People influenced by reliable data as a basis for reasoning.
ethnographers tend to accept this second opinion while In short, research on the Natufian culture during the
the traditional mode of reasoning among prehistorians is coming years has a good chance of being dominated by
based on the first . It has been argued in this paper that debates stemming from the discrepancies between the data
flint tools, at least through technology and shape, under offered by the sites (and their excavators) and the
certain conditions can be taken as cultural indicators. This questions asked by prehistorians fascinated by the
is especially obvious for microliths. On-going research 'answers' reached by their ethnographer colleagues.
addressing the problem through different angles,
technological study of debitage, attribute analysis and
microwear analysis of tools, will help throw more light on Acknowledgments
the matter.
The ambiguous relationship between prehistory and Thanks are due to O. Bar-Yosef, J. Perrot and D. Stordeur
ethnography is again illustrated in the interpretation of who allowed me to reproduce illustrations from their
such cultural traits as settlement organization and work, and to D. Ladiray and M. Barazani, from the
funerary habits. There is no place here for a full Centre de Recherche Fran~ais de Jerusalem (CNRS) for
discussion of this problem, suffice it to say that once again help in completing the figures. The text was translated
prehistorians are hampered by the limitations and from French by Brian Boyd to whom lowe a special debt.
PART III
Chronology and terminology The Levantine PPNA period contains two entities. The
Mediterranean
Sea
Shunra v ie
are presumed to have been temporary campsites of sweeping and repeated clearing of the floors, thus
hunters or task groups that gathered wild fruits and seeds. eliminating in most houses the study of spatial distribution
The medium-size sites (ca. 2000-3000 m 3 ), as well as the of artifacts. Only in rare cases, such as in the 'burnt
larger ones (up to 2.5 hectares, such as Jericho), are often house' in Netiv Hagdud or the abandoned houses in
considered hamlets and villages. Gilgal I, do we get a glimpse of the spatial distribution of
PPNA village households were constructed either as domestic artifacts such as cupholes, hearths, grinding
one large oval room, or as a set of two adjacent rooms bowls, etc. (Noy 1989; Bar-Yosef et al. 1991).
with small installations around them. Rounded and oval Most large sites with many structures are assumed to
houses characterize the entire region. Typically, they are have been occupied all year round on the basis of the
built of mud or stones, often semi-subterranean with seasonal distribution of collected, harvested, gathered and
lower courses of up to 50-70 cm below ground level. The hunted food resources (Bar-Yosef et al. 1991). Even if
walls, as shown in Jericho, Gilgal and Netiv Hagdud, short-term mobility was practiced by these sites'
were built of plano-convex mud bricks. Little is known inhabitants, the investment in building and storing, as
about the roofs, which were probably flat. In smaller sites demonstrated by the structures in Jericho, Netiv Hagdud
such as Nahal Oren, the rounded rooms were still and Gilgal I, indicate that these communities planned
attached to each other resembling the compound ahead for the re-use of facilities o~r many years. In
arrangement of the preceding Natufian communities. addition it is clear that investment of time and energy for
Comparison to ethnographically-observed groups suggests construction and maintenance also occurred at smaller
that increasingly open spaces between households reflect sites, such as the cave of 'Iraq ed-Dubb, located In a
the decreasing degree of kinship relationships. Unfortu- highland of the Transjordanian plateau, where oval
nately, building activities were often accompanied by structures built of stones were uncovered, some 4-5
Earliest Food Producers - Pre PoHery Neolithic (8000- 5500) 193
Mediterranean
Sea
Red Sea
Basta, there are pOSItIve indications for the presence of suggestion by Crowfoot-Payne (1983), we refer to the
two-floor houses. early phase as Khiamian, but most of the period is
Public structures in PPNB sites are rare due to the small represented by the Sultanian (Bar-Yos~f 1980, 1991; Noy
excavated surfaces. In Beidha, where a large area was 1989; Bar-Yosef et al. 1991; Nadel et al. 1990).
exposed, a large rectangular building with plastered floors The Khiamian (Echegaray 1966), in my view, occupies
and a central basin was found to differ considerably from the transition to the ' Sultan ian villages and the sites
the other 'corridor houses'. So does the structure at the (Salibiya IX, Gilgal I, El Khiam) that contain an industry
edge of the site that is interpreted as a shrine by Kirkbride with microliths, including lunates, Khiam points and sickle
(1968). The best examples in the Near East are known blades, but without bifacial tools (axes-adzes).
from <;:ayonii and Navali <;:ori. The possible presence of The Sultanian is characterized by single platform blades
temples is raised by the caches of human statues uncovered and flake cores, many of which were exhausted. Among
at Ain Ghazal (Rollefson 1984, 1986. See Plate 1 p. 191). the retouched pieces are El-Khiam points (arrowheads),
Finally, a terrace wall that was intended to protect the sickle blades on large blades (Beit Ta'amir knives),
site from erosion, with a staircase built on its outer sometimes with bifacial retouch, and a preponderance of
surface, was uncovered at Beidha (Kirkbride 1966). small blades and flakes shaped into burins and
perforators. Other tools include the lunates, some
retouched bladelets and Netiv-Hagdud truncations . A
Innovations and technology
large class of 'nibbled' tools, either finely retouched or
The PPNA lithic industry is best documented in the Jordan bearing signs of utilization, are mostly blades. Tranchet
Valley sites (Jericho, Gilgal, Netiv Hagdud, Gesher, axes-adzes, also known as Tahunian axes-adzes, have a
Salibiya IX and in the cave of Iraq ed-Dubb). Following a working edge shaped by transverse removal. These tools
Ear/iest Food Producers - Pre Pottery Neolithic (BOOO-5500) 195
Table 1 Estimated occupied surfaces of selected Central and Southem during the PPNA, tubers and leaves are either poorly
Levanline sites (dated to or correlated with the 'PPNB'), in hectares represented or rarely preserved. Detailed reports are
Ain Ghazal 12.000 available from the northern Levant, from Mureybet and
Wadi Shueib 10.000 Abu Hureyra, while information from the central and
Basta 12.000 southern Levant is derived from Tel Aswad, Netiv
Beisamoun 10.000-12.000 Hagdud, Gilgal I, with some information from Jericho
TelAswad 5.000 (van Zeist and Bakker-Heeres 1985, 1986; Hillman et al.
Ghoraife 5.000 1989; Hopf 1983; Kislev 1989, 1992; Kislev in Bar-Yosef
Ramad 2.000 et al. 1991; Zohary and Hopf 1988; Hillman and Davies
Jericho 2.500 1990, 1992; Zohary 1992; Miller 1992).
'faftahel 1.500
The main issue is when and where the shift from
Kefer Hahoresh 0.700
Nahal Oren 0.200
systematic gathering to cultivation took place. In the past,
it was suggested that this transition happened simul-
Semi-arid and arid taneously in different geographical locations, but recently
Abu Nukheileh 0.045 Zohary (1989) proposed that it occurred in one small area.
Nahallssaron 0.040 The best recorded pre-Neolithic floral assemblages orig-
Ujrat el Mehed 0.030 inate in Ohalo II and the Epipaleolithic of Abu Hureyra
Wadi Jibba I 0.015 (Kislev et al. 1992; Hillman et al. 1989; Hillman and
WadiTbeik 0.025 Davies 1992). In Abu Hureyra the evidence suggests that
Abu Modi I 0.008
Gebel Rubsha 0.003
the gathering of 150 species was done from May through
July and from August to November. Given the possibility
that the gathering seasons do not necessarily reflect the
time of consumption, Hillman et al. (1990) argued that the
were constantly resharpened and when abandoned had site was occupied for most of the year. Importantly, there is
diminishing sizes. In addition, polished celts, made of no positive evidence that would indicate that wild Einkorn
either limestone or basalt, are included. wheat or wild rye were cultivated. Field observation in the
An examination of available 14C dates along a steppe region during a wet winter indicated that the
geographic axis and changes in the lithic industries suggest distribution of 'weedy' species was not limited to cultivated
that the PPNA period began earlier in the central Levant fields, as was previously believed.
(between the Damascus basin and the Jordan Valley), Unfortunately, Abu Hureyra was not occupied in the
preceding other areas. The earlier emergence of the PPNB immediate PPNA period. This transition in the northern
lithic core reduction strategies, including the naviform Levant is recorded in Mureybet. The stratified samples
cores, began in the northern Levant (Mureybet), and the from the Late Natufian through the Early Neolithic
diffusion of Helwan points was from the middle (Mureybet phases lA, m, II and ill) enabled van Zeist and
Euphrates southward (Gopher 1989; Cauvin 1987; Bakker-Heeres (1986) to conclude that, besides the 60
Rollefson 1989). species of wild seeds and fruits, two-seeded wild Einkorn
became numerous in phase ill. Size classes of lentil seeds
indicate that they were also collected in the wild.
The Economy: cultivation and animal
Despite the recent advances made in understanding the
domestication
relationship between grain morphology and plant
Most authorities agree that the economy of the Early domestication, there is still considerable disagreement
Neolithic communities was based on the consumption of about the morphological attributes of 'domesticated
cereals and legumes, wild seeds and fruits. Mammals, species'. Hillman and Davies (1990) accept identifications
reptiles, birds and fish were obtained through hunting, based on grain morphology, size, and rare, well-preserved
trapping and fishing, while the domestication of capro- rachis fragments, indicating the presence of domesticated
vines, cattle and pigs occurred only during the ninth wheat and barley in Tel Aswad, Jericho, Gilgal and Netiv
millennium BP uncalibrated (e.g., Flannery 1973; Clutton- Hagdud. Kislev (1989, 1992), however, holds a different
Brock 1981; Davis 1991; Moore 1985; Helmer 1989; view. He observed that among threshed ears of wild
Hillman et al. 1989; Hillman and Davies 1990; Bar-Yosef barley, 10 per cent of the internodes still retain a fragment
and Belfer-Cohen 1989, 1991, 1992; McCorriston and of the upper internode attached to the articulation scar. In
Hole 1991; van Zeist 1988). Since the evidence indicates a few cases, several internodes remain intact. Thus, the
the possibilty that cereals were cultivated since the PPNA, lower part of the ear of the wild barley manifests features
and as this is a controversial issue, I will defer the which, to date, are considered characteristic of only
discussion of animal bones to a later part of this section. domesticated forms. Kislev's archaeological conclusions
Although a large array of seeds and fruits were exploited (Kislev 1992) are that most of the barley seeds uncovered
196 Part 11/ * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Oier Bar-Yosef
in Gilgal and Netiv Hagdud were collected in the wild the lack of sieving in Jericho). The site of Nahal Oren is
stands and do not necessarily indicate intentional represented, aside from the Aominant gazelle, by a few
cultivation. bones of fallow and roe deer. At Hatoula, gazelle, hare
In an experiment in Jales in June 1988, wild barley was and fox are dominant with a few bones of aurochs, wild
harvested and the green ears were immediately threshed. boar, equids, hedgehogs and small carnivores. A relatively
The observations in the French field confirmed those of high frequency of bird bones (including aquatic species, as
Kislev, which were done near Jerusalem. When the in Netiv Hagdud and Gilgal) and bones of marine fish
harvested barley was left to be sun-dried for 24 hours, complete the faunal spectrum (Davis 1989).
however, only 2-3 per cent of the sample had a broken The overall picture (Figure 3) indicates that the main
fragment of the internode still attached to the disarticu- shift in animal exploitation occurred only during the
lation plane. Therefore, Zohary (1992) and Hillman and PPNB when higher frequencies of caprovines (goat and
Davies (1992) support the earlier contention that the sheep) meant a decrease in the frequencies of gazelle, wild
carbonized grains from Netiv Hagdud, Gilgal I and boar, cattle and rare deer (e.g., Davis 1982; Helmer
Jerich( indicate cultivation of two-rowed barley. In sum, 1989).
the systematic cultivation of wild barley, followed by the Most scholars agree that there is sufficient evidence of
harvesting and storage of grain as well as some human fully-fledged farming communities existing during the
selection of seeds, led to domestication of this species PPNB along the 'Levantine Corridor' that expanded
(Zohary 1992). during the ninth millennium BP into Anatolia and the
In addition, Emmer wheat is better represented in the Zagros.
charred remains from Tel Aswad (van Zeist and Bakker- Plant remains retrieved from village sites indicate that
Heeres 1985). The plum-seeded Triticum dicoccum cereals, legumes, flax and other species were cultivated.
remains have been numerous since the early phase in The evidence for the presence of grain in the desert sites is
this site, dated to 9800-9600 BP. Since the wild form is indirect; all desert sites contain grinding stones, sometimes
missing altogether from the early phases, it is not in large numbers. Historical records support the
surprising that in a general survey of early Neolithic plant contention that cereals were often grown locally, as in
husbandry, van Zeist (1988) was willing to speculate and Biqat 'Uvda in the southern Negev, about 30 km north of
suggest that plant cultivation began between the Eilat. The better climatic conditions during the early to
Damascus basin and Jericho (van Zeist 1988: 56-8). late PPNB made it possible to grow grain in oases and
Several as yet unresolved questions are: temporarily wet desert interior basins. The use of baskets,
as indicated by the finds from Nahal Hemar, enabled
1. Was there only one locus of domestication for each people to carry grain over large distances without draft
species, as recently suggested by Zohary (1989), or several
independent loci where various species were cultivated and animals.
exchanged? . The intriguing questions are 'when', 'where' and 'why'
2. In light of the rapid morphological changes in plants the domestication of animals took place (e.g., Bar-Yosef
recently documented by Hillman and Davies (1990, 1992), and Meadow in press). Davis (1982) suggested viewing
is it realistic for archaeologists to search for transitional the shift in the frequencies among animal bones (NISP), as
forms? demonstrated in Figure 3, as reflecting the introduction of
3. What are the implications of the observable rapid change domesticated caprovines into the Levant. This change
on the interpretation of archaeological remains? occurred around 9500/9000 BP, although it is not certain
4. Do shifts in the frequency of ground stone tool types whether the domestication took place in the marginal belt
reflect changes in food processing as suggested in various
of the coastal Levant. The beginning of the intentional
studies ·(Smith et a1. 1984; Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen
1989; Wright 1991)?
tending and rearing of cattle and pigs followed at the end
of the ninth and early eighth millennia BP in the northern
Whether the PPNA inhabitants of the settlement Levant.
between Jericho and the Damascus basin were farmers or The current archaeo-zoological information suggests
only intensive gatherers, they undoubtedly continued to that goats and sheep were not an important component of
hunt and trap (e.g., Clutton-Brock 1981; Bar-Yosef and the natural game in the central and southern Levantine
Meadow in press). The evidence from PPNA faunal sites, with the exception of Capra. aegagrus in the
assemblages is that more caprovines and cattle were mountains of Lebanon and the Capra ibex in south Jordan
hunted in the northern Levant while gazelle dominated in and southern Sinai. If most studies concerning hunter-
the central and southern Levant, sometimes with ibex, gatherers are correct, they indicate that these people were
fallow deer and wild boar. Both Jericho and Netiv familiar with the fauna of their environments, but hardly
Hagdud demonstrate high frequencies of foxes. Netiv ever tried to domesticate animals. It is, therefore, suggested
Hagdud and Gilgal I resemble Jericho, but also have high that goat and sheep were domesticated only when farmers
frequencies of birds (which can be partially attributed to moved into Anatolia and the Zagros mountains.
Ear/iest Food Producers - Pre Pottery Neolilhic (BOOO-5500) 197
- .......
.- . . . . . . I ...
.,
00IcapdcIa Sua fquus eem....
y-
PI'NB
PPNC
A.... fIareJa (337)
••
:III
~
60 80 :III 80 80
•••
~ I
I
•••
2D
I
2D
•
2D
I
••
- -•••• -
Ala Ghual (19!181 •
-- I I
Jedchol~
PI'NB
AboaQ,oh
•• I
I
. J<richo 13591
GUplll13,
I
••
PPNA NellY Hasdud (l31) I
Nahal 0.... (519)
_ _ _ II I I
-
H........ (266)
IUyoaImT·ICS22) • • • • • I
•
I
I
I
I
•
I I
Nahal 0.... 1M) I I
SaIIb1y. I (320) I
•I
Religion and ideology the case of Wadi Tbeik) and were later removed to the
central site (Hershkovitz and Gopher 1990).
Graves anel burials
Art anel/or culfic ob;ects
Burials are common in Jericho, Netiv Hagdud, 'Iraq ed-
Dubb and Hatula but, surprisingly, are missing from The few figurines made of either limestone or clay represent
Gilgal I, where large surfaces were excavated (Noy 1989). the scant knowledge concerning cultic or ritual activities
One possible explanation for this is that the site as a during the PPNA period. The female figurines are of 'seated
whole had an entirely different function in comparison to woman' with eyes, breasts and, rarely, an incision on the
other PPNA sites and was used, as predicated in the case head which can be interpreted as symbolizing head gear
of Late Natufian sites in the Jordan Valley, only as a (Noy 1986). The definitely female figures mark a clear
seasonal base. departure from the Natufian world (Cauvin 1985) where
The removal of skulls from most adult burials is a animals dominate the inventory of known objects. In
common habit while the skeletons of children remained addition, the use of clay is more or less new, and is well
intact. The special treatment of adult skulls is better correlated with the extensive use of mudbricks that began
known from the PPNB period when skulls were modelled in the PPNA and which undoubtedly reflects a change in
in plaster or asphalt, and interpreted as the 'cult of the the hierarchy of values within Neolithic society.
ancestors' (see below). Neither isolated Natufian nor Small figurines are common also in the PPNB deposits.
PPNA skulls in occupational deposits exhibit a special The largest collection was uncovered in Ain Ghazal
treatment. (Rollefson 1983, 1986), many of which are animals, but
The main change takes place during the final PPNB few are human. Other human figurines are known from
when the burials are intact and no skull removal is Munhata (Perrot 1968, 1967). These figurines could have
observed (Rollefson et al. 1992). In the Sinai desert, been used in daily, domestic activities as toys or as
groups of hunter-gatherers practiced secondary burials in teaching aids employed by adults to explain the secrets of
what seem to have been storage facilities in a seasonal nature to children. On the other hand, the figurines are
aggregation site (Bar-Yosef 1984, 1985). It seems that the also viewed as offerings or as personally-owned sacred
dead were first buried at the location of death (such as in objects. Female figurines are often referred to as 'the
198 Part 111 * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Ofer Bar-Yosef
trapping, over-exploited the home ranges of these resources (essentially fruits) in the Levantine region were
sedentary communities. In addition, necessary adjust- also predictable, while acorns should be considered famine
ments of the social structure were made through 60-70 foods, not a major dietary resource (McCorriston 1994).
generations, and were probably a painful process. The stationary nature of the behavior of the common local
Increased personal and inter-family conflicts, as well as game (e.g., Mountain gazelle, roe deer, fallow deer)
intensified use of· public rituals, became essential. The encouraged the establishment of a semi-sedentary
increased cohesion of the groups was inseparable from the settlement pattern.
formation of social hierarchies (Cohen 1985). The emergence of the Natufian from a population of
There is a proposal to interpret the Nahal Hemar cave Epipaleolithic hunter-gatherers is seen as an event which
as a territorial 'marker' on the geographic boundary took place in a certain Levantine 'homeland' and as a
between the Negev and the Judean hills and desert (Bar- point of no return (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989,
Yosef and Alon 1988). The location of such a holy place 1991). The rest of the Near East was continuously
on the edge of a territory is not surprising, as both occupied by groups of hunter-gatherers until the socio-
ethnographic and archaeological parallels are known. The economic changes caused by the 'Neolithic Revolution' at
Chalcolithic temple of Ein Gedi, for example, is like the the end of the 'Younger Dryas' caught up with them. The
cave, and seems to have been a marginally located cult factor of 'demographic pressure' means that from ca.
center for a specific region. It served as a storage place for 14,500 BP, people occupied every eco-zone within the
paraphernalia such as the stone masks, modeled skulls, Near East; under stress conditions, territorial rearrange-
special clothes, body decorations, and fragmented plaster ments and a shift in settlement patterns were necessary.
statues that were employed in rituals or brought to be The establishment of Early Natufian base camps
buried in this sacred place. departed from the old seasonal settlement pattern.
Permanent camp sites changed the sense of territoriality
and decreased the number of options in times of stress
Conclusion: processes of change
(Tchernov 1991). These changes worked in a feedback
The explanatory model used in this chapter takes into mechanism during the ensuing millennia with the
account the results of numerous investigations and a establishment of cultivating communities.
previously proposed models (e.g., Hole 1984; Moore This threshold is seen as a response to the forcing
1985: Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989, 1991, 1992; effects of the 'Younger Dryas' on the Late Natufian in the
Moore and Hillman 1992; McCorriston and Hole 1991; Levantine Corridor. Starting intentional cultivation was
Bar-Yosef and Meadow in press). The main factors in this the only solution for a population for which cereals
model are the climatic fluctuations of the Terminal became a staple food, and for which a return to a mobile
Pleistocene, the resources in the Levant and their nature, hunting-gathering lifestyle was not a valid option. So far
and social considerations known from 'behavioral studies as we know from the available evidence, the Natufians
of hunter-gatherers and farmers. were harvesting wild cereals in natural stands. Groups on
Environmental changes resulting from abrupt climatic the west side of the hilly area exploited the margins of the
fluctuations are seen as triggering cultural changes that Jordan Valley on a seasonal basis. Thus, sedentary
occur only after being 'filtered' through societal hamlets were located only on the west side, except for the
mechanisms devised to deal with crises. The climatic Galilee. A similar pattern can be reconstructed for the
shifts began with an increase in precipitation at the end of Transjordanian plateau. During the 'Younger Dryas',
the Late Glacial Maximum, around 14,500114,000 BP. yields of natural stands decreased and apparently
This was perhaps punctuated by a short dry event around motivated intentional cultivation. By establishing the
13,000112,800. The continued increase in rainfall Neolithic sedentary communities in the Jordan Valley, the
culminated around 11,500± and was followed by the first farmers gained the use of flat alluvial lands as fields -
cold and dry 'Younger Dryas' which lasted several an area with less vegetational cover that minimized
centuries, some time between 11,000 and 10,000 B.P. (ca. clearing efforts. The shift in settlement patterns means that
10,800-10,300 BP). The 'Younger Dryas' caused the main considerations in choosing a location were
vegetational shifts as well as a reduction in the primarily related to cereal cultivation and not necessarily
distribution of C3 plants such as cereals. It ceased with to optimal foraging of vegetal and animal resources. Such
a rapid return to wetter conditions, although not as wet as a change led to major changes in labor and social
in the previous period, around 10,000 BP. organization, as well as to further investments in
The availability, predictability and abundance of many permanent dwellings and storage facilities. The pluvial
edible seeds, fruits and leaves, together with some conditions of the PPNA period ensured the existence of
mammals, formed the basis for the 'broad spectrum' numerous small lakes and ponds, and the success of a new
(Flannery 1973) subsistence of hunter-gatherers in the economy. Reasonably good conditions continued
Levantine Corridor since 20,000 BP. Perennial plant throughout most of the PPNB times, although the end of
Ear/iest Food Producers - Pre Pottery Neolithic (BOOO-5500) 201
the period correlates with climatic shifts such as the retreat hunting in the lower levels at Cafer, and more water fowl
of the monsoonal system (COHMAP members 1988). trapping in PPNA Netiv Hagdud and Hatula (Helmer
Although the abandonment of PPNB sites was related by 1991; Davis 1989, 1991).
the excavators of Ain Ghazal to environmental The earliest evidence for domesticated goats in the
deterioration caused by humans, the broad distribution deserts of the Levant comes from Azraq 37 (Garrard et al.
of this phenomenon, which incorporates the coastal belt, 1988), dated to the eighth millennuim BP. This supports
goes against such a simplified explanation. Even if goat an earlier contention that pastoralism in the Levant
herding and the use of wood became common practices emerged from task groups of villagers who exploited the
among PPNB farmers, there is no ample evidence for a spring and fall pastures in the steppic-desertic belt (Bar-
region-wide impact. Climatic changes around 6000 BP Yosef and Khazanov 1992; Kohler-Rollefson 1992).
(uncalibrated) were recorded over the entire Near East, as The natural growth of agricultural villages and the
well as other places in the Mediterranean basin - in most budding-off of new communities is archaeologically visible
cases away from farming communities. during the ninth millennium BP, but becomes clearer by
The domestication of the caprovines is still a debated the end of the eighth millennium BP. Even with inherent
issue. This writer suggested that it took place in the uncertainties in 14C dating, it seems that several sites have
Taurus-Zagros ranges, or their hilly flanks, during the longer sequences than others. Chronological gaps in well-
PPNB, where both species had already been hunted established settlements can be interpreted as resulting from
extensively in the Upper Pleistocene. The initiative for a 'shifting cultivation', resulting from soil exhaustion andlor
change in the pattern of exploitation, which we referred to salinatior The overall thickness of the deposits in the
as 'domestication', occurred as part of the domestic Neolithic sites and the range of the radiocarbon dates
activity in sedentary farming communities or in the indicate that new villages were founded during the PPNB.
seasonal sites that belonged to farming communities with By the final phase of this period, cattle, and later pig, were
an anticipated mobility pattern. The evidence from Ganj introduced as domesticated species. The existence of Near
Dareh, for example, where domesticated cereals were Eastern exchange networks, such as in obsidian, collected
recovered from the earliest level (E), means that goats had in various Anatolian sources suggests that these domesti-
already been manipulated by the occupants. The issue is cated species were moved into the southern Levant from
whether the metrical information supports the contention the north.
that the domesticated goats appear only in the following The establishment of farming communities, especially
levels (D and above, Hesse 1984). However, the possibilty during the PPNB, imposed a new time schedule on
of caprovine herding beginning in more than one locality, females' work, possibly creating extra responsibilities for
including the Levant, is still an option that needs to be women during the sowing season, coupled with the effects
tested archaeologically. of sedentism (e.g., increase in the number of children,
The domestication of the caprovines responds to the more restricted areas of gathering wild fruits and seeds,
need for a constant supply of animal tissues (proteins, etc.). Logistically organized long distance forays carried
calories, fat, etc.) on a stable basis. One may speculate out by men became a necessity, thus enhancing gender
that the demand arose against a background of depleting differences in activities. This marked the departure from
game in certain areas of the Near East or, more the more locally based subsistence strategies which
particularly, in the central and southern Levant. This, in characterized the late hunter-gatherers and the Natufian
part, is supported by a demonstrable shift to the economy (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989, 1991,
exploitation of smaller animals, including more hare 1992).
Plate 1.1
- - ---
Nahal Hemar: a fragment of on asphalt
coated basket (photograph: Zev Radovan)
,-uu",>..<",u have servea as projectile points.
.. . been digging
Plate 1.4 Nahal Hemar: stone mask (The Israel
Museum, Jerusale m)
13
EARLY POTTERY-BEARING GROUPS IN
ISRAEL - THE POTTERY NEOLITHIC
PERIOD
Avi Gopher
areas of the Southern Levant. It was described as an millennium BC there was a change but it will require
integral system (Gopher 1985, 1989b), an interaction further research to understand the reasons for it.
sphere (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1989) or a koine (d.
Cauvin 1989). The high degree of affinity between
Developments in the early sixth
subunits within this system was emphasized, thus
millennium Be
describing what could fit on a schematic level the
Clarkian heading of 'culture group' (Clarke 1978: 299- The recognition of the collapse of the PPN system was for
362). Sites of different size scales were dispersed many years accompanied by a reconstruction of a long
throughout the Levant in the PPN, adapted to the settlement gap in the southern Levant or parts of this
different ecological zones and practising different modes of region - some claim for over a thousand years - mainly in
economy. These included every possible combination of the sixth millennium BC (e.g., deVaux 1966; Kenyon
hunting, gathering, fishing, agriculture of cereals and 1970; Perrot 1968). This was explained as the result of
pulses, and livestock husbandry. In this framework new climatic deterioration, and subsequendy population
evidence of technological innovations appears, beginning movements were reconstructed for desertion of the
with the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A period (PPNA) including dessicated parts of the southern Levant and a move to the
the use of mudbrick, spinning and basketry methods, the north into more humid regions. It was accepted by many
appearance of arrowheads in lithic assemblages and so on. that after this gap pottery-bearing cultures first appeared
An additional series of innovations and changes in in the southern Levant.
architecture, lithic technology, groundstone implements Research in the 1980s has refined our understanding of
and the industry of limeplaster took place in the Pre-Pottery the sequence of events in the southern Levant, and
Neolithic B (PPNB; Bar-Yosef, Chapter 12). The most subsequendy a new time unit was added following the
conspicuous phenomenon, however, through the 2000 PPNB which was termed the PPNC (Rollefson and
years of the PPNA and B, was the establishment of an Simmons 1986, 1988; Rollefson 1989) and covered the
economic system based on agriculture and its dispersal first half of the sixth millennium BC. This unit was first
from the regions of its first appearance throughout the identified at 'Ain Ghazal and later a number of additional
Levant (e.g., Byrd 1992). Concurrendy, a demographic layers were dated to the same period (e.g., Adit Yam,
growth was registered - not, however, as dramatic as Galili et al. 1994). Even though data is only preliminary
reconstructed by some scholars (e.g., Hershkovitz and and PPNC cultural entities are only sporadically known,
Gopher 1990). At the same time, changes and develop- the regional diversification within it is conspicuous and,
ments occurred in the ideology of the populations, and while 'Ain Ghazal is a very large site at that period, in the
rituals that were interpreted as ancestor worship gained Damascus Basin, Israeli coastal plain and even in the
credence in the PPNA and were especially prevalent in the Negev, a variety of different sites appear. Continuity from
PPNB (e.g., Kenyon 1970: Cauvin 1972; Bar-Yosef 1977). PPNB to PPNC can be identified in some aspects but
Domestic and public rituals were reconstructed (Rollefson change is observed too - in categories of material culture,
1983, 1986) and regional cult aggregation localities were in economic structure and in burial customs (Simmons et
identified through a wide variety of objets d'art interpreted al. 1988; Rollefson et al. 1992). Against the diverse local
as ritual paraphernalia (Bar-Yosef and Alon 1988: 27-8). adaptations of the first half of the sixth millennium BC,
Among the most famous manifestations of artistic-symbolic which represent the last gasps of the PPN, PN culture
objects of the PPNB are the plastered and otherwise treated appeared in the southern Levant. We should remember
skulls, the buried caches of plaster statuary, figurines and that in northern parts of the Levant and in Mesopotamia,
stone masks. This continuous process of socio-economic pottery-bearing entities of considerable size (and possibly
change brought the PPNB koine to a climax in the seventh complexity?) are already established.
millennium Be. Mega sites of over a hundred dunams
flourished in the different parts of the Levant.
Early pottery in the southern Levant
Towards the end of the seventh millennium signs of
crisis first appeared in the PPN system and it began to Who were the producers of early pottery in the southern
undergo a process of disintegration. Some scholars, Levant? This question is often raised. A number of
adopting a deterministic view, attribute the collapse to suggestions concerning their origin were made through the
climatic deterioration. Others claim that man's impact on years, mosdy regarding them as immigrants arriving with
the environment, together with a climatic change, brought a fully-fledged culture. I believe they were a local
about an over-exploitation of the area and disturbed its population that went through changes in many aspects of
.fragile balance. I personally would examine a stochastic culture and established a new rural system. There is no
attitude which views these final stages as integral parts of clear evidence to connect these early pottery producers to
the PPNB ontogenetic process. In any event, it is clear any foreign populations. However, I do not claim they
from the data that towards the end of the seventh were isolated. It was not until the fifth millennium BC that
208 Part 11/ * Farmers, Priests and Princes; The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Avi Gopher
NORTH SOUTH
vec TO THE SOREQ VALLEY INCLUDING DEAD SEA AREA
3000
3400
GHASSULIAN GHASSULIAN
CULTURE
3800
4200
QATIFIAN
Northern Negev
WADI RABA CULTURE and
CULTURE Dead Sea area
4600 I
I I
I I
I
I"JERICHO IX"
ACERAMIC
I "JERICHO IX"
5000
I CULTURE
SOUTHERN
NEGE!V and
I
I
I I
I NEGEV
HIGHLAND
SITES
YARMUKIAN
5400
:I,,
CULTURE
5800
\::NC IPPNC
signs of northern influence appear in the material culture of economic reconstruction and radiometric dating. On
of southern Levantine entities. PN cultures and sub- the other hand, an important new feature is added to the
cultures are defined generally following Clarke (1978: record which has high analytic potential for classifying PN
299-302) and using Renfrew's operative definition (1972: entities - the pottery assemblage. Despite shortcomings,
19) in the belief that similarity in assemblages of material and considering the growing body of data accumulating in
culture at certain measurable levels, within a defined the 1980s and 1990s, it seems that the time has come to
geographical range and a limited timespan, indicates social attempt an overview of both the old and new data from
groupings and is sufficient for assignment to an the southern Levant. Even if answers to 'why' questions
archaeological cultural entity. I do not belittle the are not yet easily forthcoming, we need to attempt to
limitations imposed on the reconstruction of chronostrati- tackle them and obtain, if not a full explanation, at least a
graphic, cultural and spatial aspects of these cultures presentation of alternative explaining events and processes
because of a paucity of quantitative reliable data which of change that took place in the sixth and fifth millennia
can be systematically analyzed for measuring the level of BC in the southern Levant. Even speculations based on
similarity and affinity between the different assemblages. this data are welcome. Figure 1 presents a scheme of the
We should remember that research methodology in cultural sequence of the sixth and fifth millennia BC in the
earlier decades created a very partial and inadequate data southern Levant, as reconstructed by Gopher and Gophna
base which was biased due to reasons connected to the (1993) with minute changes. The geographical range dealt
stated research objectives, field methodology and data with covers mainly the Mediterranean zone of the
analysis. It is also regrettable that the data on faunal and southern Levant and the chronological span in the order
botanical assemblages is very rare, reducing our capability of 3000 years.
Early Pottery-Bearing Groups in Israel - The Pottery Neolithic Period 209
Lodian livestock included mainly caprovines which The Wadi Raba culture
were dominant at Jericho (in spite of the problematic
sample, Clutton-Brook 1971) and bovides and pigs (from The Wadi Raba culture was defined by Kaplan in the
Nizzanim). Some gazelle and fishbones were also found. In early 1950s following the exposure of a new characteristic
this respect the Lodian represents continuity with the pottery assemblage that he paralleled with the Amuq
Yarmukian. No botanical remains were retrieved although phase D. Stratigraphically these assemblages appeared in
Hopf (1983) assumes that cereals and legumes were post-Yarmukian or post-Lodian (Jericho IX) and pre-
grown at Jericho. Ghassulian layers - as was the case at Teluliot Batashi,
In the lithic assemblage bipolar cores are completely Wadi Raba and Munhata, for example. Similar
absent, which marks the end of a tradition that started as assemblages were excavated at base layers of tell sites
early as the beginning of the eighth millennium BC in the years before the Wadi Raba culture was defined, for
northern Levant. The industry is dominated by flakes. example, Jericho, Bethshan, and Tell Far'ah. Wadi Raba
Conspicuous within the arrowheads are the small sites were excavated during the 1950s and 1960s in the
Haparsa, Nizzanim and Herzlia points; among the sickle Jordan Valley, the Jezreel Valley, Western Galilee and the
blades the trapezoidal-curved type is prominent, shaped in mountains of Israel. In the 1970s and 1980s small-scale
many cases by bifacial pressure flaking; bifacial knives and excavations, surveys and different collections in the
tabular scrapers continue to appear. Seriating arrowheads Mediterranean zones of Israel enlarged the inventory of
and sickle blades from sites such as Nizzanim and Givat sites. A map of Wadi Raba sites (see Figure 7) including
Haparsa shows that these are later than the Yarmukian at . its different variants shows a distribution covering the
Shaar Hagolan or Munhata, as well as those from the area from the Soreq Vale in the south to the Huleh Valley
Jericho PNA assemblages (Gopher 1989a, 1989b). It and the northern coast of Israel. The absolute chronology
should, however, be remembered that assigning Nizzanim of the Wadi Raba culture is based on a group of dates
and Givat Haparsa to the Lodian needs further from Ard TIaili in the Beqqa that is considered by
consideration. Mellaart (1975: 243) to be the origin of this entity in
In the pottery assemblage, painted burnished motif Israel; there the sequence is dated 4900-4700 BC. A
decorations appear, however, we should remember that number of C14 dates from different sites in Israel enables
decorated pottery constitutes a small portion of the the dating of the Wadi Raba layers mainly to the two
assemblage and Ben-Dor himself presented two different middle quarters of the fifth millennium BC, but both
ceramic groups in which the majority was the coarse extremities of this span still await more precise dating (for
undecorated kind. In effect, this is also the case in the a list of dates see Gopher and Gophna 1993).
assemblage recently excavated in Lod. Rectangular architecture is prominent in Wadi Raba
Almost no ob;ets d'art or figurines unique to the sites, including both single and multi-cell houses (Plate 4).
Lodian were found. A single figurine from Givat Haparsa Structures with trodden-earth floors are built on stone
(Noy 1977: 30) and a possible fragment of a clay figurine foundations while the superstructure was probably made
from Teluliot Batashi (Kaplan 1958a: 19) are the only of mudbrick and/or adobe. A small, circular mudbrick silo
known examples. Recently a number of burials were was recently excavated and small plaster lined basin-like
exposed at Lod enabling a first glimpse into this aspect of installations sunken into floors were found in a number of
the Lodian culture (see below). Wadi Raba sites. No rounded dwelling structures are
When attempting to define the Lodian as an archaeo- found in Wadi Raba sites.
logical culture, one confronts difficulties of data limitation. The economy of the Wadi Raba population is based on
Repetitivity is discerned in material culture assemblages livestock exploitation including goat, sheep, cattle and
such as the pottery and the lithics, but in all other respects pigs, with emphasis on ovicaprines. Hunting was rare and
data is very scarce. The absence of Yarmukian-like this is reflected in the paucity or complete absence of
figurines which were so prominent before must have arrowheads from the lithic assemblages. In summer 1992
meaning in this respect too. The Lodian map includes botanic material in considerable quantity was retrieved for
mostly small scale sites or mere find spots, however, the the first time in the Wadi Raba layer of Nahal Zehora n
scale of the area covered more or less corresponds to that and it probably includes cereals and pulses.
of the Yarmukian. The duration of this entity Activities connected or associated with spinning and
'sandwiched' between the Yarmukian and Wadi Raba weaving find expression indirectly in an assemblage of
does not exceed a few hundred years. spindle whorls.
The affinity level between the Yarmukian and Lodian The Wadi Raba lithic assemblages reflect the use of
must still be studied, but I believe that the Lodian was an local low quality flints; most cores have one striking
independent entity which deserves recognition as part of platform and are amorphic in shape. Flakes dominate the
the cultural sequence of the Pottery Neolithic period of the industry. Arrowheads are almost absent, but when they
region even if it derives from the Yarmukian. appear they include Haparsa and Nizzanim points. Burins
212 Port III * Formers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Avi Gopher
seem to appear variably and chamfered pieces were Zehora IT). Relief and applied inotifs and figures appear
recorded in one case (Gopher and Orrelle 1990). Sickle on pottery vessels including a human image on a carinated
blades are rectangular in shape, truncated at both ends holemouth jar from Ein el Jarba (Figure 4; Kaplan 1969)
and backed. They are usually thick and short when and snake images. New patterns appear on pottery which
compared to Yarmukian sickle blades (Gopher 1989a). may be part of the symbolic imagery including impressed
Flat retouch or pressure flaking and coarse denticulation crescents in linear and other configurations. The few
disappeared completely, as did the practice of using both burials from Wadi Raba sites will be dealt with below.
sides of the sickle blade. Bifacial knives and tabular The term Wadi Raba includes a wider range of cultural
scrapers continue to appear. Groundstone tools include subunits than the Yarmukian and Lodian. It also covers a
elongated flat or slightly concave grinding slabs and wider geographical range and chronological span. The
grinding stones (manos). 'normative' Wadi Raba, as defined by Kaplan, constitutes a
In the pottery, still handmade, new forms and group of assemblages with repetitive pottery and lithic
decoration techniques appear. Most conspicuous are assemblages, and other unique finds such as sling stones,
bowrim jars, carinated bowls, pedestal bowls, knob spanning some 500 years in a region similar in size to that
handles and splayed loop handles. Slip, burnish, incision, occupied by the Yarmukian and Lodian. This system is
pointilee impressions, combing and applied plastic are the encircled by contemporaenous units which have certain
major elements of the decoration. A small element of similarities to the normative Wadi Raba but vary regionally,
painted motifs also appears. Clay spindle whorls are an especially in elements of their pottery assemblages.
ever-present element on these sites. A series of such variants was reconstructed recently on
Objets d'art and figurines are rare in Wadi Raba layers a preliminary level (Gopher and Gophna 1993, and here
and include clay zoomorphic figures known from a Figure 7), including late variants in regions south of the
number of sites (e.g., Nahal Betzet I, Tel Tsaf, Nahal Soreq Valley such as the Qatifian (Gilead 1990: Goren
Early Pottery-Bearing Groups in Israel - The Pottery Neolithic Period 213
.:7
./
\\- 7
~ --.,--. .'._
-. _____~)I
\
\
~\
\
\
\
\
\
\
Figure 3 Pottery vessels from Ein el Jarba (after Kaplan 1969) and flint tools from Nahal Zehora I
214 Part 11/ * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Avi Gopher
between Lake Tiberias and the Dead Sea, and to the east
and southeast of the Dead Sea. Again we observe a
distribution through the longitudinal strips of Israel but in
this case there are no sites in the mountainous ridge or on
the Transjordanian Plateau. Thus the Lodian occupies
mainly low and hilly areas and has a more southerly
occurrence than the previous Yarmukian (Figure 6).
Both Yarmukian and Lodian distributions cover an
area in the order of 10,000 km2 and overlap considerably.
This must be viewed with caution since many of the points
on the maps are no more than findspots and very few are
systematically excavated sites with clear stratigraphic
evidence. One option for interpreting this overlap is to
infer some kind of chronological relationship between the
two entities. Other options include possible functional
variability or different social grouping.
The distribution of the Wadi Raba sites, presented in
Figure 7, shows that the 'normative' Wadi Raba appears
in the northern valleys (the Beqqa and the Huleh Valley),
in the central valleys of Israel (Jezreel and Bethshan) and
along the coastal plain and the Shephelah down to the
Soreq Valley, while the different Wadi Raba variants are
dispersed in different parts of the Jordan Valley, the
Figure 4 A relief figure on a holemouth jar from Ein el Jarba (after mountainous ridges of Israel and - if including the
Kaplan 1969) Qatifian - also in the northern Negev and the Dead Sea
area. This distribution is wider than that of the
Yarmukian or the Lodian and here too mountainous
1990) which is a distinct unit both in terms of the qualities areas were a low preference option for settlement.
of its assemblages, and its geographical and chronological A significant similarity in the distribution maps of the
ranges. H we include all the variants within the Wadi three entities is the relatively small scale (10-15,000 km2 )
Raba entity we may approach a span of 750 years and a and the exploitation of a variety of ecological zones. This
geographical range covering almost every part of the reduction of the geographical unit as compared to the
Mediterranean region of the southern Levant. This means PPN may be connected to the reduced role of hunting and
that the Wadi Raba culture is a larger-scale phenomenon the fact that farming enables subsistence in much smaller
than the Yarmukian and Lodian and can be viewed as a territories. In the case of the Yarmukian and the
'large culture' with regional subcultures. We must 'normative' Wadi Raba, dense concentrations of sites can
remember, however, that temporal aspects may account be identified. Taking into account the possibility that this
for parts of this variability. could be a false impression resulting from patchy research,
I find it premature to relate these concentrations as having
socio-economic structural significance in either the
Spatial aspects of Pottery Neolithic Yarmukian or Wadi Raba systems. Such thoughts,
cultures however, should not be ruled out.
The spatial distribution of PN entities is presented in No hierarchy can be discerned from the examination of
Figures 5-7, including names of all sites and find spots. the nature of settlements in all three entities. At the
The Yarmukian is distributed over diverse ecological zones moment we cannot point to any conspicuously large-scale
on a west-east stretch of land in central Israel and Jordan Yarmukian, Lodian or Wadi Raba site in Israel, even
from the Mediterranean coast, through the mountains, though a closer look at sites such as Tell Asawir, Ein el
down to the Jordan Valley and up to the Transjordanian Jarba or the base layer of Tel Dan may change the picture.
Plateau. The Soreq Valley may be viewed as the southern It seems at present that most of the PN sites were small in
border, and the Jezreel and Yarmuk Valleys the border in area when compared to the mega sites of the late PPNB,
the north. However, occurrences of Yarmukian were and even famous villages such as Byblos - mentioned in
recorded in the Judean Desert as well as in the western each and every discussion on the PN of the region - did
Galilee (Figure 5). not exceed one acre in the NA layer. Yarmukian and
Lodian sites and findspots are distributed mainly along Lodian occupations such as those at Hamadiya or Lod
the coastal plain and the Shephelah, in the Jordan Valley may represent a single household only, while larger sites
Early Pottery-Bearing Groups in Israel - The Pottery Neolithic Period 215
kilometers ,
50
Mediterranean
Sea
such as Shaar Hagolan or Jericho may represent small confirm such a model and thus to infer a reconstruction of
villages. We do not have sufficient data concerning economic organization. However, the lithic data on which
Yarmukian or Lodian site size in Jordan, however, the it was based has good potential, as does the pottery, and
Yarmukian level of 'Ain Ghazal is fairly large as may be further research of this kind may support such a contention.
the case for Wadi Shueib. Specific site locations such as the
Yarmukian Nahal Ganah Cave should be mentioned too.
Innovation, technology, subsistence
A daring interpretation made recently about settlement
strategies and trade
specialization and some kind of a center-periphery
relationship in the Wadi Raba system in the Jezreel Valley In terms of innovation expressed in the PN archaeological
(Gopher n.d.) was in the nature of a provocative record, the most conspicuous phenomenon is the
speculation, since we do not yet have enough data to appearance of pottery. In my view, as crystallised in
216 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Avi Gopher
Level l Large excavated assemblage
Level II Prese nt at site
Level lll Find spot
Questionable
kilometers 50,
Herzlia 111 1.
discussion with Y. Goren, this is not a dramatic A few changes were noted above in the lithic
qualitative change in terms of technology since shaping assemblages of the sixth and fifth millennia Be when
vessels in selected reworked materials was practised long compared to the PPN, some of which are evident already
before the PN. We do not view early pottery simply as a in the PPNC. This refers mainly to arrowhead frequencies
utilitarian functional innovation, but as an assemblage which decrease conspicuously in lithic assemblages of
operating also on the social and symbolic levels (see Yarmukian and Lodian, and almost completely disappear
Window 2). It is, however, clear that vessels produced in Wadi Raba layers - a fact which must have economic
from local materials in a simple and easily accessible implications and correlates nicely with the composition of
technology with ever-increasing improvement of raw faunal remains found in PN sites.
material selection and firing techniques have wide-ranging The common arrowheads that do appear in the PN
significance for Neolithic household activities. are considerably different in shaping and size from PPN
Early Pottery-Bearing Groups in Israel - The Pottery Neolithic Period 21 7
kilomete rs 50
I
Mediterranean
Sea
ones. Their small size must reflect changes in bow example, or the introduction of new species. Yarmukian
technology or the introduction of new hunting techniques sickle blades, however, include an element of blades with
(perhaps indicating the use of poison) . A sequence of sheen on both sides and it is thus not clear how they
changes takes place in sickle blades too. In contrast to blend with the above suggested possible change or the
the long, finely-denticulated PPNB reaping knives, shorter notion of a composite tool - this element disappeared in
sickle blades appeared which were most probably the fifth millennium Be. In any event, the perception of
segments of a composite sickle. In some ways this is a the sickle blade and reaping changed during the PN and
return to the early conception of the sickle known from this must have relevance in the economic sphere. Changes
the Natufian and may mark a change in harvesting also occurred in groundstone implements which find
techniques. This may be a result of changes in PN fields expression mostly in the disappearance of the stepped
such as an increasing density of stalks per area unit, for querns well known in the PPNB and the appearance of
218 Part 11/ * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Avi Gopher
elongated grinding slabs (metate) and two-handed of domesticated/used species of plants, we do now have
grinding stones (manos). Clay spindle whorls, appearing some evidence in the PN for at least claiming a glimpse
in varying quantities, may indicate a change in spinning into the 'Revolution' as Sherratt called it (Sherratt 1981
and perhaps cloth technology techniques. Even though and Levy, this volume).
we have no direct evidence of textiles or looms, the Another aspect related to the economy is trade. In
increased activity inferred from the abundance of whorls attempting a reconstruction of the range of trade or
may signify an exploitation of animal hair - a possibility exchange networks of PN populations in the southern
reflected in the faunal assemblages. Levant we should distinguish between minute quantities
Plaster lined installations, absent in Yarmukian and of long-range imports and medium- to short-range
Lodian sites, were recendy found in Wadi Raba layers. systems of the day-to-day economy. Small quantities of
This is again a return, on a smaller scale, to an older obsidian from Anatolia, mainly appearing in Wadi Raba
technology - the production of limeplaster, which is a layers, are the only long-range imported items that have
hallmark of the PPNB - a technology which combines been identified. On another scale, different minerals were
know how and considerable energy resources. brought to PN sites from different regions of the
In summary, there is evidence for change in a number southern Levant such as Sinai, the Negev kraters or the
of technological aspects of every day activities. In some Funon area in Jordan. Seashells may be added here,
cases known technological concepts are adjusted for new including mosdy Mediterranean species. Local, short-
activities, for example: distance exchange-trade networks cannot be recon-
structed yet, but I believe these existed and were
1. Pottery production which plays a dual role in the social involved mainly in food and craft items - perhaps
milieu and in daily subsistence functions. including pottery, basketry, etc.
2. Arrowheads, originally used for hunting, may have
acquired a new role.
3. Spinning, weaving and basketry. Belief, ideology and symbolism
An attempt to discuss the ideology and symbolic world of
In other realms there is a return to old technological PN populations using the archaeological record available
concepts, for example, in the use of sickle blades or in the from this period is encouraged by the appearance of
production of limeplaster for architectural features. There pottery that carries a wide variety of decorative elements
seems to be no major breakthrough in any realm, but that must have had a rich symbolic content. Analyzing
rather an establishment and consolidation - a readjust- pottery inventories, quantities of decorated/undecorated
ment to the new economic needs. items or the decorative features themselves, on an intra-
Considering all the above and additional data, what site or inter-site level, can contribute gready to the under-
reconstruction can we offer of the PN economy? We have standing of PN communities in these respects. However,
no knowledge about field location or size, or agricultural analyses of this type are very rare in this part of the
techniques such as ploughing or irrigation. I suspect that world. The limited scope of exposures in PN sites
neither do we know the full range of exploited species and currendy prevents any attempt to identify features or
we should expect surprises in this sphere. For example, specific activity areas that can be interpreted in relation to
evidence for the use of olives is currendy growing to ritual or ceremonial aspects. Thus, we are left with the
include olive processing installations of some form, dated traditional practice of centering the discussion on imagery
to the second half of the sixth millennium BC (Galilli, items - figurines and burial traditions.
personal communication 1993). Faunal assemblages of the
PN include animals which represent both domestic (pig)
Pottery Neolithic figurines
and potential herd animals (goats, sheep and cattle) whose
management could include a form of movement that Clay and stone figurines of the Yarmukian culture
would naturally raise the suggestion of the practice of, at include over a hundred items and clearly represent an
least partial, pastoral nomadism - but the data cannot yet assemblage different from that known in the PPNB. It
support such a suggestion. Such forms of animal consists of a large group of incised stone figurines and a
management must have wide-ranging significance for group of anthropomorphic figures shaped in clay using
labour demands and seasonal scheduling of the an additive technology. These items appear in
community's activities as well as repercussions on considerable numbers in a small number of sites (Shaar
setdement patterns. Any discussion on the PN economy Hagolan, Munhata) but this could reflect a research bias.
should, however, include reference to Sherratt's These figurines were usually interpreted in relation to
suggestions on the exploitation of secondary products. It fertility (Stekelis 1972; Yeivin and Mozel 1977). Recendy
is true that no direct evidence of traction (bovid) has been it was suggested that there is an underrepresentation of
found, but as regards spinning, weaving and the spectrum organs related to fertility in these items and that these
Early Pottery-Bearing Groups in Israel - The Pottery Neolithic Period 219
Burial customs
For the first half of the sixth millennium BC, the PPNC
period, two relatively large samples of graves are available
- one from 'Ain Ghazal including some 27 individuals
(Rollefson et al. 1992), and one from Atlit-Yam including
over 30 individuals (Hershkovitz and Galili 1990;
Hershkovitz and Galili personal communication). The
cessation of skull removal or treatment and increasing
Plate 5 A burial from the Yormukian layer at Munhata (courtesy of J. numbers of group burials (especially at 'Ain Ghazal) are
Perrot) the major changes in comparison to PPNB burial customs.
PN burials are few and were recently presented in a
summary paper by Gopher and Orrelle (in press). To date,
are to be seen rather as objects used in religious rituals only three Yarmukian burials are known, all on-site, one
representing different deities which developed in the each from Shaar Hagolan, Habashan Street and Munhata
tradition of the artistic-symbolic array of the PPN (Plate 5). All contain adults in flexed position, with skulls
(Garfinkel 1992b). My views on these, crystallized intact and apparently without grave offerings. The only
recently in association with E. Orrelle following an known burials from Lodian layers are from the
analysis of stone figurines from Munhata, are presented excavations of Lod in 1992, where three burials of
below in Window 1. adults were exposed. One was in a very bad state of
The assemblage of these figurines is specific to the preservation while the other two contained adults - in
Yarmukian and the difficulties in examining it stem, flexed positions with skulls intact and with no grave
among other things, from the fact that earlier and goods - interred in shallow pits dug into abandoned trash
later entities offer very little or no data of this type. pits near to a dwelling. If we relate to Nizzanim as a site
This provides a clear chronological context for this properly assigned to the Lodian entity, two additional
assemblage, which reinforces our contention that it burials can be added - one of an adult, and one of a child
served a specific role in the Yarmukian society. both buried below the floor of a hut, again with no grave
In the Lodian we have no comparable data but there goods. Thus Yarmukian and Lodian burial customs are
is a certain change in pottery decoration. There is little or similar in many ways.
no use of incisions and the herringbone pattern is absent In Wadi Raba sites, including all variants, the inventory
but the general patterns of Yarmukian decorations includes the burial of three adults below a house floor at
continue. In the Wadi Raba there is again change and Ein el Jarba (Arensburg 1970), one adult in supine
new elements appear in pottery decoration, including new position at Nahal Betzet I (Gopher 1989a), and a child
motifs. However, in imagery items we have no data on with no skull in a flexed position with a large stone placed
figures and the single figure from Ein el Jarba, though in the position of the head in Nahal Zehora II. A new
reflecting a change, is unique and insufficient to allow phenomenon in the spectrum of burial customs appearing
generalizations to be made. in the Wadi Raba culture is the use of jars for the burial
Thus it seems that the Yarmukian inventory of figurines of babies and fetuses. This phenomenon is known from
served a certain social need for a limited period. I would Tel Teo and Tel Dan in the Huleh Valley (Eisenberg 1987;
regard these items as a possible representation of social Gopher and Greenberg 1987), Nahal Zehora II (Plate 6)
process specific to the Yarmukian. However, even within in the Jezreel Valley area and from Qatif Y-3 in the Gaza
the Yarmukian system there is an impression that figurines coast area (Epstein 1984). At Byblos too, jar burial of the
appear differentially, for example, their relative rarity in young is practised from the period of NA (Dunand 1973).
Transjordanian sites as compared to the Middle Jordan What can we learn from the few burials in PN sites
Valley is of note. On the other hand, the fact that similar discussed above?
figurines appear at Byblos, NA, is very important in
estimating the level of contact with Lebanese coastal • All PPNC and PN graves are on-site, as was the case in
populations at this stage; in addition we must note that the PPN, thus the beginning of separate offsite graveyards
there too these figurines are limited to the NA layer. What is not observed at this period and has to be related, most
220 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Avi Gopher
even though it is a somewhat larger system than the
Yarmukian and Lodian, and perhaps more complex.
We do not yet have data on the structure of the family
in PN communities (was polygyny practised?) since
household analysis is in its infancy. In the PPNB, different
researchers already suggest, the operative economic unit
was the family or extended family, and thus economic and
political maneuvring took place at this level. What kinds
of relationship were prevalent between such family units?
Competitive mechanisms were suggested by Hayden for
explaining socio-economic developments already in the
PPN (Hayden 1990). Evidence from the Chalcolithic
period also clearly indicates that these relationships were
embedded and can be seen at work. Although evidence for
Plate 6 A jar burial of a fetus from Nahal Zehora II, Wadi Rabah their operation in the intervening PN has not yet
phase crystallized, it is reasonable to assume that such elements
were active there too.
Division of labor between sex and age groups has not
probably, to the following Chalco lithic period in which yet been demonstrated for this period. The association of
these graveyards are common (see Levy, Chapter 14). women with domestic contexts or activities carried out in
• The custom of separating skulls and treating them ceased. the close proximity of the site can only be speculated on at
H indeed it was related to ancestor worship, as suggested the moment with our current data, although some
by a few scholars (d. Arensburg and Hershkovitz 1988),
contextual evidence of household crafts in conjunction
this apparently was no longer relevant to population of
the PPNC and the PN. This strengthens our contention with a possible increase in childbirth may bear this out.
that changes took place in society during these periods. Such patterns were confirmed for sedentary agricultural
• PN burials all contain one individual and are mostly societies (e.g., Arnold 1985). Livestock husbandry and
primary. agriculture, as we have presented above for the PN, must
• Grave goods are rarely found in PN burials but at Byblos also have resulted in a certain level of labor division,
there may have been cases in which such offerings were especially relating to seasonality and labour scheduling.
found (de Contenson 1992). We have no evidence for specialized industries beyond
• There is a change in attitude towards baby and fetus the household level in the early PN. Some innovative
burial in the Wadi Raba culture (which may have started features of the Wadi Raba pottery industry, such as the
earlier) and they are buried in pottery jars.
firing for example, may have required cooperation
If indeed early pottery had social and symbolic
significance, the use of jars for burial of infants indicates between households.
that a change in their place in society has occurred. Social hierarchy cannot be inferred from any set of data
Perhaps the social status and place of both adults and including burials or material culture assemblages and the
children are now dictated by affinity lines, and initiation architecture also shows no signs of differentiation between
is not a prerequisite as was probably the case in the PPN. units - but the question remains of how many such units
There may be signs of some special customs relating to have yet been fully exposed.
children's burials in the PPNB (Rollefson 1986; Rollefson
et al. 1992) but, the use of pottery containers for burial -
a custom which gained popularity in the Chalcolithic Discussion
period with the appearance of ossuaries, some of them
What then is the difference between PN and PPN
house shaped - may be an early manifestation relating
women, pottery, houses and death In symbolic societies? In terms of material culture, there is no
association. significant breakthrough. The difference may thus be
sought in the economic or social sphere - a more efficient
economy, a reorganization of the different components of
Social organization society or maybe in the construction of a new socio-
political order? PN communities reflect an established
Considering the size of reconstructed territories for the system of agricultural villages on small territories with
Yarmukian and Lodian, I believe that these communities technological innovations adjusted to the new needs. Land
operated on a face-to-face level. I do not believe that use of the PN communities which gradually lost the
splitting these entities or viewing them as parts of a larger- element of hunting in their economy and concentrated on
scale social organization is justified in the light of available agriculture and animal husbandry is thus different to that
data. The Wadi Raba culture is not essentially different of the PPNB. In terms of the community's internal politics
Early Pottery-Bearing Groups in Israel - The Poltery Neolithic Period 221
and power systems, this could be an important factor. diffusion) or active political dominance by an external
While in the PPNB long-range contacts (information power, as was suggested in the past (e.g., de Vaux 1966;
networks) and control over imported goods may have Perrot 1968; Kenyon 1970), but rather as the development
been in the hands of a select group of hunters (males? - of a general atmosphere or environment that promoted
see Bar-Yosef and Belfer Cohen 1989) in the PN, this no change.
longer operated. It was most probably replaced by a A third possible way of explaining such change is, of
different political system based on partnerships or course, through a reconstruction which lays the emphasis
alliances which were aimed at controlling resources for on internal change originating in the very structure of
agriculture and animal management such as land, water society but not isolated from external influences and local
and pasture. Such systems based on kin groups would environmental conditions. This is, in my opinion, the most
emphasize the role of women as a resource both in fitting explanation. An example of this is the Yarmukian,
reproductive terms and politically (Gopher and Orrelle in clearly a local unit, which underwent changes in a local
press). If this was indeed the case, it must have had an format and represents, in my opinion, a critical stage in
important influence on social structuring which can be implementing social and ideological change of this sort.
viewed as the full - even final? - departure from systems We should distinguish between structural change in
where egalitarian principles were still at work to systems society and that of material culture. The Yarmukian
tending towards complexity within a larger-scale koine. shows signs of 'real' change in society which might be
The marginal character of the southern Levant in this related to events elsewhere, but in terms of material
koine is clear but we should not assume that marginal culture it represents a high degree of freedom, of local
areas are unaffected by mainstream events and development and creativity, within which framework the
developments, as the archaeological record shows. Thus earliest pottery assemblages of this region were produced,
small PN entities in this region absorbed current ideologies each with the unique fingerprints of its creators. Only
which effected change in social perceptions; they entered a later, in the fifth millennium BC, do diffused influences
new state of awareness. This could not, however, be from the north acquire a somewhat stronger hold in
realized as growth options, as was the case in material culture too. The peripherality of southern Levant
Mesopotamia for example. The early stages of the PN in cultures in the late sixth and in the fifth millennia BC,
our region thus do not show a burst of innovation and however, remains a major cultural characteristic both
growth but rather an accumulative process of steady economically and politically, and this remains so for later
internal change, based on a more efficient economic periods. A similar pattern of retardation is apparent for
structure and social organization as well as a rising the process of urbanization, in which the northern and
potential to accept change and absorb innovation (not eastern parts of the Levant precede its southern parts.
only in material culture). In effect, this is a stage in a re- Towards the end of the fourth and beginning of the third
establishment of a population in a region that had suffered millennia BC we already see both superpowers -
a crisis at the end of the seventh and beginning of the Mesopotamia and Egypt - involved in growth and
sixth millennia BC (that still featured in collective expansion. Within this framework of rival superpower
memory) and was slowly recovering towards stability ascendancy, the southern Levant became an important
throughout the sixth and fifth millennia BC. region to control.
What are the elements that combined to cause this All the above may sound speculative - and in many
process of change and why did it happen? In my opinion, ways it is. It is presented in a predictive spirit and is the
"the usual search for a climatological change is not relevant responsibility of the author, and awaits the analysis of
in this case. It may be applied partly to explain the much data - both currendy available and to be recovered
diversified picture of the PPNC immediately following the in the future - for confirmation or rejection.
disintegration of the PPNB system. We have no evidence
for conspicuous changes in climate in the second half of
the sixth and in the fifth millennia BC which may have Acknowledgements
brought about such change in the Mediterranean zones
that were the main occupation area of the Yarmukian, In this chapter I used material which I recendy discussed
Lodian and Wadi Raba cultures. at length with R. Gophna and I am thankful to him. My
A second possible explanation is an external influence. thanks also to Y. Goren, with whom I discussed pottery
Was it the external impetus - the shadow of the and pottery origins, and to E. Orrelle for her useful help
Mesopotamian-Syrian experience - that stimulated these in writing and editing this chapter, and for long and
events? I believe that in understanding systems of cultural fruitful discussion of many aspects examined therein. Also,
contacts and inter-cultural influences this could have been many thanks to J. Perrot and C. Conunenge of The Centre
a possible catalyst and should not be ruled out. "This need de Recherche Fran~ais, Jerusalem, for all their help and
not be reconstructed as wave of immigration (primary support.
eMS.
(c) (d)
c
Figure 1.1 Yarmukian 'pebble' figurines from Munhota (courtesy of J.
Perrot) and Shaar Hagolan (after Stekelis 1972)
A Yarmukian clay figurine from Shaar Hagolon
(alter Siekelis 1972)
Chalcolithic
'lime - mati'
Late PN
~--------------------~PPNB
kilometers ,
50
Mediterra nean
Sea
teleological. As we will see, the end of the Chalco lithic Palestine, culture change in the region becomes intimately
period in Palestine is characterized by a collapse in the and endlessly linked to the Near Eastern and
system, rather than a developmental trend toward even Mediterranean World System (d. Algaze 1993; Kohl
more complex societies. Our model of the Chalcolithic 1987; Marfoe 1987; Moorey 1987).
period looks for feedback among the key va riables of
ecology, demography, technology, and economy, and will
The nature of societies considered
then isolate which factors or combinations of factors were
responsible for growth and collapse. Finally, as Stephen K. The sociologists Lenski and Lenski (1970: 6- 7) define
Sanderson (1990: 224) points out in his critical history of human societies as a form of organization involving
Social Evolutionism, socio-cultural evolution occurs not sustained ties of interaction among its members, a
only within societies, but also within whole networks or relatively high degree of interdependence among its
'world systems' of societies. There comes a time in social members, and a form of organization characterized by a
evolution when it is impossible to understand change high degree of autonomy. In general terms, a human
within a single society without rooting it in its larger society can be said to exist when a territorially bounded
'World-Systemic' setting. Seen within this context, the population maintains ties of association and interdepen-
mechanism of social evolution can be both 'gradualist' and dence and enjoys autonomy (d. ibid.) . This is a useful
'punctionalist' and vary from one historical situation to definition because it applies to human groups not only
another. With the collapse of Chalcolithic societies in during the Chalcolithic period, but for the full ca. 1.0- 1.5
Cult, Metallurgy and Rank Societies - Chalcolithic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE) 229
rlgura 2 General $lllIIement pattern of map of Chalcolilhic sites in the northern Negev
associated with subsistence. With the expansion of represents an unusually elegant combination of archaeo-
Chalcolithic settlement into the major inland valleys of logical evidence with data provided by the natural sciences
the northwest Negev (Levy and Alon 1987) and the arid to identify an important dimension of the late fifth to early
lower Jordan valley (Mallon et al. 1934), new develop- fourth millennium economy. Although hoe-based culti-
ments in agro-technology crystallized, some of which laid vation was still the main means of farming - an obser-
the foundations for subsistence systems in all of the vation based on the still widespread use of large bifacial
following periods of human occupation in the region. In flint tools (axes, adzes, hoes and chisels) (Figure 5 p. 235),
the northern Negev, the absence of widespread freshwater the controlled addition of floodwater to field crops grown
springs in the inland valleys led to the introduction of in the wide trough-shaped valley bottoms of the Negev
check dams and floodwater farming, which has been produced the needed quantities of grain to support the
documented in the Beersheva and Patish Valleys on newly emerging, large sedentary populations of the
archaeological and botanical grounds (Levy 1981). In an northern Negev. A similar process probably occurred at
innovating series of studies concerning ancient fanning Tuleilat Ghassul and other sites in the Jordan valley which
technologies, A. Rosen (1987, 1992) has shown a depended on diverting the freshwater springs for their
relationship between irrigation farming and silica skeleton crops (d. Zori 1958). The discovery of carbonized olive
(phytolith) formation in barley and wheat crops. Using (Olea europea) stones from Tuleilat Ghassul and the Cave
independent botanical data, Rosen (ibid.) has examined of the Treasure provides some of the best indications of
silicified epidermal tissue from the culms of wheat and agricultural intensification during the Chalcolithic with the
barley found on a number of Chalcolithic sites in the beginnings of fruit growing. Carbonized date stones
Beersheva valley and has demonstrated that these crops (Phoenix dactylifera I.) were also found at these sites.
were grown under floodwater farming or simple basin Zohary and Spiegel-Roy (1975) suggested that olives from
irrigation. Tuleilat Ghassul were grown under irrigated conditions,
This reconstruction of Chalcolithic agro-technology similar to that of Jericho and Beth Shean today. As fruit
Cu/~ Metallurgy and Rank Socielies - Cha/co/ilhic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE, 231
SHIQMIM <1979-1989)
EXCAVATIONS IN WESTERN SECTOR OF SETTLEMENT
DISTRIBUTION OF COPPER INSTALLATIONS AND OBJECTS
KEY . °t
14 ~ INSTALLATION
13 I
•
SCEPTER
MACE HI!AD
It BEAD
12
11
10
I'' ru
JAXE
9 I AWL
I2lI BAND
4
+
3
19 , ,
.;.
:-
18
.,
17 ,
~
18
,
0 20m +
15
T U A B C D E F G H J
remains are rare or totally absent from most Neolithic a detailed picture of human/animal relations during this
farming villages, they concluded that olives and dates formative period on a scale unavailable for the previous
apparendy became integral elements of food production Neolithic and later Early Bronze Age (d. Grigson 1987;
during the Chalcolithic. this volume, Chapter 15). The large-scale excavations in
the Beersheva valley at Shiqmim (Levy et al. 1991), Bir es-
Pastoralism Safadi (Perrot 1984), Abu Matar (Perrot 1955), Horvat
The largest faunal collections and most intensive arChaeo- Beter (Dothan 1959) and other sites provide the data
zoological research for this period have been carried out in necessary for characterizing herding activities at this time.
the northern Negev. This biological data provides us with H Shiqmim is taken as a representative sample for the
232 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Thomas E. Levy
pastoralism involved the use of a specialized population,
namely herders (Braudel 1972: 87), who took village
animals on an annual cycle in search of seasonally
available pasture. In the Jordan Valley, 86 percent (N =
116; Joffee 1990: 169) of the recorded Chalcolithic sites
are small sherd scatters and probably reflect the remains of
herder camps, similar to those recorded in the Negev (Levy
1981 ; Goren and Gilead 1986). In the Negev, herders
would exploit the rich year-round grazing lands on the
Negev coastal plain (Levy and Alon 1987) or inland dunal
areas where ample spring pasturage was available (Goren
and Gilead op. cit.). In the lower Jordan valley,
transhumance was probably the 'normal' Mediterranean
transhumance that Braudel (1972: 86) describes, where
Plate 1 Subterranean room 8 at Shiqmim (source: T.E. Levy) people in the lowlands move their herds in the summer to
the highlands, in this case the high plateaus of Gilead,
Ammon, and Moab in Transjordan (d. MacDonald
valley, sheep (Ovis aries) and goat (Capra hircus) make up 1988). These new developments in herding strategies mark
over 90 percent of the faunal assemblage with the the beginning of specialized transhumance, a subsistence
remaining 10 percent consisting of cattle (Bos taurus strategy which has characterized the inhabitants of the
brachyceros), dog, equid and ca . 3.8 percent of wild Palestine for the past 6000 years.
animals (gazelle, hartebeest, hippopotamus, lion, small cat, Finally, the recent exciting discovery of horse bones
fox, hare, ostrich, bird and fish). The virtual absence of (Equus caballus) in sealed Chalcolithic deposits at
arrowheads in Chalcolithic lithic assemblages (S. Rosen Shiqmim indicates the introduction of these animals into
1987) highlights the dependence on domestic ungulates for the southern Levant as early as the late fifth to early
the Chalcolithic subsistence system. There are a few cattle fourth millennium (Grigson 1991) (Plate 3 p. 236). The
bones which exhibit marked protuberances which Grigson large size of horse bones makes it possible to distinguish
(Levy et al. 1991: 407) suggests may indicate the presence them from onagers (Equus hemionus), wild donkeys
of draught cattle and the use of ploughs as early as the (Equus africanus), and domestic donkeys (Equus asinus).
Chalco lithic. Thus, cattle may have begun to replace or Previously horse bones had been identified from the third
accompany hoe cultivation in the Levant in the early millennium Northern Negev town site of Arad (Davis
fourth millennium. 1976) and from a number of second millennium sites in
In contrast with the more arid Beersheva valley, the Mesopotamia and Egypt. With the early introduction of
northern part of the country and the humid Negev coastal horses in the region and their rarity in the archaeological
plain are characterized by settlements which contain record, it can be assumed that they were valued, perhaps
faunal assemblages with as much as 15 percent of as symbols of prestige. In terms of warfare, the
domestic pig (Sus scrofa palustris; Alon and Levy 1989). possession of the horse would give any inhabitant of the
Whether this relates to environmental factors and the Negev plains a marked advantage over potential
availability of moist environments for pig keeping in the adversaries.
humid areas, or cultural taboos against the raising and
consumption of pork in the more desertic areas at this Craft specialization
early period is still being investigated. Innovations in craft specialization are some of the
The 'Secondary Products Revolution', when herd hallmarks of the Chalcolithic period in Palestine.
animals were first intensively exploited for milk, wool, Specialized workshops for ivory and copper metalworking
hair and traction, is most likely rooted in agro- have been found in the Beersheva valley (Levy and Alon
technological change during the Chalcolithic period (d. 1992; Levy and Shalev 1989; Perrot 1959), as have highly
Sherratt 1981; Levy 1983, 1992a). The important process specialized patterns of ceramic manufacture (Commenge-
of economic change has been best studied in the northern Pellerin 1987, 1990; Goren 1987). Stone carving or
Negev and helps in understanding many of the cultural sculpture reached a level of expertise rarely seen in the
developments which occurred at this time. With the later cultures of Palestine. This is best evidenced in the
establishment of large permanent villages in the more arid manufacture of large basalt pillar figures found in the
inland valleys of the NW Negev plains, there was a new Golan Heights (Epstein 1988) and the numerous thinly
need to move herds (primarily sheep and goat) in search of carved violin-shaped figurines and beads which have been
pasture in accordance with the seasonal availability of found in sites all over the country, from Byblos in the
pasture land. In Palestine, this developed form of north to the Sinai coast in the south (Alon and Levy 1989)
Cult, Metallurgy and Rank Societies - Chalcolithic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE} 233
NATIONAL
GEOGRA. PHIC
SOCIETY
0
t 1990
(Plate 4 p. 236). Other media such as Lambis shell from Shalev and Northover (1987) have demonstrated the
the Red Sea, Nile Valley shells and Mediterranean sea existence of two technologies for metal production:
shells are common to most sites. These shells were carved
into a wide range of shapes and used as pendants and 1. A simple method which involved casting pure copper into
bracelets. In many of the cemeteries on the coastal plain an open mold to manufacture 'utilitarian' tools such as
and northern Negev, shell jewelry has been found as burial axes, adzes, and awls. This technique also utilized
annealing and hammering to produce the final shape and
offerings (d. Levy and Alon 1982; Perrot and Ladiray
hardness of these objects.
1980). 2. The 'lost wax' or cire perdue method which involves the
use of arsenical copper whose casting properties, hardness
Production and metallurgy and final appearance are superior to pure copper (Moorey
From an Annales perspective, a new cycle in the 1985: 15).
organization of southern Levantine craft production is
highlighted by focusing on metal. The beginnings of More recently, excavations in a Chalcolithic· burial
metallurgy in the Levant occur during this period which cave in Nahal Qana in western Samaria (Plate 5 p. 237)
has produced the most spectacular early metal objects for have produced the earliest gold artifacts to have been
the region, the most notable examples coming from the found in the Levant (Gopher and Tsuk 1991). These
Cave of the Treasure in Nahal Mishmar on the western include eight exquisite gold rings, interpreted as ingots, in
shore of the Dead Sea where more than 400 cultidprestige which the gold would. have been melted at a temperature
and other objects were found (Bar-Adon 1980; Moorey at or below the melting point of pure gold (1064° C), a
1988) (this chapter, opening photo). In the Beersheva temperature well within the reach of Chalcolithic
valley, similarly shaped objects have also been found which technology (Shalev and Northover 1987), and then
were manufactured using the sophisticated 'lost wax' or poured into open ring-shaped molds and hammered into
cire perdue method, indicating an extremely sophisticated their final shape (Gopher et al. 1990: 440) (Plate 6 p.
knowledge of metalworking (Levy and Shalev 1989). 238). The gold rings are outstanding because of the rarity
234 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Thomas E. Levy
valley glaucaunitic chalk as a core (Shalev et al. 1992).
This important study shows conclusively, that contrary to
diffusionist theories of an Anatolian or Azerbaijan origin,
both cultidprestige copper objects and utilitarian metal
tools were produced locally in Palestine (Shalev ibid.). The
precise location of the manufacture of prestigelcult metal
objects still awaits identification.
The regional distribution of Chalcolithic sites with
metal production debris (slags, crucibles, metal working
installations) and the distribution of metal objects focus on
the Beersheva valley with more limited evidence from the
Wadi Feinan in jordan's Arava valley (Hauptmann 1989;
Levy and Shalev et al. 1989). Archaeo-metallurgical
investigations show that the copper ores smelted in the
Beersheva valley were imported from Feinan, over 100 km
away. The most intriguing aspect of Chalcolithic copper
exploitation at Feinan is the paucity of evidence for
smelting activities (d. Wadi Fidan 4; Hauptmann 1989:
131). While some metal working was done in the vicinity
of Feinan (evidence of Chalco lithic metallurgy at Timna is
inconclusive), the bulk of our evidence for actual smelting
comes from the Beersheva valley (Figure 6 p. 238). This
suggests that the ores were imported by the newly
domesticated donkey (Davis 1976) to the Beersheva valley
settlement system where they were smelted and cast under
very tightly controlled circumstances and not shared with
neighboring northern Negev societies.
Ideology
Plate 2 Overview of subterroneon room ot Shiqmim. A stone lined
Durkheim (1915) wrote that religion was merely society
entrance can be seen leoding to underground room 8 (photogroph: © 'stretched to the stars'. In terms of the development of
T.E. levy) religious/ideological systems, as society became more
territorial religious institutions became more physically
tied down to place. Michael Mann (1986: 47) has said, as
of the material, technological advance, and implications society became caged, so did religion. Just as social
for reconstructing Chalco lithic social organization. There organization becomes more complex in settled agrarian
are no gold sources in Palestine, so Egypt is assumed by societies, so too do religious institutions grow and develop.
Gopher et al. (1990) to be the origin of the raw material. This is best seen in Jacobsen's (1976) study of the
As ring-shaped metal valuables are well known from late development of Mesopotamian religion from the early
Egyptian pictographic descriptions of imperial-controlled fourth to third millennia BCE. In Palestine, the emergence
trade in gold ingots (d. Baines and Malek 1980; James of chiefdoms in the northern Negev and the lower Jordan
1985), the excavators suggest that trade in gold probably valley were accompanied by two new ideological
began as early as the fourth millennium BCE. As gold institutions: formal cemeteries and public sanctuaries.
working requires additional metallurgical knowledge,
three Chalco lithic metalworking technologies can now be Formal cemeteries
identified for Chalco lithic Palestine. In the earlier prehistoric periods, the dead were usually
The absence of known arsenical ore sources in Palestine buried within settlements, inside family houses, under
led researchers such as Key (1980), Bar-Adon (1980), floors, inside walls and in other domestic contexts (see Bar-
Kenyon (1985) and others to assume that these Yosef Chapter 12, Gopher Chapter 13, both this volume).
sophisticated objects could not have been produced With the formation of Chalco lithic society, Palestine was
locally but rather were made near presumed ore sources, dotted with formal cemeteries separated from permanent
far away from Palestine, in Anatolia or Azerbaijan. A settlement sites. In the two most intensively researched
recent archaeo-metallurgical and petrographic examina- areas of Chalco lithic settlement, the northern Negev and
tion of a prestigelcultic object (a macehead) from Shiqmim the lower Jordan Valley, the most extensive evidence for
shows conclusively that it was cast using a local Arava formal cemeteries has come to light. At Adeimeh, located
Cul~ Metallurgy and Rank Societies - Chalcolill!ic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE} 235
•
61) 'this corporate control is most likely to be attained
and/or legitimized by means of lineal descent from the
dead, either in terms of an actual lineage or in the form of
a strong, established tradition of the critical resource
Figure 5 Biracial flaked and polished tools from Gilat passing from parent to offspring'.
Of particular interest to the study of Chalcolithic social
organization is the recently discovered burial cave at
less than six kilometres southeast of Tuleilat Ghassul, an Nahal Qanah in western Samaria which spans the Pottery
extensive Chalcolithic necropolis was found with a wide Neolithic through Early Bronze I periods. In addition to
range of burial monuments including circular tumuli lending support for the local transition of sixth to third
varying in diameter from ca. 3.80 to 7.0 m associated with millenna society in Palestine, one of the Clialcolithic graves
rectangular cist graves (Stekelis 1935). In the northern was associated with a large quantity of gold artifacts
Negev, a Chalcolithic cemetery was found near Shiqmim (discussed above), which the excavators (Gopher et al.
which extends for over a kilometer along a ridge of Eocene 1990) suggest as evidence of a hierarchical social
chalk bills which border the Beersheva valley (Plates 7a and organization during this period. While other Chalcolithic
7b p. 239). To date, over 100 burial monuments have been cemeteries, such as Shiqmim, show evidence of what
excavated. Like Adeimeh, the Shiqmim cemetery has a Renfrew (1973) calls a group oriented chiefdom, this is the
variety of burial structures, including circular graves filled first example of an individual chiefly grave to have been
with burial offerings, cist graves and small tumuli clustered found in Chalcolithic Palestine.
in groups on a series of seven hilltops. In a preliminary
study of the burial monuments at Shiqmim, Levy and Alon Public sanctuaries
(1982) were able to identify a degree of social ranking in Three places in Palestine were witness to the establishment
one part of the cemetery based on energy expenditure in of the earliest permanent public sanctuaries in the region:
the building of burial monuments. More recently, Goren Tuleilat Ghassul, Ein Gedi and Gilat. Open-aU sanctuaries,
and Fabian (personal communication) discovered a new characterized mostly by standing stones and wall features,
Chalcolithic cemetery on the Negev coastal plain near have been found throughout the southern Negev and Sinai
Kissufim, and Avner (1990) found a small cemetery near (Avner 1990) but these were of a more ephemeral
Eilat. character. In the lower Jordan valley at Tuleilat Ghassul,
236 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Thomas E. Levy
1. the earliest dog burial in Palestine in its own individual Gilat is unique in that material culture found in all the
plot associated with a grave offering; strata come from a wide range of Chalcolithic 'provinces'
2. a cache of four complete ostrich eggs set in a pit beneath a in southern Palestine. This is best illustrated by the
public courtyard; presence of ceramics from at least nine of the eleven
3. a mass burial in the Stratum lIb sanctuary complex
general petrographic groups defined by Goren (1987) for
consisting of a mud brick circular burial monument with
nine complete human skeletons . Physical anthropological the Negev and Judean desert at the site. Additional
observations indicate that all of the individuals died at evidence comes from the discovery of the finely carved
approximately the same time and were buried on a layer violin-shaped figurines at Gilat, the largest number of these
of hundreds of animal bones, the residue of offerings that objects to have been found at anyone site in the country
were thrown in the grave prior to the human burials. Near (Alon and Levy 1989). These figurines are made of a wide
the monument, a small pit was found with a complete range of non-local stone types including granite, limestone
fenestrated stand and a collection of eight bone awls with iron oxides, chlorite, and other minerals which
surrounded by ten gazelle horns. At the time of the mass indicate ties with Transjordan, the Judean mountains,
burial, these objects were intentionally burned. Sinai and other regions, and are indications of contact and
exchange with many different regions in southern
These 'events' shed light on important happenings related Palestine.
to cult at Gilat. There is a marked degree of regionalism in Chalcolithic
Although altars, cemeteries, standing stones and other Palestine which reflects differences in community identity
cult related phenomena have been found in other parts of related to finely honed systems of adaptation to the mosaic
the country, the artifacts associated with these features are of natural environments in the country. There may be, as
almost all related to one archaeological entity or culture. Joffee (1991: 172) suggests, a common iconographic
In the Negev, for example, the Shiqmim cemetery seems to vocabulary or belief system in all the various regions. This
have served Shiqmim and perhaps other contemporary is evidenced by the widespread distribution of violin-
sites in the valley settlement system, but nothing beyond. shaped figurines in the country, the prevalence of
238 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Thomas E. Levy
-.
H".. "
• " (Ul'I"'P$
~
. -.
AIIU ", . , . II
~.-
BIII(S.S H AOI
". 50S
"~VA1 0 ETE~
Plate 6 Gold rings from Nohol Qonah, Samaria (courtesy of The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem) Figure 6 Distribution map of metal production sites
trapezoidal pendants in most southern Palestinian sites, the will attempt to isolate the processes responsible for social
common large nose motif on statuettes and pillar figures change.
(Epstein 1985, 1988), and the presence of standing stones
in coastal plain tombs, the Negev cemeteries and
throughout the desert areas (Avner 1990). These general Processes of change: risk
similarities in ideological symbols cross-cut the different management, resource competition
environmental zones in Palestine. However, according to and gift giving
our definition of societies given above, the regional
Risk management
assemblages of Chalco lithic material more importantly
represent separate societies, each focused in their own To understand the shift from Late Neolithic small scale
territorial units. societies to the more complex social organizations
I have suggested elsewhere (Levy 1986) that the observed in the Chalcolithic period, there are three
contrast between the small scale societies of the Late interrelated variables which worked together to promote
Neolithic and the more complex developments of the change and insure stability. These include risk manage-
Chalcolithic period indicates the emergence of a new social ment, resource competition and gift-giving. By examining
organization, the first 'chiefdoms' in Palestine. As the these three factors, it is possible to understand the role of
largest body of data for the Chalcolithic comes from the craft specialization and, in particular, metalworking in
northern Negev desert, this region will provide a case strengthening elite groups within the Beersheva valley
study of social change in Palestine. Similar or slightly through a gift-giving system based on metal and other
variant processes may have taken place in other regions objects.
such as the Lower Jordan valley. The following remarks Risk management, or the need for social institutions
Cult, Metallurgy and Rank Societies - Chalcolithic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE) 239
may exploit the situation for extra grazing time for their
own herd. Thus, restraint on the part of the first group of
herders works to their disadvantage and greed on the part
of the second group of herders only works to their
temporary advantage. In the long-run, the pasture is
damaged by overgrazing and all herders lose. As Johnson
and Earle (ibid.) point out, the only answer is for groups
to practice a code of behavior which regulates all of them
and protects the common resource. I would add that one
way of formalizing these behavior codes is through the
evolution of regulating institutions such as cult centers,
shrines, palace organizations and formal cemeteries.
In the northern Negev, the emergence of Gilat as a
regional Chalco lithic cult center, along the coastal plain!
foothill interface, may relate to its function as a regulating
Plate 7a Aerial view of hilltop cemetery 3 at Shiqmim, northern
Negev. A wide range of mortuary structures have been found in the institution which controlled and monitored pastoral
cemetery. Pictured here are stone-lined burial circles and cist graves activities on the rich annual pastures of this region. This
(courtesy of The Israel Air Force) is highlighted by the 'new' subsistence organization
introduced with the Secondary Products Revolution in
Chalcolithic societies, and the central motif of fertility and
herding depicted in the anthropomorphic and zoomorphic
statuettes found in the sanctuary (Alon and Levy 1989).
While there is little evidence for the enclosure of
agricultural land at this time, the establishment of
ceremonial sites like Gilat, Ein Gedi and Tuleilat Ghassul,
and formal cemeteries throughout the country indicates
access to territory was controlled by the symbolism of
place. Similar processes have been noted all over Europe
(d. Bradley 1991: 65). In the ethnographic record, Marx
(1978) has shown how the tombs of Bedouin saints in the
Sinai are established on the borders of different ecological
zones to facilitate resource utilization by different social
groups. The large quantities of non-local portable artifacts
Plate 7b Detail of burial circle (no. 24) found in the Shiqmim
cemetery 3 and pictured above. Disarticulated secondary burials were
found in the Gilat sanctuary may reflect gifts or offerings
found here (source : T. Ludovise, Shiqmim expedition) brought to elites living at the site to secure access to
grazing lands. Thus, risk management of valuable natural
resources, such as grazing and farm land, may have been
which can cope with unpredictable ecological and social one factor which promoted the growth of northern Negev
situations, relates to the political economy of pre-industrial elites.
societies. Briefly, the political economy refers to the
structures and rules in an economy which evolve out of the
Resource competition
need for societies to adapt to local ecological and cultural
environments (d. Johnson and Earle 1987: 11-15). The As Johnson and Earle (ibid.) point out, with population
domestic economy, on the other hand, refers to what increase and intensified land use, locally rich resources
Sahlins (1974) calls the 'Domestic Mode of Production' such as fertile bottom land and prime pasture lands
which is organized at the household level to meet become even more precious. With intensified land use, the
individual family needs such as food, clothing, housing benefits of warfare and violent seizure of resources in a
and subsistence technology. At the heart of the political region become apparent. While mace heads, the earliest
economy is what Hardin (1968) calls 'the tragedy of the artifact clearly associated with human hand-to-hand
commons'. The archetypal case concerns the problems combat begin to appear in the Late Neolithic in the Wadi
which arise when 'strangers' seek to exploit the same Rabah phase (Stager 1992), during the Chalco lithic these
natural resources. For example, in societies where objects are found in the hundreds (Sabanne - personal
pastoralism plays an important role, if one group of communication). In the northern Negev, stylistic
herders aims at keeping pasture a viable resource by differences in mace heads can be seen between the Patish
controlling their herd's grazing, another group of herders and Beersheva valleys which probably relate to the
240 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Thomas E. Levy
Plate 8 Zoomorphic statuette of the Gilat Rom, Gilat (photograph: © Zev Radovan)
different social groups which inhabited these valleys. The gifts were a means of setting up obligations - with the
marked increase in mace heads found throughout the recipient under an obligation to the giver. Gift giving is
country is a clear indication of more organized inter-group organized so that the maximum number of relationships
conflict compared with the earlier periods. The construc- can be created and sustained by placing participants in a
tion of numerous 'subterranean villages' in the Beersheva situation of debt. Gosden (ibid.) refers to these as 'debt-
valley, at sites such as Shiqmim, Abu Matar, Bir es-Safadi, based societies'.
Horvat Beter and other locales during the pioneer phase of In debt-based societies the conditions of production are
settlement, may also be related to warfare. Ethnographic different from those where value dominates. Personal
data from Capadoccia in Anatolia, from East Africa ownership of land does not exist, gardens or farmland are
(Denyer 1978) and Roman Palestine (see Anderson, this held in common, and clan members have rights of use, not
volume Chapter 26) show how subterranean architectural ownership. Craft production is also not usually in private
complexes have been used as hiding devices - a defense hands, but is carried out by castes or by individual
against aggressors. The need to organize defense of key households. Whereas in industrial societies commodities
resources, such as the limited valley bottom flood plains in are freely interchanged, in debt-based societies gifts are
the Beersheva valley and the annual pasturage on the ranked. The production of gifts for debt takes place within
coastal plain, would also have promoted the growth of the relationships of the kin group and is aimed at
leadership in the region. producing items that will build lasting relationships
between the transactors. For Sahlins (1974), the gift is the
primitive way of achieving the peace that in civil society is
Maintaining Cha/colithic elites: gift giving
obtained by the state. Seen in the context of the political
Recently, Cris Gosden (1989) drew together the role of economy, the relationship giver-receiver is the equivalent
production and debt in relation to social change in pre- to that of leader-follower. As Gosden (ibid.) points out,
industrial societies. At the heart of his study is Marcel the main factor needed to create regular flows of debt,
Mauss's (1969) classic work, 'Essay on the Gift'. By which form the basis of social inequality, is a means of
examining a wide range of ethnographic and ethnohistoric restricting access to gifts. One way of restricting access to
sources of pre-industrial societies, Mauss concluded that gifts is to retain control over the means of production. The
Cult, Metallurgy and Rank Societies - Chalcolithic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE} 241
smaller the number of people who have the knowledge, similar process occurs at Tel Arad IV (Amiran 1978) and
skills, access to raw materials and time necessary to at Tel Halif (Site 101; Seger et al. 1990). Given the existing
produce gifts, the higher the value of these items will be. evidence, research in the semi-arid Irana-Turanian
In the northern Negev, the Beersheva culture can best heartland of Chalcolithic settlement indicates a number
be described as a debt-based society where copper and of trends which may have precipitated collapse. Four of
other objects made of precious materials (ivory, imported these possible catalysts are discussed below.
stones and minerals, etc.) were used to create irregular
flows of debt (Levy 1993). The distribution pattern of
Climatic factors
copper workshops which focuses on the Beersheva valley
indicates a kind of monopoly over the production of The transition from the Chalcolithic to Early Bronze I (ca.
copper objects that was not shared with neighboring 3700-3500 BCE) corresponds with the onset of more arid
polities. The fact that copper was smelted far away from conditions which approximate those of today (Goldberg
the ore sources at Feinan and Timna indicates that metal and Rosen 1987; A. Rosen 1989; Goldberg this volume,
processing and production was a highly guarded activity Chapter 4). The floret of Chalcolithic cultural growth
that was carried out primarily within the confines of the occurred at the end of the period, probably sometime
'home territory' of the Beersheva culture. This debt-based around 4000-3700 BCE in the Beersheva valley and lower
system is in marked contrast to the industrial Jordan valley. This was associated with the rapid build-up
metalworking which took place in the following Early of rich agricultural soils and floodplains in the northern
Bronze Age, when numerous smelting facilities are found Negev, which enabled the establishment of planned
adjacent to the ore sources at Feinan (Hauptmann 1989), villages and intensive farming in the valley bottoms (Levy
hundreds of tons of slag can be attributed to the Early et al. 1991). The onset of drier conditions may have
Bronze Age, and there was a widespread network of caused changes in the discharge patterns of water in the
mines, middlemen and clients spread over the entire Negev main drainages which initiated erosional processes in the
and Sinai deserts (d. Dan and Sabanne 1989; Beit Arieh rich valley bottom soils and consequently destroyed the
1983; see Figure 6). floodwater farming systems that supported so many
In this context, Chalcolithic copper objects (especially northern Negev settlements. In the lower Jordan Valley,
prestigelcultic items) can be seen as extremely valuable and where farming seems to have depended more on the
circulated among elites as presentations. The exceptional diversion of spring water and the water retentive soils
skill and knowledge needed to mine ores, to smelt and to around springs (d. Raikes 1980), drier conditions may
cast objects meant that only a small number of individuals have disrupted discharge from the springs and dependent
could produce these objects. On receiving such a gift, the farming activities. For settlements where pig raising
elites from any of the Beersheva valley settlement system formed a significant proportion of husbandry practices in
were placed in a situation of social debt to the giver, this semi-arid zone of ±10-15 percent (d. Gilat, Grar,
presumably the paramount clan or ruler in the valley. Tuleilat Ghassul, see Grigson, this volume, Chapter 15),
Thus, control over metal production formed the basis of drier conditions may have also led to the disappearance of
social inequality in this particular Chalcolithic society. many springs and the habitats most suited to pig raising.
Taken together, these climatic changes could have
disrupted the highly specialized farming methods which
The collapse of Chalcolithic societies had crystallized during the Chalcolithic period.
The collapse of the Chalcolithic societies in Palestine can
not be attributed to a single factor, instead it relates to a
Attenuation of the socio-po/itical organization
number of variables which worked together. The processes
responsible for the collapse of Chalcolithic societies in Joffee (1991) has pointed out that the Negev Chalcolithic
Palestine are still very poorly understood and this should socio-political system - which was rich in symbols,
be an important direction for future research. The story of concerned with territoriality, and engaged in the
growth, stability and dissolution is not the same for every procurement of rare minerals and goods for local elites -
geographic region, or even every drainage system in was so tightly stretched over southern Palestine, the ' Arava
Palestine. The settlement hierarchies observed in the and Sinai (Beit-Arieh 1983; Khalil 1987; Levy and Holl
Chalcolithic broke down all over the country and by the 1988; S. Rosen 1986; Rothenberg et al. 1978) that any
early EB I these societies had returned to being small systemic disruption in areas of resource procurement,
autonomous village sites (Figure 7). This is seen in the agricultural production or the balance of political power
north where tell sites such as Beth Shan XVIII- XVI would have disrupted the entire society. A similar process
(Engberg and Shipton 1934), Tell esh-Shuneh North may have occurred in the lower Jordan valley and
Niveau IT (de Contenson 1961), and Megiddo strata Vll-V Transjordanian plateau which had extensive links with the
(Fitzgerald 1935) continue into the EB I and in the south a northern Negev (d. Gilead and Goren 1989). The inability
242 Part /11 * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Thomas E. Levy
()~
1,1,1
LOCATIONS
I, .~ ,I
SIZES
e
ee
e
e
~
\ "'e \
\ \
\ \
(a)
()/
I, .LI
"
1,1,1
LOCATIONS SIZES
e e
e e
\
\
e
\
\
\
• Figure 7 01 Cha lcolithic
settlements on the coostal plan bl
Early Bronze 1A settlements on
the coastal plain (source: Gophna
and Portugali 19881
(b)
to evolve alternative avenues of social power in the face of initiated the erosion of the debt-based Chalcolithic social
changes in the social or natural environmental framework system so beautifully demonstrated in the Beersheva valley.
may represent the social evolutionary dead-end which The key to Egypt-Palestine relations during this period is
helped initiate the collapse of Chalcolithic societies in the site of Maadi in the Nile Delta where subterranean
Palestine. rooms in the basal layers similar to those found in the
Beersheva area where discovered. It is suggested by
Rizkana and Seeher (1989) that these were linked to
Commercialization
traders or other persons from the Beersheva valley. Recent
Increasing links with Egypt toward the end of the radiocarbon dates from the Beersheva valley conform with
Chalco lithic and Predynastic periods also may have dates from Maadi, supporting the contemporaneity of the
CuI" Melal/urgy and Rank Societies - Cha/colithic Period (ca. 4500-3500 BCE} 243
cultures of these two regions at this time (Levy 1992b). northern Negev and laid the foundations for Dynasty 0
Additional evidence for contacts with Palestine at Maadi control of the Negev, with its widespread economic
include copper ores, ingots and objects (Hauptmann network which crystallized in the late EB I period. This
1989), asphalt, presumably from the Dead Sea, and equid hypothesis should be regarded as tentative, however,
bones. Assuming that the site near Sera bit el Khadim and though the recent discovery of Predynastic Egyptian mace
the adjacent turquoise mines are Chalcolithic, Beit-Arieh heads in destruction levels at the Gilat sanctuary may
(1983) has suggested that this represents entrepreneurial indicate a concerted effort by Predynastic Egyptian
Canaanite mineral exploitation at this remote site for chieftains to eradicate the Chalcolithic symbolic and
Egyptian markets, with little contact between the ideological system that provided the fabric which united
Chalcolithic core areas and the Sinai fringe. Joffee (1991) Chalcolithic societies in southern Palestine. The thick ash
asks whether these contacts had a role in the breakdown layers covering the mounds at Tuleilat Ghassul were so
of Chalcolithic patterns of authority which would have striking that Mallon and the earliest investigators at the
stimulated social fissioning. Seen in the context of the site mistook it for the destroyed Biblical cities of Sodom
breakdown of Chalcolithic debt-based societies, the rise of and Gomorra. Questions concerning the site formation
entrepreneurs at the end of the period may indeed have processes and upper destruction levels at Tuleilat Ghassul
whetted the appetite of growing Predynastic complex still need to be addressed, however, but on developments
societies in the Nde valley for the mineralogical and other in the Negev, the possibility that warfare was a factor in
resources in Palestine. its demise cannot be discounted. The precise nature of
Egypt-Palestine relations in the late to early fourth
Warfare millennium still needs clarification; however, whatever its
The last factor to be considered in the collapse of nature, this relationship marked the breakdown of debt-
Chalcolithic societies relates to warfare. As shown above, based social organizations in Palestine and the end of
the manufacture of weapons for hand-to-hand combat independent social evolution in the country.
was developed to high degrees of craftsmanship, with the
manufacture of copper mace heads using the 'lost wax'
Acknowledgments
technique and hard stone (granite and hematite) mace
heads which involved complicated drilling and processing My study of Chalcolithic societies in Israel has benefitted
methods. While it has been suggested that inter-societal enormously through years of collaboration in the field and
conflict over resources was an important factor in the laboratory with David Alon, Ibrahim aI-Assam, Yorke
emergence of Chalcolithic elites, warfare with expedi- Ronan, Morag Kersel, Paul Goldberg, James Anderson,
tionary Predynastic military organizations may also have Caroline Grigson, Catherine Commenge, Patricia Smith,
contributed to the collapse of Chalcolithic societies in the Yuval Goren, and others.
15
PLOUGH AND PASTURE IN THE EARLY
ECONOMY OF THE SOUTHERN LEVANT
Caroline Grigson
of them can be grown in damp microclimates, as can be interrelationship between plants and animals in farming
induced in some deserts by utilization of dew, or in oases, also includes the production of plant material as fodder for
or in areas where rivers or streams bring an exotic water enclosed or hobbled animals. Obviously agriculture on any
supply. Suitable conditions for cultivation may be scale is bound to be a sedentary occupation.
artificially provided by irrigation; when utilized in the
Levant this seems to have been simple control of seasonal
flood water rather than elaborate, full scale irrigation by
Animal husbandry
the control of river water as in Mesopotamia and Egypt.
Land can be prepared for sowing by digging, hoeing or The large numbers of animal remains found In
ploughing. On hillsides, terraces may be cut to increase the archaeological sites indicate that the economy of the
area available for cultivation and to prevent erosion. Soil Levant in the Chalco lithic and Bronze ages was based on
fertility may have been improved by the alternation of the breeding of the four ungulate species listed in Figure 4
crops and by leaving land fallow on a regular basis, by (p. 248), and so it is to this day except in places where
manuring and by allowing animals to graze on stubble religious prohibitions or unsuitable environmental
after the harvest. Seed is usually broadcast by hand, but conditions preclude pig-keeping.
may have been trodden into the ground by domestic sheep, All these animals were without doubt domestic. The
goats or pigs. Threshing may be done by using cattle or domestication of sheep and goats took place at least as
donkeys to pull sledges over the harvested cereal. The early as the seventh millennium (Clutton-Brock 1981;
248 Part III * Farmers, Priests, and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Caroline Grigson
CEREALS:
Two-row barley, Hordeum vulgare (also called H. distichum)
Emmer wheat, Triticum turgidum, subsp. dicaeeum
Einkorn wheat, Triticum monococcum
PULSES:
Len~l , Lens eulinaris
Pea, Pisum sativum
Chickpea, Cieer arietinum
Bitter vetch, Vida ervi/ia
OTHERS:
Flax, Unum usitatissimum
Figure 2 This nineteenth-century print of cottle threshing corn Figure 3 The eight founder crops listed by Zohary (1992)
exemplifies the close relationship between animal husbandry and the which were the basis for early agriculture in the Levant
cultivation of plants in the southern Levant
of the time, about which, at least in preliterate societies, McCreery 1979) and at Deir 'Alia in the Jordan Valley in
we have very little knowledge. Whatever the system of the Late Bronze Age (Van Zeist and Heeres 1973) - all
ownership, unless a strict balance can be maintained these sites, except Tel Tsaf, are on, or close to, the desert
between what the local environment can provide and edge. As samples are so few and so small, it is dangerous
what is taken from it in the form of human and animal to draw inferences from the absence of any particular
nutrition, the result will be environmental degradation species, but that at Pella, farther to the north than Deir
through soil depletion, overgrazing and so on; unless 'Alia in the Jordan Valley, seems quite large (Willcox
corrected or adapted to, this will eventually lead to the 1992) so the absence there of naked wheat before the Iron
collapse of 'any farming or pastoral system. This is Age may be significant. Naked wheat also seems to be
particularly true in sensitive, marginal areas such as the absent from all other Early Bronze Age sites in the rest of
desert fringes. the area, where conditions were moister (Liphschitz 1989).
As it requires better conditions than emmer or einkorn, its
presence on the desert edge suggests higher rainfall than at
Agricultural systems in the past - some
present or irrigation, or both (Hopf 1978). The various
evidence
species of wheat have not been distinguished from each
other in reports on plant remains from most other Middle
The cul'ivation of plan's from 'he La'e Neolithic
'0 'he La'e Bronze Age and Late Bronze Age sites, but according to Helbaek
(1958) naked wheat almost completely replaced emmer
Most studies of the history of domestic plants in the Near during the second millennium, at least at Tel Lachish.
East have focused on the time, place and genetics of their Another cereal which appeared later than the three
origin in Pre-pottery Neolithic times. There is a serious founder cereal crops is six-row barley H. vulgare subsp.
shortage of information about plants and their uses in the hexastichum, and it is this species, not the two-row form,
Late Neolithic, and thereafter the few data that exist are which was found at Chalcolithic Jawa (Willcox 1981); the
usually presented on a presence/absence basis of two species have been identified together in the Early
carbonized seeds and wood, with little attempt at quantifi- Bronze Age at Arad, Bab edh-Dhra and Numeira
cation. Reviews of the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age data (Liphschitz 1989; McCreery 1979, 1980).
by Hanbury-Tenison (1986) and Liphschitz (1989) show The four founder pulse crops (lentils, peas, chickpeas
that in addition to the eight founder crops listed in Figure and bitter vetch) are found almost universally and must
3, a large number of other species of plants were have been an important source of protein. Pulses making a
cultivated; evidence for their presence on a site-by-site minor contribution to the diet include the grass pea
basis is discussed below, the locations of the archaeo- (Lathyrus sativus) and broad bean (Vida (aba). Hopf
logical sites mentioned are shown in Figure 1. (1978), and also Kislev (1987), have suggested that some
essential amino acids cannot be supplied in sufficient
Arable agriculture quantity by cereals alone, and would have to be obtained
The only data on the Late Neolithic come from two small from either animal products or pulses ('the meat of the
samples. At 'Ain Rahub in the Jordan highlands Neef (in poor'). Thus a high proportion of pulses in the diet
Muheisen et al. 1988) found two-row barley, emmer, a compared with cereals might be correlamd with a low
few grains of einkorn and linseeds, which were large and proportion of animal food and vice versa. Kislev
so considered domestic. The same cereals were the only postulated that the small quantity of legumes at
plants identified at Late Neolithic Jericho (Hopf 1969), but Chalcolithic Shiqmim, on the desert edge, points to a
in such small samples the absence of other species is not greater dependence on animal products, an appropriate
significant. finding in view of the undoubted agro-pastoral nature of
From the Chalcolithic onwards the most common cereal sites in the area at that time.
was two-row barley, with emmer wheat a close second. The last founder crop - flax or linseed - is rarely
Barley is better adapted to dry conditions and is said to mentioned, but it was probably grown from the Pre-
increase in proportion in arid areas (Zaitschek 1959; pottery Neolithic B onwards, as radio-carbon dates of
Arnon 1972). about 7,000 BC have been obtained on linen yam at
The three subspecies of naked wheat (Triticum Nahal Hemar in the Judaean Desert (Bar-Yosef and Alon
aestivum), club wheat, bread wheat and spelt, seem to 1988). Cultivated linseeds have been definitely identified
have arisen later than the hulled wheats, but small from Chalcolithic Pella (Area XIV) (Willcox, quoted in
quantities have been identified at several sites: Tel Tsaf, Hanbury-Tenison 1986), and are noted from various Early
Shiqmim and Jawa in the Chalcolithic (Gophna and Kislev Bronze Age sites (Liphschitz 1989). The large size of the
1979; Kislev 1987; Willcox 1981), at Jericho in the Early linseeds retrieved from the Early Bronze Age of Bab edh-
and Middle Bronze Age (Hopf 1969), at Arad, Bab edh- Dhra and Numeira on the eastern side of the Dead Sea
Dhra and Numeira in the Early Bronze Age (Hopf 1978; (McCreery 1979, 1980) and from Deir 'Alia for levels
250 Part 11/ * Fanners, Priests, and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Caroline Grigson
from 1,200 BC onwards (Van Zeist and Heeres 1973) was FRUIT TREES
taken as evidence for irrigation, following the criteria of
Helbaek (1959). It seems unlikely that linseeds were Olive, Oleo europaea
palatable, but linseed oil may have been extracted for Grape, Vilis vinifera
lighting or as a solvent for resins and pigments, though the Date, Phoenix doclylifera
primary use of flax was probably the production of linen Fig, Ficus carico
fibres. Pomegranate, Punica granola
Remains of vegetables and herbs are rarely retrieved,
but garlic and onion were found in the Cave of the Figura 5 The main horticultural craps of the Early Bronze Age;
Treasure (Nahal Mishmar) in the Chalcolithic (Zaitschek all except vines were probably domesticated during or before
1961), onion in the Early and Middle Bronze Age at the Chalcolithic
Jericho (Hopf 1969), and fenugreek (Trigonella graecum)
at Tel Lachish (Helbaek 1958).
Negev and on the eastern side of the Dead Sea at Bab edh-
Horticulture Dhra and Numeira, where a hoard of 700 whole grapes
The main horticultural crops of the Chalcolithic and Early was retrieved (McCreery 1979, 1980). Although they
Bronze Age are listed in Figure 5; all except vines were could be the remains of imported raisins, local cultivation
probably domesticated during or before the Chalcolithic seems more likely as grapes were, with barley, the most
(Stager 1985; Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). numerous plant remains found and vine wood was
Olive stones occur frequently from the Chalcolithic retrieved from Arad (Hopf 1978).
onwards, even in the Negev. Vats for the separation of Other fruits, not necessarily cultivated, whose seeds
olive oil, as well as olive wood, have been found in the have been retrieved include fig, peach, bullace and haw-
Chalcolithic of Rasm Harbush in the Golan (Epstein thorn (Crataegus sp.). Nuts, mainly almonds (Prunus
1978). The olive stones in sites in the Jordan Valley, from amygdalus), pistachio (Pistacia atlantica), walnuts and
the Chalcolithic at Teleilat Ghassoul and from Early acorns (Quercus sp.) were common.
Bronze Age Bab edh-Dhra and Numeira, have been All the fruit trees whose remains have been discussed
definitely identified as being from cultivated trees, as wild are propagated not by seed but vegetatively by cloning,
olives would not have been part of the local flora (Zohary implying sophisticated horticultural practices, though these
and Spiegel-Roy 1975; Neef 1990; McCreery 1980) and did not yet extend to grafting (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy
the same is almost certainly true of the large numbers 1975).
found in Area XN (Chalcolithic) at Pella (Willcox 1992). The general impression is of the consumption of a wide
The presence of olive wood in the Chalcolithic at Tel Tsaf, range of cereals, pulses, fruit and nuts, most of them
Tell Abu Hamid and Tell esh Shuna, also in the Jordan cultivated, suggesting small fields, orchards and gardens,
Valley but nearer to woodland where wild olives grow, rather than large-scale monoculture.
suggests that in these sites too the stones were from
cultivated trees (Neef 1990).
Animal husbandry from the Pottery Neolithic to
Date stones were found in the Cave of the Treasure
the Iron Age
(Nahal Mishmar) (Bar-Adon 1980, Liphschitz 1989),
Teleilat Ghassul (Mallon, Koeppel and Neuville 1934: 40) What can be deduced from the study of the numerous
in the Chalcolithic, at Bab edh-Dhra, Numeira and Jericho remains of sheep, goats, pigs and cattle found in
in the Early and Middle Bronze Age (McCreery 1979, archaeological sites in the Levant? The only information
1980; Hopf 1969) and at Tel Gerisa, near Tel Aviv, in the that is widely available is the number of bones of each
Late Bronze Age (Liphschitz 1989). species retrieved. Horwitz and Tchernov (Tchernov and
Pomegranates do not occur in the wild in the Levant so Horwitz 1990; Horwitz and Tchernov 1989b) examined
the seeds found in the Chalcolithic of the Cave of the the numbers of sheep and goats compared with those of
Treasure (Nahal Misbmar) and the Early Bronze Age at cattle in a large number of archaeological sites from
Arad and Jericho (Bar-Adon 1980, Hopf 1969, 1978) various periods in Israel. The sites were grouped on the
must be of domestic plants. basis of their geographical position according to an
Although grape pips are reported from one Chalcolithic ingenious classification of the land of Israel into four types
site (Abu Matar near Beersheva) (Negbi 1955) they seem of area, based on modem carrying capacities. The results
to have been intrusive. As wild vines are not found in the suggested an increasing dependence on sheep and goats
Levant, any remains must be from domestic stock from the Late Neolithic to the Iron Age, in all areas except
originally introduced from elsewhere, probably early in the the poorest (around Beersheva) and the richest (the Upper
Early Bronze Age (Stager 1985). Thereafter they are Jordan and the foothills). This increase seems to have
commonly found (Liphschitz 1989), even at Arad in the begun in the Early Bronze Age.
Plough and Paslure in the Early Economy of the Southem Levant 251
I have used the same basic method as Tchernov and The difficulties of separating sheep from goat bones are
Horwitz, with a similar diachronidgeographical approach, well known, so most of their bones have to be put in the
but with the addition of data from sites on the eastern side mixed sheep/goat category, however, on some sites,
of the Jordan Valley and from the Jordanian highlands. I enough have been distinguished to allow a pattern to
have divided the geographical region into three: (a) the emerge (Figure 7 and Table 2). Even so the sample sizes
main area, that is the southern Levant, including the are small and the results must be interpreted with caution.
Jordan Highlands, but excluding (b) the desert margins However, they seem to indicate a rise in the proportion of
(from Beersheva to the south and east, the southernmost sheep compared with goats from the Late Neolithic, or
part of the Jordan Valley and the Black Desert) and (c) the Chalcolithic, to the Bronze Age. This suggests another
central and northern parts of the Jordan Valley. The data possible factor in the rise of sheep/goats in the Early
used are set out in Table 1 and the locations of the sites Bronze Age. Sheep, as Digard (1981) has pointed out, are
are shown in Figure 1. regarded by the Bakhtiari in Iran as the rich man's animal
Unlike Tchernov and Horwitz I have utilized pigs in the as they require better grazing than goats. Sheep are raised
general assessment. As one ox is equal to many sheep and largely for their secondary products which are traded with
goats in terms of the food it can yield, I have translated the cities, allowing an accumulation of wealth. So the faunal
numbers of bones found into approximate meat weights changes in the Early Bronze Age in the Levant may reflect
(see Figure 4), which are the minimum figures in kilos for a shift from a subsistence to a market economy, becoming
domestic animals given by Clark and Yi (1983). These more sophisticated as a response to urbanism.
figures are very approximate as they do not allow for The possible causes of the changes in the mean
sexual dimorphism, age differences, nor individual, breed percentages of each animal need to be discussed. Were
and diachronic variation. However, these parameters they environmentally induced? Did changes in social
cannot be established on the majority of archaeological systems, particularly the rise of urbanism, affect them? Do
material, so the figures are a useful means of establishing they reflect differing positions within production!
relative rather than absolute meat weights. consumption systems? Are there ritualistic explanations?
Some clear patterns of faunal change emerge when the Were there spatial differences within sites of the fauna
mean percentages of meat weights of various sites within retrieved? Of course it is likely that different factors
each area are compared (Figures 6a, 6b and 6c) but it must operated in conjunction with one another and with
be remembered that these are only averages, there is a varying degrees of influence. Tchernov and Horwitz
wide range of variation among the different sites within (1990) suggested that the increasing dependence on sheep
each group, and some groups comprise very few sites. In and goats from the Late Neolithic onwards reflects
almost all sites, from the Late Neolithic to the Iron Age, environmental degradation caused by overgrazing. This
cattle provide at least 50 per cent of the meat. The may well be the case, but it does not explain the reduced
predominance of cattle is particularly marked in the numbers of sheep and goats in the Iron Age compared
Jordan Valley (Figure 6c), even at Numeira on the south- with the Bronze Age. It is worthwhile examining some
eastern side of the Dead Sea (McCreery 1980), presumably faunas from different periods in the same site or at least in
reflecting the low-lying marshy landscape. adjacent sites with these problems in mind.
Sheep and goats take second place to cattle in all areas The faunal spectra from Jericho (Figure 8) do not fit the
of the country, though the difference is less marked on the general pattern for sites on the desert edge. At least the
desert edge. This is true in all periods except in the Early Late Neolithic sample does, but in the samples from
Bronze Age on the desert edge, where there is a marked nearby Teleilat Ghassul in the Chalcolithic (Davis 1982)
peak in sheep and goats (Figure 6b). The peak in sheep and Jericho in the Early Bronze Age and even more from
and goats in the Early Bronze Age also occurs, though less the Middle Bronze Age (Clutton-Brock 1979), cattle
markedly, in the main area of the country (Figure 6a). predominate in terms of meat weight, in the same way as
Thereafter in the main area there is a slight decline in they do further north in the Jordan Valley. Ghassul had a
sheep and goats but they remain more important than in lush environment and an exotic water supply in the fourth
the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic. Clearly, as Tchernov millennium (Webley 1969) and Jericho was, and is, a lush
and Horwitz also concluded, the Early Bronze Age was a oasis, so perhaps this reflects a change to more intensive
period of marked economic change, that it was more utilization of the land and its water supply in the Bronze
marked on the desert edge suggests that environmental Age required by increasing urbanism, and in this respect
degradation may be at least one of the causes. the slight rise in the number of pigs may be relevant.
Pigs are scarce in the desert areas (Figure 6b) and were Three sites close to one another on or near the coast of
never of much importance elsewhere (Figures 6a and 6c); the north-western Negev are of some interest (Figure 9).
although they provided up to about 15 per cent of meat in They are in the main geographical group adopted here. At
the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic, they declined steadily Neolithic Qatif Y3 there are roughly equal numbers of
thereafter. sheep, goat, cattle and pig bones, which of course means a
252 Part III * Farmers, Priesls, and Princes: Tbe Rise of the First Complex Socielies * Caroline Grigson
%
100 100.----------------------------------,
(a) (b)
90 90
80 80
70 70
60 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20
10
0 o
PN CH. EB MB2 LB IR1 IR2 PN CH EB MB2 LB IR1 IR2
PERIOD PERIOD
_ SHP/GT ~CADLE DplG _ SHP /GT ~ CADLE D PIG
100.----------------------------------,
(c)
90
80
marked predominance of cattle in terms of meat weight aridity on the desert margin from the Chalcolithic
(Grigson 1984a). The adjacent Chalcolithic site of Y2 has onwards, with the faunal spectra becoming more similar to
virtually no pigs and a corresponding increase in sheep those further east on the desert edge. Altemativdy, or
and goats (Grigson 1984b). By the Middle Bronze Age of additionally, Tel Jemmeh may have been a redistribution
Tel Jemmeh, although there are some pigs, sheep and goats centre for sheep and goats brought in by nomads from
dominate in both numbers and meat weight (Wapnish and more desertic regions. However, in the Late Bronze Age
Hesse 1988). Perhaps these changes reflect increasing there is an unexplained increase in cattle (date from Hesse
Plough and Pasture in the Early Economy of the Southern Levant 253
%% %%
100 100
(a) (b)
90 90
80 80
70 70
60 60
50 50
40 40
30 30
20 20
10 10
0 0
PN CH EB MB2 LB IRl IR2 PN CH EB MB2 LB IRl IR2
PERIOD PERIOD
ESHEEP E SHEEP
%%
100
(e)
90
80
30
20
10
0
PN CH EB MB2 LB IR
PERIOD
E SHEEP
1990). An additional complication is that while Qatif is levels (Davis 1988) and an EBIV site in the Refaim Valley,
now beside the Mediterranean and was so in the in the hills near Jerusalem (Horwitz 1989). There is an
Chalcolithic, in Pottery Neolithic times the coast was increase in sheep and goats over time and a corresponding
several kilometres to the west. decline in cattle. At first sight this could be interpreted as
Two Early Bronze Age sites in the main area are confirmation of Dever's (1989), Prag's (1985) and Esse's
suggestive of diachronic change with the period (Figure (1991) theories of a more pastoral, more nomadic
10). Tel Yarmouth, in the foothills, with EBll and EBID economy in the EBIV, when it seems likely that the urban
254 Part 11/ * Farmers, Priests, and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Caroline Grigson
7- %%
100.------------------------------------. 100.------------------------------------.
80 80
60 60
40 40
20 20
o o
PN CH GHASSOUL EB MB2 pon NED Y3 CHALCO Y2 EBA JEMMEH MBA JEMMEH LBA
PERIOD PERIOD
_ SHP IGT _ CATTLE D PIG _ SHP/GT ~ CATTLE D PIGS
Figure 8 The faunal spectra from Jericho in the Late Neolithic, Early Figure 9 Faunal spectra from three sites on or neor the coast of the
and Middle Bronze Ages and neorby Teleilat Ghassul in the north-western Negev, in the main area.
Chalcolithic. In the late Neolithic at Qalif Y3 there is a marked predominance of
The Late Neolithic sample fits the general pattern for sites on the cattle in terms of meat weight and a significant number of pigs. The
desert edge, but after that callie predominate in terms of meat weight, as adjacent Chalcolithic site of Y2 has virtually no pigs and a corresponding
they do further north in the Jordan Valley. The slight rise in the number of increase in sheep and goats. By the Middle Bronze Age of Tell Jemmeh,
pigs in the Middle Bronze Age may be related to increased urbanism. sheep and goats dominate in both numbers and meat weight.
societies of the Early Bronze Age were collapsing, but that Middle East in general, at least in the fifth, fourth and
does not explain the absence of pigs at Tel Yarmouth, nor third millennia (Grigson unpublished), and in particular in
the significant proportion at Refaim - pigs are not a the northern Negev in the fourth millennium (Grigson
component of nomadism. As Dever implies in Chapter 17 1987; Grigson in Levy et al. 1991). Figure 12 shows that
(this volume) this may indicate a change to a more rural some of the Chalcolithic sites in the northern Negev, which
rather than a pastoral mode of life, as is usually assumed. seem to have been broadly contemporary with others and
Prag (1974) suggested that this period, at least in the separated from them by only a few kilometres, have pigs,
Jordan Valley, was one of sedentism, and that whereas those a short distance away in the direction of the
transhumance, if any, would have been limited in scale. desert do not. Almost all Chalcolithic and Bronze Age sites
At Tel Shiloh (on the drier side of the mountains to the in the Middle East that are situated in areas which today
north of Jerusalem) faunal spectra are available from receive more than about 350mm of rain had pigs, whereas
Middle Bronze, Late Bronze and Iron Age levels (Figure those in drier places did not, unless the area had an exotic
11). In all these levels cattle predominate in terms of meat water supply from natural springs or from irrigation. In
weight, except in the Late Bronze Age where they are general pigs are scarce or absent in all the drier areas - the
overtaken by sheep and goats in a sample of quite southern parts of the coastal plain, the foothills and the
respectable size - 2333 (Hellwing and Sadeh 1985). mountains, as well as the desert fringes. There seems to
However the economic relevance is unclear as the LBA have been a continuous reduction in the numbers of pigs
sample was interpreted as the remains of offerings at a beginning in or soon after the Chalcolithic. By the Iron
cultic place made by a nomadic population (Hellwing and Age their remains are so few that they can have h'ld no
Sadeh 1985). economic importance and one wonders whether they
To turn to pigs. The distribution of domestic pigs was represent intrusive material, or even wild boar. Whether
closely correlated with environmental conditions in the this is related to a cultural pig prohibition, or whether the
Plough and Pasture in the Early Economy of the Southern Levant 255
%% %%
100,---------------------------'---------, 100,------------------------------------,
80 80
60 60
40 40
20 20
o o
EB2 YAR EB-3 YAR EB4 REF MB2 LB IR1 IR2
PERIOD PERIOD
_ SHP/GT _ CADLE 0 PIG _ SHP/GT _ CADLE 0 PIGS
Figure 10 Faunal spectra from two Early Bronze Age sites in the main Figure 11 Faunal spectra at Shiloh (Middle Bronze, Late Bronze and
areo, Tell Yarmouth (EBII and EBIII) and the Refaim Valley (Area 10 - Iron Age I & II).
EBIVJ, Cattle predominate in terms of meat weight, except in the Late Bronze
The increase in sheep, goats and pigs over time and a corresponding sample where they are overtaken by sheep and goots. This has been
decline in cattle may indicate a change to a more rural mode of life in interpreted as the remains of offerings at a cultic place made by a
EBIV, not, as frequently postulated, a more nomadic, existence, nomadic population.
explanation is simply environmental, that is, caused by vananon, except in a very limited way. A notable
increasing aridity, cannot be decided on the information exception is the detailed work of McCreery (1979, 1980)
available. However, in an important paper on the at Bab edh-Dhra on the eastern side of the Dead Sea. The
significance of the presence and absence of pigs, Hesse presence there of many cultigens that need moist
(1990) has shown that in general numbers of pigs declined conditions suggested to him that irrigation was practised
through the Middle and Late Bronze Ages and were absent there from the earliest part of the Early Bronze Age. After
in 15 of the 18 Iron Age sites from which he had data, but Early Bronze I there was an increase in the proportion of
the other three Iron Age I samples contain significant, but barley and fruit compared with wheat and flax, which
nevertheless small, proportions of pigs (Tel Miqne-Ekron might indicate the production of barley for animal fodder,
in Iron Age I and n, and Ashkelon and Batash in Iron Age or problems with increasing aridity or salinification, or all
I). He suggests that this may be related to a restriction of three.
the local pastoral and marketing systems by the incursions Liphschitz (1989) has pointed out that inferences have
of the Sea Peoples or Philistines, that is to a system with to be made with caution because it is likely that, as well as
less reliance on urban markets. However, Grigson being locally consumed, many plant foods were
(unpublished) suggested that on the contrary pigs, in transported from place to place. She suggests that this is
Mesopotamia at least, might be associated with urban true of various fruits found in sites in the Jordan Valley
conditions as scavengers in city streets; this might also be where it may have been too hot and too dry for them to be
the explanation for the presence of pigs in EBm at grown. However, charred wood fragments of many species
Numeira (McCreery 1980). of fruit trees were found at Early Bronze Age Jericho, and
as olive wood was found at Teleilat Ghassul, Tell esh
Environmental change and irrigation Shuna North, Tel Abu Hamid and Tel Tsaf, which was
probably obtained locally and used for firewood (Western
Floral samples are so few and often innumerate, that it is 1971; Neef 1990; Liphschitz 1988-1989), so conditions
not possible to identify changes over time nor geographical may have been suitable for them to have been grown at
256 Part III * Farmers, Priests, and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Caroline Grigson
N
t 10 Ian
F'l9ure 12 Domestic pigs in the Beersheva Basin. The distribulion of sites with and without pigs in the Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and Early Bronze
Age
Black dots are sites with pigs, white dots those with none (or almost none). The dashed lines are isohyets of madem meon annual rainfall.
As in other parts of the Middle East there seems to be a definite correlalion between the presence and absence of pigs and rainfall. The presence of
pigs at Gilat and Wadi Gazze Dsuggests slighdy moister conditions in the Chalcolithic. Their decline at QaIif from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic 1Y3
= = =
and Y2) may be due to increasing aridily. A Abu Motor, B Bir es-Safadi, H Horvat Beter
that time in the Jordan Valley. There is good reason to it during the Middle Bronze Age. For a discussion of
think that the environment was considerably lusher in Chalcolithic irrigation, see Levy, Chapter 14.
many parts of the Valley in Chalcolithic and Early Bronze
Age times (Harlan 1982; Webley 1969) and that olives
could have been grown there without irrigation (Neef
The use of other animal and plant
1990). It is interesting that remains of dates seem to be
products in the Chalcolithic and Bronze
Ages
confined to the Jordan Valley and the coast near Tel Aviv,
where one would expect that environmental conditions
were optimal for growing them.
Mille
The presence of pulses, naked wheat and large linseeds There is much discussion in the literature on the use of
at sites on the desert edge in the Chalcolithic and Early secondary products (that is those that can be extracted
Bronze Age, and of olives and olive wood, as well as grape without killing the animal), particularly milk, wool, hair
pips and vine charcoal at Arad, implies either a slightly and energy (Sherratt 1983; Levy 1992). The archaeo-
moister environment than today or some form of zoological evidence for this relies on the establishment of
irrigation, or both. It is unlikely that irrigation alone ageing profiles of the various species involved (Payne
would have been adequate to provide suitable conditions 1973). Animals kept primarily for meat would be
for feeding cattle, let alone pigs, so it is reasonable to slaughtered as sub-adults, that is as soon as they reached
postulate that conditions were moister in the Chalcolithic their prime meat weight, but those kept for secondary
and Early Bronze Age, as already shown by products would be kept into old age. H the required
D.H.K. Amiran (1991) and postulated by Grigson product was milk this would involve keeping females into
(1987), but aridity seems to have become a problem old age, but slaughtering most of the males when young.
towards the end of the Early Bronze Age, particularly on Of course, whatever strategy was adopted, enough
the desert margins, doubtless contributing to the collapse breeding adults would have to be kept to maintain the
of urban culture in Early Bronze IV. More detailed studies herds and here too there would be an emphasis on females
on plant and animal remains might help to elucidate not of reproductive age.
only the process of this collapse but also the recovery from Only sheep and goat bones are found in large enough
Plough and Pasture in the Early Economy of the Southern Levant 257
been ridden, at least In the Levant, until the first Cohen 1992), yet even in the Negev Highlands there is
millennium BC. evidence for dry farming in the Middle Bronze Age (Rosen
and Finkelstein 1992). There is no evidence that full-scale
nomadic pastoralism, or even semi-nomadic pastoralism,
Dromedaries (one-humped camels)
was practised in the Levant from the Chalcolithic to the
Zeuner's (1963) contention that domestic camels were Iron Age. The conclusion that settled farming prevailed in
already being utilized in urban sites in the Levant from the Levant was also reached by Khazanov (1984), who
about 1,700 to 1,500 BC was based on an article by pointed out that the Bible gives chronological priority to
Isserlin (1951), who pointed out that actual remains of farming, not to nomadic behaviour.
camels had been reported in Middle Bronze Age contexts The most characteristic feature of the Early Bronze Age
at four sites, but as Kohler (1981b) has indicated, all of economy seems to have been the investment in large-scale
these finds are, for one reason or another, dubious. horticultural production, implying a settled and stable
There is, however, some other evidence for the presence mode of life (Stager 1976), as fruit trees and vines can only
of camels in the Bronze Age at Arad in the northern Negev be reproduced by cloning (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975)
(Lernau 1978), and, although the ribs originally identified and do not produce fruit until many years after planting.
cannot now be traced, more camel remains have recently In Stager's own words 'Permanent fields, residential
been identified from other excavations at the same site by stability, and general tranquillity are the prerequisites for
Horwitz (pers. comm.). A few camel bones and teeth have the commercial production of horticultural crops' (Stager
been identified by Hakker-Orion (1984) from the Middle 1985). Indeed, it was with the adoption of horticulture in
Bronze Age I at Be'er Resisim in the central Negev and the Early Bronze Age that the Palestinian economy
from the Late Bronze Age at Tel Jemmeh in the north- acquired its Mediterranean character which has endured to
western Negev (Wapnish 1981), and I have studied a large the present time.
sample of camel bones, presumably used for transport, at Concomitant with large-scale production is long-term
Timna dating from the Late BronzelIron Age transition storage - planning ahead for years at a time, or even from
(Grigson 1993b). All these finds are peripheral to the generation to generation. Preservation techniques are an
southern Levant and probably represent animals used in important aspect of storage, and one which was certainly
the transport of goods to and from Arabia, but Kussinger being practised by the Chalcolithic was the extraction of
(1988) has identified a camel rib from the Middle Bronze oil from plants such as olives. Another, in use from at least
Age at Lidar Hoyiik in the Euphrates Valley in southern the Early Bronze Age, is fermentation - the production of
Anatolia, which is of particular interest as the site is so far alcohol from sugar solutions by the introduction of yeasts,
to the north. that is the production of wine from grape juice, from
cereals and the leavening of bread from flour. A similar
technique for animal products is the introduction of
Discussion certain bacteria into milk, allowing it to be kept for longer
Khazanov (1984) has emphasized that in the desert and periods in the form of yoghurt, as does the production of
steppe regions of Eurasia where cattle (and pigs) are butter and cheese. Once these preservation techniques had
characteristically involved in agriculture, the greater the been developed they not only allowed vegetable and
number of cattle, the more important the role of animal products to be stored, they allowed them to be
agriculture in the economy. This is not necessarily the case marketed as part of the new urban economy and to be
in Sub-Saharan Africa, but here the agricultural system traded over long distances.
utilizes completely different crops.
The wide spectrum of plant species found in
Conclusion
archaeological sites, especially those raised for fruit, as
well as the presence of pigs and more particularly the high Floral, faunal, artifactual and textual evidence all point to
proportion of cattle, suggests that in the main area and in a settled agricultural life style in the Early Bronze Age,
the Jordan Valley we are dealing with mixed farming, imd which must have had its roots in the Chalcolithic, or even
McCreery (1980) has shown that this is true even on the the late Neolithic. Thus it is the agriculture of fellahin, not
drier eastern side of the Dead Sea. There may have been a the semi-nomadic practices of the Bedouin, which is the
small element of transhumance, with cattle, sheep and relevant ethnographic parallel to studies of early
goats, vertically in hilly areas, particularly on the slopes of agricultural systems in the southern Levant.
the Jordan Valley (Esse 1991), and over the landscape on
the northern edges of the Negev. Even on the desert
margins cattle predominate in most periods, though here
Postscript
mixed farming must have merged into herdsman There are many more types of evidence that are relevant to
husbandry or semi-sedentary pastoralism (Haiman 1992; understanding the ways in which people used the natural
260 Part 11/ * Farmers, Priesls, and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Caroline Grigson
Table 1 Meat weights of main domestic animals found in archaeological sites in the Levant - changes over time
No. of
shp/gt cattle pig identified
Site Period no. meat% no. meet% no. meat% specimens Reference
Main area (Area A)
Tel Aviv Chalco 147 4.7 368 92.7 64 2.6 579 Duces 1968
Wadi Ghaza D Chalco 14 6.1 24 81.9 22 12.0 60 Duces 1968
Gat Gavrin Chalco 69 9.7 76 83.6 38 6.7 183 Duces 1968
Metzer Chalco 103 10.8 81 66.4 174 22.8 358 Ducos 1968
QatifY2 Chalco 705 20.3 352 79.3 12 0.4 1069 Grigson 1984b
Grar Chalco 717 23.1 274 69.0 194 7.8 1185 Grigson 19920
Gilat74-87 Chalco 539 30.4 139 61.2 119 8.4 797 Tchernav & Grigson 1990
Sataf Chalco? 35 41.6 5 46.5 8 11.9 48 Grigson 1992b
MEAN 18.4 72.6 9.1
Tel Aphek + Tel Dalil EBI-II ? 28.3 ? 70.7 ? 1.0 ? Hellwing & Gophna 1984
Tel Ereni EBII 441 25.0 158 70.0 71 5.0 670 Ducas 1968
Tel Yarmouth EBII 175 35.3 41 64.7 0 0.0 216 Davis 1988
Tel Yarmouth EBIII 868 55.0 91 45.0 0 0.0 959 Davis 1988
Refaim Valley Area 10 EBIV 228 73.1 4 10.0 42 16.8 274 Horwitz 1989
En Shadud EBA 28 12.7 21 74.3 23 13.0 72 Horwitz 1985
Yiftohel EBA 59 19.3 31 79.4 3 1.2 93 Horwitz & Tchernov 1989a
MEAN 35.5 59.2 5.3
Tel Michal
Tel Aphek + Tel Dalil
MBIIB
MBII
49
~
12.0
15.4
45
?
85.9
81.6 ,
7 2.1
3.0
101
~
Hellwing & Feig 1989
Hellwing & Gophna 1984
Ifshar MBII 343 5.6 686 87.4 343 7.0 1372 Hesse 1990
Tel Shiloh MBII 564 41.6 98 56.4 22 2.0 684 Hellwing & Sadeh 1985
Tel Lachish MBII 215 46.7 30 50.9 9 2.4 254 Drori 1979
Tel Nagila MB 302 21.2 142 77.8 12 1.1 456 Ducos 1968
Tel Miqne-Ekran BA 370 25.9 132 72.2 21 1.8 523 Hesse 1986
Tel Jemmeh MBA 642 54.2 59 38.9 66 7.0 767 Wapnish & Hesse 1988
MEAN 27.8 68.9 3.3
Tel Michal LBA 289 12.5 258 87.4 2 0.1 549 Hellwing & Feig 1989
Tel Lachish LBA 413 22.9 175 75.9 16 1.1 604 Drori 1979
Tel Shiloh LBA 2152 63.4 155 35.7 26 1.0 2333 Hellwing & Sadeh 1985
Batosh LBA 217 24.4 83 73.3 17 2.3 317 Hesse 1990
Tel esh-Sharia LBA 4134 82.2 114 17.7 4 0.1 4252 Davis 1982
TelJemmeh LBA 3152 33.8 788 66.0 10 0.1 3950 Wapnish & Hesse 1988
MEAN 39.9 59.3 0.8
Table 1 continued
No. of
shp/gt cottle pig identified
Site Period no. meo"" no. meo"" no. meol% specimens Reference
Main area (Area A) (conlinuedl
Ashkelon IAI 120 6.0 235 91.8 35 2.2 390 Hesse 1990
Tel Shiloh IAI 1000 29.2 306 69.8 29 1.1 1335 Hellwing & Sodeh 1985
MtEbal IAI 499 28.0 164 72.0 0 0.0 663 Horwitz 1986/7
Tel Hesban IAI 460 28.2 145 69.4 31 2.4 636 Weiler 1981
Tal Hesi IAI 77 34.2 19 65.8 0 0.0 96 Hesse 1990
Tel Qasile IA early 212 43.2 35 55.8 4 1.0 251 Dovis 1982 1985
MEAN 23.6 75.0 1.4
Balash IAII 578 18.3 32B 81.3 9 0.3 914 Hesse 1990
Tel Hesi IAII 1090 33.6 272 65.6 21 0.8 1383 Hesse 1990
Ashkelon IAI 43 3.2 164 96.0 9 0.8 216 Hesse 1990
Tel Lachish IA 141 11.6 137 88.4 0 0.0 278 Lemau 1975
Tel Miqne-Ekron IA 53 19.8 27 78.8 3 1.4 83 Hesse 1986
Tel Shiloh IA 99 23.1 41 74.6 8 2.3 148 Hellwing & Sadeh 1985
Ophel IA 437 71.8 22 28.2 0 0.0 459 Horwitz & Tchemov 1989b
Tel Hesban IA 1406 39.9 256 56.8 94 3.3 1756 Weiler 1981
Tel Lachish IA 587 31.2 166 68.8 0 0.0 753 Drori 1979
MEAN 28.1 70.9 1.0
Arad 62-' EBI 345 60.4 29 39.6 0 0.0 374 Lemau 1978
Arad 62-' EBII 1244 60.3 105 39.7 0 0.0 1349 Lemau 1978
Arad 71-74 EBII 188 88.9 3 11.1 0 0.0 191 Davis 1976, 1982
Jericho EBA 372 43.7 60 55.0 9 1.3 441 Cluffan-Brock 1979
Bob edh-Dhra EBI-IV 174 73.2 8 26.3 0.5 183 McCreery 1979; Finnegan 1979
MEAN 65.3 34.4 0.4
Jericho MBA 865 24.9 317 71.3 106 3.8 1288 Cluffon-Brock 1979
Table 1 conlinued
No. of
shp/gt caHle pig identified
Site Period no. meat% no. meat% no. meat% specimens Reference
Desert edge (Area B) (conlinuedl
TelArad IAII 2836 61.2 230 38.8 3 0.1 3069 Sade 1988
Tel Ira IAII ...80 "'7.2 68 52.3 ... 0.5 552 Dayan 1992
HorvatUza IAII ...282 63.0 320 36.8 13 0.2 ...615 Sade 1988
Hirbet el-Msas IAII 163 "'2.7 28 57.3 0 0.0 191 Tchemov & Drari 1983
MEAN 53.5 "'6.3 0.2
Tel Dan EBII+III 92 15.3 6... 83.2 7 1.5 163 Wapnish & Hesse 1991
Tell el Hayyat EBIV/MBIIA 931 14.5 588 71.4 725 1.... 1 2244 Metzger 1983; Falconer et al. 1984
Gamla EBA 55 22.8 21 67.9 18 9.3 9... Horwitz & Tchemov 1989a
MEAN 17.5 7....2 8.3
Tel Dan IA 258 10.1 293 89.7 ... 0.2 555 Wapnish & Hesse 1991
TelOreme IAII 1312 10.0 1509 89.... 66 0.6 2887 Z"l8gler & Boessneck 1990
Pella IA 2497 18.... 1398 80.5 115 1.1 ...010 KOhler-Rollefson 1992
Tel Dan Area B IA 358 26.9 12... 72.7 ... 0,4 ...86 Wapnish. Hesse & Ogilivy 1977
MEAN 16.3 83.1 0.6
world in the past than there has been space for in the ship between society, economy and environment in the
present study, but archaeobotanical and arehaeozoological distant past.
data are the primary sources. The retrieval of plant and
animal remains requires a large investment of time and
Acknowledgements
care in excavation, not least because if done properly, the
pace of excavation has to be slow, and post-excavation I must record my debt to Liora Kolska-Horwitz, Simon
analysis also has to be slow and painstaking, but I hope I Davis and Andrew Garrard for the help they have given
have said enough to indicate that animal and plant me with the literature; Ms Horwitz sent me photocopies of
remains are potential sources of a huge amount of publications and translations of works unobtainable in
information. The retrieval and study of animal and plant Britain. The work would not have been possible without
remains can help to answer some of the most important the excellent library of the Institute of Archaeology at
archaeological questions, particularly about the relation- University College London.
Plough and PashJre in the Early Economy of the Southern Levant 263
2. Agro-pastorallsm, or seml-
sedentary pastoralism. Plant culti-
vation and animal keeping less in-
tegrated. Sheep, goats and cattle, in
roughly equal numbers, but not pigs.
Partial seasonal transhumance.
(c,..
j
/ N
O~=============35m
Figure 2.2 An olive oil factory from Early Bronze Age III at Beth Yarah
near the Sea of Galilee, it contained many vats with spouts and storage jars,
as well as a mortar for crushi ng the fruit (Esse 1991 )
Figure 2.3 Whole corbonized grapes from the Late Early Bronze Age
of Numeira on the south east coast of the Dead Sea (McCreery 1979)
Distal metapodial of an ox fram the Chalcolithic
of Shiqmim in the north-western Negev with lateral
expansion of articular surface (Grigson 1987). lesions like
this could have been caused by carrying heavy loads or
pulling ploughs or vehicles
---------
~ :C __c-'_-:'=:-::::::--~-=~=:- '-
•• Bet HQe'rneq
.""""'.J,IQ'1I1(I
.Yoftahel
- .-::c-__~_ _ ~_=-=_-
J. Qashish
Hammat,
Tell Qiri. ~0'S"" \ Tell......
H.M~est._~
South of Dar: .Tell Abu-Zureiq· • .AfuIa Munhat~
Megiddo••
\~Jezreel-
Bet~n..
Jenin.
- Pella
.l!4!thel
.1!ll:bIif
.ehel
.E8Ia
o Figura 1 Distribution of EBla sites in
BEERSHE'A Canaan
observed in the western Golan Heights. All this signals the Currendy there is no information on EBIa settlement
total collapse of the Chalcolithic settlement from north to within the arid desert regions of the Negev. It is possible to
south, that is in the heartland of the Mediterranean discern that prominent Chalcolithic settlements, e.g.,
(humid) phytogeographical territory and in most of the Teleilat Ghassul and Abu Hamid, were totally deserted at
Irano-Taurian (semi-arid) phytogeographical territory. the end of the Late Chalcolithic period. These sites were
272 Part /II * Farmers, Priesls and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Ram Gophna
not reoccupied at the very beginning of the EBI period, and 2. northeastern, represented by such sites as Tell Umm
indeed were never reoccupied. Hammad (Betts 1992);
From the above data it may be inferred that the spatial 3. southwestern, represented by 'sites such as Nizzanim, Site
distribution of the two settlement systems, i.e., the Hand Taur Ikhbeineh (Macdonald 1932; Oren and
Yekutieli 1992);
Chalcolithic and the EBIa, points to a chrono-stratigraphic
4. southeastern, represented by sites such as Bab edh-Dhra
gap between the two: a 'spatial-stratigraphic' gap (Group (Schaub and Rast 1989).
a) and a 'vertical-stratigraphic' gap (Group b).
This settlement gap may be used as a starting point for
evaluating the new settlement process, and may also serve
to fix the region where the cultural change occurred. It is This regional grouping sheds light on the pace of the post-
archaeologically and geographically well documented that Ghassulian settlement proceiS"'in Canaan, although the full
during proto-historic and early historic times Canaan (i.e., decipherment of the EBIa ceramic regional distribution
southern Levant which covers what is now Israel and seems still beyond our grasp. For example, in the most
Jordan) was only the southern part of a much larger recent excavations at Nizzanim and Afridar the pottery of
cultural province, namely 'Greater Levant', which the earliest EBIa occupation stratum indicates not only
developed within the Early Mesopotamian cultural sphere. some typological continuity with the Chalcolithic (as
The location of Canaan at the extreme southern end of the observed long ago at several EBI sites), but also tech-
Fertile Crescent, on the fringe of the desert, made it nological continuity - the old Chalcolithic technologies
vulnerable to the slightest environmental or social changes, were integrated into the new EBIa pottery assemblages
sometimes resulting in complete social disintegration and (Braun and Gophna: oral communication). Such, however,
social crisis. This geographical situation must, therefore, be was not the case in the more northerly regions (Upper and
taken seriously into account when attempting to interpret Lower Galilee), as attested by the ceramic data reported so
the observed chrono-stratigraphical gap between the far from sites like Tel Teo and yiftahel. What may be
Chalcolithic and EB settlement systems. To what degree inferred from these apparently contradictory data is the
was this gap also a cultural gap? By all accounts, the possibility that in the southern Coastal Plain and in the
complete disintegration of the Chalcolithic settlement southern Shephela the size of the surviving Chalcolithic
system in Canaan after a long and prosperous existence population was far from negligible when the EBIa culture
entailed a seVere demographic and sociocultural crisis. This reached these regions.
may have occurred before the first new settlements of the In summary, any model depicting the transition from
EBIa culture began to be established in this southern area of the Chalcolithic to the EB in Canaan (southern Levant)
the Levant. This hypothesis would imply that the actual must reflect, above all, the extreme demographic decline of
process of cultural change had taken place some time the Chalcolithic society following the complete disintegra-
previously within the area of the northern Levant (Syria- tion of its settlement system. This is best illustrated by the
Lebanon) and subsequently reached the now utterly archaeological chrono-stratigraphic gap both at the single-
deserted Chalcolithic region of Canaan by diffusion. What site and the spatial-regional level. The geographical
then was the impact, if any, of the Chalcolithic population location of Canaan at the southern end of the Fertile
remnant on the EBIa sociocultural reshaping of Canaan Crescent (see above) suggests a certain scenario for the
(southern Levant)? Is it possible to detect and distinguish, Chalcolithic-Early Bronze cultural transition, namely that
with any degree of certainty, the traces of the old the new sociocultural developments took place in the more
Chalcolithic traditions still inherent in some aspects of the populated areas of the Levant farther north, from whence
EBIa material culture, or the apparently entirely new originated the groups that initiated the resettlement of
elements introduced from outside? deserted Canaan and reshaped its material culture (here
In trying to come to grips with the questions posed designated EBIa). These groups may well have coalesced
above it is necessary, in addition to comparing the various with some of the surviving Chalcolithic population, as
components of the two material cultures, to trace the implied for instance by the recent discoveries in the
dynamics implicit in the settlement process - i.e., the southwestern region where the gap between the two
tempo of abandonment of Chalcolithic settlements in cultures is less pronounced. In only a short time, in this
various areas of the country, on the one hand, and the southern region at the southern tip, of Canaan, there began
pace of the EBIa resettlement, on the other. to develop a long-distance international trade network
Regional analysis of already published EBIa pottery with Late Predynastic Lower Egypt, which lasted
assemblages from Canaan enables us to distinguish about throughout the entire EBI period (see Window 1, p.
four EBIa settlement areas (see Figure 1): 277). This new and unprecedented development brought
Canaan for the first time into direct contact with the
1. north-central, represented by sites such as yiftahel and cultural sphere of an emerging pristine civilization of the
Palmahim (Braun 1989); ancient Near East.
Early Bronze Age Canaan: Some Spatial and Demographic Observations 273
Crisis versus progress: seHlement city wall (Stratum XVIIT). From Avner Raban's regional
disintegration at the dawn of urbanism survey in the seventies (Mishmar Haemeq map - not yet
in Canaan published) we learn that this EBI settlement extended
eastward, encompassing the spring of Ain el-Kubbi. The
Among the main topics to which contributors to this book overall size of the EBI pre-urban site can be estimated as
were requested to refer are designated 'Major Transitions' 16 hectares, while that of the walled EBIT settlement as 13
and 'Settlement Patterns'. Thus, in the following discussion hectares. The settled area thus shrank to less than ten
I would like to dwell upon the only major internal percent of its former size.
settlement and social transition which occurred during the Using the relations between settlement size and popu-
Early Bronze Age - a long period characterized by lation as elaborated by Gophna and Portugali (1988), it
relatively uninterrupted cultiiral continuity. can be seen that as a consequence of the transition from
It is generally accepted that the transition from EBI to EBI to EBIT, the population of Megiddo declined
EBIT saw the first 'Urban Revolution' in Canaan. It was dramatically (about 5000 in the pre-urban EBI to 1250
indeed a transition from a non-urban society characterized in the walled, urban EBIT, using the coefficients for very
by a complex size-hierarchy of open (unwalled) settlements large EB I settlements - 80 persons per hectare - and for
with dispersed buildings to an hierarchy of compact and EB IT settlements - 250 persons per hectare).
fortified settlements, indicating an urban society. This The above example of Megiddo is typical of the
settlement transformation is seen as the outcome of a long shrinking process which took place at other sites. It is
process of social evolution, resulting in the emergence of interesting to add that it typifies not only large sites, such
complex society. as Megiddo, Shimron in the Jezreel Valley, Beth Shean and
A new empirical analysis of the spatial-archaeological Arad, but also tiny sites such as Tel Qashish (1 hectare in
database assembled in recent years enabled Portugali and EBIT).
Gophna (1993) to follow changes in the spatial Turning now to the 'abandoned settlements' model,
organization of settlements which occurred during the two size-groups of abandoned sites can be identified:
late EBI, and it is now possible to suggest that the above very small, and relatively very large EBI settlements like
mentioned urbanization process was not one of social Akko, Tel Esor (Assawir), Lod, Palmahim and Tel Halif
progress only, but was also associated with a major socio- Terrace, which were totally abandoned in the transition
spatial disintegration, indicating a crisis of EBI society. to EBIT.
This interpretation of the relevent settlement patterns An exceptional site in this category is Tel Shalem at the
(spatial data) was first suggested in Gophna's Hebrew southeastern edge of the Beth Shean Valley (Eisenberg
synthesis of the Early Bronze Age, published in 1982 1993). During the excavation it was found that the EBI
(Gophna 1982: 106). The new analysis of the database settlement was indeed abandoned with the transition to
enables us to speculate further that this process of socio- EBll; however, toward the end of the EBI it underwent a
spatial disintegration also resulted in the temporary process of shrinking and fortification generally typical of
nomadization of various EBI groups, and consequently of the transition from EBI to EBIT.
internal migrations and population movements within the On the basis of the above observations it is suggested
confines of the Levant. that the EBI period ended with a major socia-spatial crisis
The study of the currently available data on the - the socio-settlement system disintegrated - as is evident
settlement patterns of EBI and EBIT (for distribution of from the following:
EBlb sites, see Figure 2) in Canaan reveals two main 1. Many large (and even small) settlements shrank, implying
empirical socio-spatial models in the emergence of a that these sites were abandoned and that their inhabitants
fortified settlement system: the 'shrinking settlements' became nomads/immigrants, at least temporarily.
model in which the area of settlements shrank during the 2. Many settlements were abandoned, implying that their
transition from unfortified to fortified settlements, and the inhabitants became immigrants and nomads.
'abandoned settlements' model referring to settlements 3. In the former cases we see, on the one hand, settlement
abandoned during this transition process. This second continuity at the same sites, on the other, a break: the new
phenomenon was observed long ago by Kempinski and EBll settlements were built practically on top of the
others (Kempinski 1978.: 15-16). previous EBIb settlements, thus totally demolishing their
previous physical structure.
A specific case study of a typical shrinking settlement
can be illustrated by the following dicussion of Megiddo The implications of the above observations are that the
and the accompanying map (Figure 3). In the excavations EBI populations deserted their settlements and that this
of Tel Megiddo, the transition from the unwalled EBI to phenomenon characterized the entire country. This
walled EBIT was detected in Area BB (Strata XIX-XVIIT). desertion of settlements implies, first and foremost, a
It can be seen that the EBI settlement (Stratum XIX) change or a halt in the EBI way of life. It also implies a
extended eastward, beyond the area of the massive EBIT certain degree of nomadization and migration. It must be
274 Part //I * Farmers, Priests and Princes; The Rise of the First Complex Sodeties * Ram t30phna
Rosh Hani ra
o
o
o
0
o
0
00
00
.........:.........•..•................
,
\
o
o
......
o
o 0
00 00 0 0
". • I, I~.. •
--
Megiddoo 0
ir 0 I.
_
0-,
o
,,,.' I
51.~·
0-:'
00
{,
- (I ,
,
,OO~
00
o
o
o 0
o 00
o 0 , 0
Figure 3 The site of Megiddo during EBlb: the doHed line indicates
the maximum EBlb extent of the seHlement
•
. Era~.
... 'I, o
suggest that in light of known data on cultural territorial possibility of refinement - even reconstruction - of some
continuity, it is probable that the majority of the founders trends in the urban history of Canaan during the Early
of EBll urban Megiddo originated from the old inhabitants Bronze Age. One of the major questions which arises is
of the EBI settlement. Note that a similar dilemma exists whether the changes in the settlement history of fortified
also with respect to EBIJEBll Arad and other similar sites. EB towns represent a country-wide process of
To summarize, the settlement crisis at the end of the EBI abandonment and revival as a result of common crises,
period may have been associated with intra-regional events or prosperity, or whether within this 600-800 year
migrations (i.e., within the region of Canaan) and possibly period of urban life each region, or even subregion, besides
also with inter-regional migrations (from Canaan being affected by such common factors, underwent an
outwards). The above scenarios thus describe various individual process of changing originating from local
aspects of the urban revolution in Canaan at the transition events. If so, it will be possible, through analyses of the
from EBI to EBll. specific history of each urban site as manifested in its
It is proposed that the key to understanding EB stratigraphy and regional pottery typology (Seger 1989), to
urbanization is the socio-spatial settlement crisis at the end refine and detail the conventional two urban subperiod
of EBI. The latter, as described above, implied the divisions (EB ll-m), and to build a more elaborate
disintegration of the EBI agricultural society and wide- chronological sequence based on spatial analysis of the
ranging processes of nomadization and migration urban map.
throughout the entire country. These processes resulted As a point of departure for such an attempt in the
in the emergence of a 'local', relatively homogeneous, future, two maps (Figures 4 and 5) are presented which, in
urban society. This interpretation is further supported by comparison to those previously published, contain more
the finding that the rise of the EB urban system was recent data on sites in the southern part of Canaan.
associated with the weakening of the connections between
southern Canaan and Egypt (Gophna 1987: 18-19).
General observations and comments
These suppositions stand in contradiction to the two
opposing, somewhat diffusionist, views which dominate 1. Examples of urban centers in the south which seem to
the discussion on EB urbanization in Canaan. On the one have been relatively stable throughout most of the EB ll-
hand, Kempinski proposed to see the urbanization at Tel rn continuum can be identified: Tel Erani, Yarmut, Ai,
'Erani as the beginning of EB urbanization - the outcome Jericho Oasis, Bab edh-Dhra. Does one or any of these
of Egyptian influence, which at a later stage diffused represent the longest surviving fortified settlement within
the framework of the urban Early Bronze Age? Is Jericho
northward throughout the rest of the country (Kempinski
Oasis perhaps the most likely candidate?
and Gilead 1991: 189). On the other hand, in the 2. A major crisis during the urban period can be
discussions of Amiran and Callaway on EB urbanism, distinguished in the Yarkon-Ayalon drainage basin,
there is an implicit view that we are dealing here with a where the sites of Aphek, Dalit, Bareqet and Gezer were
process which originated in the north and later diffused all abandoned sometime during EB ll. Only the site of
southward to the region discussed here (Amiran 1970; Gimzo seems to have been occupied during both the EB II
Callaway 1982). and rn (Gophna 1989). There are ceramic indications that
these sites were both abandoned gradually over time,
rather than instantaneously (as a result of a dramatic
Continuity and abandonment: changes event), and that sometime during the EB m Gimzo was re-
in urban settlement patterns in established, and the site of Tel Gerisa near the coast was
southern Canaan during EI II-III also established. Thus, the implication is that in the
Yarkon-Ayalon basin the urban system gradually
In 1989 two maps were published which attempted to deteriorated, and at a certain point in the EB ll-m
present the major EB ll-m urban sites in Israel respectively continuum the region was almost totally deserted. One can
(Amiran and Gophna 1989). These maps were based on only speculate on the fate of the inhabitants (see below). It
the conventional division between two urban EB appears that during the first 300 years of urbanism, the
subperiods. Under scrutiny, it is now obvious that this Yarkon-Ayalon basin saw the existence of four fortified
conventional distinction is most clearly discernable in the towns, three of them - Aphek, Gezer and Dalit - seem to
southern part of Canaan, less in the north. On further have been polities, dominating a substantial agricultural
investigation, the richer data from the south seems to territory. After an almost complete deterioration, the
entire region was apparendy eventually dominated by a
enable one not only to refine the processes of settlement
single urban polity: Gimzo.
and abandonment of fortified towns along the EB ll-m A similar process occurred in the northern Negev,
continuum, but also to speculate on shifts in their sometime around 2680 BCE (Amiran 1978b) when Arad
territorial and political divisions. The two maps of was abandoned, and in the earlier part of EB m, when Tel
southern Canaan presented here (Figures 4 and 5) and the Halif (Seger 1989) apparendy replaced EB II Arad as the
accompanying observations and comments illustrate this 'capital of the south' (Beit-Arieh 1991: 77-9).
276 Part III * Farmers, Priests and Princes: The Rise of the First Complex Societies * Ram Gophna
Hoif ito
•
• MEGIOOO
.APHEK
Tel Aviv.. Tel Avi
.OALIT
AI. GIMZDe AI.
JERICHO. JERICHOe
GEZER.
SHOVAV.
.YAIMJT
ZAFIT. • VARMUT
ePORAN
ERANJe
•
ZAFIT
.ERANI
1£51.
.L.ACHISH
.HAlF
.ARAO
Beershevo. • Beersheva
o 3Okm. 0 3Okm.
Figura 4 Major urban centers in Southern Conoon during ERII Figura 5 Major urban centers in Soulhem Canaan during ERIII
3. There was a renewal of settlement in the rest of the when the inhabitants apparendy became temporarily
southern Coastal Plain sometime during the 'EB m', in nomadic (see above). It is assumed that similar dynamics
subregions almost totally deserted during the urban were also at work, perhaps intermittendy, during this very
ttansformation at the end of EB I (Gophna 1974), e.g., Tel long urban period. However, the calculation of the total
Poran (Gophna 1992). In the case of a number of other re- inhabited area in southern Canaan from the two urban
established or newly-established sites, it is impossible to
ascertain whether or not they were fortified, e.g., Tel maps below, and the subsequent calculation of the size of
Gerisa (Herzog 1993), Tel Ashkelon (Stager 1993b). population based on the principles presented in recent
In regions other than the Yarkon-Ayalon basin and the studies (see Window 2) indicate that the southern part of
Negev during the EB III, 13 major urban centers flourished the countty (south of the the Yarkon River and Wadi
compared to 9 in the EB II - as indicated by growth in Far'ah) contained about one third of the total population
size, population and prosperity. Their ruins often obscure (35,000-40,000) during the EB urban period.
the remains of earlier fortified EB II towns. The legacy of this first urban period in Canaan can still
be seen in the archaeological landscape of the countty
What is the demographic meaning of the phenomena listed (Gophna 1984). In the south this consists of the impressive
above? The maps (Figures 4 and 5) indicate changes in ruins of major urban EB centers which were not re-fortified
population size and shifts in population concentration, as during the Middle Bronze Age: Bareqet, Tel Dalit, Ai,
in the transition towards urbanism at the end of EB I, Shovav, Yarmut, Tel 'Erani, Hesi, Ras Taura and Arad.
Sites in southern Canaan and Lower Egypt during
Figure 1.3 ' En Besor: The Egyptian building
(isometric reconstruction)
e EL MIGHAR
lE L ERAN
TEl • • 1...I06i
lAllA IIIHBEIN ~ LH.t.I.F
'EH ~ ARAo-
Naqada III b-c1 Buto str . IV EBlb 'En Besor str. III
(Dynasty 0) MAO grave group 3b Arad Str . IV
et-Tell el-Iswid (s) Malhata
Phase B Maahaz
TIA phase 6 Halil101
Tel-Erani str. C
Afridar
• Settlement
A Cemetery
o Tumuli field
n Dolmen field
kilometers 25
1
• Tel Ashir
.Tel Poleg..
Mediterranean
Sea
AAzor
.Almahim
... Yavne
I
Tel Zipp.0r.
Lachish:
Nahal §hiqma •
• Tel EI Ajju l
Figure 1 Principal EB IV sites and cemeteries in Palestine and the Sinai. From Ben-Tor 1993, Mop 5 .1
Social Slruclure in the Early Bronze IV Period in Palestine 285
fH lilA EBIIiH
.,.
2400 H.t-. 2-,"0 2200
Wrt~hl. IlItd I FH IJIB (: FB IV, t---22:'iO-----+(~I()lIl MAl: 1= MER IV", (1900) MH IIA
Wrill-hl. JIIh~
Kcn\on. Hc:nn('~w }
.!. [8 IIIR~ F.8 IIIC
1[8 III)
I ( ' 8 IV----~) 2111111
: <f--"lnl~·III1\·rJl.II.·""1 ul nt .'111I J h-\IB"" I
MB I -------+{lKOO)
~O
MB IIA
1 ~----+E8IVA----~f2~~:~IlI--F.H IVB~(::::
l.app.19M - ~
Olcharri. 1969 IKK =?MBfI
UllIIA 2SUO Itt". E81118 EH IVA ~~UII E81VH ~ IIMI FB 1\'(" 2000 M8 I
!r
Seth-yerah IV (. demenb. XII-XII
~::~::~a:ot~~h I
~a abarOI tomhs I
"~amih' C" I
\1lrlhaneh tombo. II
Am e~·samlyeh cemeler~' I ?
Glbeon lumbo. .
Ikthell,,11 I
Jeru)oalem tomb!> I
(SmJII. MOla. Sllwan. I
Brit Sahur. elc.1 i'
TransJordan= ~famLhTR-;
Biib edh-Dhra
<E--- townsite and charnel house.
Bab cdh-Dhra T. A52. 54
.. ~4ual1er occupallon
few cairns Shan.tomb} I
(f. AM = .USO! IHO Adcr ("·S "der A I: fiap TransJordan)
I
H.C) In
Numeira )
Jericho Aro er Vlb Aril cr \ la ~
~{ Garstang\ T. A. -'51 Kh. Iskandcr Jii 'Kh Iskander 1,
(gap at
Kenyon's {T. A 114U Iktanu 1 lkt~u 2
Jericho
,,.11 Ph.D Ph. C
T. D 12. F2.4
B A-4J>-
Glueck \
"A+"?
~ur\ey!o-===.4-_-'<-_;..
(gap) '!\"Famlly r
I
I .. ~" mO"("1
(Hennessy's F-DI Jericho lombs I Jericho It'll
?~ Tell8eil Mirsim "J---H--~ ? Td! Reil Mir'Sim I I Tell Beil Minim H - - + G
I
Kh. Kufin. Hebron lombs
A; Jebel Qa aql' I Ma' abarol scl1lemenl
Marquet-KraUSC{Nivc.au III, Sanctuary At.. ? [Cemetery C} cemeler)'B~
PalaIS. T. C Upper J lCaves
I
Kh. Kirmil Cern . .'\·0
VI Callaway's VII VJII7 (saP in S. Pale!lline:
Lachish . . Lachish "ISOO" caves-4"2000 Cemelery"
~{ "Early Copper Age Cern. ,~~Ifl of OCcupal~on I
loci in 1500.6000 10 Transjordan an Tdl cI· Ajjul "ISOO" cem.1 "100-200 Cemelery" -Counyard
I Widi G,,ua !r>ltes Cemetery"
I ~ Tell Yarmuth II~ fB IVA and early B.
then back in fB IVC)
I Scge\' villages
I Har Ycruham }
IIIf-- Tell el-l:Iesi basal-----7' (cairn 101 I C.Glue.Ck, Aharoni)
Lahav E B - - - - - - I .. shcrdsl ~-+--------~
I Be'er Resisim "---i"
: Sinai Villages
c. 2000,1,
'"'' "flO
Dynasties III-V~ E Dynasties VI-XI ) DynaslY XII
Eoy.. (""Old Kingdom-' ,-1st Intermediate-' ("Middle Kin~dom"l
'Amuq H Amuq K
Hama K Ha::i_} Hama H
Mardikh III A Mar~~k;al~« ~~ Mardikh II B! --------------;~II iliA
1~~-__~~~~;;:::::":s~Yr:;a~n~('~a~lic~;f~o~rm~"::::::::::::::::::::~~?
Usaril 111.2
Tell Hadidi
111,3 11.1 ) II."'
Chaa8r Bazar S-4 Cha28r Bazar 3-2
Mesopolamia arly DynastIC II lSi Dynasl)' 01 Akkaa "Gulian Interlude" Ur 111
Figure 2 Table of principal related deposits from EB III to the beginning of MB I; d. Dever 1980
286 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * William G. Dever
E and F, some distance away, also exhibited certain
peculiarities.
It would be interesting to do a statistical 'cluster-
analysis' such as Palumbo (1987) did with the Jericho
tombs, to see whether there are patterns that indicate
the presence of elites in the Jebel Qa'aqir burials, and
whether any such patterns discerned would cut across
the 'groups' of tombs that have been postulated
typologically. That is, do the various cemeteries reflect
the varying social structures of different ethnic groups
(or perhaps even of 'tribal' configurations in EB IV, as
has been suggested by several authorities)?l1
These questions are certainly pertinent; but I doubt that
we can answer them satisfactorily at the present stage of
our research. At Jebel Qa'aqir, only Cemetery B, with its
16 excavated tombs, yields sufficient data for detailed
Plate 1 Cemetery B at Jebel Qa'aqir, showing typical rockcut shalt- analysis. And of the relevant categories of data - 1. style of
tombs, with stone doors moved aside. Photograph: Theodore Rosen the tomb; 2. primary grave goods; 3. treatment of the
deceased; and 4. associated practices that might reveal
status - only the latter seems to yield specific information
IV published tombs) in precisely this manner, but they have on social structure.
reached diametrically opposed conclusions. For Talia Shay
(1983), an analysis of the various typological groups of 1. In Cemetery B, the rock-cut tombs are all nearly identical
burials (Kenyon's 'Dagger', 'Pottery', 'Outsize', etc.) in size, construction, and manner of use. Even the tool-
produces evidence that 'would suggest that there were no marks are the same. Some tombs have shallow body-niches
great social gaps in Jericho in what must have been an or lamp-recesses, while others do not; and three tombs
egalitarian community during the Intermediate Bronze Age' have enigmatic scratched panels over the entrance, or
(i.e., our EB IV; Shay 1983: 36). Gaetano Palumbo, on the enigmatic 'miniature doorways' cut into the shaft.
other hand, basing himself on what I would regard as a Otherwise there are few if any distinctions.
2. The pottery is very stereotyped and does not even vary
much more comprehensive and precise analysis of the same
significantly in the numbers of vessels per body in each
data, concludes that 'the presence of different types of tomb. Gloria London, who analyzed the Jebel Qa'aqir
grave goods and of body treatment ... clearly shows that pottery for her Arizona doctoral dissertation (London
this is not an egalitarian society .. . there is undoubtedly a 1985), has shown that the pottety is so remarkably
social structure where the hierarchies are fully formed' homogeneous, even to the details of size and decoration,
(Palumbo 1987: 45; cf. 1991: 120-34).9 that it must all have been made by the same potters -
The writer's material from 38 very carefully dug EB IV presumably made deliberately for use in tombs at the site.
shaft-tombs at Jebel Qa'aqir, west of Hebron in the The fact that these potters were resident is shown by the
Shephelah (excavated in 1968-1971, but not yet fully potter's kiln discovered at the site. (That fact, in turn, must
published), is less extensive than at Jericho, but it yields a be coupled with the evidence for a group of 'professional
tomb-cutters' who were probably resident year-round at
similar picture. 1o As at Jericho, there were discernible
the site; beloW.)12 There are, however, no luxury items
'groups' in the vast cemetery of several hundred tombs. whatsoever alongside the pottery in the tombs, only two
Cemetery B, for instance, was characterized by very well- simple copper awls and a few beads in the entire cemetery.
cut shaft-tombs in the Senonian chalk along the lower 3. The interments in Cemetery B are all of secondary,
terraces of the hillside. These tombs contained rather disarticulated bodies, often one for each tomb, but a few
stereotypical band-combed pottery of my 'Family S' tombs with two burials, one with four, and one with nine.
(Amiran's 'Family A'), but virtually no copper implements 4. Only in the custom of burying a sheep/goat carcass with
and no weapons whatsoever. The presence of a headless, some bodies, attested also at Jericho (below), do we see any
disarticulated sheep/goat carcass in nearly every tomb may evidence for differential treatment of the dead in Cemetery
be of considerable importance (below). Cemetery C, by B at Jebel Qa'aqir. Gloria London (1987), basing herself on
Patricia Smith's (1982) preliminary report of the 46
contrast, consisted of somewhat amorphous, rather poorly
skeletons frorn Cemetery B, has shown that a sizeable
cut tombs upslope in the friable nari crust (Cenomanian percentage of the remains (26 percent) are of individuals
limestone), some of them probably artificially enlarged who were over 50 at the time of death. Furthermore, all
caves. Here the pottery was simpler (and, in my view, but one of the burial chambers with an individual over 50
perhaps typologically earlier), and nearly every tomb contained a sheep/goat carcass, while none of the inter-
produced excellent copper daggers and javelins. Cemeteries ments of younger individuals contained such bones.
Social Structure in the Early Bronze IV Period in Palestine 287
Megidd o Qa tn a Qa t na
T. I V T . IV I
Meg idd o Qa t na
T. I V
Te ll 'As
Till
(--
,
Q) (Amuq
H- J
- - - - CD
3 5
O~,
~
~= .
~,
a
10
.-~ ~ 16
15
.-
17
Figure 5 Diagnostic ceramic and metallic types of Families N, NC. Figure 7 Diagnostic ceramic types of Family S. Scale = 1.5
Scale = 1.5
ill. (Do
component of pastoralists .. . Hence the various groups
moved toward the middle of the agricultural/pastoral
continuum .. . the IB [our EB IV] population subsisted by
means of dry farming/animal husbandry, with no large-
scale orchard activity (1991: 43).
\D,UJ'2
15
by and large with my view that the Negev EB IV sites were
indeed occupied by semi-nomadic pastoralists who
migrated seasonally up into the Central Hills, camped
there, and buried their dead in the many large cemeteries
known in that region. For the EB IV period overall,
however, Finkelstein (1989) had already adopted a model
Figure 6 Diagnostic ceramic types of Families CH, J, TR. Scale = 1.5 that he termed 'multi-morphism' (as opposed to the
Social Structure in the Early Bronze IV Period in Palestine 293
'dimorphism' of Rowton, myself, and others), while 'invading semi-nomads'. Richards' Kh. Iskander is
accepting the major tenets of Bates and Lees' admittedly large enough, sufficiently well developed, and
'specialization-despecialization' model. He concludes that, even adequately fortified to qualify for the designation
as a result of the socio-economic collapse at the end of EB 'urban'; but thus far Iskander is unique and so can hardly
ill 'the outcome [in EB IV] was a society composed mainly serve as a type-site for EB IV.23 In particular, Richards'
of rural communities, and a much larger pastoral notion of EB IV as a 'chiefdom' must be rejected (see
component' (1989: 136). Finkelstein would thus seem to further below).
agree largely with the overall view being advanced here The discovery of a very few true settlement sites in
(see further below). Western Palestine in recent years - like Sha'ar ha-Golan,
The only other area of western Palestine where recent 'Emeq Refaim, Mana~at, Dhahr Mirzbaneh, and Efrat -
survey and excavation activities have prompted a treatment does not change the overall picture of a dispersed pattern
of larger EB IT-EB IV settlement patterns and an attempt at of settlement and strongly non-urban character of most of
a synthesis of EB IV socio-economic structure, is northern EB IV Palestine. Nor is the picture changed by the addition
Palestine - particularly the Jezreel Valley area. For this of survey data on several dozen EB IV sites in the West
area Douglas Esse's Subsistence, Trade, and Social Change Bank, since none of these sites has yet been excavated?4
in Early Bronze Age Palestine (1991) is a masterly blend of Certainly, continued research on the hundreds of EB IV
sophisticated theory and new data; of multi-disciplinary sites in the Negev has only confirmed the picture of
approaches; and of long-term settlement-history. Esse pastoral-nomadic encampments drawn a decade ago on the
suggests that throughout the third millennium BeE in basis of Be'er Resisim. 25 Where does all this leave us?
Palestine, including EB IV, the entire spectrum of sub-
sistence modes was represented, from pastoral to sedentary
agricultural and even fully urban. It is the diachronic
A cri,ique of models
analysis of settlement patterns, however, that shows how A fundamental point of departure must be a critique, not
dramatically the balance could and did shift (Esse 1991: only of some specific models, but of models in general in
173). archaeology.
The relative proportion of agricultural to pastoral sites Some specific models for EB IV
was completely reversed between EB II-m and EB IVIMB Of the specific models for EB IV summarized above, we
I ... and the pastoral end of the economy became
dominant, not only in northern Palestine but also in the may note here, for example, Richard's rejection of pastoral
rest of the country. This second shift in settlement patterns nomadism in favor of 'specialization-despecialization'.
was more radical than the first [i.e., from EB I to EB IT] First, the model of pastoral nomadism, and the concept of
(Esse 1991: 175).22 a 'dimorphic society' on which it rested, was never as
purely typological or as rigidly dichotomous as Richard
contends - not in Rowton's usage, and certainly not in
Towards a sympathetic and synthetic mine. In the original formulation (1980: 56-8) I had
portrait of EI IV social structure stressed:
'ni,ial o&serva'ions
1. nomadism as part of a socio-economic continuum;
An initial response to the above critiques and revisions of 2. a mixed, even partly sedentary, economy in EB IV that
the pastoral-nomadic model would be to note that each of combines seasonal herding with dry farming and limited
these scholars is basing him or herself primarily on their trade;
own sites and surveys. Most of these are in Jordan, where 3. the necessity for having some fully sedentary sites to provide
there is indeed considerable evidence of sedentism - more the 'urban' morpheme of the dimorphic society to contrast
with the better-known 'village/pastoral' morpheme;
so than in Western Palestine (as I had predicted all along).
4. the probability that in time other, more sedentary, 'regional
Yet the evidence must be carefully assessed in each case, so assemblages' would be found to complement the picture of
as not to obscure what are still clearly regional assemblages 'Family S' in the Hebron hills and the Negev; and
with their own peculiarities, while at the same time placing 5. the recognition that despite drastic changes, as for instance
these local groups in the larger cultural complex of in settlement patterns, EB IV represents a continuity with
Palestinian EB IV. Thus we must point out that Falconer EB m in many subsystems (d. ceramic production and
and Magness-Gardiner's small site of Tell el-J:Iayyat was metallurgy).
undoubtedly a settled agricultural village (as is nearby Tell
'Abu en-Ni'aj); but the EB IV levels (Ph. 6) have produced More general models applied to Palestinian EB IV
no architecture whatsoever. Helms bases himself on his This brings us to a critique of the broader socio-economic
own extensive sedentary settlement of Umm Hammad esh- models sometimes applied to Palestinian EB IV, and even
Sharqiya, yet insists on seeing the EB IV people as of the notion of 'models' generally in archaeology.
294 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * William G. Dever
Many have noted Fried (1967) and Service's (1962, Archaeological models generally
1971, 1975) scheme of neo-evolutionary 'stages' of socio- Of socio-cultural models generally in archaeology, we
economic and cultural development, generally arranged should observe the following. Models are often misunder-
into 'egalitarian', 'band' and 'tribe' configurations, then stood; unlike theories or hypotheses, which relate in some
more 'stratified' (or 'complex') levels of 'chiefdom' and way to the real world, models are intellectual abstractions,
finally of 'state' development. To be sure, bands, tribes and designed simply to manipulate data. Models are of limited
states are sufficiendy attested in the historical and usefulness because they are merely heuristic devices -
ethnographic literature that they can serve as useful perhaps necessary in order to organize data and facilitate
categories in the analysis of archaeological data from the analysis, but not an end in themselves. Adams (1988: 28)
remote past. 'Chiefdoms', however, pose a problem. remarks of all theoretical hierarchical models: 'Available
Service himself (1971) later abandoned these rather rigid models tend to be essentially static. As such, they lead to a
categories. And in the past 20 years, as the literature on rather contrived view of change as an abrupt succession of
chiefdoms has proliferated, critics have raised many equilibrium states.' For this reason, George Cowgill (Yoffee
objections. and Cowgill 1988: 245) remarks that often 'we have the
Renfrew (1974) developed a 'trait-list' of 20 features of specious clarity of the grand abstract schemes, clear
chiefdoms; but Tringham (1974) has argued that most of because so bare of detailed and differentiated implications
these are unrecognizable in the archaeological record, or for different specific sets of circumstances'. Joseph Tainter
else apply to other aspects of social structure that are goes even further: models, especially evolutionary theories,
much less amenable to archaeological investigation than are general categories, which 'not only have litde meaning,
techno-environmental data. Peebles and Kus's 'cybernetic but . . . are of litde utility in monitoring variation and
model' (1977) reduced the 'trait-list' to five features, all of change' (1977: 331). Tainter himself (1978; also 1988)
which perhaps would be testable archaeologically; but points the way toward the assessment of social change by
none of the five criteria would apply to Palestinian EB IV, using a statistical and probabilistic approach to complexity
or would suggest that the chiefdom model is applicable in particular ancient societies.26
there.
Carneiro's chiefdom as 'an autonomous political unit In summary
comprising a number of villages or communities under the Finally, of the present debate about Palestinian EB IV
permanent control of a paramount chief' (1981: 45) simply specifically, it must be said that the proliferation of models
cannot be documented anywhere in EB IV Palestine - not is sometimes self-serving; needlessly contentious; and tends
even at his level of 'minimal chiefdom'. Furthermore, it is toward fragmentation, rather than increasing and
unclear to many scholars just how Carneiro's 'chiefdom' integrating our empirical knowledge of the past, as
differs from a nascent 'state'. Finally, as for Carneiro's models are supposed to do. A point of diminishing returns
'mechanism that brought about chiefdoms', namely war is reached with Finkelstein's 'multi-morphic' society, which
(or conscription), there is no evidence whatsoever for that seems to me not an advance, but a counsel of despair.
at the end of Palestinian EB ill and the beginning of EB IV. Endlessly multiplying factors in social change, particulariz-
Of Carneiro's (1981: 53, 54) four principal features that ing rather than generalizing, means trying to say everything
might be diagnosable archaeologically - 1. monumental and ending by being able to say nothing. As Palumbo
architecture; 2. ceremonial centers; 3. differentiated burials; (1987: 47) notes, even study of the soaial structure of
and 4. a rank-size analysis of setdement types that would contemporary nomadic peoples in terms of such categories
indicate some sort of subordination - the first two traits as 'egalitarian' often results in 'mere banality'.
are totally absent, the third is barely present, and the
fourth is thus far unmeasurable. T.K. Earle (1987, 1989)
has dealt extensively with chiefdoms, especially in the New A 'ria' formu'a,ion of E8 IV
World, but cautions that models assuming 'linear causality'
have been outgrown, and that simplistic syntheses are H no single model is adequate, we can nevertheless say
easily refuted (1989: 87). Frank Hole (1991: 323) argues something about larger patterns of social structure in
that not even highly specialized Susa was stratified or Palestine in EB IV. A number of points need to be made.
centralized in the way that the chiefdom model would
require. Robert Adams concludes with regard to 1. Palestine in this period does not, as Richard thinks (above),
constitute a 'chiefdom', as for instance the Late
'chiefdoms', as applied to Ancient Near Eastern societies, Chalcolithic period may be (Levy 1986). It lacks such
that 'all this could well be an accurate description, but once essential features as 'central places'; a managed redistri-
again the archaeological - and somewhat too late to be bution system; cult centers and elaborate ritual; and
direcdy relevant, the textual - evidence is less than evidence of a ranked society.
conclusive' (Yoffee and Gowgill 1988: 24 and see Levy, 2. The 'tribal' model, however, is reasonably well suited to
Chapter 14, this volume). most of Palestine in EB IV - certainly to the Negev-Central
Social Slruclure in the Early Bronze IV Period in Palesline 295
Hills area, and probably also to the Transjordanian mode of production', is the essential d1aracteristic of social
plateau. Evidence supporting such a 'tribal' model is well evolution in the southern Levant. When modeling other
documented and would include: a dispersed pattern of non- periods, and in cross-cultural comparisons, these
urban settlement; a largely pastoral nomadic subsistence alternating patterns must be taken into account and
system and social structure (as at Be'er Resisim); and the individual episodes reassessed on that basis. [Emphasis the
likelihood that recognizable regional assemblages in the author's.]
material culture reflect mobile, overlapping tribalpoups as
at Jericho, Jebel Qa'aqir, and many other sites.2 The most fecund approach to understanding such short-
3. We may now turn to the rural agricultural villages that are term cycles of cultural complexity and change as EB IV is
now coming to light, which I have recently incorporated probably that of 'collapse', as several scholars have
into a tentative model alongside pastoral nomadism that I recently developed that notion (Yoffee and Cowgill 1988;
simply term 'ruralism,.28 Even though these are probably Tainter 1988).32 In Palestine in EB IV, the centralized
best understood as an outgrowth of 'tribal society', each political institutions that regulated the flow of goods and
village is probably still kin-based; groups of villages would services in the urban EB n-m era have broken down.
then constitute a 'clan-like' conglomerate. The overall Socio-economic structure has collapsed down to a lower
social structure, while not entirely 'egalitarian', would be
classed as 'segmentary' (acephalous). I have argued level of integration, where diversified but largely rural and
elsewhere (Dever 1971, 1973, 1980) that the permanent pastoral nomadic strategies will enable the society to
EB IV villages that we do have are indeed relatively late in survive for more than three centuries, until the urban
the period and represent a stage when pastoral nomads renaissance in Palestine begins with the Middle Bronze
were becoming sedentary (especially in my 'Southeml Age, ca 2,000 BCE. With that, the 'Dark Age' ends.
Sedentary' family, but also farther north). The charac- Perhaps the 'darkness' was less an aspect of reality than of
terization of the agricultural villages as 'tribal' does not, archaeological myopia. If so, it may be dispelled by more
however, depend upon a presumed earlier evolutionary focused, sophisticated, and disciplined fieldwork and
stage of 'nomadism'. research in the generation to come.
4. Whatever model we may finally adopt for Palestinian EB
IV, the overall phenomenon upon which all commentators
must agree is that of 'religionalism', long recognized by
most scholars.29 No other period in the archaeological Notes
history of Palestine exhibits such strongly marked,
predictable regional assemblages or 'families'. These 1. The period under discussion is called variously 'MB r (Albright);
sharp geographic distinctions surely must have socio- 'Intermediate EB MB' (or simply EM MB; Kenyon, British
cultural implications. scholars generally, and a few Israelis); and 'EB IV' (this writer
s. Finally, the description of EB IV social structure as 'tribal' and a growing consensus). For the issues, see Dever (1973, 1980)
has an additional advantage. This is not a theoretical and references there.
model, like 'chiefdom', but an analogy, based on many 2. See Dever (1980); for other models, see below. Periodic
actual tribal societies that are known and are exceedingly overviews of the EB IV period will be found in Dever (1970,
well documented - historically, ethnographically and, now, 1971, 1973, 1980, 1992b); Oren (1973); Finkelstein (1989);
archaeologically.30 Palumbo (1991).
3. In Palestinian archaeology generally (not simply for EB IV), there
has been little awareness to date of the emphasis on 'social
archaeology' that emerged elsewhere in arc;haeology 20 years ago
Conclusion (see below, n. 5). See, however, Dever (1985b, 1992b); Levy
Throughout this chapter, I have eschewed overly-rigid (1986); Kochavi, Kasher and Bunimowitz (1988); Meyers and
Meyers (1989); Esse (1991).
models for elucidating the social structure of EB IV
4. For a critique of the 'Biblical archaeology' movement, see Dever
Palestine. Instead, I have stressed the larger phenomenon (1985a) and full references there. 'Biblical archaeology' is now
that I think all models seek to comprehend, even my own passe as a putative academic discipline; it remains what it was in
recent 'ruralism' model; that is the shift of economic the beginning, either a dialogue between two professional
strategies and social organization along a continuum - an disciplines, or else merely an amateur enterprise.
almost infinite variety of interrelated adaptive responses on 5. For an orientation to social archaeology, see especially Clark
a theoretical scale from 'urban' to 'nomadic'. EB IV (1939); Renfrew (1974, 1984); Redman (1978; see especially the
chapter 'Social Archaeology: The Future of the Past'); Watson,
represents a brief but dramatic shift at the end of EB m, leBlanc and Redman (1984; 233-75). See also n. 3 above.
from an urban to a rural and pastoral nomadic pattern of 6. The literature on General Systems Theory is vast, but for
social organization. EB IV is thus but one episode in the orientation and examples of its use in Palestinian archaeology see
long settlement-history of Palestine.31 As Joffe (1991b: Dever (1989, 1992a) and references there.
36,37) puts it: 7. See, for instance, Brown (1971); Tainter (1978); O'Shea (1984);
and especially the review and critique in Chapman, Kinnes,
The pattern of alternating phases of low-level and higher- Rendsberg (1981) and Dever (1987). Add now Palumbo (1991)
level organization, a pattern of socio-political complexity and references there.
spiralling upwards and downwards around the 'domestic 8. For the materials from Jericho, see Kenyon (1960, 1965); for
296 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * William G. Dever
Jebel Qa'aqir, see Dever (1972, 1981); Gitin (1975); Smith contemporary. Recent critics like Richard and Long (nd) and
(1982); London (1985, 1987); Horwitz (1989b). For Palumbo (1991) have overlooked this point.
bibliography on other and more recent cemetery sites, see for 19. For the new 'Family AZ', see Palumbo and Peterman (1993). I
Western Palestine, Dever (1992b); Finkelstein (1991). For am not fully convinced, however, that this 'family', which
Transjordan, see Palumbo (1991); Palumbo and Peterman (1993) overlaps considerably with my Family TR, deserves a separate
and full references there. designation.
9. Palumbo (1991) provides the latest and most comprehensive 20. See Thompson (1975, 1979); but d. the sharp critiques in Dever
synthesis of EB IV, but it is written largely from the perspective of (1980: 56); Prag (1984); Palumbo (1991: 18).
Transjordan (below). Palumbo's principal contention that elite 21. Excavated EB IV sites with sufficient evidence to characterize
social status at Jericho is reflected in the flexed burials is an them as 'permanently settled agricultural villages' are so few that
interesting suggestion, but it does not seem entirely convincing. they may be enumerated: Beth-yeral}.; Sha'ar ha-Golan; Tel Yosef
Why flexed burials? What would be the connection with status? (Murl}an); Manal}at; Tel Abu en-Ni'iij; Tell Umm Hammad esh-
Other factors in these variables may be involved, as Palumbo Sharqiya; Iktanu; Jericho; Kh. Iskander; Bib edh-Dhri'; Widi ed-
(1987: 47) himself notes in other connections. Daliyeh; Dhahr Mirzbineh; 'Ein Yael!'Emeq Refaim; Ephrat;
10. For references on Jebel Qa'aqir, see n. 8 above. Ma'abaroti; Lachish; Tell Beit Mirsim. The above constitute less
11. Kenyon (1960: 180-85) had already advanced the idea that her than 2 percent of the 1200 known EB IV sites. Obviously we do
differing assemblages, or 'tomb groups', at Jericho could be not include in this total EB IV sites that are known through
correlated with basically 'tribal' entities. She did not, however, survey, since sherd scatters may indicate only seasonal
elaborate on this theory, or document it with general occupation, not a true 'settlement'. The most recent synthesis
bibliography and ethnographic data on pastoral nomadism. For of Gophna (1992) places too much stress, in my opinion, on the
the latter, see Dever (1977, 1980); Bates and Lees (1977); Prag relatively few true settlement sites; but even he admits that most
(1984, 1985); Castillo (1987); Finkelstein and Perevolotsky of the villages to which he alludes were 'transient settlements'
(1990), all with references to wider literature. (Gophna 1992: 137).
12. See Dever (1971: 208, 1972: 232). The evidence consists of 1. 22. In a recent review of Esse's book (Dever 1994) I have
regularly spaced groups of contemporary tombs; 2. clear documented how comprehensive and balanced his treatment is.
indications from weather of tool-marks of summer-only usage; 3. 23. Palumbo (1991: 58-61), followed by Richard and Long (nd),
specially prepared features that are not in fact employed by those claims that several other EB IV sites in Jordan exhibit city
using the tombs, such as lamp and body niches. walls; but since these are known only from surface survey and
13. These distinctive 'bottles', characteristic of tombs in my Central have not been excavated at all, the question must be lefr open.
Hills/Jericho families, also occur sporadically in domestic What is beyond debate is that no EB IV site in Western
contexts; see Dever 1972: 233. This simply underlines the Palestine has a city wall. Har Yeruham and Jebel Qa'aqir have
overlap of tomb and domestic assemblages, as expected (contra flimsy boundary walls, but these cannot possibly have served
the ofr-repeated statements of some scholars). defensive purposes.
14. For the view that the Palestinian painted and wheelmade 24. The bibliography on settlement sites discovered since my (1980)
'calciform' vessels are Syrian imports, see Dever (1980: 46, 47, survey is too extensive to cite; but full references will be found in
50-2); and contrast Tadmor (1978: 20), who is noncommital. Dever (1992b); Cohen (1986); Finkelstein (1991); and especially
15. For Be'er Resisim, see Cohen and Dever (1978; 1979; 1981); Palumbo (1991). Cf. n. 21 above.
Dever (1985b). 25. My Co-director at Be'er Resisim, Rudolph Cohen, has since then
16. For orientation to the literature on 'rank-size' hierarchies - investigated many other, almost identical EB IV sites in the
usually three- or even four-tiered in urban societies - see Paynter Negev, one at Nal}al N~a even larger than Be'er Resisim; see
(1985). Cohen (1986).
17. It would seem obvious that the architectural plan of individual 26. For his own, perceptive critique of models, see Palumbo (1987:
units and overall village-town layout - i.e., the conception and 43-4, 54-6).
use of space - could be expected to reflect social values and social 27. On 'tribal' groupings and their overlap, see references in n. 11
structure. For the explicit rationale, however, see Chang (1968); above.
Hodder and Orton (1976); Redman (1978); Vita-Finzi (1978); 28. The model of 'ruralism', although not entirely satisfactory, is
Hodder (1985: 34-54; 129-34); Trigger (1989: 279-88). Willey developed further in Dever (1992b).
(1953: 1), who pioneered settlement pattern studies, says that 29. For references to the significance of 'regionalism' in EB IV, see
such analyses are 'a strategic starting point for the functional Amiran (1960); Dever (1971, 1973, 1980); Finkelstein (1991);
interpretation of archaeological cultures ... they reflect the Palumbo (1991: 129); Palumbo and Peterman (1993).
environment, the level of technology on which the builders 30. Recent literature on pastoral nomadism is much too vast to cite;
operated, and various institutions of social action and control but see, for instance, Dever (1977); Castillo (1987); Prag (1984,
which the culture intended.' Structuralists in recent archaeology, 1985); Levy (1983); Palumbo (1991); Finkelstein (1991);
as expected, have made good use of this notion, following Levi- Finkelstein and Perevolotsky (1990) and references therein to
Strauss and others. Obviously, however, much more data will be the wider literature.
needed than that in my (1985b) study of the architecture of one 31. For orientation to recent studies of settlement history, see the
village at Be'er Resisim. references in n. 17 above.
18. On the proposed chronological sequence of my 'families' see 32. The newer 'collapse' model has been applied fruitfully several
Dever (1971, 1980: 40-5); but note (1974: 46) that from the times to Mesopotamia (e.g., Yoffee in Yoffee and Cowgill (1988:
beginning I have allowed for the possibility that these regional 44-68); Adams (1988); but thus far not to Palestine except for
assemblages were more geographical than chronological, that the EB m-IV period and the Late Bronzellron I horizon (Dever
perhaps they all not only overlapped but were largely 1989, 1992a).
18
THE DAWN OF INTERNATIONALISM -
THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE
David lion
The polemics of nomenclature and sensitive terms such as 'Palestine', 'Israel' and 'the Holy
chronology: what was and what is the Land'. Furthermore, religious texts from Ebla now indicate
Middle Bronze Age? that some form of the name existed by the third
millennium BC [Matthiae 1981: 187].) Certainly,
kilome ters ,
50
Mediterranean
Sea
Neveh Rubin.
Yavn e Ya m.
Tel Mor .
Tel Ashdod .
Beth Shemesh. J
Ashkelon .
• Lachish .
Tel Nagila .
,
Tell el-Ajjul. , iliell B~it ~jr~im,
. " ... , eTelrs erci'W
Tel kJem~,g . Tel Harqlj.....
However, the PPI model operates on a regional level and name scarabs can be ascribed, [Weinstein 1981: 8-10]),
leaves room for a flexible frontier; the interactions this perception can no longer be taken for granted when:
occurring outside that region, beyond the frontier, can be
of another kind. The lowlands and highlands of Canaan 1. the infrequency and terminus post nature of Egyptian or
show such a dichotomy, though both exhibit their own Egyptianizing finds (scarabs for example) is taken into
internal version of PPI concurrent with the contact that account;
2. so many (five) alternative chronological schemes are
undoubtedly existed between them. current (Weinstein 1991: 110);
The above discussion brings to fore what should be a 3. so many cultural facets appear to be regional and
fundamental goal for the processual study of the Middle differentiated in scope (e.g., Kempinski 1983: 181-96; Ilan
Bronze Age: the construction of a spatially sensitive 1991).
absolute chronology on the basis of radiocarbon dates. It is
considered axiomatic that, given the problems of standard Until a wide array of radiocarbon dates becomes available
deviation and calibration, radiocarbon dates are super- from successive MB stata at sites di~ibuted over the
fluous for Near Eastern contexts after ca 2000 BC, since various regions of Canaan, our thinking must display both
relative chronology tied into Egyptian historical data can vertical and horizontal dimensions when constructing our
provide closer and more reliable dating. However, while models of culture change. As we shall see, late Intermediate
largely true for the southern coastal plain of the later MB Bronze (IB) (Early Bronze IV, see Dever this volume,
(to which time a number of Second Intermediate royal Chapter 17) assemblages, of the frontier regions in
300 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * David lIan
&l)(l1tcJSd) EO ~ ,-~
B i \:~l:~~~ I! ~\
'C:J:7. "~}iJi m (\
~ 0
................... _----_ .. -........................................................... -.......................... .
'U~~.,~~ ~
~i~ .. ' ~ Ydl . ij ~
U.
.. __ ....................... .
[~~ cUW .
~"~~G)
Vu Q
-
lIlOOBC
Figure 2 Material culture table
particular, are actually contemporary with those of the unpopular to suggest the movement of peoples as a
early MB. mechanism of culture change, and most recent research is
endogenously oriented in this respect (e.g., Bunimovitz
1989; Gerstenblith 1983; Marfoe 1979; Tubb 1983). But
Amorites and Canaanites: the question
the pendulum may have swung too far towards the
of cultural origins
opposite extreme; the real issue is our ability to discern
In the previous section it was suggested that Middle Bronze population movements in the archaeological record using
Age culture formation was the product of both exogenous explicit criteria and stated assumptions.
and endogenous inputs (see Figure 4). The real job is to Several criteria, when considered together, may provide
attribute cultural features to their sources and to identify grounds for positing immigration into Canaan from or via
the mechanism by which these features arrived and Syria in the Middle Bronze Age; each phenomenon is
developed. observable in the latter region prior to its appearance in
As noted above, until the late 1970s archaeologists Canaan (Dan in press a):
working in the Holy Land utilized the incursionary model
with little introspection. Ever since Childean diffusionism 1. The construction, rapid deterioration and intentional
went out of fashion with Renfrew's (e.g., 1973) refutation blocking up of MB I mudbrick arched gate at Tel Dan
of its chronological underpinnings, it has become (opening photograph, this chapter), Acco and Ashkelon.
The Dawn of Internationalism - The Middle Bronze Age 301
MB IB EB
Lowlands
c ephalous cephalous
agrarian agrarian
complex complex
Highlands!
Ana Margins - - - - - .mill.
1800 2100 2400 Be
Figure 3 Schematic representation of sociocultural change from the EB to the MB lbased on E. Marcus [pers. comm.] and
Marfoe 1979)
These gates embody a new architectural technique most visible artifact type - pottery - reflects an even more
maladapted to a wetter environment and quickly complex picture. Alongside the locally developed types,
abandoned. Better alternative materials - lumber and various other ceramic forms are present that have been
stane - were readily available. accorded origins in either inland Syria or the Levantine
2. New mortuary practices, having precedence in neighboring littoral (Beck 1985). Such forms include types and
areas, appearing as a supplement, not a replacement, to
those traditionally in use (see below). techniques that show a clear EB pedigree, inferring that EB
3. Osteological evidence showing morphometric differences 'ceramic ideas' were retained in Syria and reintroduced into
beyond expected anatomical variability within one Canaan in the MB I. The underlying question is, once
particular population (Arensberg 1973; Smith, this again, by what mechanism? The indications of population
volume). movement, together with the evidence for wide-ranging
4. Locally made 'Monochrome Painted Cream Ware' pottery trade connections, PPI, and specialist center production,
derived from a style, technique and technology with (discussed below) should lead us to the conclusion that the
precedence in northen Syria (Dan and Yellin, forthcoming). emulation and distribution of pottery styles, craft traditions
Its distribution is highly localized in the Tel Dan region, and architectural techniques can be linked to all of these; in
with just a few pieces found further south in the Jordan other words, both endogenous and exogenous factors were
Valley.
at work (d. Cherry and Renfrew 1986: 152). The key to
elucidating the operative patterns of exchange lies in
Whether or not the postulated newcomers from the provenience analysis using techniques such as neutron
north can be called 'Amorites' or not is another question activation analysis (NAA) and petrography (e.g., Knapp
(on the Amorite thesis see Dever 1977 and references 1989; Dan and Yellin forthcoming). When a sufficient
therein); it is notoriously difficult to correlate material number of studies are made over a large, contiguous
culture with ethnicity, even in modem day cultures region, explicit patterns of interaction will emerge.
(Renfrew and Bahn 1991: 167-9, 407-9; Hodder 1982;
Kramer 1977; and specifically regarding the Amorites,
Gerstenblith 1983: 124). The term 'Amorite' itself was a Intensification and integration: what
sort of nebulous, catch-all designation that included people seHlement paHerns tell us
of different classes and from different regions, in fact
probably more than omi ethnic group (Kamp and Yoffee The 'ow'anJs
1980). While it may not be wrong to call the group(s) that
immigrated into Canaan 'Amorites', it probably does not The changing settlement patterns of the Middle Bronze Age
mean much either. In any event, from personal names reflect socio-political change largely brought on by endemic
registered in the few texts found locally, it seems clear that forces. The earliest occurrence of MB I material culture is
at least one other major ethnic group, the Hurrians, was apparently to be found in the lowlands (see Figure 1) - the
also present in Canaan, at least by the middle of the MB coastal plain, and the Jezreel and Upper Jordan Valleys -
(Anbar and Na'aman 1986-1987: 10-11). from a non-urban but at least semi-sedentary context.
Other facets of MB material culture that show Lowland sites of the early MB I, such as Ashkelon, Aphek,
precedence in Syria and Mesopotamia indicate, at the Tel Ifshar, Tel Nami, Tel Mevorakh, Akko, Kabri and Tel
very least, a transfer of information, if not people: e.g., Dan, are typically founded at or near karstic springs, or in
lowland settlements surrounded by earthen embankments places with high groundwater, in areas rich in fertile soil
(Gophna 1984: 30-31), triple-entry gates, casemate walls for dry farming or localized, small-scale irrigation.
and hofhaus domestic architecture (Kaplan 1971). The Why did settlement intensify from the m to the
302 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * David IIan
EXOGENOUSF ACTORS ENDOGENOUS FACTORS
Immigrating population Environmental change
Long-distance exchange .1 Peer Polity L and changing adaptation
Migrating or itinerant craftsmen .... Interaction ..... Independent invention
Dominance or conquest Agricultural intensification
Population growth
.JCULTURE
,.
L
,
... FORMATION •
Figure 4 Some potentoil inputs for Middle Bronze Age culture formation (based on Renfrew 1986)
developed MB? Marfoe's modified version of the 'frontier settlements were abandoned by the end of the MB I: Tel
model', (recently utilized effectively for succeeding periods Burga, Tel Zeror, and Tel Poleg (Gophna and Portugali
by Finkelstein (1988a) and Bunimovitz (1989), suggests 1988: 17-18,26). An increased elaboration of site ranking
'that the periodic oscillations between phases of political may be asserted in the higher proportion of mid-size
growth and interludes of decline were symptoms of a settlements of between 1.1 and 4.9 ha. in the MB Will.
process wherein the rural hinterlands of the city formed a Such tiered settlement patterns and administrative
'reservoir' that was alternately realigned into rural structures have been recommended as hallmarks of the
communities of sedentary farmers and tribal segments of early state (e.g. Johnson 1972; Wright and Johnson 1975).
pastoral nomads' (Marfoe 1979: 9). The spring-studded In the MB Will 44 new settlements were established,
lowlands are inherently preferable for dry farming and including major fortified sites at Tels Ashdod, Nagila,
once the marginal return on cultivation and sedentary Haror, Jaffa, Jemma, Mihal, Mor, Nebi Rubin, Kh. el
occupation of the lowlands was perceived as greater than Rujum, Farah (S.), and Sharia. All but one of these fortified
that of the highlands, the realignment into ruraVurban sites were located south of the Yarkon River drainage, on
society began anew. Because the ineffective but resource- the southern coastal plain. Gophna and Portugali (1988)
draining political structures of the EB were gone, there have inferred that a Malthusian mechanism was at work;
was, initially at least, little risk in the re-establishment of population rose faster than agricultural production,
permanent settlement, particularly where the establishing neccesitating the cultivation and settlement of new
polity laid territorial claim on the prospective plot. Almost regions. Though not the only possible explanation for
all the earliest MB I settlements show either low-intensity settlement expansion, this interesting idea will undoubtedly
m remains or m occupation nearby (Gophna and Portugali be tested and elaborated in future research.
1988: Figures 6-7). Other factors leading to increased Raban (e.g., 1985) and Marcus (1991) have observed
sedentarization may have included exchange ties evolving that the 'coastal plain site array is oriented along the
out of developing overland (Gerstenblith 1983: 109-26) various drainages, where estuary sites provide foreland
and maritime (Gophna 1984: 31; Marcus 1991) trade, access and gateway services, and large inland sites function
perhaps hinted at in the Sinuhe account (e.g., Rainey more as central places with hinterland a<+ess. The two
1972). complementary settlement types, and the smaller sites in
Extensive survey of the coastal plain south of Mt. between, are conceived as belonging to one polity or
Carmel (Figure 5) has revealed a number of fortified urban economic system. The concept of drainage-defined polities
sites more than one hectare in size related hierarchically to and an emphasis on latitudinal as opposed to longitudinal
smaller satellites (by a ratio of 1:3.3 for both MB I and W movement points up the importance of maritime
ill; Broshi and Gophna 1986; Gophna and Beck 1981; interaction in culture formation and change. It is no
Gophna and Portugali 1988). Table 1 is a rank-size accident that similar drainage-aligned settlement patterns
breakdown for the MB I and Will respectively. have been detected by Levy (Chapter 14, this volume) in
Besides testifying to central place function and southern Canaan for the Chalcolithic (though maritime
hierarchical organization for both the MB I and Will trade was less important), and by Stager (1992) for the EB.
time frames, these data disclose an intricate temporal The rank-size data, rapid urbanization, population
dynamic as well, evoked by the fact that only 27 out of 100 growth, evidence for economic intensification and the large
counted sites were settled in both MB I and MB Will. The number of Hyksos royal name scarabs have suggested to
tendency to urban agglomeration from MB I to MB II/III is some writers the administrative integrity of a united polity
expressed by the lower ratio of small to large sites in the in the coastal plain (e.g., Bunimovitz 1989: 47-74).
later period and by the discernment of 22 MB I sites not Maritime polities, however, can be highly integrated
settled in the MB Will. At least three major fortified economically but tend to be small and jealous of their
The Dawn of Internationalism - The Middle Bronze Age 303
(a) (e)
• Fort ified Site
Unfortified Site
• Hill Country
220
200
2:
-<
ISO
"-!
2:
«
,'0
- - - - O- 20m.
-==oJ
~
80 \ ~
10 120 2 0
Table 2 Summary of known Middle Bronze Age sites in Israel (after Broshi and Gophna 1986: 86)
MBI MBII/III
Region Sites Area Ave Sites Area Ave
1 Upper Ga/ilee 7 19.6 2.8 7 19.6 2.8
2 Lower Galilee 4 2.2 0.6 57 34.2 0.6
3 Upper Jordan Valley (Hula Valley) 7 101.1 4.4 7 101.1 14.4
4 Mid and Lower Jordan Valley 16 13.9 0.9 34 15.8 0.5
(including the Beth Shean Valley)
5 Jezreel Valley 28 81.2 2.9 20 17.6 0.9
6 Samaria (including the Gilboa and Carmel) 4 10.8 2.7 105 82.6 0.8
7 Judea (including foothills) 9 31.8 3.5 33 82.6 2.5
8 Northern Coastal Plain 6 88.0 14.7 7 93.0 13.3
9 Coastal Plain (south of Carmel) 49 206.5 4.2 65 210.3 3.2
10 Arad and Beersheva Valley 2 3.5 1.8
inland foothill zone of the northern Negev, only the and attaining over time a multi-tiered settlement hierarchy
Beersheva Valley was irregularly settled - and only in the (below) expanding into new frontiers - in short, a
later part of the MB, perhaps in connection with the east- portrayal of increasing socio-political complexity not
west trade route that crossed the area (cf. Finkelstein previously ~een in Canaan. Gateways were themselves
1988b). In the desert south of the Beersheva Valley, a few centers and often of a higher order than non-gateway
small sites yielding no datable artifacts, located in relatively centers. This system was the result of a long process of
amenable ecological niches, have been dated to the MB by political and economic rationalization that began with the
means of radiocarbon (Avner et al. in press). first wave of sedentarism in the early MB. Villages and
farmsteads always provided the bedrock for higher level
socio-political structures, and it was from these that the
MB settlement patterns and populations: a
centers emerged, elaborated and specialized over time. The
summary
spatial distribution of power in the mid MB I may have
Table 2 is a summary of the MB settlement picture. The looked something like this:
averages calculated in Table 2 should now be diminished
1. Regional centers and gateways (on gateways and their
and will require even further reduction in the future since definition, see Knapp 1989: 145, and references in n. 58).
most newly discovered sites are of the lowest rank size. In 2. Subregional centers andlor loci of specialist production or
1987, Dever (following Kotter 1986 and Mabry 1986) service (e.g., cult).
cited 400 known MB sites in the region covered by Table 3. Village.
2, while Broshi and Gophna's summary brings us closer to 4. Farmstead.
500. The new data from the central highlands alone
indicates 248 sites (above), suggesting a total number of Based on geographical location, rank-size distributions,
MB sites at somewhere between 500 and 600. Calculating and evidence for exchange and production (Kotter 1986;
total population by multiplying total estimated settlement Knapp 1989), the spatial distribution and order of power
area by the accepted density coefficient of 250 persons per at the peak of complexity in the MB ll/Ill can be described
hectare, and taking undiscovered and non-representative with more detail than is usually attempted (see Figure 6):
areas into account, Broshi and Gophna (1986: 86) have 1. First order gateway (primarily Hazor and Tell el-Dab'a).
arrived at figures of ca 100,000 for the MB I and ca 2. Second order gateway (e.g., Ashkelon, Kabri, Pella).
140,000 for the MB ll/Ill. Using less explicit criteria, 3. Third order gateway (e.g., Masos, Dan, Jericho, Dor,
Kempinski (1992c) estimates higher figures for the later Jaffa).
floruit: ca 120,000 in the urban centers and ca 80,000 in 4. Regional center (e.g., Megiddo, Beth Shean, Shimron,
the rural areas, for a total of ca 200,000. Shechem, Gezer).
5. Subregional center andlor locus of specialist production
(e.g., Tell el-Hayyat, Afula, Tel Kittan).
The dawn of internationalism: patterns 6. Village.
of production, exchange and power 7. Farmstead or hamlet.
Middle Bronze Age Canaan evinces a picture of a society It is considered a truism that the largest order settle-
growing in population, intensifying agricultural and craft ments are the most complex, dominating their surrounding
production, participating in far-flung exchange systems, countryside (e.g., Kotter 1986 and Knapp 1993 for MB
306 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * David lIan
Dothan 1965). In both cases metallurgy is associated with
• First order gateway cult structures. Tell el-Hayyat is not a higher order site
• Second/Third order gateway where one would expect a center of production related to a
• Other central place scarce and costly resource. The Nahariyah sanctuary,
~Direction of exchange though probably associated with a nearby urban entity, is
also isolated.
The common-ware ceramic production of Tell el-
Hayyat is somewhat less surprising; pottery making is/was
ohen a less prestigious specialty associated with lower
echelon social units (the family) located at the social and
spatial periphery (references in Knapp 1989: 137). But in a
ranked, redistributive settlement system, production tends
to be rationalized over time, with the output of certain
units, even lower echelon ones, achieving market
dominance. Maximum efficiency is attained when that
ceramic product is brought to the redistributive urban node
or market - Pella in the case of Tell el-Hayyat (d. Falconer
1987; Knapp 1989: 137, 141). The intensive production
and far-flung distribution of the distinctive black punctated
Tell el-Yahudiyeh Ware juglets (with a manufacturing
center in Afula) is a prime example of how complex this
initially localized phenomenon could become (Kaplan
Figure 6 Map of MB central places, gateways and paHerns of 1980; Zevulun 1990). It is conceivable that atelier success
exchange in the eastern Mediterranean in the production and marketing of special pottery (or
other artifact) types brought such wealth and prestige to
Canaan). Marfoe's (1979) model of Bronze Age society in the polity that the lower echelon's status was upgraded -
southern Syria in its more complex stages seems at least by the receipt of gihs and honors to its elite, and greater
partly applicable for Canaan during most of the Middle economic autonomy.
Bronze Age - a polarized structure in which the social The conclusion to be drawn is that the rural hinterland
center (the elite) is focused on the palace-temple institution was more autonomous and more complex in itself than
with a subordinate peasantry on the social periphery. most models have recognized (d. Falconer and Magness-
Given the small size of all but the first and second tier Gardiner 1989; Renger 1984). The production of lower
gateways, and drawing on analogy provided by the El rank-size class settlements was not neccesarily confined to
Arnarna texts for the LB system, this elite should be seen as the domestidsubsistence mode, and a fairly high degree of
kin-based and as maintammg multiple roles agricultural surplus administration and redistributive
administrators, military commanders, traders, priests and control must be inferred. Furthermore, unlike Mesopota-
the like. The gateway communities, however, may have mia, crah specialization was not neccessarily confined to
been organized on somewhat different principles, with sites of the largest order. Even prestige items were both
more scope for private enterprise, merchant guilds, produced and consumed at the level of at least middle-tier
commodity manipulation and capital lending along the settlements (e.g., weapons and luxury ware pottery).
lines of the Old Assyrian or Old Babylonian states (e.g., Nevertheless, more expensive and elaborate goods -
Stohl 1982). The textual evidence from Mesopotamia and metal (especially tin) in particular - were acquired through
Syria reveals that artisans, for example, were affiliated with the longer-range exchange ties of the larger centers (Philip
controlling institutions in the urban centers, and were not 1989: 206-7). This must have been a preeminent source of
freelance itinerants. Moreover, metal specialists seem to power. That the largest centers had a large degree of
have been in short supply in the periphery during the first control over the human resources of their hinterland seems
half of the second millennium BC (e.g., Zaccagnini 1983). clear in the quantity of labor exploited to construct their
Nevertheless, certain evidence points to a more ramparts (see Window 1, p. 316).
segmented system of procurement and production, and
more local autonomy. The excavations at Tell el-Hayyat-
located in the central Jordan Valley (Plate 1), Transjordan Northern trade and the rol. of Hazor
near the large tel of Pella - and the sanctuary at Nahariyah Trade with Syria and regions beyond is vigorously attested
(Plate 2a,b), have revealed remains of both metal and to by both texts and, more obliquely, by material culture.
ceramic industries active from the MB I through the MB m The pertinent texts (found at Mari, on the Euphrates River,
(Falconer 1987; Falconer and Magness-Gardiner 1989; which naturally plays a central role in them), refer to
The Dawn of Internationalism - The Middle Bronze Age 307
Heights to the east, the Sea of Galilee to the south and the
northern Hula Valley or beyond to the north.
Southern trade and Avaris Plate 2b Mould used to maufacture metal stotueHe on-site
(photograph: The Israel Museum, Jerusolem)
Turning south, the archaeological evidence for extensive
contact with Egypt in the Twelfth Dynasty (if not earlier) is
now unequivocal (Marcus 1991: 19-44; contra Weinstein Tell el-Dab'a was Hazor's functional and scalar
1975). Principally driven by trade, even the earliest counterpart in the south (from a southern Levantine
relations were apparently bilateral, though by different point of view). Pottery traditions and provenience analyses,
routes; the southern Asiatics seem to have preferred, or metal typology, physical anthropology and burial practices
been limited to, the overland route (as witnessed by the suggest that initially (in the MB I) its commercial focus was
wall paintings in the tomb of Khnumhotep at Beni on the northern L.~vant - Byblos in particular. Its very
Hassan), while the northern Asiatics and the Egyptians, establishment in th,'! Twelfth Dynasty may perhaps be
preferred the maritime route. Aside from Egyptian and attributed to Asiatics who specialized in commerce and
Egyptianizing (i.e., Egyptian in style, not manufacture) shipbuilding (e.g., Bietak 1991 : 28-9). Metal types and
artifacts (most recently and completely summarized by pottery provenience analysis by NAA (M. Bietak, P.
Marcus 1991), the settlement array of the coastal plain McGovern and L. Stager pers. comm.) indicate that by the
provides testimony for a maritime orientation as well. MB II its energies were apparently transferred to the
Commercial relations with Egypt probably began with southern Levant for which it has been rightly termed the
small estuary ports provisioning ships plying the proliferate 'economic locomotive' (Philip 1989: 214). The reason for
Byblos trade. One can envision central place, gateway this transference in commercial focus is unclear, but it too
exchange developing at these pons beyond mere may have been an outcome of the changing economic and
provisioning, and by the Second Intermediate Period (MB political conditions in Anatolia, Syria and Mesopotamia .
III), trade with the Syrian coast had declined while that These two first order gateways were nodes of a
with the southern littoral was boosted. That maritime trade wonderfully symmetrical exchange system that also
exchange was already highly developed and long distance included smaller gateways tapping into other systems on
in the MB I is made clear by the find at Tel Nami of frontiers to the west (the maritime zone), the south (the
Lathyrus clumenum (Spanish vetch ), a lentil which does Negev, Sinai and Arabia), and the east (Transjordan and
not grow east of Greece (Kislev et al. 1993). the Syrian desert) , (Knapp 1989; and see Figure 6).
The Dawn of Internationalism - The Middle Bronze Age 309
Architecture, waterworks and urban el-Ajjul, Tel Batash, Yavne-Yam, Hazar, Tel Nagila and
planning Tel Masos.
True palaces, elaborate variations of the domestic
Though exposure is insufficient to accurately characterize courtyard structure, appear for the first time in Canaan
them, the earliest MB sedentary occupations apparently during this period, though their origins are clearly to be
featured discrete domestic structures comprised of rooms seen in the third millennium BC palaces of the north such
of various shapes and sizes arranged with no standard as Eshnuna, Mari, Ebla, and Ur (Oren 1992). The earliest
formula around their courtyards (Ziffer 1990: "17-"18; one recognized thus far appears to be that of Aphek
Ben-Dov 1992). This pattern seems to have held (Kochavi 1989: 48-53), in the lowlands, where the
throughout the MB and LB for rural architecture and is processes of sedentarization, urbanization and social
generally associated with a mixed agrarian/pastoral polarization were embryonic. Later examples are found at
economy (e.g., Kramer 1982). In the developing towns, Aphek once again, Megiddo (Figure 8), Hazor, Shechem,
the extension of family households engendered organic Kabri, Lachish, Tell el-Ajjul and Tel Sera. Drawing on
growth - leading to domestic quarters that expanded both textual material from large urban centers with similar and
laterally, encroaching upon the remaining open spaces more completely excavated palatial structures (Mari, Ebla,
between domiciles, and vertically in the form of two or Ugarit, Alalakh), it seems clear that much of the palaces'
three story construction. At a particular level of density, roofed space was devoted to food processing, craft
structural units came to share walls to economize on space production, storage and administration, particularly on the
and expense. Without intervention, the culminating ground floor (e.g., Dalley 1984: 50-77). All of this fits in
strategies of this process were the subdivision of larger with the idea that a significant portion of the economy was
rooms into smaller ones, and alternately, the offspring redistributive and organized by the palace-temple
establishment of new domiciles on the settlement's institution.
periphery (see Azar et al. 1985 for ethnographic One futher innovation of the Middle Bronze Age needs
documentation). Since most towns were fortified, and mentioning in this context: hydraulic engineering, which
those fortifications restricted settlement area over time, embraces three facets - storage, drainage and irrigation.
occupation sometimes spread to outside the fortifications While the Early Bronze Age saw the development of runoff
(e.g., at Megiddo over the cemetery on the east slope, [Guy catchment within settlements with an emphasis on open
1938: Plate 1]). Migration, of course, was another option, reservoir storage (Helms 1982), the MB progressed to true
either to a major center with available property and a closed cisterns, to clay pipes that drew rainwater down
wider economic base such as Hazor, Ashkelon or Kabri, or from the roofs into the cisterns (e.g., Yadin 1972: 38,43-
to a new settlement such as those of the southern coastal 4, 65, 127), and to sealed, stone-built and stone-carved
plain. channels to drain off excess water - most probably to
Interceding central authorities could influence a different exterior reservoirs, fosses or moats (e.g., at Tel Dan,
course of events. At Megiddo and Shechem, for example, Hazor, Tell el-Ajjul, Tell Beit Mirsim, Tell el Farah (N.)
we see the cancellation of domestic architecture and the and Gezer, to name a few). These exterior reservoir
superposition of well-planned elite structures, sometimes in facilities probably made possible some limited irrigation,
successive versions over time (Kempinski 1992a). though not to the extent allowed by perennial water
Furthermore, many older fortified sites show a general sources and good gradients at places like the Hula Valley
tendency toward an increased proportion of elite or public and the Yarkon Basin.
palace/temple architecture at the expense of domestic Palatial construction, and sophisticated drainage and
building from the MB I through the MB m. Another form storage facilities belong in a class together with
of central authority intervention was the enclosure and fortifications and gate structures in terms of labor
fortification of an appending area designated for new requirements, engineering criteria and centralized plan-
settlement, clearly attested to only at Hazor. Finally, it ning. All intimate the mastery of the social and political
seems that new, unattached settlements, even at some elite over human resources, commodities, technology and
distance from their sources, were actually initiated by information.
controlling political structures. The rectangular fortified
town at Tell el-Ajjul (Figure 7) was presumably established
in the late eighteenth century BC as a planned program
(Kempinski 1992a: 125-6), skipping the organic early
Technological revolution and the arts
growth phases characteristic of the older towns, as The Middle Bronze Age was also marked by technological
evidenced by its relatively straight grid of unencumbered and stylistic innovations in the manufacture of mobile
throughfares - almost Hippodamian in their symmetry. objects (briefly, Dever 1987: 160-2; and for a more
The rectangular shape of new and appended fortified detailed and in-depth account of the MB artifactual
settlements appears to be a hallmark of the MB II, e.g. Tell repertoire, see Ziffer 1990). Not surprisingly, many of
310 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * David IIan
.'
'.
.....' .....
". ,..
n. ..~GEE..~~.
"'~"'
~ ........
.. --- ---_.
IU/S~
~~;;;~:::
r~ r~"'~
~~
\'erW
'7~..
~...
I
_~----.:
,.
£4; ___GER-..J: !~:::
3 I t.\\ "
.1) \' •• • •• :
• 'lDA(~., .. --:::---"r- ,.'
.I •• ' .--
\~\\ t.. :::::::::::::--_ ..
....
.. '..... -_ .. -
.,
~:;.':::: •. --...
.)
~
B
0.....-=_==-~SO.m
Figura 7 Site plan ofTell el-Ajjul aly II 1MB II-III). From Kempinski 19920: Figure 3
these technologies and styles had precedents in Syria, of the pyrotechnology utilized for metallurgy and frit.
Anatolia and Mesopotamia in the third millennium BC, Glyptics of two different media also appeared in
arriving in Canaan by a variety of means (see the above Canaan at this stage: cylinder seals (Plate 3), the idea
section on cultural origins). for which originated in the north (e.g., Collon 1987)
In the field of metallurgy the massive introduction of and scarab seals (Plate 4) from Egypt (e.g., Ward 1978;
tin-bronze represented a major innovation and some of Tufnell 1984; O'Connor 1985). Both types seem to have
its cultural implications are discussed in other sections of been used as marks of ownership and as protective
this chapter. The widespread adoption of the fast wheel amulets. Cylinder seals of a more schematic and less
in the MB (though it was used for smaller vessels and ornate variety had already been in use in Canaan
larger vessel necks and rims in the later EB and m), and throughout the EB, but in the second millennium BC
proficiency in its use, resulted in more experimentation the 'Syrian style' was introduced. This glyptic genre was
and greater variety of form. The carinated shapes that perhaps centered at Aleppo and crystallized out of older
itiUtate metal vessels were one of the period's hallmarks Sumero-Akkadian styles influenced by Egyptian motifs.
(Amiran 1969: 90). Ceramics showing Anatolian and Almost all the cylinder seals from MB Canaan are of
Syrian influence were not uncommon (e.g., Gerstenblith this class, but cylinder seals on the whole never became
1983: 59-87; nan 1991; nan and Yellin forthcoming) commonplace. It is tempting to suggest that they were
and demonstrate the international scale of information reserved for a particular class, and perhaps the highest
transfer, by whatever mechanism. True glass seems to order, of the social elite. The more Egyptianizing scarab
have appeared in Canaan for the first time in the MB, in seals were fairly infrequent in the early MB and largely
the form of small beads (Peltenberg 1987; Ilan et al. confined to the coastal areas, but became widespread by
1993; [the EB bead from Jericho noted by Peltenberg the MB m (Fifteenth Dynasty in Egypt). The over-
may not be glass)). This was most probably an offshoot whelming majority have been found in mortuary
The Dawn of Internationalism - The Middle Bronze Age 311
o 10m
- -II1II:::===
Figure 8 Palace plan from Meggido Strotum XII (MB II) . From Loud
1948: Figure 415
contexts and should probably be associated with a Plate 4 Scarab seals: se le cted MB exa mples from Tell el-Ajjul, jericho
regenerative amuletic symbolism (e.g., Ilan in press a). and Tell Beit Mirsim (photograph : courtesy David lion)
The few cuneiform documents found at Hazor, Gezer,
Hebron and Shechem show that Akkadian was the
standard language of administration and commerce (e.g. The technology and technique of
Anbar and Na'aman 1986- 1987). But another, simpler warfare and the prestige of personal
phonetic script began to evolve during the MB - the combat
alphabet (Figure 9) - one of the few innovations to come
out of Canaan, but one of the most significant for We commonly and somewhat simplistically ask whether a
humanity (e.g., Naveh 1982: 23-42; Dever 1987: 169-71; society is 'warlike' or 'peaceful' and the truth is usually
Sass 1988). For the student of social and contextual somewhere in between, to be elucidated in the more
archaeology it is perhaps most striking that alphabetic specific study of socio-political conflict and its
inscriptions occur in prosaic or more personal settings - on archaeological manifestation . The Middle Bronze Age is
a dagger, a potsherd, a pithos or as graffiti - in contrast to considered alternately warlike (because of its tremendous
the formal ad ministrative and legal contexts of the fortifications [see Window, p. 316] and its plethora of
Akkadian documents. The evidence is slim, but these two weapons in tomb and cultic offerings) and peaceful
systems of writing may have coincided to some degree w ith (because so few destruction levels have been discerned until
the socio-political polarities of Canaanite society, until the the end of the period). What is clear is that the Middle
tables were turned in the Iron Age and alphabetic Heb rew Bronze Age was perhaps a watershed period in terms of
became the official script. military tactics and weaponry; a period when several
312 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * David IIan
Ph••. S.h.....t .. Eo..ly North· E..,ly South £ ... lyL.t MeA"ing of 1970). It has been suggested that the manufacture and
Value For"" west Se"",hc: S.",U...c ter N.mH Na ...,
distribution of composite bows, being a complex process
)
If '5 /f (1~rJ.) :I- C""') I:J ~ C1a.... e) )olp. olt·head more effectively carried out on a mass-production basis,
b 0 tl O~7"') t.a (l3do) n bat- he"..
g I- "(,srJ,) >(12110) lr 90.",l- thro",·sticl<
was the function of the palace workshop (Philip 1989:
d ..,poft a 4(10"') R (J.......) cli~~- fish 158-61). The same might be said for chariots and other
4- = ~ 7 I=C N(3.......) ? ? engines of war. Finally, the textual references make it
h 'i! ~ . ~(IOtJ.)
Y ham ,"an call1"q clear that warfare was not unknown in the Middle
\Of -1 r (lOtio) (/) (1 "oed 'o'y) ...eS(",..",) mace
Bronze Age Levant. These sources tend to emphasize
z ? T("tJ.} I ('."') X 'te(n.) ?
f:, Dr ~ TI1. ~2lJo) 13 (.ou.) ~J ~.(t·)
fence (?)
'logistics, seige techniques and equipment, patrols,
b .a i ? 'S (ro."'me) bo.( ) hank ofy.. rn blockades and so on'. (Philip 1989: 155; Yadin 1963:
~ ? 110 (161i) l'8~o"') III ~e(t·) spindle? 69-75), all of which can be associated with social
y ~ (13th) "t.(,()1}o) ~ (.';9 w)
k
LJ(I:
lUI *'
III \:!!I(.7 .... ) IV~Jdj fI n
'jo.d-
kllpp,
.. rm
palm
regimentation, central direction and control of productive
technology.
(
'"
1Pt.P
...-,,,, t
7(,~.~) d (oJ"')
M (""') (o3t1o)
..,
1 L (J" .. ~.) la",e/·
~ (9oJ.)S(ldo) tnem~
.
ox-goad
. "'Ilter The key to an archaeological analysis is apparendy the
~-"- <(''''h) H2U.)
n ..,
r' n .. ~i'- snake distinction between actual warfare and personal combat
*»
oS
c
it
p
-?
-0
l!:.:dJ
'F~ooJ.)
o ('2do) o~etJ,),
C>
~(I5U.)
) (IOt~)
l-n
0
o0
(.s"",k.?) ?
c~n_
7) (r.......)
eye
s.. ( )
P"t·(?)
?
Cornel'" '7
(Philip 1989: 145-6). The overwhelming majority of
weapons recovered in archaeological contexts come from
tomb and cultic offering deposits. These are most
ti/~ 't" T /" QotJ,) ~'f ~e(d.) ptant commonly comprised of daggers, axes and spears in
4- ? ? 8 ? ? descending order of numerical importance, often in sets
'! CP d =(.. t1.) ?Ooo) * oj> (:r.... ",.) ~u(p.) 7 (daggers and axes are notably common, while spears are
r ft r> (\(l6lh.,.",) )( "(1',1. hea.clof mon unusual and never alone). The complete absence of
fI~ W 3 (IJt~) w~otJ,) ) ~ ta"n' (o",po,s,Ce bow
0' Ii r'i (Jom ...) arrowheads or sling bolts is conspicuous, though these
5 0' ? ? ?
t T + X('3tJ.) X T (l~m.) t&Cta.,) owner's marie were known and had in fact become a major component of
large-scale military confrontation. Arrows and bolts were
Figure 9 The alphabet at the mid second millenium BeE. From the weapons of soldiers - low status individuals, often
Albright 1966b conscripted, who could be used for agricultural or
construction work (Philip 1989: 150). But daggers, axes
crucial techniques became prevalent, enhancing military and spears were weapons of personal combat - they were
effectiveness and demanding creative responses in tactics, the warrior's status symbols in what Philip has termed a
fortification and personal protection. traditional 'heroic' society, much as they have been in most
The adoption of tin bronze, partially in lieu of copper, traditional societies. Artistic depictions and texts even
increased the longevity, sharpness and hardness of suggest a status hierarchy of weapon types, with axes at
weapons, while the increased malleability of bronze the top and spears at the bottom. Weapons were also a
facilitated the casting of more complex forms. Horses valuable gift, bestowing prestige upon both the recipient
(cavalry) and the chariot introduced rapidly movable and the donor, and creating indebtedness for the recipient
fighting platforms that could be rushed to critical locations alone (Philip 1989: 160-1).
in battle and used as shock forces against infantry. The Stylistic change in personal weaponry should also be
compound and composite bows, with their bolstered understood in terms of their prestige value and not always
power and range, made the bow a truly effective weapon in as the expression of improved functional effectiveness
battle and seige for the first time. Battering rams were (Philip 1989: 155; contra Yadin 1963). Over time, as
improved and became effective seige engines (Yadin 1963: certain weapon styles became more and more common,
4-9; 58-75). their value went down. At some point, the elite-controlled
Most of these weapon types and techniques require centers of production would commission somewhat
highly specialized knowledge and a developed mechanism different forms, to reassert status distinctions and to
for resource procurement. Bronze, for example, required realign alliances and indebtedness to the controlling
the import of tin, the nearest known possible sources structures.
being the Taurus Mountains of Anatolia (Yener and With all the weaponry in MB assemblages, why are
Ozbal 1987), and beyond that, in Iran and Afghanistan there so few MB destructions in layers which sometimes
(e.g., Muhly and Wertime 1973). An expansive, represent 400 years or more of occupation? Their cultic
organized exchange system with extensive channels of and mortuary nexus, their prominence in mythology, and
information must be postulated; texts, from Mari in the fact that so many weapons are still copper or contain
particular, testify to the highly lucrative importing of tin too much lead, emphasize the ritualistic nature that combat
from the east (Dossin 1970) and its transshipment to may have assumed in certain contexts. Perhaps ritualistic
towns such as Laish (Tel Dan) and Hazor (Malamat rules of warfare precluded certain practices - the burning
The Dawn of Internationalism - The Middle Bronze Age 313
circle relating to Egypt was set in motion. Egyptian grain, playa role, on a wholly different scale. The twin factors of
traded for Canaanite wine and oil was a sort of safety high productivity induced by irrigation and gateway trade
valve for times of drought and agrarian stress. The scarcity and by redistribution appear to have maintained its
of wine and oil probably led to increased prices for the position until the thirteenth century BC.
Egyptians. Correspondingly, less grain was coming into If our criterion for periodization is socia-political
Canaan as well. In the middle was Avaris (Tell el Dab'a), change, the demise of Avaris is perhaps a justifiable
trying to maintain a profitable equilibrium, but also benchmark for determining the end of the Middle Bronze
footing the costs of its own increasing complexity. All Age. Yet the Canaanite city states did not collapse abruptly
parties were subject to economic stress and its or completely, as a literal interpretation of the PPI model
accompanying social strains, but it was the Egyptians might predict (Cherry and Renfrew 1986: 155). Nor is
who went to war against the Hyksos, beseiging and there a real hiatus in material culture. Indeed, a case can be
destroying Avaris (Dever 1987: 172 and references there). made for ending the Middle Bronze Age with the campaign
The fall of Avaris would have been catastrophic for of Thutmosc m, when Canaan came finally and decidedly
southern Canaan and certainly damaging to the economy into the Egyptian orbit (e.g. Seger 1975, Bunimovitz 1989;
of Egypt. The destruction of this great gateway meant that Weinstein 1981), though apparently retaining many of its
there was no longer any safety valve; institutional collapse social and political structures.
in Canaan was probably hastened. One wonders how the
victorious Egyptians dealt with the absence of the erstwhile The partial collapse of political structures in the late MB
commercial agent and the shortages of highly-valued did not bring about the collapse of Canaanite civilization.
imported goods. Two alternative explanations are From most indications, cultural continuity was the rule -
plausible: in religious beliefs and cultic practice, in certain status
1. The Canaanite polities north of Sharuhen (Tell el-Ajjul) categories (such as the warrior), in mortuary practices, and
may have transferred their allegiance to the Eighteenth in material culture attributes such as architecture, pottery
Dynasty rulers (Hoffmeier 1989: 190). These polities may, traditions, metal utensils and the like. The death of
by this time, have undergone 'dynastic substitution' and Canaanite civilization occurred some 1000 years later, its
political reorganization following revolt. foundations first chipped away by the highly centralized
2. The Egyptians themselves made incursions into Canaan, cultic and administrative institutions of the Iron Age, with
not solely for the purpose of vengeance and booty the final demise brought about by. population exchanges
(Weinstein 1981), but to depose a recalcitrant (or under the Assyrians and Babylonians and the destruction
overcharging) Canaanite elite and replace it with a more of the First Temple (cE. Yoffee 1988 for a concurrent and
malleable partner.
similar process in Mesopotamia).
In any case, there is much to read between the lines of the
few inconclusive Egyptian texts that depict the ejection and
pursuit of the Hyksos and the transfer of power in Egypt.
The end of the Middle Bronze Age in the northern part Acknowledgements
of the country may have occurred at a different pace and
been effected by different factors. Tels Dan, Kabri, Akko, The author wishes to thank the editor, Tom Levy, for his
Nahariyah and Hazor, for example, were all destroyed invitation to participate in this volume. I am beholden to
sometime within the 1600-1480 BC horizon (Weinstein Levy, Graham Philip and Aharon Kempinski for their
1981: 2-5); the archaeological data precludes greater critical review of the manuscript for this chapter. Oral
temporal precision. Most of these urban centers seem to discussions with the participants of the San Diego
have been resettled, perhaps immediately, but the small symposium should also be credited for guidance. It is clear
MB sites known from the hills of Galilee were abandoned. that we have much to debate, but the requirements of
A social implosion sparked by drought is the preferred conciseness precluded more comprehensive treatments of
explanation, with the Egyptian connection playing a lesser several key issues raised by readers. In any case,
role. Hazor in particular, continued to be of a size, and to responsibility for the final text is my own.
Figure 1.1 Various types of MB rampart fortification.
Adapted from Kempinslci 1992b and Kaplan 1975
---..,
----
Figure 2.1 Frequent MB tomb and bural types: (a) rock-carved tomb, (b) masonry chamber tomb, (c) masonry cis! tomb, (d) jar
burial of an infant or fetus.
19
ON THE EDGE OF EMPIRES - LATE
BRONZE AGE (1 500 - 1200 BCE)
Shlomo Bunimovitz
M editerranean
Sea
Tel Geri sa
Tel AvivO·
Jaffa.
Yavneh-Yam.
Tel Batash-:;- -----,
Rafia h.
the Eighteenth Dynasty. It has also been claimed that the Age seems to be a continuous process, which had already
geographical-chronological pattern of the destructions begun at the end of the seventeenth century BCE and
points to the southern and inland regions of Palestine as the lasted to the end of the sixteenth century BCE. The early
principle centres of Hyksos power outside the Nile Delta destructions, and at least some of the later ones, may
(Weinstein 1981: 1-10). However, a careful examination of therefore be related to internal instability and conflicts
the transitional Middle Bronze-Late Bronze Age strata in rather than to Egyptian military campaigns (see also
many sites (Bunimovitz 1989: Chapter 1) reveals that Kenyon 1979: 180; Kempinski 1983: 222- 3; Bienkowski
destruction layers from the end of the seventeenth and the 1986: 128). It should be remembered that many Middle
beginning of the sixteenth centuries BCE were arbitrarily Bronze sites were surrounded by huge earthen ramparts,
related to Ahmose or his successors, thus subjugating the sometimes crowned by walls. These were interpreted as
archaeological facts to as yet vague historical data formidable fortifications erected as defenses against a
concerning Egyptian involvement in Palestine prior to potential external threat - in anticipation of Egyptian
Thothmes ill's early fifteenth century BCE campaigns (for emancipation from the Hyksos rule and concomitant
the current debate about the interpretation of the Egyptian assaults on the Hyksos 'backup systems' in Canaan
texts vis-a-vis the archaeological data see Hoffmeier 1991: (Dever 1985). However, as a social phenomenon
Dever 1990; Weinstein 1991 and bibliography there). (Bunimovitz 1992; Finkelstein 1992) already emerging
In fact, the destructions present no discernible pattern during the Middle Bronze I (KenyonlDever terminology,
and the settlement crisis at the end of the Middle Bronze see Window 1 p. 330), the defenses (better termed 'earth-
On the Edge of Empires - Late Bronze Age (1500-1200 BCE) 323
SETTLEMENT RANK
interaction (i.e., compebbon over natural and human culmination of a 'natural', continuous recovery process
resources; warfare) between the peer polities that shared spanning the fifteenth to fourteenth centuries BCE (contra
the Central Hill country may explain the chronic insecurity Gonen 1984), but rather a unique change related to
and instability in this region as well as the 'domino effect' cultural processes which characterized the last phase of
which marked the collapse there (d. Renfrew and Cherry Egyptian dominance in Canaan (below).
1986). Concomitandy, the disintegration of the large Another important issue concerning settlement patterns
southern Coastal Plain polity can be reasonably explained and sociocultural change in Late Bronze Age Canaan is the
by the destruction of its political and administrative relative share and importance of different sectors in the
'capital' - Sharuhen. settlement hierarchy. According to recent claims the Late
Bronze Age was a time of dramatic weakening of the urban
fabric and a shift from urban centers to dispersed, small
SeHlement paHerns
rural communities (Gonen 1984; London 1989). However,
It is now well established that the most powerful class of a close inspection of Middle Bronze ID/Late Bronze
data in sociocultural explanations is settlement pattern. settlement data, including information about rural
This may be taken as a material manifestation of the entire settlements located in recent field surveys, renders a
mode of production, and as shown above, of the social and different interpretation of the evidence. Though it is true
political organization. An examination of the Late Bronze that many of the large urban centers which formed the
Age settlement pattern in Palestine (see Figure 1) and any backbone of settlement in Middle Bronze Age Canaan
changes to it is, therefore, essential for a better dramatically diminished in size, it should be emphasized
understanding of society in this period. However, that they remained urban in character.
traditional approaches to the subject were qualitative and Urbanism in the Late Bronze Age was, therefore,
accompanied by an implicit assumption that the Late different in scale and appearance, and the period's
Bronze Age settlement pattern remained stagnant for settlement data obviously needs its own set of concepts and
almost 400 years. Gonen's (1984) quantitative study of cultural criteria (other than size) for determining the
Late Bronze settlement data was therefore a breakthrough, function of sites. Separating the Middle Bronze m and Late
but due to its limited data base and methodological Bronze settlements into 'urban' and 'rural' sectors,
drawbacks (e.g., lack of regionality, chronological according to their respective sets of criteria, clearly
ambiguity, etc.), a more detailed analysis based on a demonstrates that despite the dramatic settlement crisis at
larger data base seemed imperative (Bunimovitz 1989: the end of the Middle Bronze Age each sector kept its
Chapter 3). According to data gathered from excavations relative share within the overall number of sites and the
and surveys all over western Palestine, the minimum total settled area. Obviously then, Palestine was no less
number of Middle Bronze m sites is estimated at 550, urban in the Late Bronze Age than during the preceding
presumably not all of them contemporaneous. Breaking the period. However, further elaboration of these conclusions
settlement map into subregions and examining the change by an analysis of the regional urban/rural distributions of
in site number in each of them confirms the well known settlement sites brings into relief an essential social
country-wide decrease in number of settlements during the difference between the two periods. While in the Middle
Middle Bronze-Late Bronze transition, and discloses few Bronze Age a few large urban centers dominated a wide
distinct patterns of recovery during the rest of the period. rural hinterland, the moderate Late Bronze Age cities
However, the full meaning of these patterns becomes controlled a much diminished rural sector. Indeed, during
clear only when one realizes the negative impact of current most of this period hardly any rural settlements existed in
terminological concepts on our understanding of settlement the highlands and in few other regions of the country.
processes in the Late Bronze Age. Thus, a perception of Thus, contrary to current hypotheses about peasant
time as a series of discrete successive units - each movements and revolts during the Late Bronze Age (e.g.,
possessing its unique cultural content - rather than a Mendenhall 1962; Gottwald 1979; Freedman and Graf
continuous flow (d. Plog 1973: 189), is imposed on the 1983), the dichotomy epitomizing social relations in this
material data from the end of the Late Bronze Age and period was not between city dwellers and peasants but
creates dichotomies such as Late BronzeJIron Age I, between the sedentary (especially the sparse urban elite)
CanaaniteslIsraelites, HighlandslLowlands. The result is an and non-sedentary sectors of the population (below).
artificial splitting up of coherent and continuous cultural
processes between the Late Bronze and Iron I periods (d.
Politico-economic change
Ussishkin 1985; Kempinski 1985; London 1989). In light
of this insight, it is evident that many new settlements were In a series of recent studies, the paradox of both prosperity
established in most of the country's regions mainly during and decline reflected in the Late Bronze Age material
the thirteenth and twelfth centuries BCE. But it must be culture from Palestine has been addressed and debated
emphasized that this settlement growth was not the (Bienkowski 1986: 136-55, 1989; Knapp 1989a~ 1989b).
On the Edge of Empires - Late Bronze Age (J 500- J200 BCE} 325
n ....
, .. t1-
··· ..."
[d .·
-
4
• •
~ ~f
, r
7
~om
•
U 10m
~
Figure 5 Late Bronze Age temples (1, 3-5. Hazar, 2. Tel Mevorakh,
F'lgure 4 Late Bronze Age palaces (1-2. Megiddol, patrician houses 6. Megiddo, 7, 8. Beth-Shean, 9. Lachish)
(3-4. Tel Batash, 5. Tel HaUfl and 'Governors' Residencies' 16. Beth-
Shean, 7. Tell e~Faroh (5), 8. Tel Aphek) Knapp's explanation for the Late Bronze Age material
culture decline in Palestine (1989a, 1989b, 1992b, 1992c)
How can the demographic and settlement crisis, analyzed is couched in a more holistic approach to the politico-
above, as well as the gradual degeneration in certain economic structure of the country and its changes during
aspects of the period's material culture (Albright 1960: the Middle Bronze ll-Late Bronze II periods. In his
101; Kenyon 1979: 199-200; Bienkowski 1986: 110-11, opinion, the Egyptian conquest of Canaan, and especially
150-2, 1989: 59; Knapp 1989a: 136-42) be reconciled Thothmes m's administrative and military policy, altered
with the remains of elaborate palaces and patrician houses the politico-economic and material base of the southern
(Figure 4; Oren 1992), temples (Figure 5; Mazar 1992: Levant profoundly: the formerly' independent, economic-
169-83) and graves (Gonen 1992)? And how can one ally-competitive polities became imperially dominated
explain the rich assemblages of Cypriot and Mycenaean vassal city-states. Furthermore, the Middle Bronze Age
pottery (Plate 1; Gittlen 1981; Leonard 1981) and other complex network of hierarchical settlements and markets,
important or locally-made luxury items (ivories, jewelry, dendritic rural hinterland and presumed gateway
faience vessels, etc.; Plate 2) unearthed in many Late communities (see Dan this volume, Chapter 18) had
Bronze governmental, religious and funerary contexts in collapsed, leaving behind a few urban centers to function
terms of the cultural impoverishment envisaged? as nodes on the caravan routes of a major international
Two hypotheses have been put forward in order to trade system extending from western Asia to the eastern
answer these questions. According to Bienkowski (1986: Mediterranean. During both periods, however, power
137-56, 1989), the main causes of decline in Late Bronze relations ensured the flow of subsistence goods and luxury
Age Canaan were the diversion of resources to pay for the items into urban centers. But whereas peripheral Middle
upkeep of the Egyptian colonial administration and the Bronze areas had retained sufficient wealth to ensure their
Egyptian control of trade. This decline, however, was livelihood, the Egyptian imperial demands on Late Bronze
localized due to the nature of Egyptian colonial presence: Age polities - aimed at extracting maximum possible
while key strategic areas under direct Egyptian control tribute with the minimum effort - may have exceeded the
(mainly the densely populated Coastal Plain and northern productive capacities of all but the most resilient, seH-
valleys) flourished, the more marginal areas of Palestine sustaining urban centers. Thus, the archaeological record
and Transjordan (especially the hill regions) - not receiving reveals an apparent collapse - abandonment of villages
any substantial benefit from agricultural surpluses and and decline in many urban centers - as well as prosperity
trade profits - were in economic recession. in other urban centers.
326 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Shlomo Bunimovitz
are identifiable, and by employing both a variety of
documentary sources (the Amarna Letters; other Egyptian
texts; biblical descriptions of Israelite tribal allotments) and
archaeological data, their territories were ingeniously
delineated by Na'aman (1986a, 1988, 1992). This
reconstructed politico-territorial map brings into relief
two interesting spatial qualities:
Plate 2 An ivory plaque from the late Bronze Age palace at Megiddo (© Israel Antiqui~es Authority)
Introduction 2-3; Tadmor 1966). For nearly 600 years, during most of
the Iron Age, these five cities - Ashdod, Ashkelon, Ekron
Mycenae ee1iryns
Pylose
it was an overland route, spatial-temporal distribution of Bronze Age, all of the Myc mc wares found in the Levant in
the material culture should indicate the path and direction the early Iron Age were made of local clays. (An exception
of large-scale migrations. If migration was by sea, then it to this may be the few possible imports of Myc mc pottery
must be demonstrated that the immigrants had the requisite
found at Beth Shan and at Tell Keisan.) When Myc mc
shipping technology and transport capacity for such
maritime movements of peoples and belongings. The only pottery from Ashdod or Ekron in Philistia or from Kition,
terrestrial traces of such sea movements, if they were Enkomi, or Palaeopaphos in Cyprus was tested by neutron
hostile, might be a series of coastal predations and activation, the results were always the same: it was made
destructions along the route and at successful beachheads. from the local clays (Asaro, Perlman and Dothan 1971;
Perlman, Asaro and Friedman 1971; Gunneweg et a1. 1986;
Of the archaeological remains left by the Sea Peoples, their Asaro and Perlman 1973). That this locally manufactured
pottery, when properly understood, has a most expressive pottery was not the product of a few Mycenaean potters or
·tale to tell about the origins of its makers, and about the their workshops, brought from abroad to meet indigenous
events and processes by which they settled in new demands for Mycenaean cooking pots and coarse deep
territories. bowls as well as decorated wares, seems clear from the large
quantities of decorated pottery found at coastal sites from
Pottery Tarsus to Ashkelon (Stager 1985a: 62, 64, n.37). At Ibn
Hani and Ekron, locally-made Mycenaean pottery
constitutes at least half of the ceramic repertoire (T.
Mycenaean IItC: Jb (hereafter Myc IItC), or Sea
Dothan 1994; J. and E. Lagarce 1981); at Ashdod, ca 30
Peoples'Monochrome (hereafter SPM) Stage = percent (M. Dothan 1989; M. Dothan et a1. 1967, 1971,
J of Sea Peoples' Settlement
1982); whereas local Levantine ('Canaanite') pottery in the
Decorated wares are painted in a single color, usually black, form of store jars, juglets, bowls, lamps and cooking pots
with simple horizontal bands, spirals, streamers, loops, makes up the remainder of the assemblage.
birds, and fish. Forms of this decorated pottery are mostly The appearance in quantity of Myc mc in Cyprus and
kraters, bell-shaped bowls (large and small), carinated the Levant heralds the arrival of the Sea Peoples, whose
bowls witn strap handles, stirrup jars, and jugs with strainer predations are recorded in the famous account of Ramesses
spouts (Figure 3: 11-23, 25-34, 38-49). Plain wares of III of 1175 BCE. It characterizes Stage I of the Philistine
exotic type include a deep bowl, known as a kalathos in settlement in the southern coastal plain of Canaan. The
Greek (Figure 3: 20) and a one-handled cooking jug (Figure notion that Myc IIIC ware does not appear until after
3: 19). All of these pottery types, both plain and decorated, Ramesses III (Ussishkin 1985) would mean a 3D-year
originated in the world of the Mycenaean Greeks (see T. hiatus between destruction and resettlement in Philistia,
and M . Dothan 1992; and T. Dothan 1994). Syria, Cyprus and elsewhere. It is inconceivable that
But, unlike the imported Myc mB pottery of the Late Philistia and that stretch of the Via Maris remained
The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan (1185 -1050 BCE} 335
unoccupied during Ramesses m's long reign (1182-1151), elaborate Bichrome represent changes in the potting
especially since he invested the surrounding area (see tradition of the Philistines two or three generations after
Figure 2). The sequence of cultural change is replicated at their arrival in southern Canaan. The eclectic style of
the three Pentapolis sites - Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Ekron. Bichrome pottery resulted, not from a period of peregrina-
There new settlements characterized by Myc mc pottery tions about the Mediterranean during the decades between
were built upon the charred ruins of the previous Late Merenptah and Ramesses m, but from a process of
Bronze Age n Canaanite, or Egypto-Canaanite, cities. The Philistine acculturation involving the adaptation and
layout and organization of these new cities is far from absorption of many traditions to be found among the
clear; however, what is known about them suggests that various peoples living in Canaan. This acculturation process
their founders had a radically different concept of a city continued among the Philistines throughout their nearly
from that of the Canaanites. Philistine cities were also 600-year history in Palestine (Stone 1993; Gitin 1992).
much larger than those they replaced. Later, this new As one moves from core to periphery in the decades
urban concept and its impact on the landscape will be following Stage 1, the material culture of the Philistines
discussed under the rubric 'urban imposition' (see below). shows evidence of spatial and temporal 'distancing' from
the original templates and concepts. Failure to understand
this acculturation process has led to the inclusion of
Philistine 8ichrome = Stage 2 of Philistine
questionable items in the Philistine corpus of material
Settlement
culture remains (for example, the anthropoid coffins), or
This distinctive ware, painted with red and black worse, to a denial of a distinct core of Philistine cultural
decoration (Figure 3: 1-9; Plate 1), represents a regional remains, just two or three generations after their arrival in
style that developed after the Philistines had lived for a Canaan, at the beginning of Stage 2, ca. 1150 BCE
generation or two in Canaan (A. Mazar 1985; Stager (Bunimovitz 1990).
1985a, 1991; Singer 1985). To the basic Mycenaean forms
already in their repertoire, they added other ones from
Absolute chronology
Canaan and Cyprus (Figure 3: 1, 4-5, 8-9; see T. Dothan
1982, Ch. 3), as well as decorative motifs from Egypt (such The stratigraphically controlled ceramic sequence of Myc
as the floral pattern in Figure 3: 1). Bichrome technique TIIB, followed by Myc mc, followed by a brief overlap of
had been known in Canaan since the Late Bronze Age I. A SPM and Philistine Bichrome, followed by Philistine
variant of the bichrome tradition developed in Phoenicia Bichrome alone has been recapitulated at all of the
and in Palestine (e.g. at Ashkelon) in the Late Bronze Age Pentapolis sites which have been excavated - Ashdod,
n, where it was later absorbed into the Philistine repertoire. Ashkelon and Ekron. This sequence can be dated very
Philistine Bichrome ware was once considered the precisely because of the synchronisms which can be
hallmark of the first Philistines to reach the Levant, early in established with Egypt (for absolute dates, see Wente and
the reign of Ramesses m (T. Dothan 1982; Brug 1985). An van Siclen 1976). However, these datable Egyptian objects
earlier contingent of Sea Peoples fought with the Libyans must be used with discretion; usually they provide only a
against the Egyptian Pharaoh Merenptah (1212-1202), but terminus post (not ante) quem.
the Philistines were not among them. This pre-Philistine Myc TIIB pottery was once thought to terminate with
group, or 'first wave' of Sea Peoples, supposedly brought the Ramesses n (1279-1212), until a sword bearing the
Myc mc potting traditions to the shores of Canaan, where cartouche of his son Merenptah (1212-1202) was found in
they founded the first cities on exactly the same sites later the final destruction of Ugarit, where Myc TIIB was
identified with the Philistine Pentapolis (M. Dothan 1989, abundant and Myc mc did not appear. Two large
1993a; T. Dothan 1989; T. and M. Dothan 1992). It seems Egyptian jars inscribed with the cartouches of Seti n
highly unlikely that the pre-Philistine group with Mono- (1199-1193) (Oren 1993c: 1390), discovered in the
chrome pottery was displaced by the later Philistine group fortress of Haruba in northeastern Sinai, and a faience vase
with Bichrome pottery at each of the Pentapolis sites. with the cartouche of Tewosret (1193-1185), from Deir
It is obvious from the battle reliefs of Merenptah that Alia in the central Jordan Valley, were found in contexts
Ashkelon, seaport of the Pentapolis, was inhabited by with Myc mB pottery. The vase must date to ca 1186-
Canaanites, not Sea Peoples, during the reign of Merenptah 1185, since she became pharaoh only during the last two
(Figure 3: 57; Stager 1985a, 1991; Yurco 1986). The years of her reign.
simplest explanation is that the confederation of Sea The lower date for the final appearance of Myc TIIB
Peoples, including the Philistines, mentioned in texts and pottery was recendy confirmed by another synchronism
depicted in reliefs of Ramesses m (Figure 3: 52-5) were the between Egypt and the Levant. Shordy before the final
bearers of Myc mc pottery. The first generation of destruction of Ugarit, a Syrian named Baya or Bay, 'chief
Philistines to settle in Canaan made Myc mc pottery. The of the bodyguard of pharaoh of Egypt', sent a letter in
developments in style from simple Monochrome to more Akkadian (RS 86.2230) to Ammurapi, the last King of
336 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Lawrence E. Stager
<SiP Anthropoid coffins
;Qj Egyptian fortress/reide ncy
H Egyptian Hieratic Insc rip tion
R Ramesses III Monume nt/Cartou ch e
~ Sea Peoples Monochrome IMyc. III C: l b) Abundant
Philistine Bichrome Abundant
o Philistine Penta polis
" Sea Peoples beachead
Sikils
50
kilometers
I "~(')or
Mediterranean
Sea
Ugarit (Freu 1988; Hoffner 1992). Baya served under both Dateline: Year 8 under the Majesty of Ramesses ill (1175
Siptah (1193-1187) and Tewosret (1193-1185). His letter BC): ' ... The foreign countries [Sea Peoples] made a
arrived at Ugarit while Myc mB pottery was still in use. conspiracy in their islands. All at once the lands were
Myc mc pottery does not appear there because the Sea removed and scattered in the fray. No land could stand
before their arms, from Hatti, Kode [Cilicia], Carchemish,
Peoples did not occupy the site after they destroyed it. In
Arzawa and Alashiya [Cyprus] on, being cut off at [one
fact, Ugarit lay deserted for the next seven centuries (Yon time] . A camp [was set up] in one place in Arnor
1992). However, at nearby Ibn Hani, the Sea Peoples built [Amurru] . They desolated its people, and its land was like
over the charred remains, containing Myc mB ware, of the that which has never come into being. They were coming
seaside palace of the Ugaritian king. More than half of the forward toward Egypt, while the flame was prepared
ceramic yield from their new settlement was Myc. mc before them. Their confederation [of Sea Peoples] was the
pottery (Lagarce 1982; Lagarce and Lagarce 1981), a Philistines, Tjeker [=Sikils], Shekelesh, Denye(n) and
proportion comparable to that of Stage 1 settlements in Weshesh lands united'.
Philistia (see below) . Thus the final destruction of Ugarit,
as well as many other coastal cities in the eastern
The sea route of migration
Mediterranean, occurred only a decade or so before the
summary of events recorded by Ramesses m (1182-1151) The Sea Peoples established beachheads all along the
in his much cited 'War Against the Peoples of the Sea' shores of the eastern Mediterranean and on the coastlands
(Wilson 1969a: 262): of Cyprus. The route which the newcomers took to the
The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan (1185 - 1050 BCE) 337
1050 BC
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340 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Lawrence E. Stager
f~c·----,,--·--rr----'----,~~----~·~.---.~.~. ---,
,
I.
I
-,,'
Ashdod
Ekron
only one departure scene prior to the land battle and then
only one victory celebration following the sea battle. From
this Bietak concludes that 'both encounters occurred in
close proximity, one after the other, most probably near
the mouth of the easternmost branch of the Nile'. Thus the
Sea Peoples were threatening the Egyptians, not in distant
Amurru, but at the very entrance to Egypt. If the Philistines
had already established themselves in southern Canaan
before the battle recorded in 1175 BCE, the chariotry and
ox-carts involved in the battle for the Egyptian Delta could
have been supplied from their base in southern Canaan.
These terrestrial vehicles would not, then, provide evidence
for a long overland trek of Sea Peoples via Anatolia into
the Levant, as usually supposed. Their migration was by
war- and transport ships.
Further proof for the supposed Egyptian dominance
over Canaan and the subjugation of the Sea Peoples was
gleaned from Papyrus Harris I, lxxvi 6-10 (Wilson 1969a:
262):
However, it is not clear from this text that any of the Sea
Peoples taken as prisoners of war were garrisoned in
Egyptian fortresses in Canaan (Bietak 1993: 300).
The view that Ramesses III reasserted Egyptian
hegemony over Canaan and settled Philistines as garrison
troops was thought to gain archaeological support from
the clay anthropoid coffins found at such Egyptian Plate 2 Ashdod. Cloy offering stand with musicians playing out of
strongholds as Beth Shan, Tell Fara (S), and Lachish windows in the model shrine (courtesy of The Israel Museum, Jerusalem/
(Albright 1932a, 1975: 509; T. Dothan 1957, 1982; photograph: David Harris)
Wright 1966). At Tell Fara (S) in Cemetery 500, large
bench tombs with anthropoid clay sarcophagi, Egyptian
artifacts and Philistine Bichrome pottery led the excavator, contained dozens of these clay coffins, dating from a
Sir Flinders Petrie, to conclude that these were the century or two before the Sea Peoples had arrived en masse
sepulchres of the 'five lords [seranim] of the Philistines'. in Canaan (for a different interpretation see, T. Dothan
Others assumed Cypriot and Aegean prototypes for the 1979: 98-104) .
bench tombs themselves (Waldbaum 1966; d. Stiebing From the Middle Kingdom to the Roman period,
1970). One of the clay coffin lids from Beth Shan bore the anthropoid clay coffins were used to bury Egyptians, both
design of a 'feathered' headdress (Figure 3: 51), which was at home and abroad. There is no reason to make the Early
compared with those worn by the Philistines, Denyen, and Iron Age I exemplar exceptions to this practice (Kuchman
Sikils depicted on the wall reliefs of Medinet Habu (Figure 1977/78) . For Egyptians, burial in Egypt was the ideal.
3: 52-5; T. Dothan [1957, 1982] thought the Beth Shan However, as the New Kingdom empire expanded and
coffins contained Philistines; Oren [1973], Denyen or more Egyptian troops were stationed abroad, whether in
Danunians). Canaan or Nubia, returning every Egyptian corpse to the
The notion that Iron Age I anthropoid coffins were used homeland became impracticable. Egyptians who had to
to bury Sea Peoples mercenaries was dealt a decisive blow forego this ideal practice could at least be buried abroad in
by excavations in the cemetery of Deir el-Balah, which suitable containers, such as anthropoid clay coffins.
342 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Lawrence E. Stager
H further evidence were needed to reclaim anthropoid Inland along the northern border, some 20 km to the
clay coffins for Egyptians, it comes from an inscribed east, lay Ekron (Tel Miqne). There the Philistines
sarcophagus found in Tomb 570 at Lachish (Figure 3: 50). encountered a small Canaanite city (Str. vm, Field I) of
Beside the Egyptian deities Isis and Nephthys depicted on four ha and destroyed it in an intense conflagration (Gitin
the coffin is an inscription which has been variously and T. Dothan 1993; T. Dothan and Gitin 1994). Over its
labeled Egyptian pseudo-hieroglyphs or Philistine gibberish ruins and beyond, the Philistines built a city five times
(Wright 1966; T. Dothan 1957, 1982; Weinstein 1992). larger than the old Canaanite one. Their new city (Str. VII)
But this interpretation of the text is unwarranted. As Sir was protected by massive mudbrick fortifications from
Alan Gardiner recognized. in the original publication without, and organized on a grand scale from within (see
(Tufnell 1958: PI. 46), the Lachish coffin text reads as a below; and Figure 4). Ekron VII yielded large quantitites of
perfectly good Egyptian funerary inscription: 'Thou givest SPM (Figure 3: 11-23). Northeast of Ekron stood Gezer
water [a traditional mortuary offering] (of the) West [the (Dever 1993). The Canaanite city (Str. XV) was destroyed
region of the dead] to the majesty (of) thy [...J' by fire at the end of the Late Bronze Age, either by the
(Egyptologists Klaus Baer and Edward Wente indepen- Philistines or by Merenptah. Whatever the case, Gezer (Str.
dently translated the Lachish coffin text just as Gardiner XIV), with no evidence of SPM, was rebuilt during the
had read it.) reign of Ramesses mas an Egypto-Canaanite counterforce
Thus the most parsimonious hypothesis is to conclude to Ekron. A faience vase bearing the cartouches of
that anthropoid sarcophagi found in Canaan in the Late Ramesses m belonged originally to this city (T. Dothan
Bronze and the Iron I periods belonged to Egyptians 1982: 52, n.153 and 220, Fig. 2). Philistine Bichrome
stationed there, and they have nothing to do with Sea pottery appears later in Gezer Str. XIll-XI (Dever 1993),
Peoples and their burial customs. When properly attributed, during Stage 2.
the coffins become important artifacts in determining At Ashkelon, on the Mediterranean coast between
cultural and political boundaries between Philistia and Ashdod and Gaza, the Philistines built their seaport. Either
Canaanite territory under Egyptian hegemony. Merenptah or, more probably, the Philistines destroyed the
During Stage 1 the Philistines carved out a major piece Late Bronze Age city there (Stager 1985a; 1993). Egyptian
of territory for themselves in southern Canaan at the policy was to garrison and control, not eradicate, the
expense of the Canaanites and their overlords the Canaanite population (Figure 3: 57). During Stage 1 the
Egyptians. The boundaries of this territory can be new port must have extended along the coast for almost a
roughly demarcated by plotting those settlements with kilometer and occupied an area of 50-60 ha. SPM was
large quantities (25 percent or more) of Myc mc pottery found in fills sealed by the earliest Philistine rampart on
(for the method and a superb synthesis of the sources, see the north (Figure 4, Grid 2) and in occupational layers 900
Bietak 1993). Within this rectangular coastal strip, ca 20 m to the south (in Grid 50 of the Leon Levy Expedition
km wide and 50 km long, or ca 1000 km2 (Figure 2; Singer and in Grid 57 from Phythian-Adams' trench, City VI).
1994), the Philistines located their five major cities at key The arc of earthen ramparts (glacis-type construction built
positions along the perimeter. In contrast to the Egyptians, over the Middle Bronze Age ones; Plate 3) was fortified at
the Philistines did not dominate their new territory by the northern crest by two large mudbrick towers linked by
establishing military garrisons in the midst of Canaanite a mudbrick curtain wall (Plate 4). This fortification system
population centers (d. Brug 1985). Rather, the Philistines was built in early Iron Age II. Opposite Ashkelon, ca 30
completely destroyed the Egypto-Canaanite centers before km to the east, Ramesses m established another Egyptian
building their new cities on the smouldering ruins of the control center at Lachish (City VI). There an Egyptian-
old ones. Theirs was a wholesale takeover and occupation inspired temple, hieratic bowl inscriptions recording taxes
that must have resulted in the extirpation or displacement paid to the Egyptians, a large bronze gate fitting inscribed
.of many of the Late Bronze Age inhabitants there. with the name of Ramesses m, and two anthropoid coffins
In the northwest comer of their new territory, the attest to the Egyptian garrison there (Ussishkin 1985).
Philistines burnt to the ground the large Egyptian fortress Hardly a trace of Philistine Bichrome pottery has been
at Tel Mor and the neighboring city of Ashdod (Str. XIV). found at Lachish.
Over the ruins of Ashdod they built a new city (Str. XIIIB) The eastern boundary of Philistia during Stage 1 can be
of eight ha or more (d. M. Dothan 1989, 1993a; M. established along a 50 km line running from Ekron to Tel
Dothan and Porath 1993, where Ashdod XIIIB is Haror (Tell Abu-Hureirah) in the southeast comer (Figure
attributed to an 'early wave' of Sea Peoples, not the 2). At Haror, 20 km inland from Gaza, the Philistines
Philistines). Ashdod XIIIB produced large amounts of SPM devastated the Late Bronze Age city (Str. K3 and B7).
(Figure 3: 25-34). To counter this new Philistine city of Much Egyptian and some Myc IIIB pottery lay smashed in
Ashdod, the Egyptians rebuilt, on a smaller scale, the its destruction debris. As at the Pentapolis sites, a new
fortress at Tel Mor, where Egyptian pottery was abundant Philistine settlement, characterized by SPM, rose above the
(M. Dothan 1993b). ruins of the former Egypto-Canaanite center. In a
The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan (1185 - 1050 BCE) 343
Plate 3 Ashkelon on the Mediterranean. Oblique aerial view, looking north. Arc of earthen ramparts enclose 60 hectare seaport in Bronze and
Iron Ages (courtesy of Richard Cleave)
subsequent phase (B4-2), when both Monochrome and and Bichrome pottery. The main obstacle to this identifi-
Bichrome pottery were in use, 25 percent of the pottery cation is the apparent small size of the Philistine settlement,
discarded in refuse pits was Philistine decorated wares a matter which the ongoing excavations there should be
(Oren 1993a). Just across the border opposite Haror was able to resolve.
another Egyptian center at Tell esh-Shariah (Tel Sera'). Regardless of the identification, it seems clear that
There in Str. IX a large Egyptian administrative building, or Haror was inside and Shariah was outside Philistine
governor's residency (Building 906; Oren 1984), several territory during Stage 1; but both were within the Philistine
hieratic bowl inscriptions (Goldwasser 1984), and Egyptian domain during Stage 2.
pottery attest to Ramesses Ill's containment policy. In the southwest corner of Philistia lay Gaza, a major
During Stage 2, the Egyptians abandoned Shariah and it outpost and caravan city of the Egyptians, which must
became a Philistine city (Str. VlII). Shariah is probably to have been taken over by the Philistines during Stage 1.
be identified with biblical Ziklag (Oren 1993b). Ziklag was Unfortunately the limited excavations that were made there
subject to Achish, ruler of Gath, who gave this country have revealed little or nothing of the character of the
town to his sometime servant David and his band of 600 Egyptian and Philistine cities. However, it seems unlikely
men in exchange for their loyalty (1 Sam. 27-9). Achish's that Philistia extended south of· the Wadi Gaza, or Nahal
capital (and Goliath's home town) is usually located at Tell Besor, during Stage 1. Probably this wadi is to be identified
es-Safi (B. Mazar 1992). However, its proximity to Ekron, with the 'Brook of Egypt', which divided Canaan from
its distance from Ziklag, and the apparent absence of SPM Egypt (Singer 1994 and citations; d. Josh. 13: 3). To
(although T. Dothan will soon publish a vessel which protect his northern frontier, Ramesses III built a
seems to be Myc IIIC) make this identification unlikely. It formidable fortress and residency at Tell Fara (S) (Oren
seems more probable that Gath was strategically located in 1984; T. Dothan 1982). This fortified center must have
the southeast corner of Philistia (d. the arguments of remained in Egyptian hands throughout much of the
Wright 1966) during Stage 1, not far from its dependency Ramesside era, well into Stage 2, as the sequence of tombs
Ziklag during Stage 2. If so, the most plausible candidate with anthropoid clay coffins, Egyptian artifacts, and
for Gath is Tel Haror, with both Philistine Monochrome Philistine Bichrome pottery attest.
344 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Fonnation of the Biblical World * Lawrence E. Stager
Phi listia have revealed few Iron Age settlements in the
countryside. During Stage 1 most of the Philistines,
including farmers and herders, lived in the five major cities
(A. Mazar 1988: 253). Because of that demographic
concentration it is possible to make a fairly reliable
population estimate for the period 1175-1150 BCE. The
total occupied area of the Penta polis would be minimally
ca 100 ha, which, when converted at the rate of 250
persons per ha (Stager 1985b), would indicate a total of
25,000 inhabitants. To attain this initial population so
soon after arrival, boatload after boatload of Philistines,
along with their families, livestock and belongings, must
have arrived in southern Canaan during Stage 1. By the
beginning of Stage 2, natural growth more than doubled
the Philistine population and fueled their expansion in all
directions (Figure 2), until by the latter half of the eleventh
century BCE, they had become a menace even to the
Israelites in the highlands to the east.
Economy
In their new home in southern Canaan, the Philistines had
all of the natural and cultural resources to become a
formidable maritime and agrarian power. They had the sea
for fishing and shipping; and behind it lay a rich
breadbasket as well as an oil and wine cask. They lacked a
good supply of timber and had no metal resources. Early in
Stage 1 they were obviously receiving both through their
trading activities.
Plate 4 Ashkelon. North slope romparts a nd Philistine mud brick The Philistines also brought some changes to the region
towers at crest (upper right beh ind range rod) (courtesy of Leon Levy through their animal husbandry. In addition to their flocks
Expedition/photograph: Carl And rews) of sheep and goats, by far the most common domestic
livestock among the Canaanites and the Israelites, the
By tracing the cultural boundaries around the 1000 km 2 Philistines specialized in cattle- and hog-raising (Hesse
that constituted Philistia, the contrast between the territory 1986). Most interesting is the sharp increase in pig
controlled by the Philistine Penta polis - characterized by production and consumption during Iron Age I in Philistia:
the presence of Myc IIIC pottery and the absence of Ashkelon (23 percent, but the sample is small), Ekron (18
Egyptian monuments, buildings and artifacts - and that percent), and Timnah (Tel Batash, 8.0 percent) (Hesse
controlled by the Egyptians under Ramesses III could not 1986 and in press). In contrast, pigs were extremely rare
be more sharply demarcated. Rather than a resurgent or completely absent in Iron Age I highland villages,
Egypt at the height of its imperial power, with Ramesses III usually considered to be Israelite: Ai and Raddana (absent;
dominating all of Canaan through his military might and pers. communication Z. Lederman), Mt. Ebal (absent),
subjugating the hapless Philistines (Singer 1994), there was Shiloh (0.1 percent) (Hellwing et al. in Finkelstein et al.
a new and formidable foreign power which carved out an 1994: 330). There can be little doubt that these differences
independent territory right up to the traditional frontier of in pig production and consumption have more to do with
Egypt. All that Egypt could do was to adopt a defensive culture than ecology. The Mycenaeans and later Greeks
posture in an attempt to contain the Philistines within a had a positive attitude towards swine and a preference for
cordon sanitaire. This containment policy lasted until the pork in the diet. The Philistines brought that preference
death of Ramesses III in 1151. with them to Canaan in the 12th century. Probably at that
time during the biblical 'Period of Judges', the pork taboo
developed among the Israelites as they forged their identity
Demography
partly in contrast to their Philistine neighbors. Thus during
Demographic changes, including population increase, help Iron Age I the pig becomes a distinctive cultural marker,
explain the expansionist policies of the Philistines a few just as circumcision was, between Philistine and Israelite.
decades after their arrival. Archaeological surveys of Not only did the Philistines control a vital stretch of the
The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan (1185-1050 BCE, 345
coastal road, once known as the Ways of Horus, but they centuries BCE. In addition, they attest to the importance of
and other Sea Peoples also soon took over the sealanes. viticulture and wine production during that era~
After some stability had been achieved in the eastern The inner coastal zone of Philistia, with its large rolling
Mediterranean, the Sea Peoples once again became traders fields and deep, fertile soils, was best suited to cereal and
rather than raiders. Shortly after landing, the Sikils built the olive cultivation. Its oil producers supplied not only
harbor at Dor. The eleventh-century Tale of Wen-Amon Philistia but also other parts of the Levant, and, of course,
makes clear that the Sea Peoples and the Phoenicians, not the biggest perennial consumer of all - Egypt. Ekron was
the Egyptians, commanded the ports and sealanes of the the undisputed oil capital of the country, if not the world,
eastern Mediterranean at that time (Wilson 1969b: 25-9 B. in the seventh century BCE (Gitin 1990). The outer belt of
Mazar 1986: 65-68). Trade with Cyprus was bustling in the Ekron, just inside the fortifications, was lined with more
eleventh century (Karageorghis 1982, 1992; Stem 1992); than 100 olive oil factories. The coast and interior of
and presumably Ashkelon was an active seaport once again, Philistia formed complementary zones for the production
exporting the traditional commodities of grain, wine, and of two of the most important cash crops of the Levant:
oil from Philistia to other parts of the Mediterranean. olive oil and wine.
Coastal Philistia, from north of Ashdod to south of
Gaza, was well suited to viticulture. Wine production
Urban imposition
reached its peak during the Byzantine era, when the wines
of Ashkelon and Gaza were known throughout the world These 'sackers of cities' from the Aegean, as Homer referred
(Johnson and Stager 1994). The sandy soils and warm, to them, were also great builders of cities. In Philistia, as
sunny climate produced many good wines, from the light elsewhere, they imposed a full-blown urban tradition on the
and palatable varieties from Ashkelon to the heavier ones landscape, quite different from the Canaanite patterns
from Gaza. In seventh century BCE Ashkelon, a royal which preceded them. It is the scope and effects of their
winery, with pressing rooms alternating with storerooms 'urban imposition' which provides additional reasons for
inside a very large ashlar building, occupied the same thinking that the Philistines were not a small military elite
central area where the Iron Age I public building had once who garrisoned the indigenous population but, rather, a
stood (see below; Figure 4, Grid 38). Similar Iron IT large and diverse group of settlers who transplanted many
winepresses were recently excavated near Ashdod. aspects of their old way of life and culture to a new locale.
Throughout modem history the Philistines have been The overview of the Pentapolis has shown that after the
maligned as uncouth, beer-guzzling louts. One of their beachhead, during the first generation of new immigrants,
most common pottery vessels is the jug with strainer spout the Philistines had successfully sited within the new
(Figure 3: 2), invariably, but unjustifiably, designated a territory each of their five major cities, taking maximum
'beer-jug' (Albright 1961). The ecology of Philistia favors advantage of their military, economic, and political
the production of grapes over barley. And, in fact, the potential. From a closer look at the recent excavations at
repertoire of Philistine decorated pottery, both Myc mc Ashkelon, Ashdod, and especially Ekron, it will also
and Bichrome, suggests that wine, not beer, was the become clear that the Philistines brought with them
beverage of choice. Kraters were popular among the templates of city planning and concepts of urban
Mycenaeans. The introduction of the krater, literally a organization that the peoples of Canaan had not
mixing bowl, to the Levant also marked the introduction experienced before. In addition, the Philistines brought
of the Greek (not Semitic) custom of mixing water with with them a whole range of human resources and
wine. The abundance of Iron Age I kraters in Philistia institutions to realize such organization. Behind the
compared with other parts of Canaan suggests that it archaeological residues of the Pentapolis one can detect,
remained predominately a Greek drinking habit during however faintly, the activities of a diverse community of
that period. Large bell-shaped bowls for serving wine and warriors, farmers, sailors, merchants, rulers, shamans,
small bell-shaped bowls or cups (Greek skypho;) for priests, artisans and architects.
drinking it were the two most popular forms of decorated
Philistine pottery (Figure 3 and Plate 1). The jug with
strainer spout, another popular form, completes the wine
Ashlcelon
service. It served as a carafe with a built-in sieve for Over the ruins of a much smaller Late Bronze Age city rose
straining out the lees and other impurities (Eisenstein the Philistine metropolis, between 50-60 ha in size, with
1905). Egyptians and many others served their wine into perhaps as many as 10,000-12,000 inhabitants. Internal
drinking bowls or cups. According to the Talmud, linen details of the seaport's organization must await further
cloth was used to strain out finer impurities. Together research by the Leon Levy Expedition, for only recently
these vessels constituted the wine service that graced many have excavations reached the Iron Age in sizable
a Philistine table and symposium (cE. Samson's wedding exposures. However, it appears that in the center of the
feast in Judg. 14: 10-20) during the twelfth and eleventh Philistine city (Figure 4: Ashkelon, Grid 38), there was a
346 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Lawrence E. Stager
appeared at the Greek ('Dark Age') site of Lefkandi
(Popham and Sackett 1968).
The spoolweights, found in abundance in Stage 1 and
Stage 2 contexts at Ashkelon, Ekron and Ashdod, were
made from the local clays by foreign weavers, coming from
the Aegean; they provide another indication of the origin
of the new immigrants.
Ashdod
Urban imposition at Ashdod took dramatic form in the
well-planned city of 8 ha built over the charred ruins of the
earlier Egypto-Canaanite center. Just inside the demolished
north gate, with a doorjamb bearing the title of a high
plate 5 Ashkelon . North side of south mound (Grid 38). North end of
monumentol Philistine building, with three pillor boses (two negotives)
Egyptian official - 'Fanbearer (on) the right hand of the
exposed (behind person kneeling by loter well) . Building dotes to loHer king' - a large governmental palace completely destroyed
half of twelfth century BCE (courtesy of Leon Levy Exped ition/ (Figure 4: Ashdod, Area G) and over its ruins the
photograph: James Whitred) Philistines built an artisans' quarter, including a potter's
workshop, containing stacks of local Myc mc bowls and
dramatic change in activities after the destruction which cups (Room 4106, Str. XIIIb; M. Dothan and Porath 1993:
separated the Late Bronze Age from the Iron Age. Where Fig. 14) as well as Mycenaean cooking jugs (M. Dothan
outdoor courtyards, grain silos, bread ovens and human and Porath 1993: fig. 15: 1,5).
burials had been in the Late Bronze Age stood a major In the western quarter of the city (Figure 4: Ashdod,
public building in the early Iron Age I. This building (Plate Area H), a wide street separated two building complexes,
5), situated in the heart of the city, was remodelled several one being a sizable public building (17 by 13 m); the other,
times during its use in the Philistine Monochrome (Figure a large hall with two stone column drums and an adjoining
3: 38-49) and Bichrome pottery periods. In its second small apsidal shrine. Near the shrine was a female figurine
phase, the building had large stone column drums, built into a couch or throne (Figure 3: 35, d. 36-7).
probably bearing wooden pillars, similar to palaces and . Nicknamed 'Ashdoda' by the excavator, M. Dothan (see
temples at Ekron (Figures 5 and 6; see Plate 7), Ashdod opening photograph), this anonymous goddesss also
(see below), and Tell Qasile (Str. X, Temple 131; A. Mazar appears at Ashkelon, Ekron and Tell Qasile, where a
1980: PI. 3). small fragment may indicate that she is nursing a baby, in
Weaving industries were often associated with adminis- the tradition of Mycenaean mother goddess figurines (A.
trative and religious centers. At Ashkelon more than 150 Mazar 1988: 259, Fig. 2, and 260).
cylinders of unbaked clay, slightly pinched at the waist, lay
on superimposed floors of the two successive public
Ekron
buildings. These enigmatic installations (Plate 6) were
tentatively identified with weaving industries. Some of the The best example oi urban imposition comes from another
cylinders were still lying in place along the walls in Pentapolis city, Ekron. There the ongoing Tel Miqne-Ekron
alignments that suggested they had been dropped from Excavations have revealed for the first time the broad
vertical weaving looms. But unlike the common Levantine outlines of the use of space within a major Philistine city (T.
pyramidal loom weights with perforated tops, these Dothan and Gitin 1993; T. Dothan 1990, 1992, 1994).
unpierced cylinders might have been spools around which The embers of the Late Bronze Age city were smothered
the thread was wound and hung from the loom. The floors under a much larger Philistine one, ca 20 ha in size, with
on which these spoolweights were aligned had concen- perhaps 5000 inhabitants. Even during Stage 1 at Ekron
trations of textile fibers. Similar clay cylinders are known there are signs of urban planning in which industry was
from the other Pentapolis sites, Ekron (T. Dothan 1994) located along the perimeter of the city, but still inside its
and Ashdod (M. Dothan and Porath 1993: Fig. 24: 3-5, strong fortification walls. The center of the site was
PI. 39; 4, Str. Xma). They appear, along with Levantine dedicated to public buildings, such as the palace-shrine
loom weights, in temple precincts at Enkomi and Kition, complex (Figure 4: Ekron, Field IV). The domestic
two 'Achaean' (Sea Peoples) emporia on Cyprus. On the quarters, although as yet only partially excavated, lie
Mycenaean mainland, spool weights have been recorded at somewhere in between the outer industrial belt and the
Tiryns, Pylos and Mycenae (Stager 1991: 15 and 19, n.12). central administrative area.
They are commonly found at Thera and in the Cyclades In the very center of this large city stood a 'palace' with
(pers. communication: Christos Doumas), and they have shrine rooms, or a temple. The palace-shrine (Str. Vll-V)
The Impact of the Sea Peoples in Canaan (1185 - 1050 BCE) 347
Figure 5 Ekron . Reconstruction of Stratum V public building with Plate 6 Ashkelon. Spoolweights, perhaps used as spools for thread
hearth, probobly polace with shrine. Cu ltic objects were found in three and tied as weights to vertical looms. These unbaked cloy cylinders are
roo ms behind pillared main holl with hearth (courtesy ofT rude Doth an, found throughout the Aegea n and Cyprus, usually in association with
Tel Miqne-Ekron Excavations) weaving installations (courtesy of Leon Levy Expeditio n/Carl And rews,
photographer)
Summary
The settlement of the Sea Peoples along the coastlands of
Cyprus and of the Levant meet the criteria for a mass
migration of peoples from the Aegean to their new
homelands ca. 1185-1175 BCE. The Philistines settling in
southern Canaan provide a vivid case study of this process
and an explanation of the cultural changes which affected
the region during the 12th century BCE.
1. During Stage I of settlement, the Philistines destroyed
indigenous cities and supplanted them with their own at
Plate 7 Ekron. Stratum VI public building with large circular hearth at
the four corners of the territory they conquered.
lower left (courtesy of Tel Miqne-Ekron Excavations/photograph: lion
2. The material culture boundaries of this territory were
Sztulman)
established by the presence of new and much larger settle-
ments in which locally made Mycenaean pottery
of urban imposltlon as these concepts and features were predominated. Along with this potting tradition there
transplanted to the Semitic world . were other new elements brought or borrowed from Aegean
As urbanism dissolved in Greece and Anatolia, some Late Bronze Age culture: architectural traditions focussing
members of Aegean society transplanted their urban life and on the hearth, craft traditions utilizing spoolweights for
values to a new but similar setting, alo ng the coast of the weaving, culinary preferences for pork, drinking preferences
eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus. The 'event', sketched for wine mixed with water, and religious rituals featuring
above as a mass migration of Sea Peoples during the decade female figurines of the mother goddess type.
1185- 1175 BCE and following, would appear to be an Outside the heartland controlled by the Philistine
epiphenomenon: to paraphrase F. Braudel, mere 'crests of Penta polis, Late Bronze Age, Egypto-Canaanite cultural
patterns persisted well into the 12th century, in settlements
Sea Peoples' foam, which the tides of history carryon their
with predominantly Canaanite populations garrisoned by
strong backs'. However, this 'event' was much more than Egyptian military and administrative personnel.
that. It was dialectically engaged and embedded in much 3. All of the elements of the intrusive culture could be traced
longer durations, or time dimensions, w hich both gave rise back to the Aegean area, where they flourished in the Late
to the event and succeeded it. Its source lies somewhere in Bronze Age on the Mycenaean mainland and in Mycenaean
the failure of those highly articulated, finel y tuned, cultural provinces. The migrating groups must have
hierarchical polities and economies of the Aegean and originated somewhere within these Mycenaean milieux.
Anatolia, known as the 'palace economy'. As two of the 4. The path of destruction along coastal Cilicia, Cyprus,
great empires of the period - the Hittites and the Syria, and Canaan suggests that most of the new
Ahhiyawans (Achaeans) or the Trojans and the Greeks (to immigrants came by ship from 'their islands,' as recorded
in the 8th Year Inscription of Ramesses ill from Medinet
use epic language) - collapsed at their palatial centers,
Habu. There he also depicted the Sea Peoples and some of
many different kinds of centrifugal forces were released, the ships they used for battle and transport. Their 'bird-
which had a multiplier, or ripple, effect. boats' resembled those of the Mycenaeans.
Within the Mycenaean and Hittite worlds there was an 5. During Stage 2, with the breakdown of Egyptian hegemony
internal process of fragmentation and ruralization (the in Canaan, the Philistines began to expand in all directions
archaeologist's 'Dark Age') which, in turn, triggered mass beyond their original territory. Already by 1150 BCE their
migrations to the coastlands of the Levant and Cyprus. The pottery and other items of their material culture show signs
ripple effect caused by the dislocation of large segments of of acculturation even though their sense of ethnic identity
the donor society and their peopling of the already remained secure for at least another half millennium .
crowded coastlands sent repercussions into the interior of
Canaan as well. Acknowledgments
The settlement process for highland Israel began a
generation or two before the Sea Peoples arrived on the I am grateful to Drs Charles Adelman, Trude Dothan,
coast. It is difficult to believe that an event of such Seymour Gitin, Amichai Mazar and Benjamin Mazar, who
magnitude did not have the powerful effect of increasing gave the manuscript a critical reading and offered some
enrollment in the highland polity of early Israel as the valuable suggestions for improvement. However, I alone
indigenous Canaanite population was being squeezed out take full responsibility for any inadequacies that remain.
21
THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION: THE
ICONQUEST' OF THE HIGHLANDS
FRONTIERS AND THE RISE OF THE
TERRITORIAL STATES
Israel Finkelstein
Introduction The intensive field studies in the highlands in recent years,
T
in both excavations and survey, have refuted many of the
he demographic and socio-political processes that past theories concerning these problems and have opened
took place in the highlands of Canaan - Cis- and the way for a comprehensive understanding of the settle-
Transjordan alike - in the Iron Age I mark a ment history of highlands in the entire Bronze and Iron
revolutionary transformation in the history of the Southern Ages.
Levapt. They sealed two millennia of Bronze Age cultures,
which were characterized by cyclic settlement oscillations, Geographical and chronological seffing
the rise and fall of urban societies and ups and downs in
Egyptian sovereignty. These processes opened the way to Geographically, this chapter deals with the areas that were
the rise of the territorial-national states of the Iron Age II the cradle of tht! rising territorial states in the early first
(ca. tenth-to-seventh centuries BCE). The unprecedented millennium BCE. Special attention will be given to the
population growth which followed brought about the final central highlands of Israel (between the Jezreel and
reclamation of the ecological frontier-lands of the highlands Beersheva Valleys, henceforth designated as the 'central hill
(Broshi and Finkelstein 1992). The socio-political traits of country'). Comparisons to the Transjordanian plateau will
the ancien regime would never reemerge: the destruction of be presented upon availability of archaeological data.
the territorial-national states by the Neo-Assyrian and Neo- Chronologically, the core of the paper deals with the
Babylonian campaigns in the eigth to sixth centuries BCE socio-economic and socio-political processes that had
brought about the second great transformation in the started at the end of the thirteenth century BCE and were
history of the region in historical times, by clearing the way concluded in the tenth century BCE. However, in order to
to over two millennia of Imperial domination (see Chapters understand proto-Israelite settlement, a much broader
22-24, this volume). perspective will be employed here, with diachronic
The biblical description of the conquest of Canaan, the comparisons to earlier waves of settlement in the Bronze
Israelite Settlement and the rise of the Davidic Monarchy, Age, and synchronic comparisons to processes that took
with its enormous impact on western civilization, has set place in the lowlands.
this period in the eye of the storm of biblical and archaeo-
logical scholarship. Two main questions have dominated Sources
the research of the Iron Age I settlement transformation:
Reconstructions of the Iron Age I transformation have
1. What was the origin of the Iron I villagers of the highlands been based on data from the following four sources:
of Cisjordan and the plateau of Transjordan - the proto-
Israelites (Dever's term - 1992), proto-Amonites, proto- Archaeology
Moabites and proto-Edomites?
In recent years, both branches of modern archaeological
2. What was the manner of their settlement process in these
regions, including the question why - what were the forces field research have been employed in the study of the Iron
that stimulated the foundation of hundreds of small Age I. Meticulous excavations were carried out in several
isolated communities in the highlands frontier, and wha; Iron I sites (Figure 1), and published with modern methods,
were the circumstances that led these groups to establish with special emphasis on environmental dimensions. They
the Iron II territorial states? shed new light on the material culture and economic
It-,
The Great Transformation: The 'Conquest' of the Highlands Frontiers and the Rise of the Territorial States 351
strategies of the Iron I people. The most significant of these and social background of Canaan in the Late Bronze Age
projects have been undertaken at Giloh, south of Jerusalem (already Alt 1925; for the Amarna period, see Chaney
(Mazar 1981); 'Izbet Sartah in the western margin of the 1983; Na'aman 1982). But direct evidence for the Late
southwest Samaria Hills (Finkelstein 1986); Mt. Ebal near Bronze-Iron I transition-period is almost non-existent,
Shechem (Zertal 1986-87, without accepting his apart from the much discussed, but vague reference to
interpretation of the finds); Kh. ed-Dawwara, northeast Israel in the Merneptah Stele (e.g., Stager 1985a; Ahlstrom
of Jerusalem (Finkelstein 1990); and Shiloh between and Edelman 1985; Yurco 1986).
Jerusalem and Shechem (Finkelstein et al. 1993). Reference
should also be made to the results of excavations in several Ethno-historical data
important sites which have not been fully published yet - Ethno-archaeological data and ethno-historical informa-
Kh. et-Tell ('Ai') and Kh. Raddana near Ramallah tion from recent generations shed light on the human
(Callaway 1976; and Callaway and Cooley 1971 respec- dispersal and economic strategies in the highlands in pre-
tively) and Sahab and Tell el-Umeiri in Jordan (Ibrahim modern times. They can (and should) be employed in any
1978; Geraty et al. 1989 respectively; the Iron I material attempt to reconstruct past settlement patterns (e.g.,
from the latter has not been presented yet). Marfoe 1979; Finkelstein 1988).
The 'great leap forward' in the archaeology of the
Southern Levant in recent years has been the comprehensive Method
surveys that were carried out in the regions under discussion
which enable an almost full reconstruction of their Several basic paradigms run through the discussion which
settlement patterns in antiquity. Most of the central hill follows.
country was fully examined in regional surveys in northern
Samaria (Zertal 1988a), southern Samaria (Finkelstein Environmental determinism
1988-89,1988), the area between Jerusalem and Ramallah From the points of view of the environment and economic
(Finkelstein and Magen 1993) and the Judean Hills (Ofer potential, which have a decisive affect on the development
1993). Intensive regional surveys have been undertaken in of settlement systems, the Southern Levant should be
the Transjordanian plateau, the most significant being the divided into three zones: lowlands, highlands and steppe-
ones in Gilead (Mittmann 1970), around Hesban (Ibach lands (Coote and Whitelam 1987). Its settlement and
1987), in the Kerak Plateau (Miller 1991) and in Wadi el- demographic history was shaped according to the ties
Hasa (MacDonald 1988). One should be aware that most between the inhabitants of these three niches. Special
of the surveys of the central hill country have not been fully attention should be given to the dichotomy between the
published yet, while the dating of the material from at least fertile, sedentary, but politically fragmented lowlands and
some of the final reports on the surveys in Transjordan the topographical and lithological frontier of the highlands
cannot be scrutinized, as pottery drawings have not been (for the Mediterranean, see Braudel 1972: 25 ff.; for the
provided. Furthermore, the latter publications did not
Levant, see Marfoe 1979).
present some of the necessary data (e.g., classification of
sites according to size) needed for a thorough investigation
long-term perspedive
of the settlement and demographic patterns.
It has become conventional wisdom to view complex
Tlte Biblical text historical processes, such as the one discussed in this
chapter, from a long-term perspective (Braudel's fa longue
The Biblical account of Early Israel, which domiriated past
archaeological research (e.g., Albright 1939; Wright 1962; duree - 1958; for the highlands of Palestine, see Alt 1925;
Lapp 1967), has been dramatically diminished in recent on archaeology and long-term history see Hodder 1987;
years. Its relatively late date and its literary-ideological Knapp 1992). Indeed, recent studies have outlined cyclical
rhythms in the occupational history of all three zones of
character make it irrelevant as a direct historical source
the Southern Levant: rise and collapse of urban civiliz-
(e.g., Davies 1992; Thompson 1992; Na'aman 1993; and
the collection of articles in Edelman-Vikander 1991). But ations in the lowlands (below); settlement oscillations, and
rise and collapse of desert polities in the steppelands
although it reflects the history, religious convictions and
interests of people who lived centuries after the alleged (Finkelstein and Perevolotsky 1990); and waves of
events took place, some historical data may be embedded settlement with intervals of decline in the highlands. (On
in it. In any event, the extraction of these possible historical cyclic history in general, see Toynbee 1956; for Palestine
nuclei from the biblical text is a difficult and Cisyphean see Mendenhall 1976; Coote and Whitelam 1987). Hence,
task, if possible at all. the investigation of the processes that took place in the
Iron Age I requires insights into the occupational history of
Egyptian New Kingdom sources a much longer period: from the inception of the first wave
These are essential for the reconstruction of the political of settlement in the highlands in the beginning of the Early
352 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Israel Finkelstein
ki lom eters 50
I
Mediterranean
Sea
Izbet Sartah.
Tel Aviv 0
Bronze Age to the outcome of the Iron I transformation - molded by the proximity of a given area to the different
that is, the rise of the territorial states of the Iron Age II. urban cultures of the lowlands (or its isolation) and by its
specific environmental features . One should bear in mind
the different impacts of the various forces which were
'Pots and people'
active at that time in the lowlands - declining Canaanite
The limitations in the use of the material culture evidence city states in the northern valleys and the Coastal Plain,
for historical research have recently been treated in a remaining Egyptian strongholds in the southern Coastal
number of studies (e.g., Kamp and Yoffee 1980; Auger et Plain (in the twelfth century), and the rising Philistine
al. 1987). Available data on the material remains of the penta polis of the southern Coastal Plain and the Shephelah
Iron Age I highlands people - mainly their pottery and (Singer 1993).
architecture - may shed some light on the two questions
presented in the introduction, but they may, equally, be
The environment
misleading (Window 3, p. 365).
Limitations to sedentary activity in the ecological frontier
regions of the highlands stemmed from harsh topography
Regional aspects
(see opening photograph), difficult-to-exploit rock forma-
Regionalism played an important role in the cultural and tions and dense cover of natural vegetation (Hopkins
demographic developments in the Iron Age I. These were 1985). These obstacles drove scholars to suggest that
The Great Transformation: The 'Conquest' of the Highlands Frontiers and the Rise of the Territorial States 353
(a) (b)
620 506
Figure 2 Settlement oscillations in the central hill country from the Cholcolithic to the Iron II periods: la) number of sites and Ib) Iotal built-up area in
hectares
The third wave of settlement began in the late-thirteenth The two periods of decline - the Intermediate Bronze
century and peaked during the twelfth to eleventh century and the Late Bronze Ages - also show similar features.
BCE. The comprehensive surveys have so far recorded 254 There were only few sedentary sites, most of them
Iron Age I sites in the central hill country (Figure 3), with a relatively small, and the balance tilted toward the pastoral
total built-up area of 219 hectares (Finkelstein 1988). This component of the population. Evidence for the existence of
settlement system expanded dramatically in the Iron Age IT: these pastoral groups includes cemeteries and open cult
the number of sites more than doubled (to 520) and the places not related to nearby settlement sites (for the
total built-up area (and thus population) almost tripled Intermediate Bronze Age see Finkelstein 1991; for the Late
(Broshi and Finkelstein 1992). Bronze Age see Finkelstein 1988: 341-5).
The published data from the surveys in the Trans- The usual past interpretations of such settlement
jordanian plateau do not allow a full and detailed oscillations, as results of migration of new groups from
reconstruction of the settlement patterns throughout the distant parts of the Levant or demographic expansion and
ages (Finkelstein, forthcoming). But it provides enough withdrawal from the nearby lowlands, are not sufficient to
information to trace settlement oscillations similar to those explain the demographic history of the highlands of both
detected in the highlands of western Palestine (Figure 4). Cis- and Transjordan in the Bronze and Iron Ages. First,
Even in the three periods of settlement prosperity the although there are some archaeological indications for the
highlands frontiers were not fully reclaimed for human presence of northern groups in the central hill country in
cultivation, and there remained 'empty quarters' with very both the Middle Bronze and Iron I (Finkelstein and Brandl
sparse population. In all three phases the settlement system 1985 and Kempinski 1979), the overall character of the
was well-balanced, with classification of sites into several material culture of these regions shows clear local features.
major centers, numerous small villages (see Plate 3 for an Second, recent studies have shown beyond doubt that the
Iron I site), and scores of tiny sites, some of them lowlands population had never reached close to a 'carrying
apparently seasonal campsites of pastoral or transhumant capacity' point, and hence there were no land-hungry
groups. The population was therefore composed of both demographic surpluses eager to expand into new frontiers.
sedentary and pastoral people, which gave the highlands It is, therefore, more reasonable to explain these settlement
polities special strength (below). fluctuations in terms of socio-economic change, that is,
There is also a surprising correspondence in the shifts toward a more sedentary or a more pastoral society,
settlement locales. Many of the Iron Age I sites of the in accordance with political, economic and social trans-
central hill country were established at sites which had formations. Similar shifts along the sedentary-pastoral
been occupied already in the Early Bronze I, and especially continuum, which are more typical to the marginal areas of
in the Middle Bronze Age. The best evidence comes from the Middle East - highlands and steppelands alike - were
excavated sites. Tell en-Nasbeh, Kh. Rabud and Kh. recorded in recent generations in both the central hill
Raddana were first occupied in the Early Bronze I. Middle country (Grossman 1992) and Transjordan (Lewis 1987;
Bronze sherds were found in the Iron Age I sites of Tell el- see also LaBianca 1990).
Ful, Giloh and Kh. ed-Dawwara. In both cases the sites There are indications for the presence of significant
were not reoccupied until the Iron Age I. As for the results pastoral groups in the central hill country in all periods of
of the surveys, 116 of the 254 Iron Age I sites of the central the third and second millennia BCE (Finkelstein 1992).
hill country were occupied in the Middle Bronze and the Early Bronze I and Middle Bronze (mostly MB I-IT)
overwhelming majority of them were abandoned in the cemeteries, not related to nearby settlement sites, have been
Late Bronze Age. recorded in recent surveys and excavations. Small Middle
356 Part IV ~ Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Israel Finkelstein
282
218
141 137
""'- ShocIwm", • •
•
",.
•
",eI.
_
IAII
•:
• •O.-•
I
. -
I. _.
..........
.to • • • •~ • •_
• •••
~ .
Figure 4 Settlement oscillations in the Tronsjordanian plateau from the
Chalcolithic to the Iron II periods (number of sites)
. . .... .
' ; : o.
...
0 : ,,'" i.. .,
'"
exceptionally large number of Intermediate Bronze
cemeteries not related to sedentary sites should also be
noted •
o
-.
••
The archaeological evidence for pastoral people
dwindles in the subsequent periods of more complex
political systems. All the Early Bronze I and Middle Bronze
I-ll cemeteries, which are not related to sedentary sites,
were not reused in the Early Bronze ll-ID and in the
Middle Bronze ID. Moreover, it seems that many of the
seasonal Middle Bronze II sites were abandoned in the
0-
•
•
D
D
D
D
Middle Bronze m, while the phenomenon of small seasonal
sites is almost non-existent in the Iron Age ll.
The shifts along the sedentary-pastoral continuum are
apparendy evident in the faunal material from two sites in
the central hill country (Figure 5): Shiloh and Emeq Refaim.
••
- In Shiloh, the ratio of catde bones (vs. sheep/goats) declines
from 12:88 in the Middle Bronze ll-ID to 9:91 in the Late
- ...D
Bronze and then rises dramatically to 23:77 in the Iron I
and to 29:71 in the Iron II (Hellwing et al. 1993). Although
the Shiloh faunal assemblages may be associated with cultic
activity, they must reflect the subsistence patterns of the
o population in each of these periods. Interestingly, the ratio
of sheep/goats to catde in the Middle Bronze II stratum at
6.? ?8 4.9 2
IBA REFAIM MB REFAIM MB SHILOH LB S HILO H IAI S HIL OH IA II S HI LOH !.\\\\\'I EB I Ii'JJlJ EB II-III IlIIIII MB _ LB !illill IA I D IA II
74
may also indicate that at least some of them originated excavated in the central hill country yielded only
from a pastoral background. fragmentary results. Nevertheless, there are clues for
According to this interpretation, in the early stages of certain similar traits between the finds, especially
each wave of settlement, when the population was still in concerning the Middle Bronze IT and the Iron I Ages, and
transition from pastoral nomadism to sedentary life, it these are discussed below:
concentrated in the areas which better suited its socio- 1. No fortifications. As far as we know, the Early Bronze I
economic traditions. Hence the slope units, typical of and the Iron Age I sites were not fortified. As for the
orchard agriculture which bears fruit only after a relatively Middle Bronze, recent research has shown that most of the
long period of cultivation, were occupied only in a later stone and earth works at the periphery of the hill country
phase, when the population was fully settled, and turned to sites were constructed in the Middle Bronze ill (Ussishkin
specialized economic strategies (Plate 4) . The westward 1989).
expansion brought about significant socio-political change 2. Architecture. The most widespread structure in the Iron
Age I hill country sites is the pillared-building.
(below).
Interestingly, buildings with stone pillars have recently
been uncovered in the Middle Bronze II site of Emeq
Refaim. Moreover, the plan of some of them have certain
Similarities in the material culture features which resemble the 'four-room houses' of the Iron
Age, although the pillars are situated in the spaces of the
It is quite difficult to compare the material culture of the rooms rather than in the walls separating them (Eisenberg
Iron Age I to that of the preceding two periods of onset of 1988/89: 89). Another typical characteristic of Iron Age I
settlement activity, especially because the few rural Early highlands and steppe architecture is the row of broadrooms
Bronze I and Middle Bronze IT settlement sites which were surrounding a central courtyard. The plan of a section of
The Great Transformation: The 'Conquest' of the Highlands Frantiers and the Rise of the Territorial States 359
95 95
79
69
63
53
MB LB IA I IA II
o EAST _ WEST
Figure 9 Early Bronze ta Iron II built-up hectares in southern Samaria: Plate 4 Olive oil installations in a site in southern Samaria
east vs west (photograph: Israel Finkelstein)
the Middle Bronze II site of Manahat (Edelstein 1988/89: the central hill country may be explained on several
122) reveals comparable elements. The differences from the grounds : the influence of the environment, the parallelism
Iron Age I sites - broadrooms built in a line, each open in the subsistence economy and the impact of analogous
into a small courtyard, rather than broadrooms social systems. In all three periods the society was
surrounding a closed, oval courtyard - do not obscure composed of isolated, small, self-sufficient communities,
the resemblance. Both the oval and the linear layouts
which had to struggle with harsh natural conditions. They
apparently reflect former pastoral traditions of the
inhabitants (Finkelstein 1988: 238-50). were engaged in similar subsistence patterns and show only
3. Pottery. Unfortunately, we do not yet have a full ceramic a limited degree of complex social organization. There was
assemblage from Early Bronze I and Middle Bronze II very little commercial activity and craft specialization.
settlement sites in the highlands. Yet, it is clear that some of These characteristics changed in the subsequent periods:
the vessels have similar shapes, although they are hundreds the Early Bronze II-III, Middle Bronze III and Iron Age II
of years apart. A good example is the marked similarity in people, with their sophisticated social and political
shape, size and decoration of the neck between the typical organization, conducted impressive building activities and
Iron Age I collared-rim jars and some of the Middle Bronze were engaged in trade, mass production and redistribution.
pithoi found at Shiloh (Plate 5). The ceramic repertoire in What has been said above clearly indicates that the
the three periods discussed here (EB I, MB II and Iron I)
material culture of the Iron Age I sites in the highlands
was surprisingly limited, containing mainly storage jars and
cooking pots. Pottery was apparently produced in local should not be viewed in terms of ethnic perspectives
workshops. Mass production of vessels is evident only in (contra Dever 1993). It rather reflects the ecological
the subsequent periods (MB ill, Iron II). background, the subsistence economy and the social
4. Mountain cult places. Two of the three periods discussed frameworks of these highlands communities (Window 3, p.
here revealed open-air, mountain cult places. Well 365).
known Iron Age I examples are the 'Bull Site' in
northern Samaria (Mazar 1982) and Mt. Ebal near
Shechem (Zertal 1986-87). A similar Middle Bronze site The rise of highlands complex societies
was apparently located in the course of the Southern In all three periods under discussion, sedentary-population
Samaria survey on the summit of Jebel el-Rukba, south
growth, territorial expansion, and the demand for
of Shechem. Located on one of the highest peaks in
Samaria and overlooking great distances, the site is highlands horticultural products by lowland communities
composed of an isolated oval platform, 16 m x 9 m in led to the rise of stratified, complex societies. The
size and is made of a wall about 1 m high and a fill of distinctive ecological background of the highlands brought
small stones. It is also worth mentioning that 90 percent about the formation of large territorial polities, with some
of the sherds collected by Zertal (1988a: 114) at the clear similarities between the three periods.
'Bull Site' belong to his 'Einun' type, that is, should be
dated to the Middle Bronze Age. Interestingly, the site of
the Iron Age I raised platform at the site of Giloh also The Early Bronze Age
yielded some Middle Bronze sherds (Mazar 1990: 90-1 ). The dramatic increase in the number of sites and in the
occupied area in the central hill country in the Early Bronze
The similarities in certain features of the material culture I was apparently caused by the beginning of large scale
of the Early Bronze I, Middle Bronze II and Iron I sites in horticultural activity. The stimulant for this economic
360 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Israel Finkelstein
(0) (b)
Plate 5 Pottery assemblages from Shiloh: Middle Bronze III (left) and Iron I (right) (photograph: Yoram Weinberg)
development was the demand for Palestinian horticultural formations is that the northern one was densely populated
products in Egypt. The specialization in olive and vine by sedentary population, while the larger, southern one
growing, and the industrialization of the products, called was sparsely inhabited by settled people and its population
for the development of advanced administration in order to probably had a large pastoral component.
manage inter- and intra-regional trade (Finkelstein and
Gophna 1993; for the production of oil in the Early Bronze
The Middle and Late Bronze Ages
Age, see Stager 1985b). Large sites emerged, with massive
fortifications, which could not have been constructed The transition from the Middle Bronze II to the Middle
without control over populations of sizable areas. In the Bronze III was apparently characterized by a similar, two-
Early Bronze II-III there was a certain decrease in the fold .process: a decrease in the number of sites and the
central hill country in both the number of sites and the construction of highland strongholds, such as Shechem,
total built-up area. Shiloh and Hebron. These sites served as government
It is quite clear that the site of Kh. et-Tell ('Ai) centers for social elites that ruled over large territories of
dominated the entire area of the hill country south of mixed sedentary and pastoral population (Finkelstein
Shechem. This site covered 11 hectares, while the second- 1993).
ranked site in the region - Ras et-Tawra, north of Hebron Two textual sources shed some light on the territorial
- reached only 6 hectares. All the rest were relatively small formations in the central hill country during the early days
sites. The urban area of Kh. et-Tell covered ca 20 percent of the Middle Bronze wave of settlement.
of the total built-up area in all the 35 sites south of The Khu-Sebek stele describes a military campaign to
Shechem. Ras et-Tawra could not have been a center of an the region in the nineteenth century BeE. The reference to
independent unit in the Judean Hills, since it did not have a the 'land' of Shechem, and the mention of Shechem as a
significant sedentary hinterland (there are only a few small parallel to Retenu, possibly hint that it was a center of a
sites to its south, and no sites to its north up to the area large territorial entity (Mazar, B. 1986: 9). Only two
north of Jerusalem) . According to this reconstruction, Kh. central hill country sites - Shechem and Jerusalem - are
et-Tell controlled a far larger area than any of the lowland mentioned in the Execration Texts, apparently indicating
Early Bronze centers. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that the entire area was divided between two large political
that it ruled over a more complex political organization bodies, centered in these two places. The minor highlands
than a typical lowlands' city-state. strongholds, such as Bethel and Hebron, were probably the
It is impossible to determine whether the area north of seats of chiefs who were subordinates of the main centers.
Shechem was controlled by one site (Tell el-Far'ah in the As mentioned above, the results of the surveys point out
EBII, Dothan in the EBIII?), or by several centers. But that both regions had a dimorphic structure, but the
comparing the situation in this region to that of later northern one was more sedentary and the southern one
periods, I would argue for the first option. more pastoral.
The difference between the two suggested territorial The emergence of large political entities in the highlands
The Great Tronsformation: The 'Conquest' of the Highlands Frontiers and the Rise of the Territorial States 361
in the Middle Bronze was apparently also connected with rlt. Iron Age
an impressive population growth, an expansion into the
inhospitable regions which were conducive only for The third wave of setdement in the highlands led to the
horticultural activity, and the development of specialized emergence of the territorial-national states of the Iron Age
agriculture which required balancing institutions to control II. This was a revolutionary development, although many
the flow of commodities. Demand for these commodities in of the characteristics of the Israelite and Judean monarchies
the sophisticated lowland centers must have played a role have their roots in the long political history of the
in the process. highlands in the third and second millennia BCE.
For a better understanding of the territorial history in In the Iron Age I, as in the preceding periods, there was
the Iron Age, it is also worth looking at the political a clear difference in the setdement patterns of the central
organization of the central hill country in the Late Bronze hill country between north and south. While the areas
Age. Despite the dramatic demographic crisis at the end of south of Shechem were apparently occupied mainly by
the Middle Bronze, the political division had not changed local sedentarizing pastoral nomads, certain groups in
significantly. The only highland political entities mentioned northern Samaria originated from the indigenous sedentary
in the Amarna letters are Shechem and Jerusalem. Hebron population. Archaeologically speaking, parts of the
was not inhabited in the Late Bronze (Ofer 1989), which southern hill country were now inhabited after a long
rules out the possibility that it was the seat of el-Amarna's occupational gap, but in northern Samaria there was a
Shuwardata. Na'aman's suggestion (1986), that Bethel and significant setdement-demographic continuity from the
Debir were independent city-states is difficult to accept for former period (for the reflection of this situation in the
both textual and archaeological reasons: besides the fact biblical material see, for instance,· Noth 1960: 152-3).
that they are not mentioned in the tablets, there is no Furthermore, the third-second millennia phenomenon of a
archaeological evidence that they were important centers in mostly sedentary north vs. a mostly pastoral south
the Late Bronze Age. continued well into the first millennium BCE.
This is the first period which offers clues about the According to the biblical description, which may
border between the two highland units. The territory of contain a certain core of early Iron Age reality, the central
Shechem extended to the Jezreel valley in the north and to highlands were occupied by two different alignments of
the Coastal Plain in the west. The political involvement of people - the House of Joseph in the north, and Judah and
Shechem with Gezer (EA 253, 254) seems to indicate that it his associated elements in the south. The boundary
governed the plateau of Bethel. The large territories between these groups (in this case, most probably reflecting
dominated by the house of Labayu explains the reference, an Iron II situation) roughly corresponded with the border
in EA 289, to the 'Land of Shechem'. The Shechem entity of the two second millennium entities: the House of Joseph
included about 25 sedentary sites, most of them north of occupied the former territory of Shechem, while Judah and
Shechem, and large areas inhabited primarily by his fellow units occupied the one-time territory of
pastoralists, mainly south of Shechem. Jerusalem (for the relations between the Late Bronze
If we accept the identification of Bit Ninurta, which is territorial division and the allotments of the Israelite tribes,
mentioned in the archive, with Beth Horon (Kallai and see Alt 1925; Na'aman 1986).
Tadmor 1969), then Jerusalem dominated the plateau of The phenomenon of local chiefs ruling over dimorphic
Gideon. The concern of Jerusalem with the events in territories in the hill country is still evident in the early days
Keila seems to indicate that the territory of Jerusalem of the Iron Age. The case of David in Hebron may be taken
included the entire Judean Hills. As in the previous as an example for the southern highlands. Reviv (1966)
periods, the southern entity embraced only a very few deduced from Judges 9 that the political system in Shechem
sedentary sites, but was inhabited by a large number of (as well as in Hebron) was different from the conventional
pastoral groups. one in the city-states of Canaan. Especially important, in
Scholars have agreed that the political entities of the his opinion, is the fact that the ruler of the town is called
central hill country in the second millennium BCE ruled 'nesi ha-ares' rather than a king; the term nasi is possibly
over larger territories and more complex social systems derived from tribal terminology. Interestingly, the layout of
than the city states of the lowlands (e.g., Alt .1925; Shechem did not change significantly from the Middle
Na'aman 1982: 216). Rowton's definition of 'dimorphic Bronze Age through the Iron Age I. As for Jerusalem, even
chiefdoms' (1973, 1976) may fit the situation in the hill as the capital of the united monarchy it was no more than
country in the Bronze Age (Finkelstein 1993). According to a typical hill country stronghold; most of its limited area
Rowton, a dimorphic chiefdom is a political system based was occupied by the citadel of Zion, the millo (the
on a government center in a tribal territory, and it is terracing system on the slopes?) and the temple. Jerusalem
generally connected to areas of enclosed nomadism. The spread to become a densely populated city only in a much
population of a dimorphic chiefdom is, therefore, later phase of the Iron Age II.
composed of both sedentary and nomadic groups. At the end of the eleventh century BCE, as a result of
362 Part IV * Canaan, Israel, and the Formation of the Biblical World * Israel Finkelstein
external pressures and internal processes, the hill country territorial states - resembles some features of the formation
groups united to establish one highlands' state. The of large territorial polities in the central hill country in the
domestic mechanisms which brought about the rise of an Middle and Late Bronze Ages, and possibly also in the
advanced administration were at least partially connected Early Bronze Age. Similar long-term demographic
to the expansion of the population into the horticulture developments can apparently be traced in the Trans-
niches of the highlands (Finkelstein 1989). But the United jordanian plateau. These analogies reinforce the hypothesis
Monarchy was a short, singular episode in the history of that much of the Iron Age I settlement process in both Cis-
the country. The traditional tensions between north and and Transjordan was part of a cyclic mechanism of alter-
south surfaced time and again before the consolidation of nating processes of sedentarization and nomadization of
the Monarchy (the struggle between Saul and David) and indigenous groups in response to changing political,
during its initial stages (the attempts of the north to economic and social circumstances.
overthrow the yoke of David). These tensions soon led to But these cyclical processes were influenced by other,
the breakdown of the United Monarchy, that is, to the broader political, economic and social developments in the
reversion to the deeply rooted tradition of two hill country country. Short-term local events, foreign interventions and
entities - the Judean Kingdom, centered in Jerusalem, and migrations of alien groups also played a significant role in
the Israelite Kingdom, centered around Shechem. The the demographic history of the country. All of them are
border between the two states followed the traditional hardly dictated by environmental conditions and long-term
boundary between the second millennium entities of processes. These non-cyclical phenomena explain the
Shechem and Jerusalem. dissimilarities between the phases of the cyclic processes.
Alt (1966: 239-59) pointed out a major difference in The emergence of early Israel (and the other 'national'
the political features of the two Israelite monarchies - a entities in the southern Levant) was, therefore, determined
unified, stable dynastic leadership in Judah vs a loosely by a combination of long-term history and short-term
connected, charismatic leadership of various origins in circumstances, and by a balance between local develop-
Israel (see review in Buccellati 1967). It is now clear that ments and external influences.
the roots of this contrast also lie in the political conditions The genuine exceptional event in the highlands of the
of the second millennium, which in turn stemmed from the southern Levant in the late-second to early-first millennium
environmental differences between the two regions. The BCE was not the 'Israelite Settlement', but the emergence of
homogeneous mountain-bloc of the south had only two the United Monarchy - the unification of the entire region
centers - Jerusalem and Hebron. The supremacy of and most of the lowlands under one rule. But the United
Jerusalem was never threatened, probably because Hebron Monarchy was no more than a short episode that
was too remote and isolated, and never had a sufficiently eventually failed, and the area turned back to the
large sedentary hinterland. The northern part of the central traditional system of two central hill country polities. In
hill country, fragmented by intermontane valleys, had any event, the fate of the cyclical processes of the third and
several political centers which struggled for supremacy. second millennia BCE was sealed by the rise of the national
This is manifested in the Iron Age n in the changes in the states in the entire southern Levant. The later direct rule of
location of the capital of Israel. foreign empires over the region tilted the historical balance
from local ecological and socio-economic factors to
extraneous interests, and prevented the· revival of these
Summary
cyclic mechanisms.
The settlement processes that took place in the highlands of The depiction of the Israelite Settlement as a singular
Canaan in the Iron Age I had much in common with two event in the annals of the country turned up centuries after
preceding waves of occupation in these areas; the first the Iron Age I. It was influenced by the history of the
occurred in the Early Bronze and the second took place in Judean Monarchy in the late-Iron n, and was shaped in
the Middle Bronze Age. The outcome of the Iron Age I accordance with the ideology and interests of a fraction of
settlement activity - the emergence of the Israelite the population of its capital city - Jerusalem.
PART V
Sarepta .
M editerranean
S ea
,.
'David', 'Red-Burnished King' for my 'Solomon', and traditionally unsettled for all but the last half-century or so
'Post- Red-Burnished King I (SIN)' for the kings reigning at of the preceding Late Bronze Age (ca . 1550-1200 BCE).
the point of the Sheshonq raid, or some similar system as These settlements have a distinctive and - to date -
they please. It will make absolutely no difference to the notably egalitarian architectural expression (the three- or
content of the study. For the uninitiated, the significance of four-roomed pillared house, new on the Palestinian scene),
red burnish will become clear during the course of the and commonly use small, highly utilitarian sets of shared
analysis. pottery forms derivative of LB II forms, but generally
distinctive as sets (the more isolated Galilean group differs
from the Central Hill Country group) from both those of
Prolegomena
the continuing 'post-LB' urban cultures of the large valleys
The early history of Israel, as archaeologically understood, and lowlands and the distinctively Aegean-flavored pottery
has been discussed above (Chapter 21). Socially, early and architectural traditions of the new 'Sea Peoples'
Israel was characterized by a dispersed network of settlements along ' the coast. Their mixed, presumably
unfortified, largely undifferentiated hamlets and villages, to subsistence, agrarian economy is seen by the practice of
date better known through archaeological survey than growing grain, attested by the characteristic grain-storage
through published excavations. Its cultural affinities are pits clustered around houses in the settlements, in the
presently discerned on the basis of several criteria. Among clearly unsuitable setting of hillside terraces in areas where
these is the common choice of a highland setting, land bottom lands were unavailable or inadequate (Stager
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Cenlralization in the Iron IIA -B (co. 1000-750 BCE, 371
lO SOm
~~'"=--d'
HAZOR
Figure 2 Hazor in the Solomonic (X) and
Omri-Ahab (VIII) periods
"
(GAp) \ \
\I
II
"" II
wal
"
II
II
II
"
\I
1\
(UNEXCAVATED)
""
II
II
"" 30 eOrn
",I ! !
"II
yet been discovered). At least one stable unit has been Syria, Palestine and the Transjordan, allows for but one
demonstrated for Megiddo VAIIVB (Davies 1988). Lachish interpretation: in these changes we are witnessing a major
was certainly occupied, but probably not yet fortified instance of secondary state formation in the southern
(Ussisbkin 1983: 116).5 Levant. The assuredness of this inference rests upon
That the erstwhile horticulturalist, agriculturalist, and substantial advances in archaeological theory over the
pastoralist highlanders - the early Israelites - accom- past three decades. Some of the archaeologically
plished this projection of military and political power into discernible characteristics of the state (Service 1971) as
the former domains of the 'post-LB' cultures is abundandy developed in recent discussion (Renfrew and Bahn 1991:
clear from the material culture complex, which, however 154-7) are shown in Table 1.
much it differs from the early restricted categories of the This organizational shift, from segmented society to
central highlands and the Galilee (below), clearly forms a nation state, obviously involved significant outside assis-
continuum with the later material culture complex of both tance. None of the fortifications, palaces, or elite buildings
Israelite and Judaean sites, including the later highland derive from local traditions. Megiddo Palace 6000, and, to
sites of the ninth and eighth centuries.6,7 That these were, a lesser extent, 1723 are unquestionably of Syro-Hittite
above all, political actions designed to seize and hold the (and Phoenician?) origin (Figures 5, 6). The building
land may be seen from an analysis of the terrain dominated techniques, particularly the use of ashlar masonry, point
and the overland trade routes and access routes controlled unmistakably toward heavy Phoenician in\"olvement (Stem
by these new fortified governmental centers. Hazor 1977; 1978: 71-5; Anderson 1988: 102-3, 107, 110, 119,
dominates broad stretches of agricultural land in the 121,397,405 nn. 215-16, 406-7).
Huleh Basin, and controls the trade routes to Syria. After only a short time, all of these magnificendy
Megiddo dominates the Esdraelon Valley and the southern fortified and appointed cities were destroyed and looted:
overland routes to Tyre from a position controlling the Lachish, however it was constituted (see n. 5), Gezer, and
major southwest-northeast pass through the Carmel Megiddo almost certainly by Sheshonq,9 Hazor possibly
range. Gezer dominates the northern part of the Shephelah around 885 BCE (Yadin et al. 1960: 37, n. 217).
and Philistine Plain, the coastal overland transit route, and Sheshonq's campaign gives us our first fixed archaeological
the approach to the central hill country and Jerusalem by date - ca. 925 BCE - and archaeological benchmark
way of Aijalon and Upper and Lower Beth Horon. Lachish (simultaneous destruction levels over most of the territory)
dominates the southern Shephelah and Philistine Plain, the since the departure of the Egyptians during the middle part
southern portions of the coastal overland transit route, and of the twelfth century, BCE (Holladay 1990). H certain
the southern approach to the central hill country and scholars are correct, it also furnishes us with our first view
Jerusalem by way of Hebron. 8 of the fabled riches of the Solomonic reign, which, if
The uniformity exhibited by these new governmental correctly linked to Sheshonq's campaign, far exceed
centers and their wide-reaching political significance, seen anything the scholarly concensus has yet dreamt of
against the backdrop of the preceeding Iron I period, ca. (Millard 1988b; 1989; Kitchen 1986; 1989a,b). The
1200-1000 BCE, and in the light of the later history of possible sources of this wealth, inferrable in part on the
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Centralization in the Iron IIA -B (ca. 1000-750 BCE} 373
basis of the impressive architectural remains, and the boundary later defining the northern limit of the
reasons for the Phoenician assistance, which would not distribution of Royal Stamped Jar handles - which are
have come cheap, will be sought below. overwhelmingly limited to 'Judaean' sites), likely attests to
While Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer, and Lachish (Figure 7) the major border with a new and hostile sister kingdom
were promptly rebuilt to new specifications, with thick, (Israel). Both north and south of this line 'occupation was
solid wall systems and, in most instances, four-chambered concentrated in [larger, fortified] ... sites such as Bethel,
gateways (Gezer, Stratum IVA Megiddo), they were no Beth Horon, Ophrah and Mizpah; unfortified villages or
longer alone, but were quickly joined by a large number farms, like those founded in the neighboring areas to the
of similarly fortified cities, towns and villages. Many of north and the south, did not exist here' (Finkelstein
these newly-fortified sites were in the highlands, e.g., Tel 1988a: 188). Coupled with the subsequent centralization
Dan, Tell el-Far'ah (N), , Shechem, probably Khirbet of Israelite royal functions in the Royal Acropolis at
Marjamah (A. Mazar 1982b, 1992), Tell en-Nasbeh, and Samaria (Figure 9), to this is perhaps our strongest early
Tell el-Jib. The emergence of strongly fortified town sites archaeological testimony to the Divided Monarchy, a
(Tell en-Nasbeh, Figure 8, being an apparently undiffer- political situation clearly referenced in numerous later
entiated [no 4] farming village, on the southern side of a historical documents. tt
374 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
• 1 .m
'-=-=-'
• .m
'-=-=-' 10
!
10m
!
LAcmSH
Figure 6 Megiddo Palace 1723, of the Solomonic Period
F'lgure 7 Lachish, the Palace-fort (Phases A-C) and gateway, co
That the economic basis for the earlier ostentatious 900-700 BeE
architectural and military display {Whitelam 1986) was not
destroyed by Sheshonq's raid or by the division into twin evidenced in great building programs, such as the splendid
polities is abundantly clear from the archaeology of the royal acropolis at Samaria, the complete rebuilding to
ensuing century. During the last quarter of the tenth and higher standards of Megiddo, Hazar, Gezer and Lachish;
the first half of the ninth centuries, both Judah and Israel the impressive water-systems at Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer,
witnessed unparalleled economic growth and prosperity, Jerusalem, Beersheva and even at little el-Jib; and the
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Centralization in the Iron IIA -B {ca. 1000-750 BCE} 375
massive Temple complex - yet imperfectly understood - at these later changes - so clearly witnessed in the
Tel Dan, coupled .with the development of outstanding archaeological record - remain to be explicated and
military capability, particularly in chariotry (Megiddo, understood. We will take up some aspects of this challenge
Lachish, Hazor, Tell el-Hesi?, Beth Shemesh?). This later (Section IV). But first we must attempt to understand
military power, acting in concert with the forces of other (Section II) the causes for the social organization shift from
Syro-Levantine rulers, was sufficient· to blunt the westward acephalous (lacking hereditary leadership) segmented
thrust of the great Neo-Assyrian King Shalmaneser III in society to centralized nation state; and the general nature
853 BCE (the Kurkh Monolith, translated in Pritchard of the new urban society witnessed in these Royal Cities
1969b: 277-9). As with the radical political metamor- (Section III). Finally, we will examine (Section V) the
phosis of the mid-tenth century, the economic mainsprings differences this change seem to have made upon the mass
and social transformations occasioning and ensuing from of the Israelite population.
376 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
. . . ,~·:~~,~~~~;f QUARRY;- .,
For our purposes, the attractiveness of such an analysis
is that it allows us to develop and test hypotheses about
particular societies in which we are interested. The
mf·.·.. i .QUARRY archaeological record can then be examined for test
. ~ I .
implications of these hypotheses, positive results tending to
support the test hypothesis, negative results tending to
deny the test hypothesis. Thus, in trying to understand the
forces driving early Israel towards a higher form of social
integration (paramount chieftainship [Saul, early David],15
30
,
60m
!
nation-state [later David, Solomon]), it is obviously
important, since both hereditary paramount chieftainship
SAMARIA and the monarchical nation-state by definition are class-
Figure 9 Samaria, the royal acropolis. Oslraca House in the stratified societies, to try to determine what sorts of societal
southwest corner ranking systems were operative in early Israel, since it is the
working-out of this tendency that must be presumed to be
one of the key forces driving the society towards higher
II The causes of the Israelite levels of social organization.
transformation from acephalous
agriculturalism to nation-state
More equal than others: the evolution 01 rich
men in pre-state plow-using agricuhural
Human nature and particularist historical writing regularly societies, with archaeological relerence to
ascribe all social change to the actions of a few key leaders: Israel
a Samuel, a Saul, a David. The longer view afforded by
archaeology and cross-cultural social-economic anthro- Focusing our attention upon Newman's 'dry intensive
pology, however, seeks to account for change on a more agriculture' (Table 2), clearly the dominant subsistence
systematic level: by trying to understand the sorts of mode in the Israelite Iron I, we see that 55 percent of
regular changes that occur in evolving societies that create societies practicing this mode of production are
conditions under which major paradigm shifts not only characterized by class stratification, 31 percent by wealth
may, but normally should, occur (e.g., Renfrew and Bahn distinctions, and only 13.8 percent may be characterized as
1991: 406). In this instance, why does an intensive dry lacking social stratification. To the extent that they formed
farming society, however socially constituted and a separate element in early Israel, pastoralists should have
governed, make the wrenching transition to statehood?12 had roughly a 27 percent chance of class stratification, 53
In a recent study of the legal systems of 184 societies percent chance of wealth distinctions, and 20 percent
in Murdock and White's 'Standard Cross-Cultural chance of being an egalitarian society. Given these choices,
Sample' (1969),13 Katherine Newman found that class it becomes feasible to search the archaeological record for
and wealth distinctions increased in societies ranked indications of status or wealth distinctions. Given the
according to subsistence systems, or 'forces of production' present poor level of archaeological reporting for early
Table 2
Wealth Hunting and Fishing Pastoral Incipient Extensive Dry intensive Irrigated Total
orelass gathering agriculture agriculture griculture intensive
distinctions agriculture
No distinctions 25 8 3 15 16 4 5 76
(~rcent) 89.3 44.4 20.0 68.2 34.8 13.8 19.2 41.3
Wealth distinctions 2 7 8 2 13 9 2 43
(percent) 7.1 38.9 53.3 9.1 28.3 31.0 7.7 23.4
Class stratification 1 3 4 5 17 16 19 65
(percent) 3.6 16.7 26.7 22.7 37.0 55.2 73.1 35.3
'.
fmc
O
........ c=======........c=======......... 5cm
Plate 1 Inscribed Judaean arrowheads attributed to the 11 th century BCE: el-Khadr I/drawing) and II/photograph) /photograph: courtesy
of Fronk Moore Cross)
Israelite sites, this is not easy, but general tendencies are pits are one of the most frequently noted architectural
clear, and there is at least one interesting indicator. features (Finkelstein 1988a: 264-9; Currid and Navon
In the first instance, the general tendency so far noted in 1989). While some silos were simply bell-shaped pits
the settlement patterns is that of essential equality in (personal observation at Shechem and Gezer), and not easily
habitation type and size. Wealth, in the dispersed settle- detected, many were either stone-cut or stone-lined
ments, seems most apparent in the presence of goods stored cylinders. They are much less common in later Iron II con-
in the Collar-rimmed Pithoi (Finkelstein 1988a: 282-3), texts (Finkelstein 1988a: 266), their frequency apparently
and in grain-pits distributed in and around the separate dropping precipitously around the end of the tenth century.
houses (Currid and Navon 1989; Finkelstein 1988a: 264- 'Izbet Sartah Strata III-II and Tell Beit Mirsim Bl-3
69). Containers for luxury ointments and oils, characteristic probably provide the best presently available Iron I to early
of 'post-LB' societies, are generally lacking (Finkelstein Iron II grain pit series (Figures 10, 11). Table 3 presents a
1988a: 177-82; Esse 1992: 95). A large amount of folding seriation of the slip colors for the pottery in the backfills of
space for an essentially pastoralist element may be the Tell Beit Mirsim grain pits phased according to
witnessed at Giloh (A. Mazar 1981) .16 As noted by Carol Raphael Greenberg'S new analysis and data (1987) against
Kramer in her study of 'Aliabad', wealth distinctions (other the data from 'Izbet Sartah.18 The trends through time are
than in storage capacity) may only poorly be reflected in easily seen.
domestic architecture (1979: 154; 1982: 126-36). Class Phase B3 at Tell Beit Mirsim is said by Albright to be
distinctions, on the other hand, would more reasonably characterized by the disappearance of Philistine wares and
seem to be observable in the archaeological record in the the presence of burnished red slips (1932: 67-9; 1943: 8-
form of distinctive residences, preferred location of 10). As can be seen in Table 3, Greenberg'S sequence un-
residence within the settlement, or non-uniform distribu- mistakably is late Late Bronze II through Philistine-
tion of elite goods - none of which have, as yet, been noted. influenced Iron I (the white slips - Buff, Pinkish Cream, Buff-
One possible variable with bearing on our general Cream, Cream, White, etc. - are characteristically Philistine)
problem may be the highland distribution, particularly to either Pre-Solomonic or very early Solomonic (in the Red
near Bethlehem, of inscribed arrowheads, similar to others range, only streaky unburnished slips). By the time of the
from Phoenicia. Most recently, these have been interpreted Solomonic burnished Red and Dark Red slips, the massive
as reflecting a practice of military specialist competitiveness storage of grain in pits (in at least this area) is over. 19
(Cross 1992 with references; note the twofold appearance Greenberg'S revised plan of Tell Beit Mirsim Stratum
on these arrowheads, one from the Lebanese Biqa', one Bl-2 (1987: 56) shows one building, apparently not of the
from el-Khadr, of the military 'patronymic' bin-'Anat: three- or four-room variety, in SE12-22-13-23. It has one
Cross 1980: 7; Milik 1956: 5, n. 25; Plate 1) . Uninscribed internal silo and is surrounded on the east, south and west
arrowheads, presumably some sort of status-marker, and by some 18 silos of varying sizes. Fifteen other silos appear
possibly a precursor of the later Israelite highlands further to the east, in SE22-32-23-33, in the midst of wall
practice, are a minor component of Late Bronze II and fragments that do not make up into a coherent plan (1987:
'post-LB'I'Late Bronze III'IIron I tombs at Lachish, 57). Assuming an average capacity of one metric ton/silo, it
becoming much less frequent in Iron II tombs. 1? seems clear that the SE12-22-13-33 house controlled,
In the later Iron I to very earliest Iron II materials, grain over a course of time, silos capable of storing something
378 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
, v ~GJJ
,
r::h
u=- 0
<:;
O~ ~
°0 0 0 --
o
o
Table 3
Slip Ole. Ole. Lt Pinkish BufF- Unburn. Burnished
Color Block Grey Brown Brown Cream Buff Cream While Cream Red Red
% % % % % % % % % % %
Tell Beit Mirsim
Phase C 10 10
Phase Bl 2
Phase Bl-2 4 4 7 4
Phase B2 6 3 8
Phase B2b 8 8
'Izbet Sartah
Stratum III 2.9
Stratum II 15
Str.1I Silos 26
Table 4
Legal Self Elders Restricted Paramount
Systems Redress Advisors Mediators Councils Councils Chieftains Chieftains Slate
(n=60) (n=12) (n=6) (n=3) (n=14) (n=3) (n=10) (n=6) (n=6)
% % % % % % % %
Egalitarian 83 83 50
Weahh distinctions 17 50 50
Class-stratified 17 100 100 50 100 100
Totals: 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
relatively early stages in their social evolution. As a society agriculturalist and pastoralist elements with 'mighty men',
evolves, structural divisions are more apt to develop, i.e., leaders of warrior bands (Plate 1 p. 377), quickly
whether into wealthy/poor distinctions, or into a system of leading to some form of paramount chieftainship and
class stratification. Lacking regulatory mechanisms, the statist organization, would have been inevitable. The only
forces bringing about these distinctions will operate further alternative would have been the development of
to intensify the distinctions, eventually bringing about homeostatic devices (negative feedback) restricting the
serious structural strains in the society. H that society has ability of individuals to accumulate wealth. 21
evolved in a class-stratified mode, the analysis indicates
that chieftainship will normally replace the elders' councils,
III The new urban society: Iisraelitell or
with continuing intensification leading to paramount
leclecticl ?
chieftainship and eventual statehood.
In societies with wealth-related stratification, things may Against the lines of social evolution sketched above, it is
be more complex. As we have seen, there are some important to consider just what we see in the newly
indications that a potentially destabilizing military elite was emergent 'Royal Cities'. In the first instance, as already
evolving in early Israel. In unfortified villages, the noted, we are met with fortifications, palaces, and elite
possibility of raids and banditry, particularly by elements buildings wholly new both to Israel and to the 'post-LB'
suffering from repeated crop failures or enemy culture of, say, Megiddo, Gezer and Shechem. The ashlar
depredations, would have been high. This obviously stonework in the finest buildings and latest structures such
threatened the wealthy, who would have seen it as inimical as the outer gateway at Gezer, indicates heavy Phoenician
to the entire society. Thus, as wealthy elements leveraged involvement (Stern 1977; 1978: 71-5; Anderson 1988:
their advantage over their neighbors so as to accumulate 406-7; cf. the masonry techniques of the putatively tenth
yet more wealth, a mutually advantageous alliance of rich to mid-ninth century BCE Phoenician 'fort' in the Akko
380 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
Sarepta Hazor comparisons of early Iron II forms from Sarepta and
<:;;::: ~
Hazor in Figure 12 and the graph in Figure 13, showing
11 the proportional degree of close similarity between
Sarepta and Hazor through time. 22
~ b7
I
"'" 12
The Tyrian connection
While a strong case can be made for cooperation between
~ .
"7 ""'" n
"7 the early monarchy and at least one Philistine port (Tell
Qasile Stratum X, but probably not Ashdod, see Holladay
1990; 1993), the above materials make clear the
substantive contribution of southern Phoenicia, certainly
~::) :7 "7 Tyre and possibly a broader group including Sarepta, to the
14
period of state formation in early Israel. Although more
"""""
~ r7 ~ 1S
7
research needs to be done on the subject, ashlar stonework
seems to have been a Phoenician monopoly during the
entire Iron Age, with major periods of Israelite or Judaean
building in or with ashlar - the outer gateway at Gezer,
7 ~ 7 Megiddo VAJIVB, IVA, Samaria Building Periods I-II,
"'" 16
Hazor VIII (doorjambs and corners in Area B), Ramat
Rahel VA - strongly correlated with periods of active trade
~ \ ;? ~ ! :7
17
and/or social interaction with Phoenicia (Shiloh 1979;
Anderson 1988: 406-7; Stern 1977; 1978: 71-5; Oren
1992). Neither Cedar of Lebanon nor ashlar blocks seem to
~ -7 t -[
18
} have been used in early Lachish Level IV (Ussishkin 1978:
32-3; Tufnell 1953: 101). Although careful definition of
the critera for making the determinations would exceed the
bounds of the present study, these periods of active contact
r;= ) c l 7 appear to be:
19
1. the United Monarchy, particularly the reign of Solomon;
2. the Om ride Dynasty (ca. 875-842 BCE);
(-
J ~
3. the initial portion of the reign ·of Hezekiah (ca. 715-701
BCE); and
~ I
10
fA -=-;= - -10(",
20
4. the last years of independent Judah, probably from the
reign of Josiah (ca. 640-609 BCE) to 597 BCE. 23
Quantification of the Tyrian contribution during the
period of the early monarchy, whether during the period of
Figure 12 Side-by-side comparison of bowls excavated at Sarepta
the United Monarchy (David-Solomon, ca. 1000-930
and Hazar
BCE), or during the period of the Ornride Dynasty (ca.
Plain recently published by Zvi Gal, 1992). Imported 875-842 BCE) is difficult, but may be approached from a
Byblian cedar, apparently a hallmark of royal construction, couple of directions:
would have been required in quantity to accomplish the 1. By comparing the use of ashlar stones in the two periods.
large spans required by the borrowed architectural forms While the quantity of skilled stonecutting in both periods
(Liphschitz and Biger 1991: 172). And people living in is impressive, the sheer volume present in Samaria Building
literally outlandish Syro-Hittite Bit Hi/ani palaces, such as Periods I-II and in the offsets-insets wall, Palace 338, the
Megiddo Palaces 6000 and 1723, would hardly have stables, and other buildings of the Ornride portion of
been satisfied with local wines, clothes or furnishings. Megiddo VA, and to a much more limited extent in
Equally surprising, though less apparent, is the character Stratum VIII at Hazor clearly outweighs that of the extant
remains of the period of the United Monarchy.24 While it
of their ordinary domestic pottery, which not only
is highly probable that earlier buildings furnished
beggars the subsistence level wares of the highlands, but, materials for the Ornride building period at Gezer,
in its decoration, wide range of forms and tecnnical Megiddo (Yadin 1972), and, perhaps, Hazar, the same
quality of production, would seem to have historical cannot be said for Samaria, which was only a minor
antecedants not obvious from the Palestinian record. village or estate prior to the time of Omri (Stager 1990;
Much may be owed to Phoenicia, see the side-by-side Tappy 1992; below)
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Centralization in the Iron IIA -B (ca. 1000-750 BCE) 381
20
New frontiers for professional service
«
I-
a.. 18
w In the rapid changeover from nondifferentiated rural
a:
«
C/)
16
settlements requiring (and offering) a small range of services
I to a state with large, highly differentiated central places
I- 14
~ offering a large number of services, early Israel must have
C/) 12
-.J found itself hard-pressed for expertise: scribal functionaries
w and administrators of all kinds, technical military experts
-.J
-.J
10
«
a: (specialists in fortification technologies, stable-masters,
«
a..
8 master charioteers), skilled palace servitors, commercial
LL 6 agents, craftsmen, architects, builders and artisans of all
0
I- sorts, etc. Life in the highlands had not trained Israelites for
Z 4 these tasks. Nor, for all but the most junior members of the
w
0 extended family, did farming, horticulture and pastoralism
a: 2
w
a.. diminish in importance in the new era. It must be assumed
0 that the slack was taken up by immigrants, perhaps
Phoenicians, perhaps emigrants from the Syro-Hittite city-
HAZOR STRATA
states to the north (d. de Vaux 1965: 1,129), and certainly
absorbed members of the 'post-LB' population. A heavy
Figure 13 Hazar, percentages of published pottery in each stratum
having close comparisons with the pottery of Phoenician Sarepta
Phoenician input may account for the very close similarities
(Anderson 1988: 139-313) between most craft goods (e.g., seals, carved bone and
ivory) and many of the pottery types of the later tenth-early
2. By evaluating the quantity of imported Phoenician (or ninth century (Megiddo VNJVB, Hazor X-IX) and
directly comparable pottery) at Hazor, our most closely Phoenician craft products and pottery assemblages (see
stratified northern site (see Figure 12).25 Basing ourselves Figure 12). Intense scribal activity is reflected in the
upon Anderson's citations of close parallels between adaptation of tenth-century Phoenician script (e.g., the
Sarepta and Hazor (1988: 139-313), we can observe (see Sarcophagus of Hiram of Byblos) to the locally evolving
Figure 13) a relatively low level of roughly 4 percent to 3 Proto-Canaanite writing tradition (e.g., the inscribed
percent of the published pottery from the 'early Israelite
arrowheads, see Plate 1, p. 377, the Khirbet e1-Raddana
settlement' Strata XII-XI looking like Phoenician
impOrts.26 This probably reflects localized trading handle, the Solomonic 'Izbet Sartah Ostracon). This process
patterns, e.g., local peddlers (Wood 1990: 60-77), and is was certainly complete by the mid-ninth century (and
not dissimilar to levels observed in the post-Israelite (i.e., probably much earlier), as the Mesha Stele, which must
the period during which control was no longer natively have been using standard Israelite lapidary script, witnesses.
exercised by Samaria) Strata IV-II (respectively nearly 3.5 Above all, however, the new opportunities for younger
percent, under 2 percent, and 1.5 percent). During the Israelite and 'post-LB' peoples' sons must have been in one
United Monarchy and until ca. 885 BCE, Strata X-IX, of three areas: government service, particularly in the
parallels increase dramatically to about 14 percent and chariotry which, for technical reasons (alongside the
18.5 percent of the total published pottery, sagging to border and caravan-route guards), was the major full-time
about 8.5 percent for Stratum VITI, roughly coterminous
component of the standing army; the official cult, which
with the Omride Dynasty. Parallels dropped to 5 percent
under the reign of Jehu. During the ensuing Stratum VIT, now commanded vastly increased tithed resources and
ca. 815-760 BCE, the rate was back to Omride (+8.5 appears to have been centrally located in every major
percent) levels, diminishing to 6 percent during the final settlement (Stager 1985: 27-8; Ahlstrom 1982a: 1-9,44-
Stratum V period, ca. 760-733 BCE. 6; Holladay 1987: 268-74); and commercial enterprise.
Entry into the latter on more than a purely local or
regional basis, however, may have been difficult due to the
Under number 1 (above), by far the greatest degree of longstanding business, ethnidfamilial, and religious ties
direct Phoenician involvement - presumably Phoenician binding, to the north, members of the deliberately low-
expert stonecutters, masons, and architects - comes during profile but none the less controlling Phoenician 'Trade
the later Omride dynasty, while, judging from the relative Diaspora' together (Curtin 1984: 1-14), and, to the south,
quantities of Phoenician pottery at one representative the well-entrenched Philistine-'post LB' Canaanite
Israelite site, the Period of the United Monarchy marked establishment. The joint workings of these two trading
the point of greatest influence. Unquestionably both entities may probably be observed in the cultural mix
periods were heavily indebted to Phoenicia, with the span witnessed in Megiddo Stratum VI. Note particularly the
of the Omride dynasty probably getting the nod for the Philistine/Sea Peoples HeUadic-style cooking pots,
most extensive and most costly contribution. otherwise attested primarily at Sea Peoples' settlements
382 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
(Killebrew 1992).27 I take the presence of ethnically standing army in constant training, probably at least
distinct cooking vessels as indicating local residence of 10,000-strong for the chariotry alone by the Battle of
those groups. As already noted, access to ports was Qarqar. Note that a figure of 2000 chariots as the Israelite
everything. (and Judaean, in all probability) cohort certainly meant
that Israel and Judah had something in excess of 4000
stallions in training (at a possible three horses per chariot,
IV Economic fadors relating to the
more than 6000 stallions), quite apart from the studs, the
political and economic centralization of
brood mares, and the colts (Holladay 1986; 1992b). These
both the United Kingdom, and the
are truly astonishing figures, fully as costly to the ancient
Northern Kingdom under the House of
economy as tanks and armored vehicles are to the present.
Omri
Other things came at high prices as well. In general,
The early history of the Israelite states was punctuated by archaeologists dealing with early states tend to have
two, or possibly three, major building programs, recourse to the corvee as an explanation for the massive
respectively those of Solomon, the Omride dynasty, and labor input required for such projects. In contrast to Egypt
a less-easily dated early Judaean program (e.g., Lachish, and Mesopotamia, however, in the yearly planting,
Tell en-Nasbeh, Tell el-Jib). As already noted, the horticulture, harvesting and pastoralist calendar required
significant use of Phoenician and North Syrian building by the highly diversified Israelite subsistence regime in the
plans, masonry techniques (ashlar stones, fully ashlar and highlands (Hopkins 1987: 186-8; 1985: 213-61), few long
pier and quoin construction), and the necessity for long stretches of time were available, and labor taken from the
spans, calling for the use of Cedar of Lebanon (a staple of village would have had a significant impact upon
royal building programs in Israel, early and late: Liphschitz productivity, and indeed, upon the viability of individual
and Biger 1991: 172, Table 1, note that few data are communities. Particularly if payment in agricultural
available for earlier excavations), indicates the presence of products were in any way required for other materials
craftsmen skilled in these non-Israelite arts.28 and services, heavy use of the corvee would have been
Further, as we have already noted, the new urbanism counter-productive. In addition, in contrast to Mesopota-
and social stratification which accompanied the founding mia and Egypt, there were no legions of temple and palace
of the state required, first, a whole array of locally scribes, architects, etc., to organize, manage, and direct
unavailable expertise, from scribes through military great masses of unskilled laborers. Unquestionably the
specialists to craftsmen specializing in pottery production, corvee was employed, but almost certainly at a fairly
for its successful operation, and second, a whole range of moderate level for largely unskilled work such as raising
elite goods to reward the newly ennobled and their glacis and fortification walls, making and laying mudbricks,
important clients. Insofar as our evidence goes, Israel had etc. Possibly its burden fell more upon the lowland farmers,
no native access to craftsmen skilled in fine woodworking, who had more seasonal occupations, and upon other less-
ivory carving, metal work (e.g., lost-wax casting or the enfranchised 'post-LB' elements, than upon the highland
sorts of repousse bowls made throughout the centuries by agriculturalists and pastoralists. In any case, recourse to the
Phoenician craftsmen), the making of fine linens, lapidary corvee cannot be made to answer, in any meaningful way,
work involving precious and semi-precious stones, or even the question of massive financial outlays for expensive
craft, as opposed to domestic, pottery production (Esse foreign materials, craftsmanship or the chariotry.
1992: 98). All the above were, however, either essential for In exchange for the above, Israel had little to offer:
daily living or 'essentials' for elite display - and all were primarily high-bulk, low-value agricultural goods of value
available from the Phoenicians. for international commerce only insofar as they could be
In materials, as well, both the United Monarchy and the transported to seaports without incurring unsupportable
Northern Kingdom under the Omrides relied, in the first transit costs: by donkey transport, roughly 35 km for
instance, upon resources only obtainable through Tyrian29 wheat, less for barley and perhaps (considering the extra
long-distance trade. As far as we know, Israel had no weight and fragility of the containers) less for wine, and
native access to copper,3D tin for bronze production iron, perhaps twice as far for oil, which had a value roughly
silver, gold, ivory, or cedar - all attested in archaeological three times that of wheat. This makes it unlikely that
deposits of the tenth-ninth centuries.31 Israel's contribution to the two-way trade consisted solely,
Finally, the build up of massive chariot forces, beginning or even largely, of its native commodities. Given this
with Solomon and peaking at the Battle of Qarqar, entailed apparent impasse, other options must be explored. As
enormous outlays for select horses and breeding stock, noted in Table 1, state level economies typically derive
expensive equipment, elite military specialists such as their revenues from tribute, taxes and tolls. The latter
stable-masters and master charioteers, and craftsmen constitute a major resource typically either ignored or
capable of maintaining and replacing tack and equipment, undervaluated in reconstructions of the ancient Israelite
to say nothing of the ongoing expense of maintaining a economy.
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Cenlralization in the Iron IIA - a (ca. 1000-750 aCE) 383
The South Arabian trade Two major land routes serving this traffic can be traced
across the territories of Judah and Israel: one entering
Genera' through the Wadi Yabis-Bethshan Depression, the other
through the Zered-Beersheva Depression (Baly 1974).
Israel lay between the Arabian desert and the Mediter- During the Middle to Late Bronze Ages, the northern route
ranean. She bordered on Philistia to the south and seems to have been dominant, with a subsidiary (?) route
Phoenicia to the north, with smaller seaports between. across the northern Sinai to the Gaza region during the
Many of the most highly valued commodities of the ancient later Middle Bronze Age, but during the early Iron II Period
world (e.g., South Arabian and Hom of Africa incense, the Zered-Beersheva route assumed major importance. For
East Asian spices and gems, African gold, ivory, want of space, we will analyze only the settlement patterns
blackwood, exotic animals, animal skins and feathers) of the latter, which are unusually informative.
entered the Mediterranean trade via overland caravan
routes snaking their way across the Arabian desert. After
'srae'ite sett'ement patterns in the Beersheva-
crossing the desert, the caravans - by the Iron Age camel
Iered Depression
caravans - (for camels in strata characterized by early
burnished red slip at Izbet Sartah see Finkelstein 1986: 147) East of Tell el-Far'ah (South), Tell Jemmeh, and the coastal
- had to negotiate passage to the Mediterranean harbors. strip, there were no Late Bronze age or Iron IA settlements
Transit tolls unquestionably varied with the value of the anywhere along the Cisjordanian portion of the
cargo, but they guaranteed safe passage, not an assured Beersheva-Zered Depression. With the transition to the
matter in an unpatrolled Negev (Oates 1968). As elsewhere United Monarchy it suddenly became a different story.
in early long-distance trade (the Old Assyrian overland Starting with the period marked by wavy-rimmed bowls
trade with Anatolia is the best documented: see Veenhof - immediately before the introduction of the streaky
1972), South Arabian merchants and caravaneers practiced unburnished red slip, the forerunner of the burnished red
'venturing' (or 'venture trading'), by which is meant that slips - we have the small circular hamlet atop Tell Esdar, 4
shipments were sent abroad to be sold as profitably as km south of Tel Masos. Although others may emerge, to
possible, but without previous, binding agreements which date this is the only settlement of its period in the corridor.
ensured the owner of the shipment a certain price for it. Shortly afterward, settlements blossomed across the
The South Arabian merchants and trading houses northern Negev. At Tel Malhata, a 'tenth century' walled
undoubtedly could select from a number of destinations, city was destroyed [arguably by Sheshonq], and succeeded
and the final decision for anyone journey must have hinged by a 'short-lived unwalled settlement'. A new city wall was
upon factors such as familiarity, convenience (including built upon the remains of the earlier city wall, protecting a
reprovisioning facilities, camping and grazing rights, and settlement thought to have persisted dming the 'ninth-
access to water), safety, transit costs, and competitive seventh centuries BCE', most of whose 'finds, however,
pricing at the harbor. Thus, it must have been possible, date from the last destruction level, probably from the last
particularly in a period of Egyptian and Babylonian- years of the Judean Kingdom'. This settlement apparently
Assyrian weakness, for various Levantine port cities and featured a single stable of the sort elsewhere attributable to
various polities in their respective hinterlands to 'bid' for chariotry forces (termed a 'typical Israelite storehouse' by
the caravan traffic by preferential tolls (in the Old Assyrian the excavator), which persisted through at least one major
trade tolls amounted to between 17-25 percent of the value rebuilding. Among the early sixth-century finds was 'a
of the cargoes, Veenhof 1972: 230-64, 305-42; Larsen decorated limestone incense altar' (below; Kochavi 1977).
1976: 103 n.69, 245), protection, and facilities, a At Tel Masos the earliest level (Stratum ill) was
possibility which puts the Tyrian and Philistine relation- characterized by unburnished red slip, possibly just moving
ship with Israel (or Israel and Judah) in a wholly different into burnished red slip by the end of the phase.32 The
light. Tyre and Philistia needed Israel (or Israel and Judah) expanded Stratum II settlement (Figure 14) is characterized
as much as the Israelites and Judahites needed them. by the presence of burnished red slip.33 It featured a
Space does not permit an analysis of the evidence strongly-built towered building (1039) with a stable
bearing on the possible magnitude and valuation of the featuring some standings suitable for horses, and others
traffic, nor upon the lines of communication available to suitable only for donkeys.34 Building 1065, readily
the South Arabian trade during the Iron II period. We can accessible nearby, may have been a storeroom for the
say that evidence presently at hand (see especially Van Beek horses' grain, fodder, and bedding straw (Figure 15).
1975; and Eph'al 1982) permits the inference that as many Stratum II is also characterized by a building (314, Figure
as 3,000-5,000 camels may have been employed in the 16) remarkably similar in plan to the two-storied tenth-
annual traffic, with an overall valuation ranging variously century Phoenician fort in the Plain of Akko published by
upwards to ca. $175,000,000 or $290,000,000 in 1960 US Zvi Gal (1992), and not unlike the later Stratum vm elite
dollars. buildings near the Citadel at Hazor, or the much later
384 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
lower reaches of several wadis leading down through the
Hejaz mountains to the Red Sea coast near the mouth of
the Gulf of Aqaba • . • [including the site almost certainly
to be identified as] Midyan [hence the original designation]
... 'Midianite Ware" (Parr 1992: 595). That these wares
were produced in this region is indicated not only by their
distribution, but also by petrographic analysis (Rothenberg
and Glass 1983: 101-13; Glass 1988), and by the
discovery of kilns surrounded by wasters of this pottery at
the site of Qurayya (surveyed by Parr, Harding, and
Dayton 1970; Parr 1988, 1992 with citations). The ware is
thus more accurately known by its type-site designation:
'Qurayya Painted Ware', and its inclusion in a repertory
dating to the last half of the tenth century BCE goes far to
lower the terminal date for this distinctive ware (d. Parr
F'lfJura 14 Tel Masos, Area A, Stratum II: Stable and stable-slores,
and 'four-room' hauses. The building (House 96) at lower center may be 1988: 75-81, who defends a date entirely within the
functionally related to specialized administrative stare-residences, e.g. second millennium BCE).
Figure 16 (after Fritz and Kempinsld 1983) During the late seventh century a small fortress was
built west of the earlier settlement. It was destroyed during
the general destructions marking the end of the Judaean
'West Tower' at Tell Beit Mirsim: i.e., a large ground floor monarchy.
plan (in this case about 1.5 times the size of a more-or-Iess The initial small encampment (Stratum IX), with
standard 10 x 10 m four-room house) ringed on two or relatively large grain pits (?), at Tell es-Seba', ancient
three sides by store rooms (at Masos, one housed two Beersheva (Herzog 1984: 8-11, Figs. 17-19) is already
ovens, another seems to have been a workroom). These characterized by hand-burnished red slip, as is the next
buildings almost certainly had a midline row of wooden or phase (Stratum vm, Herzog 1984: 11-14, Fig. 20), which
stone pillars designed to support the second floor living adds to a new dugout encampment a four-room house. In
quarters.3S Tentatively, these plans,36 in their later Israelite the ensuing Stratum vn, a series of conjoined four-roomed
and Judaean settings, might be taken as typical quarters for houses were built, perhaps encircling a large open court so
mid-level officials charged with taxation andlor redistri- as to create what the excavator calls an 'enclosed settle-
bution duties.37 The modest size of the store facilities in all ment', the rear rooms amounting to, in effect, a primitive
instances may give some indication of the limited scale of casemate wall (Herzog 1984: 78).
local redistribution. Something of the geographical and From Stratum Vll came a (miniature) tall chalk incense
economic range of commodities handled at Tel Masos may altar, ca. 12 em wide by 24 (?) em tall (Herzog 1984: Fig.
be inferred from the pottery found in the destroyed 25:18; PI. 13:9). Elsewhere, in roughly contemporaneous
building: hand-burnished Israelite red-slipped bowls and a stratification, a 9-cm tall miniature limestone incense altar
krater,38 a grain-scoop,39 bichrome Phoenician jugs, (Figure 17: 5) was discovered at Gezer in a mixed fill
Phoenician or Phoenician-influenced wine (?) amphorae containing Stratum vm (the Solomonic stratum) and early
(particularly PI. 141: 8), a Phoenician red burnished ninth-century (Stratum Vll) materials (Dever, Lance et al.
bowl,40 an Egyptian 'Beer Jar',41 and decorated 'Midianite 1974: 64, pis 41:2, 75:a-b); and an altar intermediate in
Ware' characteristic of the region of the Gulf of Aqabah size between the two foregoing comes from Level B3 at Tell
(Fritz and Kempinski 1983: 40; Pis. 142: 10; 145: 1; 148: Beit Mirsim (Figure 17:4; Albright 1943: 28-9, which also
11; 97A: 1-2), the nearest source for a number of Red Sea cites another altar from Macalister's excavations at Gezer).
shells (Tridacna. Conus. Strombus tricomis [true Conch]) At Tell 'Ira a six-chambered (i.e., 'Solomonic') gateway
found in the same building (Reese 1983: 225). We now was dated by the excavators to the seventh century, on the
know, however, that this decorated 'Midianite Ware' understanding that occupation at the site was limited to the
(below) was characteristic of that area within northwestern seventh to the sixth centuries BeE. During subsequent
Saudi Arabia through which ran 'the main N-S route from excavations previously unnoticed evidence for a '10th-9th
Arabia to Palestine and Syria, the route followed by the century' occupation was discovered (Beit Arieh 1992a:
Mecca Pilgrims and by the Hejaz railway' (Parr 1988 and 447b; 1985a; 1985b). In the absence of contrary data
literature cited; 1992: 594). It has not only been found in (provided by the meticulous cross-checking and publication
quantity at the copper-production site of Timna of sherds and section drawings relating to the foundation
(Rothenberg 1988: 93-6; Pis. 4, 16-18, 106; Figs. 4-13; trenches and makeup fills of the gate and its associated
Glass 1988), but at 'the oasis center of Tayma [fema], on fortifications), the rules of typological cross-dating would
the main trade route to the S, and about a dozen sites in the appear to date the gateway to the last half of the tenth
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Cenlralization in the Iron IIA -B (ca. 1000-750 BCE) 385
i. \
UN EXCAVATED
'5
,L
13
[ 112
{{
I I
Figure 15 Tel Masas, Stratum II towered (stairway) Stable 1039 and posited service-stores Building 1065. Horse standings are reconstructed,
showing one method of removing a horse from an inner standing. Note that the standings nearest the door are too small for horses, and must have
been used for donkeys (after Fritz and Kempinski 1983)
~
fortresses and connected settlements being established to
the southeast, at Horvat 'Uza and Horvat Radum (Beit
Arieh 1992b; 1992c). It is not impossible that the site of
Beersheva relocated to the site of Aroer, 5 km south of Tel
Masos (above), which was briefly occupied at the very end
of the Judaean Monarchy; the finds included four
miniature (cuboidal) limestone altars, below. There does
2
not appear to have been any earlier Iron Age occupation
(Biran 1983).
The discoveries of miniature, now cuboidal, limestone
incense altars (see Figure 17:1-2) - the later analogs to the
Beersheva Stratum vn, Tell Beit Mirsim, and Gezer Strata
VIll/VII altars - at Beersheva, Malhata, and Aroer45 -
again witness not only to a major commodity (incense)
being transported through the corridor, small quantities for
local use presumably being purchased in side deals with
3
drivers,46 but also to substantial ongoing links with South
Arabia. In later times these links are witnessed by sixth-
o..... 10 em century grafitti, incised in Old South Arabic script on local
wares, at Jerusalem (Shiloh 1979: 19), and by the South
Arabian seal found at Beitin.47
I
I I
0'I
,
~,.~._._._._._._. __ .-.-.-.J
A ~
i :
j 0
i..'J
CONVENTIONS
o ....
---, --,-r
r-,
a;D Hew'' •
c ,,+ ..
(Q]
Fit.pl!
81n or Man..,
a Clsl.rn
UnderGrOUnd Stable
.,. Post/Pillar
......
~. I I
.... ~
F L
Figure 18 Typical Israelite and Judaean houses and house-camplexes of the Iron Age. (AI Kh. Racldana, (BI Tell eI-Fa(ah(NI Sir.
Vllb, Iq Tell en-Nasbeh (early), (0) Shechem Sir. VII, IE) Beersheva Sir. II, (F) Tell en-Nasbeh (6/7th centuryl
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Cenlra/ization in the Iron IIA - B (ca. 1000-750 BCE, 389
average minimal widths of living rooms, normal head there is a distinct shortage of mass/public grain storage in
space in living quarters, etc.), it quickly becomes apparent the archaeological record.53 We will pursue this below,
that such houses can function only as fully-roofed two- with a suggestion as to where these reserves were actually
story structures, with the low-beamed lower story stored.
(Albright 1943: 51; Callaway 1976: 29; Fritz and
Kempinski 1983: 25; Yadin et at. 1989: 183-6, 191)
primarily given over to economic activities: agricultural
Evaluating th. case lor agricultural
intensification/specialization
and other storage, stables, and sufficient folding space for
the overnight shelter of the family's sheep and goats (Stager During the ninth and eighth centuries, the pattern of family
1985: 12-17; Holladay 1992a: 310-16; Netzer '1992: control of agricultural surpluses evidenced by the
199). This arrangement ensures the best possible protection functioning of the four-and three-room house plan
for the family's wealth, concentrated in the stored grain obviously continued. State, cultic, and regional taxes
supplies and, particularly, in the livestock. The folding undoubtedly had a bite, but there is no evidence in these
space, probably the area incorrectly termed 'courtyard', settlements of government redistribution below the palace,
was then available for work-related activities during the military and administrative levels. 54 What has changed for
daytime. In western Iran, ovens could be in semi-subter- Israelite agriculturalists, and those who would exploit
ranean kitchens, in communal kitchens of compounds them, are the increased opportunities and pressures
housing extended families, or nonexistent, as at Watson's generated by peace, interregional cooperation and
'Hasanabad', where bread was baked over an open hearth coordination, and access to wider markets via long-
upon a metal tray (sa;) exactly like a Palestinian MB n-Iron distance seaborne trade and short-distance overland trade.
n 'Baking Tray' (Watson 1979: 122-5, 162-3; Kramer With the advent of the state, the powers of the elders'
1979: 147-56). councils necessarily were curtailed, but almost certainly not
Insofar as we define the Israelite family as that element eliminated. Acceptable forms of local government were still
of the population living in three- and four-room houses necessary. Land transactions, however, almost certainly
(which constitute by far the greatest bulk of later Iron n could be appealed to higher authority, and the potential for
habitations yet published), the greatest difference between alienation of lands was vastly increased. Concentration of
the pre-monarchical and monarchical periods seems to be ownership in fewer hands and increased commercial
that, soon after the Sheshonq raid, the bulk of the popu- opportunities undoubtedly led to increased cash crop
lation seems to have been concentrated in or around - e.g., specialization. All of this seems eminently reasonable and
Megiddo (d. n. 57, below) and Beersheva (Aharoni 1973: fits well with contemporary eighth century literary
1; Gophna and Yisraeli 1973) - increasingly densely- evidence, but did it actually take place? Surprisingly, this
occupied fortified settlements.52 House sizes remained question is fully capable of archaeological testing and some
within the same general range, but, except for the standard of the necessary archaeological data would seem to be to
relocation of the ground-floor entrance to the mid-front hand. It does, however, involve an approach more familiar
wall, little else changed. Some houses had control over to Americanist and British-Continental archaeology than to
more courtyard space, or more storerooms, but, in genera~ Syro-Palestinian archaeology.
there was probably less than a 1:3 range in available sizes The analysis is moderately complicated, but not
and/or facilities. Since the house itself was originally difficult:
designed to handle the demands of a highly individuated
1. Since (a) olive oil was, by a good margin, the most valuable
agriculturalist economy, this is highly significant, as we
major agricultural commodity produced in the southern
shall argue below. The only major change in this key Levant, and (b) olive trees require specific environmental
aspect of the production system is the stripping off of the parameters for successful cultivation, factors encouraging
additional grain stores once accumulated in exterior grain- agricultural intensification should have led to Iron n
pits (Finkelstein 1988a: 266). Contra Finkelstein, however, settlement patterns (our chronological and spatial grids are
who suggests that it was mostly taxed away, more than at present unfortunately broad) consistently biased toward
one mechanism may have been operative. In a distinctly olive-growing regions (termed 'horticultural' regions in
mercantile milieu, surplus grain, wine, oil, dried fruits and Finkelstein 1988a), as opposed to regions (Finkelstein's
other products probably were sold - both in bulk to 'topographical units') in which this was not the case. The
professional buyers, and on a' continuing private or basic assumption here is that agricultural intensification
means concentration on high value products as opposed to
entreprenurial basis in the local markets. As noted above,
simply bringing more land in to use.
bulk shipments could have entered the international 2. Olive growing regions, as attested by Ottoman tax records
market at ports located in Philistia or anywhere along the and modern practices, particularly characterize the central
coast. What is important to note is that, except for palace range and western slopes of the north-central hill country,
granaries (Samaria), and large grain silos and granaries an area extensively surveyed by Israel Finkelstein and
located near stables (Megiddo, Hazor, Beth Shemesh), published, in preliminary form, in 1988. Finkelstein claims,
390 Part V * local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
60.---.----=~~----._--~ PEARSON R - 0.14
although rather satta voce (1988a: 187-8, 194), that -
~50
settlement patterns focusing upon suitable horticultural 90
lands are evident in the Iron IT settlement data for the ~ 80
territory of Ephraim, going so far as to suggest that it is ffi 7 0
likely the inhabitants were forced to barter 'oil and wine m40
for grain and dairy products' (1988a: 194), which is OS 60
probably going too far. It is obvious from the discussion, ~ 5
~ 30 0
however, that no statistical tests were made of the strength
of the association. In their absence, it is fully possible that ~ 4 0
the territory is approximated by the farming practices of DUNAMS HORTICULTURAL LAND / INDMDUAL (1945)
the region's inhabitants in 1945 CE (1988a: 129-30). This
is a useful assumption, and this is a period for which we Figure 19 Ephraim: Scallerplot of new and enlarged Iran II sites VI.
have good census data (1988a: 130-9, especially Table 2). dunams of horticultural land per individual (1945 census), all regions,
with regression line and upper limit (curved line, top center) of the 95
Thus, if a disproportionate expansion under (1.) above percent confidence band. The size of the plot symbols indicates how
fits the spatial model given by (2-3) above, the hypothesis much the correlation coefficient would change if that point were
that the Iron n expansion was governed by factors eliminated, negative inRuences being indicated by the filled Circles,
dictating intensification of high-value crops would seem to positive inRuences by the open circles. In this example, the Southern
be supported, as opposed to the null hypothesis that Iron n Central Range (large filled circle lower right), and the North Central
expansion in these regions was occasioned purely by Range (top center) are joindy exercising a large negative inRuence on
Pearson's r.ln such a situation, the data for the major outliers (SCR, NCR)
chance or by other, unconsidered, factors.
should be reassessed (see text). Given !his sel of data, the very low value
This null hypothesis may be tested most directly by of Pearson's r, which ranges in scale from +1 for perfect positive
means of a regression analysis (Shennan 1988: 114-33; correlation to -1 for perfed negative correlation, inakes it dear that the
Wilkinson 1990a: 115-28, 147-89; Wilkinson 1990b: availability of horticultural land played only the most marginal of rales in
198-230) testing the relationship of the number of new or detennining Iran II site selection (d. Figure 20)
expanded Iron n sites to the relative proportions of
horticultural lands (as indicated by landuse patterns in the for inclusion in the model. As we have already noted, the
1945 census, Finkelstein 1988a: 1931-32, Table 2) in the Southern Central Range is clearly impacted by being 'a
respective topographical units. The graphic representation sensitive border area •.• Unfortified villages or farms, like
of this analysis may be seen in Figure 19, the curving line at those ••• [elsewhere] did not exist here' (Finkelstein
top center being the upper 95 percent confidence line 1988a: 188). In other words, the demography of this
(Wilkinson 1990b: 301). It will instantly be noted that the topographical unit is dictated by politicaVmilitary
'least squares' regression line does not 'fit' the data well, an considerations, and not by landuse considerations.
indication that the one predictor (presence of horticultural Similarly, the Northern Central Range, which' is
lands) apparently does not form the only determining 'oversubscribed' in terms of numbers of new and
influence. Initially, analysis of this regression yields a expanded sites (57 in all), may be heavily influenced by
correlation coefficient (r, d. Shennan 1988: 126-31) of being on a main highway, and site location may be dictated
.145, and a squared correlation coefficient, or coefficient of by considerations o~er than the simple availability of
determination of only .021 (or 2 percent), which is to say desirable agricultural lands.
that, in the model analyzed (horticultural area in average Eliminating these two topographical units weakens the
=
dunams per person constant • numbers of new sites and analysis by leaving only four cases (topographic units), but
Iron I sites expanding in n), only 2 percent of the variation the new regression line fits the remaining data points much
seems to be accounted for by the relative availability of more comfortably (Figure 20, Table 5), yielding a vastly
horticultural lands within the different topographical units. improved r of .936 and a coefficient of determination (r2)
Finally, the results of a two-tailed t test (Blalock 1979: of .876 or 88 percent. This is strong confirmation of
188-93) tell us that results like this could occur purely by Finkelstein's intuitive reading of the significance of the
chance 78.4 times out of 100. These findings would appear survey data. The results of a two-tailed t-test allow the
to invalidate Finkelstein's informal assessment of the trends rejection of the null hypothesis (that site placement was not
(above), but inspection of Figure 19 suggests that the two conditioned by the availability of horticultural lands) at the
main outliers, SCR and NCR,· the Southern Central Range .064 level - not quite the statistician's preferred .05, but
and the Northern Central Range, should be reconsidered close enough.
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Centralization in the Iron llA-B (co. JOOO-750 BCEI 391
60 PEARSON R - 0.94
unit, whether working its allotted share of the extended
6a: 90
family'S holdings, its own freehold, or land rented from a
;?; 50 8 0
C/)
rich neighbor or absentee landlord. For the eighth century
w 7 0 BCE - except for the foregoing not under investigation
ii5 40
0 6 0 here - it should not pass notice that agricultural
~
a: intensification efforts could as easily be focused upon
5 0
« 30
...J
zw tenants or even freeholders dependent upon market forces
4 0
~
z 2 •
10
~ 1 • Residence patterns, land alienation and agricultural
2 0 INFLUENCE x 100 intensification
0 10 20 30 40 50 In the system described above, once the potentials of the
DUNAMS HORTICULTURAL LAND I INDIVIDUAL (1945) highland 'frontier' (Stager 1985: 3-10) were completely
realized, alienation of land and exploitation of the weak
Figure 20 As Figure 19, eliminating the Southern Central Range and represented a new 'frontier of opportunity', limited only by
the Northern Central Range from the analysis (see text). Note the much the legal system (below) and the force of custom, backed
narrower 95 percent confidence line, the small inRuence symbols, and
by divine sanction. While certainly attested in the prophetic
the high value for Pearson's r, supporting the hypothesis that, for these
topographic units, the availability of horticultural land seems to be the literature, sociologically explicable and ethnographically
key determinant for Iron II site selection documentable, nothing in the archaeological record clearly
points either to a dramatic degradation of the living
standards of most of those elements of Israelite society who
VI Israelite agrarian society: socio- lived in the large villages, towns and cities which have, to
economic organization under the state date, been excavated;56 or to a concomittant rise in the
living standards of a few 'great houses', a very few late
The contribution 01 the Israelite family outsized 'four-room houses' at Tell en-Nasbeh notwith-
standing (e.g., Figure 18:F).57
The preceding sketch is essential for understanding not But perhaps a dramatic degradation was not involved.
only the evolutionary/processual dynamics of the Israelite Owing to a longstanding practice of concentration on
and Judaean nation-state at the beginning of the tenth large, multicomponent tells, we presently have relatively
century BCE (below), but also for understanding its little information on the archaeology of non-urban intrasite
workings throughout the 400-odd years of its independent settlement patterns of small agriculturalist sites during the
existence. The highlands of Israel and Judah were a period of the early state(s). Two different sites, however,
complicated mosaic of small, varied ecological niches, each located in quite different parts of the region, seem to point
capable of various modes of agricultural (virtually all dry in an interesting direction. As we have seen, 'Izbet Sartah
farming) and pastoral exploitation, but, except for a few located in the rolling foothills, the Shephelah, of the
'garden spots', none sufficiently extensive to allow for the Judaean mountains, seems briefly to have been a hamlet
sorts of massed labor forces of centralized control which specializing in grain cultivation, balanced by risk-spreading
have been predicated for the functioning of Mesopotamian invesnnent in domestic herds and flocks (Hellwing and
irrigated agriculture, or for the largely temple- or palace- Adjeman 1986; Rosen 1986). It would appear to have been
dominated basin agriculture of ancient Egypt (see paralleled by a number of similarly sited Iron n settlements
Finkelstein, this volume). In Israel, with some exceptions, all along the western flank of the Shephelah (Ledermann
e.g., the possible royal vineyards represented by the 1990). This would appear to have been 'new land' for
inscriptions on the Royal Stamped Jar handles, and Israelite exploitation, made possible by the expansionistic
possible land-seizures by the highly placed, everything establishment of the nation-state, and the 'estate' may have
seems to have been up to the individual family production been a land grant to a palace retainer. As already noted,
TableS
Dep. Var. [see notel N: 4 Multiple R: .936 Squared multiple R: .876
Adjustedcsquared multiple R: .814 Standard error of estimate: 3.969
Variable Coefficient Ski error Ski coef Tolerance T P 12 tail)
Constant 17.525 3.421 0.000 5.122 0.036
Avghort 0.478 0.127 0.936 .100E+01 3.758 0.064
Note: The dependent variable was the number of new sites in Iron" plus the number of Iron I sites that expanded in Iron II.
392 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
'Izbet Sartah Stratum 2 was dominated by one large house
surrounded by grain-pits, interpreted as indicating a major
wealth distinction in the local setting (Figure 11, above).
Pre-Omride Samaria, on the other hand, seems to have
specialized in olive oil and wine production, witnessed -'D.P. ~.;=:==::::;;::=:=::::::.-r==:::::j
a.p.
primarily by rock-cut bell-shaped pits and olive- and wine- o.r,.-
presses on the crest of the hill (Stager 1990: 94, Fig. 1, d.
Figure 21 here, modified). These economic pursuits were
CI~mr'
~r 1.!:J;:i::;liJr
undoubtedly balanced by domestic flocks and herds and,
presumably, by exchanging some surpluses with neigh-
:~ tI."".al,I=
boring bottom-land hamlets specializing in grain
production. According to 1 Kings 16: 23-24 (here we
0'@>o 0
break our general rule against using biblical data), this land
was purchased by Omri from an individual named Shemer,
o.r. 0.:.. oo~ ..~ _ _
after whom Omri named the new capitol. This detail is •
OP..
. ' oil>
• ..
, ,
i.e., a residence created for a son or younger brother on !.. I ,I
'___ -
1
,
I /-- - --
Conclusion: redistribution and tlte storage 01 I 1
commodities 0 1
1
1
What all the above boils down to is that, contrary to the 1
1
10. Without the support of the biblical text, de Vaux's presumptive 17. Note that the e1-Khadr (5 km west of Bethlehem) hoard, found in
unfurished Palace of Omri (Building 411) at Tell el-Far'ah (N) a field in 1953 and broken up and distributed among a number
would hardly have been identified as the seat of the centralized of dealers, as of a publication date of 1980, contained at least 26
government of a significant Levantine nation state (de Vaux arrowheads, of which five (19%) were inscribed (Cross 1980: 4).
1955: 582-83, PI. VII; Chambon 1984: 38-9, Pl. 18). The 18. For all but the Stratum m burnished red-slipped materials at
question is probably moot, however. See Holladay 1966: 114-16 'Izbet Sartah, which are based upon the total sherdage, these
for the suggestion, accepted without attribution by McClellan percentages are based on vessels illustrated in the figures
1987, that these remains are foundations related to the Str. VIId (Finkelstein 1986). For clarity of analysis, the 'lzbet Sartah
Palace 148 (Chambon 1984: 44-7) destroyed by the Neo- Stratum IT silo fills are tabulated separately from the general
Assyrians ca. 725-22 BCE). Stratum IT materials.
11. E.g., the Kurkh Monolith of Shalmanezer m (858-824 BCE), 19. The chronological significance of red slips in early Israel has long
the Mesha Stele (ca. 830 BCE), the Stone Slab from Calah of been recognized (Albright 1932: 63-73; 1943: 5-10), though
Adad-Nirari m (810-783), the annals of Tiglath-Pileser m variously interpreted with reference to absolute chronology. For
(744-727 BCE), Sargon IT (721-705 BCE), Sennacherib (704- preliminary studies involving quantified observations of colored
681 BCE), etc. (Pritchard 1969b: 278-9; 281; 282-4; 284-7; slips and other surface colors of pottery, taken together with
287-8). various modes of burnish, through stratigraphic sequences, see
12. Explanation of social transformations in complex societies is one Holladay 1990; 1993. For Albright's statement on the
of the most challenging areas of social anthropology and social chronological value of 'creamy wash', as he termed it, see
archaeology. Simplistic evolutionary or monocausal explana- Albright 1932: 62.
tions are looked on with disfavour (Renfrew and Bahn 1991: 20. Reconstructed by Finkelstein as a 'Southern Fortress'-style
405-34; 421). Given present space limitations, it is not possible enclosure, but by Zvi Ledermann as a typical highlands hamlet
to develop and document a truly multivariate explanation. It is (1990).
possible, however, to postulate certain alternate paths of social 21. It will not pass unnoticed that this is precisely the role of the
evolution based upon cross-cultural analysis, examine the eighth-century prophets, something that Morris Silver misses in
archaeological record with respect to these variables, and then to his adherence to the 'oughtness' of supply-side economics (1983)
attempt some sort of hypothetical explanation variously drawing - i.e., Silver would have allied himself unhesitatingly with the
upon the resources of Marxist, processualist, and post- cause of the wealthy. Whether the prophets are 'radical' in the
processualist archaeology. The following analysis utilizes a original sense of attempting to perpetuate and intensify (patendy
Marxist analysis of pre-industrial social systems to derive a set unsuccessful) regulatory mechanisms of the pre-state society, or
of alternative social structures appropriate to the early Israelite whether they are 'radical innovators' is an interesting subject for
Highland societies (intensive agriculturalist, pastoralist). It then further study. In either case, as Silver has argued, successful
analyzes the archaeological record for material correlates of application of negative feedback with respect to wealth
these alternative structures (elite structures vs signs of accumulation would probably have had disastrous effects upon
differential wealth accumulation), noting in passing signs of key mechanisms of the state, leading, if successful, to societal
the development of specialization in the military arts. Finally, it 'collapse' and reintegration/reformation of the society at a lower
puts the 'explanation' of the transformation from segmentary level of social organization - something that indeed happened
agriculturalist society to nation-state in the form of an historical during the period of the Babylonian Exile, and again during the
narrative, while acknowledging (here) the stronger explanatory long period of the Diaspora.
force - and greater opportunities for testing - of a systems! 22. This observation seems to be more certain for Hazor and
cybernetics [positive feedback] approach to modeling the Megiddo than for smaller sites in their vicinity. Cf., in
transformation. Cf. particularly the concise and extremely lucid particular, the quantified observations of Melvin Hunt with
'history of modem archaeological theory' in Renfrew and Bahn respect to the Yokneam Regional Project and Tell Qiri. At Tell
1991: 405-34. Qiri, out of some 7000 sherds saved during the main season of
13. This number represents cases from the Ethnographic Atlas excavations, 344 cooking pot rims, 376 storejar rims, 336 bowl
(Murdock 1967) judged 'superior' with respect to observations rims, and 262 krater rims were type-sorted and systematically
concerning legal systems. analyzed in terms of their stratigraphic occurrence in the Area D
14. Recognition of this non-hereditary form of social stratification sequence. Figures are not given for jugs and 'secondary forms'
(wealth distinctions) nuances to a considerable degree the early such as chalices, baking trays, Collared-rim Pithoi, other pithoi,
stages of societal evolution discussed in Frick's The Formation of Philistine Ware, Bichrome Ware, 'Samaria Ware', Cypro-
the State in Ancient Israel (1985), which should be consulted as Phoenician Ware, Phoenician Ware, AssyrianlAssyrianizing
the most painstaking review of this process presendy available. It Ware, and other imported wares; or 'minor types' such as
should further be noted that recent developments, particularly juglets, lamps, 'Cups-and-Saucers', flasks, goblets, pyxides,
the lowering of the dates for Tel Masos, have invalidated or amphoriskoi, incense burners, tall stands, etc. Out of,
heavily compromised his use of some of the archaeological presumably, the entire corpus of rims saved from the site
materials. (quantities for two minor seasons are not documented), Hunt
15. Convincing archaeological data for this transitional stage have gives no count for the 'not frequent' Philistine pottery (his Fig.
not yet been demonstrated. Note that burnished red slips 42 illustrates 7), but there were 8 Bichrome Ware rims, 9
characterize the fortress at Tell el-FuI, formerly ascribed to Saul. 'Samarian Ware' rims (probably Phoenician products, so
16. The differendy sized 'fortresses' in the Negev Highlands, which Anderson 1988: 355), 18 Cypro-Phoenician 'Black-on-Red'
most likely are pastoralist encampments (Finkelstein 1988a: rims, and 2 Phoenician rims ('dull reddish fabric and black-
241-2) are typically characterized by the presence of burnished painted decoration' only) (1987: 200-3).
red slips, and date, as R. Cohen has long argued, to the last half 23. Cedar of Lebanon was identified in the remains of Stratum II
of the tenth century. Buildings 314 (Room 343) and 480 (Rooms 483, 487) at Tel
396 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
Masos (Liphscbitz and Waisel in Fritz and Kempinski 1983: 210, goods to the stores (1992: 227). I must admit that the
212); in the construction of Temple 131 in Tell Qasile Stratum X workability, and indeed, the economics of this reconstruction
(Liphscbitz and Waisel in A. Mazar 1985: 139); in the building completely elude me.
of Beersheva m-D (Liphscbitz and Waisel1973: Table 1, 104- 35. Note that the location of the outer doorway is restored. An
5). A piece of cedar came from Locus 4286 of the Level m alternative reconstruction might place the doorway in the eastern
drainage channel in Area G at Lachish (Ussishkin 1983: 167). wall. The midline row of pillars is present at Hazor (e.g., Building
Liphscbitz and Waisel 1974-81, Dendroa,chaeological 3067), although thought by the excavators to be a later addition
Investigations Tel Lachish, Mimeographed reports nos. 20, 41, to each plan, and a line of flagstone bases for wooden pillars,
46, 58, 75, 103, Tel Aviv University, were not available to me. similar to the flagstones in Building 314, seems to be present in
24. Quantification of these elements at Megiddo is one of the design the 'West Tower' at Tell Beit Mirsim. The excavators of Td
objectives of the proposed new excavations at Megiddo (private Masos suggest the plan harks back to Late Bronze age
communication, B. Halpern). antecedents and is, in fact, a typical 'Canaanite' house (Fritz and
25. While pottery and goods shipped in pottery containers obviously Kempinski 1983: 42-3). If so, it is out of its milieu by something
were not the major commodities supplied by TyreJPhoenicia to like 250 years. The similarity in plan to a tenth-century
Israel, this pottery index nevertheless should serve as something Phoenician 'fort' has already been noted above. Coupled with the
of a barometer to give some rough measure of the strength of the strong presence of Phoenician pottery in Building 314, the
trading relationship. indications are that we may have either an entreprenurial activity
26. Although Anderson stress differences in relative frequencies of modelled on Phoenician prototypes and in commercial contact
various types (based upon reported examples at Tyre) between with Phoenicia, or even an actual Phoenician presence at Tel
the Tyrian and Sareptan (where Anderson has access to more Masos. The presence of a second story in this building is
complete data) assemblages, it seems reasonably clear that there supported by the fact that at least eight vessels were
is no major difference in the two assemblages which would reconstructed from sherds variously distributed through two to
invalidate the hypothesis that most of the Sareptan parallels with three of four different rooms in the western end of the house
Israelite sites could, in point of fact, be either Tyrian or Sareptan, (1983: 40, n. 6, to which compare Gal 1992: 173b).
both, or even more characteristically 'Phoenician' in a broader 36. We must also note the close analogies with portions of the
sense (Anderson 1988: 395-421, more exactly, pp. 144-231). In Ostraca House at Samaria (Yadin 1972: 171 n. 8), and Buildings
the case of a few forms, it is possible that the equation could be 1482 and 10 (?) at Megiddo.
made more exactly, but this is impossible to establish on the basis 37. Presumably records were kept in situations of this sort, but the
of data presendy available. buildings' primary function can hardly be assumed to be 'scribal
27. E.g., Loud 1948: 75:18 (VIB); 77:5-6 (VIA); 84:1-2 ('VI'). activity'. Herzog's suggestion (1992) that all buildings of this
28. Cf. the eleventh century quest of Wen-Amun for timber, general plan are 'scribes' chambers' [full stop] stands the matter
including seven expertly dressed structural members sent as entirely on its head. This 'identification', unfortunately, amounts
samples (D. 35-40), for the Barque of Amun (Pritchard 1969b: to a parade example of the ascription of function on the basis of
25-9). personal expertise and a handful of inappropriate literary
29. Given that Phoenicia is clearly involved, Tyre, archaenlogically citations. The sole evidentiary warrants forwarded are the
known in any modern sense only through Patricia Bikai's buildings' 'location, ••• symmetrical plan and the difference
excavations (1978), is the most likely trading partner. This between them and typical Iron Age dwellings', coupled with the
emerges purely from consideration of its proximity to Israelite fact that 'scores of administrative documents were found in the
territory, although it is completely at one with traditions building consequendy dubbed the 'Ostraca House' (neither
concerning David, Solomon and the Omrides. Without Kaufman 1982 or his dissertation are cited, d. n. 54 below).
functioning seaports of her own, Israel would have been Herzog continues: 'This find is sufficient evidence that the
dependent upon a third party - Tyre or Philistia - for access to building was used by official scribes and should he identified with
trade with either Sarepta or any Phoenician entity further to the the biblical "scribes" chamber' (Jeremiah 36: 10, 12, 20, 21)'
north. (1992: 229, emphasis added). Following this logic, an even better
30. The Tnnna mines were not worked during the period of the case could be made for the 'rooms' of the typical Iron D
United Monarchy (Rothenberg 1988: 3-18). The Feinan sources, gateways, which are symmetrical, do not look like houses, and
however, may well have contributed via the Beersheva-Zered have 'administrative documents', d. the find~ot of the I.achish
Depression trade corridor, as Knauf has recendy argued (1988: Letters and compare the physical location described in Jeremiah
112, n. 509). . 36: 10. For, on the other hand, a wholly convincing analysis
31. For evidence for an iron industry in the northern Transjordan, in yielding evidence for a particular type of scribal work-station in
the territory traditionally assigned to Gilead, see Coughenour association with Egyptian store-rooms (granaries), cf. Kemp
1976: 71-8; 1989: 61-4. 1986. To my knowledge, nothing like the ~tian work-station
32. Fritz and Kempinski 1983: Plates 131:11,16; 132:12 [burnished]; exists in either Israel or Judah, which seems on the archaenlogical
133:12. evidence to have had a markedly different economy than
33. E.g., Fritz and Kempinski 1983: Plates 135:1,2,11 [all un- Pharaonic Egypt. See The Israelite House. below.
burnished]; 136:1,10,116 [all burnished], 4, 11 [unburnished]; 38. Fritz and Kempinski 1983: PIs. 142:1-2; 147:3.
137:8 [burnished]; 142: 1,2,7 [burnished], 8 [unburnished]; 39. Fritz and Kempinski 1983: PL 141:1.
144:3,4 [burnished], 5 [unburnished], m:. 40. Fritz and Kempinski 1983: Te#. 81-8. Bichrome Jugs: PIs.
34. Herzog (1992: 225) independendy classes this building with the 144:11; 145:1; 146:1; 149:5. Cf. Bikai 1978: PIs. 25:9-15; 31:15;
tripartite pillared buildings. He, however, considers all buildings 33:22, 25. Amphorae: 141:8, d. Bikai 1978: PL 35:13; 143:10,
of this type, including the paved, pillared side aisles of private 148:7-9, d. Bikai 1978: Pis. 24:2, 4; 26:13, 15, 17, 18, 21;
houses, to be either storehouses or work/store rooms (idem). The 29:13, 14; 35:11, 13. Phoenician red burnished bowl Pl. 144: 3,
mangers are only for the convenience of pack animals bringing d. Bikai 1978: xxxm:l0 (so also V. Fritz, Tut: 82, with other
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah: Political and Economic Cenlralization in the Iron llA-B (ca. 1000-750 BCE, 397
parallels noted hom Tell Abu Hawam Stratum IV. Beth Shan examples at Tell Qasile Stratum X and Tell esh-Shari'a fall into
Lower Level V. and Tell Qasile Stratum XI). Parallels noted are the period characterized by burnished red slip, and thus may
hom Tyre Stratum XID-I to Stratum X-I. easily be the houses of resident 'Israelites', e.g., traders or
41. Fritz and Kempinslci 1983: PI. 151:7. called a 'Flower pot'. or functionaries. Note that the house form has not yet been
(Tafel 95:B) 'Agyptischer "Blumentopf·... Cf. James 1966: 28; identified at the Iron II Philistine site of Tel MiqnelEkron. On the
Figs. 49: 6; 51: 6; 54: 1. other hand. the form has recendy been identified in at least three
42. It is hard to explain the building of a battleship in an era of separate Iron II settings in Moab (oral communication, B.
guided missile cruisers and frigates. Roudedge).
43. The pottery presendy attributed to the first fortress phase 49. For an artifactually-based analysis of spatial use in Middle and
(Stratum XI, Herzog et aI. 1984: 6-8) is clearly much later (in Late Bronze Age houses in Palestine, see Daviau 1993.
agreement with A. Mazar in Mazar and Netzer 1986: 89-90. Cf. SO. RB. Banning suggests that some of the subterranean structures of
also Zimhoni 1985: 85-6; Ussishkin 1988: 150-1 for the the Chalcolithic Period in the Negev may have served for animal
essential contemporaneity of Strata X-VIII. shelters (personal communication).
44. In the main, the difference between the above sketch and 51. This exercise does, however, put Gal's figure of 300 storejars,
Finkelstein·s more extensive article (1988b) on the same topic, distributed over two phases of the small Phoenician fortress at
which reached far different historical conclusions concerning the Hurbat Rosh Zayit (Gal 1992; above) into more realistic
settlement history of this trade route. may be summed up in six perspective. Note that, of these 300, some apparendy once held
words: Ted slips and burnished Ted slips. Prior to the new olive oil and some had burnt residues suggestive of wine storage,
quantified stratigraphic data introduced in Holladay 1990. leaving only a reduced number holding carbonized grain.
almost any date between the twelfth and mid-tenth centuries 52. The central hill country north of Tell en-Nasbeh may constitute
could be, and was. proposed for die introduction of this an exception to this generalizing statement.
distinctive surface treatment by the various excavators involved 53. The prime candidate for a public storage complex during the
(d.• in Holladay 1990. Table 2 and Figs. 16A and 16B with Fig. period of the Monarchy is that in Area G at Hazar (A. Mazar
18). to say nothing about the various interpreters. A date within 1990: 412). Detailed analysis suggests, however, that these
the reign of Solomon for the introduction of burnished red slips is facilities probably served yet unexcavated stables, relocated in
now assured. with the introduction of unburnished streaky red Stratum VI to a position near the new city gateway.
slips coming only slighdy earlier. 54. Governmental store facilities suited to the segregated storage of
45. See Stern 1973:52. These altars derive hom South Arabian grain, wine, oil, and other commodities are documented by
prototypes (G. Ryckmans 1935: Pis m-IV; Caton-Thomson discarded dockets, apparendy not in primary context (Kaufman
1944: 49-50. 61-2. Pis XVI-XVII; Groom 1981: 142; J. 1982: 231-3; 1992), at the 'Ostraca House' at Samaria, the long
Ryckmans 1992: 173a. 174b). where they were also used in rooms probably serving for grain storage.
domestic settings (J. Ryckmans 1992: 173b). See Fig. 17:3 here. 55. This effort, abundandy documented in the contemporary
These altars. at the present time mosdy hom the Hellenistic writings of the eighth-century prophets, is the subject of a
period. typically are found - as a cultural effect of the incense current study by Marvin Chaney (in progress).
trade - along routes followed by that trade and in north-western 56. It must be admitted that our present knowledge of the late
Arabia, as witnessed in nearly every volume of Atlal (in both clay seventh and early sixth centuries (i.e., stratigraphy equiavalent to
and stone). Compare. for example. the clay cuboidal altars in Lachish Level II) is less than ideal.
Babylonia (refs. in Stern 1973) and the Persian period altars hom 57. We must be sensitive to the possibilities inherent in suggestions
Tell el-Maskhuta (see Plate 2). The two Beersheva altars came like those of Ahlstrom or London (1982b; 1992) to the effect that
hom House 430. which also numbered the head of a pillar-based the bulk of the Israelite and Judaean population might not have
figurine and a model couch among its finds. In other words. these lived on the fortified tells (by which I take London to include
two altars were associated with materials characteristic of what I fortified villages such as Tell Beit Mirsim and Tell en-Nasbeh).
have called the 'nonconformist' element in Israelite Iron II Such settlements seem to be present on the lower terraces at
religion (1987; below). Several pillar-based figurines were found Megiddo (Yadin 1974), which otherwise, prior to the Neo-
at Aroer. but connections. if any. with the cuboidal altars also Assyrian occupation, is severely lacking in housing space on the
found there are, as yet, unpublished. Two other miniature altars tell, and must be posited for Samaria, where nonroyal domestic
were found. with pillar-based figurines. in a 'nonconformist' quarters have to date eluded investigators. Recent surveys,
corporate worship setting in a grotto outside Jerusalem, Kenyon's however, do not seem to have documented the dense pattern of
'Cave 1'. See Holland 1977: 154. Fig. 9: 21-22; Holladay 1987. dispersed occupational remains required by these models, nor
46. For textual explication of this practice. d. Veenhof 1972: 26: have extensive excavations in 'large villages' like Tell Beit Mirsim
'The heighters [long term contracted employees] - ...earned or Tell en-Nasbeh shown the range of coexisting house sizes
their wages by carrying on some private trade. with funds put at predicted by London (1992: 77).
their disposal interest hee . •• [They] could ship their private 58. Except for Houses 362, 366, 366, and associated loci, which
small quantities of merchandise in a top-pack [where the 'loose seem to date to the first half of the ninth century BeE, nullifying
tin', used to defray tolls and subsistence costs en Toute, was also de Vaux's socio-economic interpretation that this was a 'poor
kept]. For archaeological attestation in the southern Levant quarter' separated by a heavy wall &om a much richer quarter.
during the late second millennium BeE, d. Bergoffen 1991: 71- See Holladay 1966 (120-1), followed without attribution by
3. McClellan 1987 (similarly unattributed is McClellan's treatment
47. Ingeniously termed a forgery by Yadin (1969; rebuttals by Van of the 'Unfinished Building', considered by de Vaux to be Omri's
Beek and Jamme, and Kelso [both 1970]), but, in the light of unfinished palace: d. Holladay 1966: 114-16).
other contacts with South Arabia, no longer so easily dismissed. 59. Nissen 1973; Johnson 1973. Based upon her analysis of the
48. Whether the 'Four-room House' was exclusively or even distribution of beveled rim bowls at TaI-e Malyan, TIene Nicholas
primarily 'Israelite' is not material to the discussion. Early 1987 has proposed that they functioned as 'presentation bowls'
398 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * John S. Holladay, Jr
for payment of taxes owed to the government. More satisfying, .25 metric tonslindividuaVyear = 1178), or 4712 people for three
however, is the explanation offered by Schmidt (1982), Millard months, assuming that wheat contributed more than 85 percent
(1988a) and M. Chazan and M. Lehner (1990), that these bowls, of their caloric intake (conveniendy, B. Rosen 1986: 172-3).
and some of their more restricted successors, served as Bread From a military viewpoint, however, it would not have been
Molds, exactly analogously to pictorally-documented Egyptian required that the authorities annually put by this much wheat
Bread Molds of the third and second millennia. With respect to against possible siege conditions. Assuming the completion of
redistribution, note that rations of bread and beer characterized the barley harvest and the safe delivery of the annual levies!
both Egyptian and Greater Mesopotamian societies. In our contracts for the provisioning of the chariot horses in the
limited excavations at the small site of Tell el-Maskhuta we southern stables prior to an invasion (reasonable, since the
discovered, in various parts of the Saite and Hellenistic levels, enemy had to bring in his harvest as well), the stored barley
three 'industrial' bakeries, one with 12 ovens simultaneously (450 m3 • 610 kglm3 [for barley] = 274.5 metric tons), with a
functioning, attached - in two cases (and almost certainly the nutritional value only 65 percent that of wheat, would have
third as well) to granaries - obviously for the provisioning of constituted an adequate grain reserve for all but a protracted
large work-forces (and their dependants). Nothing like this is siege, sufficing for some 2427 people for three months (0.65
known for Palestine. nutritional value ·(274.5 metric tons • 0.85 wastage factor) I
60. Against the attribution of this facility to the notably non-Israelite .250 metric tons wheat equivalentfmdividuallO.25 yr) (d. Rosen
site plan of Stratum TIl, note the very close resemblence to the 1986: 172-3).
great silo in Area W 31 at Beth Shemesh (Grant and Wright 62. It is not impossible that Khirbet Abu Tabaq, in the Judaean
1939:70), also sited near a stable complex. Buqe'ah (Stager 1976b) is an early forerunner of these later
61. By way of reference, at 450 m3 capacity, Storage Pit 1414 could estates.
have contained 450 • 770 kglm3 [for wheat] = 346.5 metric tons 63. The preceding comments apply to Israel and Judah as a whole,
of wheat. At a 15 percent milling, storage loss, and wastage rate, but may not apply to the functioning of the vasdy expanded city
probably minimal for any public activity at this scale, this would of Jerusalem during the late eighth to early sixth centuries, about
be enough to sustain 1178 people for one year ((346.5 • 0.85) I which we presendy know very lime.
23
THE KINGDOMS OF AMMON, MOAB
AND EDOM: THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF
SOCIETY IN LATE B'RONZE/IRON AGE
TRANSJORDAN (CA. 1400-500 BCE)
0ystein S. LoBianco and Randall W. Younker
Introduction the collapse of the Late Bronze Age city-state system. To
kilometers 50
I
Mediterranean
S ea
Probably influenced by the then popular 'wave' hypo- of semi-Bedouins who became known as Edomites,
thesis that suggested that cultural changes were the result of Moabites, Ammonites, and Amorites' (Glueck 1971: 153).
periodic migrations or invasions (d. Luke 1965), Glueck, Glueck's lead was generally followed, with variations, by
himself, suggested that the 'sparse' Late Bronze II others including Alt (1940: 215), Noth (1960: 154) and
occupation 'gave way early in that period to new waves Landes (1956: 31 -5 ).
402 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * 0ystein S. LaBianca and Randall W. Younker
A challenge to this 'wave hypothesis' was Mendenhall's The food systems as a barometer of local
new theory that a 'peasants' revolt' in Palestine - which he level social organization
believed was caused by widespread socio-economic Conspicuously absent from all the scholarly proposals we
collapse towards the end of the Late Bronze Age have mentioned thus far is any attempt to examine the
(Mendenhall 1973: 167, 168; 1983: 94-100) - led to available data from the perspective of anthropological!
people fleeing across the river to Transjordan and settling sociological models, to determine what the data can tell us
down there. Mendenhall believed that these refugees, along about the nature of local level social organization among
with others from Anatolia and southern Syria, became the the Late Bronze and Iron Age societies of Transjordan. An
founders of the kingdoms of Ammon, Edom and Moab. A excellent barometer of such locallevd social organization
slighdy revised version of this view has recently been is, in our opinion, the local food system. This is because
presented by Gottwald. His theory puts even greater any people living in marginal environments, such as
emphasis on the role of upheavals in the collapsing urban Transjordan, necessarily focus a considerable amount of
centers of Late Bronze Age Palestine in causing people to time and attention on securing their subsistence base. This
migrate to the highlands on both sides of the Jordan river preoccupation with subsistence is, in turn, reflected in the
(Gottwald 1979: 429, 433). institutions of that society which are structured in large
Mention must also be made of recent proposals by part to ,facilitate the procurement of food by men, women
McGovern with regard to Ammon (1981, 1986, 1987); and children.
Miller, Worschech and Knauf with reference to Moab Fortunatdy, not only are many aspects of these
(Miller 1992a, 1992b; Worschech 1990; Knauf 1992); and institutions, themsdves, reflected in the archaeological
Bartlett and Knauf in the case of Edom (Bartlett 1989; record (Hopkins 1985: 251-61; Stager 1985), the activities
Knauf 1992). To begin with, McGovern follows the lead of they foster, in terms of obtaining subsistence security, also
Mendenhall and Gottwald in attributing the origin of the leave discernible traces and are, therefore, particularly
highland monarchies of Iron Age Israd and Jordan to the amenable to archaeological reconstruction (LaBianca
collapse of the Late Bronze Age city-state system. 1990, 1991). To the extent that these activities involved
McGovern's (1986) unique contribution is in positing the changes in patterns of land ownership, labor requirements,
existence of a Late Bronze Age city-state system in the security arrangements, residential patterns, land use, and
Amman area of Transjordan. diet, they provide a window onto changes over time and
Miller, who has recently concluded a major archaeo- space in locallevd social organization.
logical survey in the Moab region, seems to depart Pivotal to understanding the dynamic aspectS of food
altogether from proposals based on migration or urban systems' variability are the concepts of intensification and
collapse. In his view the origins of the Moabites are to be abatement. As we have explained dsewhere (LaBianca
sought in the preexisting population of the highland 1990, 1991), these concepts give an idea of the direction of
plateau of Transjordan (Miller 1992a). Bartlett follows a variability in terms of the extent to which a given region is
similar line of argument for the origin of the Edomites managed or exploited. Generally, as a region's food system
(1989: 64, 65). intensifies, its inhabitants tend to become increasingly land-
Worschech and Knauf, on the other hand, seem to be tied, due to increased investment in plow agriculture.
continuing the German tradition of Alt by maintaining a Consequently, their residential patterns tend to become
migration hypothesis in explaining the origins of the more sedentary. Intensification, therefore, is normally
Moabites and Edomites, respectively. Worschech argues accompanied by sedentarization.
that the land of Moab was occupied by sedentary Ernites Abatement is said to occur when ·a given region's
and nomadic Shasu towards the end of the Late Bronze inhabitants diminish their rdiance on plow agriculture in
Age. Another nomadic group, the Shatu, infiltrated the favor of livestock production within a given territory or
region during the LMron transition, merged with the home range. This generally involves adoption of more
nomadic Shasu and then displaced the sedentary Ernites mobile residential patterns, or nomadization, whereby
(Worschech 1990). people, for the sake of their increased investment in range-
Knauf basically reverses the Old Testament account by tied pastoralism, turn to seasonal migration between
suggesting that the Edomites were indigenous nomads watering places, ploughlands and pasturdands within a
who were later joined by migrating Horite tribes who given home range.
had fled agricultural lands in Canaan after the collapse of
the Late Bronze Age Canaanite city-state system (Knauf
Regional JiHerences in availability of water
1992: 49). We would refer to Bienkowski's recently
published collection of essays by leading scholars on Rainfall data published for Jordan clearly show that the
Moab and Edom for an excellent overview of the current certainty of reliable and adequate rainfall for agriculture
state of research on Moab and Edom (Bienkowski decreases as one moves from north to south (Howayej 1973;
1992a). Shehadeh 1985). In the vicinity of Amman, for example, the
The Archaeology of Society in Late Bronze/ Iron Age Transjordan (ca. 1400-500 BCE) 403
these terms); what has changed over time and space is the with its special mandate - defense, agriculture, education,
extent to which each has been represented proportionally. health, forestry, or tourism and antiquities. These ministries
have assumed responsibility for setting priorities and
instituting changes in how things are done. Ironically, a
Tlte role of supra-'ribal poli,ies
priority with many of them is to encourage the settlement of
While there can be little doubt about the fact that tribalism nomadic and seminomadic households and tribes. Other
has always played an important role at the local level of priorities might include land registration; the establishment
Jordanian society - up to and including the present (d. of a standing army; the construction of large-scale water
Gubser 1984; Shami 1984) - what has been its role in collection and storage facilities; road building; enhancement
facilitating the emergence of various supra-tribal polities in of commerce and exchange; and similar undertakings for the
jordan's past? How, in tum, has the emergence of such sake of the common good.
polities impacted on tribalism at the grass-roots level? A A consequence of changes in the extent to which
consideration of these two questions is relevant here. Transjordan has come under the control of supra-tribal
The birth of the modern nation-state of Jordan provides powers is that the influence of the tribal order over
a clue, of sorts, to the role of tribalism in the formation of organization of production in the region has waxed and
indigenous kingdoms. In Jordan, as in other countries of waned. Thus, during periods of increasing centralized
the modem Middle East, there are many reminders of the control of production, urban-controlled bureaucracies have
continuing importance of the tribal order. This can be seen, arisen to compete with preexisting tribally-based systems
for example, in the fact that tribal law exists side-by-side of control. When these bureaucratic systems have run out
with civil law and Islamic law. Furthermore, as is well of steam, the tribally based systems have reemerged to take
known, King Hussein of Jordan has depended on full control again. Consequently, tribalism has coexisted
Transjordan's indigenous tribes and their descendants for with a succession of competing systems of supra-tribal
his most loyal support since the earliest days of his organization throughout most of Transjordan's history (d.
administration (Glubb 1938). Thus, although an important Bates and Rassam 1983: 258).
role was initially played by the British in the establishment The spread of supra-tribal systems of organization in
of the present-day monarchy, its remarkable persistence Transjordan has historically followed a particular pattern.
and continued popularity is, to a significant degree, More often than not, they have progressed from the north
attributable to the fact that jordan's tribal elite coalesced to the south and from the west to the east. Thus, in the
around their new king - seeing his role as that of a sort of twentieth century, the northern part of the country was
'sheikh of sheikhs'. settled before the central part, and the central part before
This ability to coalesce - to unite together into one body the southern part.
- is something which Transjordan's tribes have done for
centuries in response to a variety of external threats. What Tribalism - more ,ltan an evolu'ionary s'age
the monarchy did, however, was to give a greater degree of
permanence to the common goal of unity for the sake of In the Middle Eastern context, the concept of 'tribe' is far
mutual defense and prosperity. Before the monarchy, broader than is implied by those who would see it as a level
alliances among different tribes tended to be impermanent of social organization somewhere between a 'band' and a
and ever-shifting in response to circumstances; the 'chiefdom' (Service 1962; Frick 1985; Renfrew and Bahn
establishment of the monarchy provided a supra-tribal 1991: 156). As Khuri (1980: 12) has noted, tribalism is
rallying point for demonstrating unity in the face of 'not a single phenomenon, an undifferentiated whole, a
western colonial ambition and the threat it presented to the peripheral social system or simply a stage in the evolution
way of life of jordan's indigenous peoples (Glubb 1938; d. of human civilization'. It is rather, as Bates and Rassam
Bates and Rassam 1983: 259, 261). (1983: 258) explain, 'a persistent social and political force
With the coalescence of tribes around a supra-tribal bringing together people for many different purposes, and
leader - as in the case of the present-day Hashemite doing so in the context of many different, competing, or
monarchy - centrifugal forces typically come into play alternative principles of alignment'. In fact, they continue,
which tend to weaken, to some extent, the political power of 'what most distinguishes the Middle East politically is the
the traditional tribal order and its elite. This is especially persistence of tribalism coexisting with the state'.
true in the case of predominantly land-tied tribes. This It is the unique challenge which marginal environments
process of depoliticization was partly a result of the throughout much of the Middle East present their local
introduction of government representatives and bureau- inhabitants that has assured a continuing and unique role
crats, who gradually became more powerful than traditional for tribalism in this part of the world. By marginal, we
tribal leaders, especially in the more settled areas. The refer to a unique set of complex environmental conditions
modem government of Jordan, to use a contemporary that bestow unpredictable, alternating periods of feast and
example, has established a large array of ministries, each famine in a complex, variegated pattern across the
406 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * lZ1ystein S. LoBianco and Randall W. Younker
landscape. In such environments, the way to endure is to example, states explicidy with regard to Moab that there is
join risk-reducing networks of people that not only enable no evidence for a cultural break between the Late Bronze
individuals and families to survive (Hopkins 1985: 251- Age and the Iron Age. While some excavations in Moab
61), but, in some cases, to even accumulate a surplus. such as Dibon (Winnett and Reed 1964; Tushingham
1972), Balua (Worschech 1986 et al.), have so far failed to
Predictions regarding Ammon, Moab and Edom turn up evidence for occupation during the crucial LBlIron I
The foregoing discussion provides a basis for seven transitional period, others, such as Lehun (Homes Fredericq
hypotheses regarding the development of society in 1992), Jalul (Younker et al. 1993: 216) and Hesban (Sauer,
Ammon, Moab, and Edom during the Iron Age: personal communication) have (Plate 2).
As for Edom, it must be admitted that at present the
1. The ancestral roots of the people of Ammon, Moab and evidence for LMron I occupation is quite sparse
Edom are to be found among peoples who lived in their (MacDonald 1992a, b). Nevertheless, we agree with
homelands prior to their sojourn into the light of recorded
Bartlett's assessment that '[i]n the absence of any clear
history.
2. Ammon would have reached a higher level of settlement evidence that Edom was resewed by the invasion of foreign
density, food system intensity, and supra-tribal organiza- groups with new distinctive ways of life, it is easier to
tion than Moab, and that Moab exceeded Edom in this believe that the indigenous, if limited, population expanded
regard. with improving economic circumstances' (Bartlett 1989:
3. Land-tied tribalism would have emerged most fully in 65). (We might add that while some specialists of the
Ammon, less so in Moab, and least of all in Edom. region doubt the evidence for Iron I sedentary occupation
4. As a correlate of the third prediction, range-tied tribalism in Edom (e.g., Hart 1992; Bienkowski 1992b), others are
persisted to the greatest extent in Edom, less so in Moab, not so sure (e.g., Sauer 1985, 1986; Finkelstein 1992a,
and least of all in Ammon. 1992b; Herr, personal communication). Hopefully, future
5. The ideological template of the kingdoms which arose in
analysis and publication will resolve this dispute.)
Iron Age Transjordan was rooted in the network-
generating tribalism of the population that brought them The one dissenting voice to the story told by these other
into existence. investigators is that of Knauf, who has most recendy
6. The tribal kingdoms which came into existence in Iron Age argued that Iron Age sedentary occupation in Edom was
Transjordan were not true nation-states as commonly precipitated by a migration of Canaanite agricultural
defined by anthropologists. newcomers (whom Knauf would equate with the Horite
7. Finally, we would predict that the factors which tribes of Gen. 36) (1992: 49). But even he acknowledges
contributed to the rise of these tribal kingdoms were the contribution of the preexisting population in the region
synergistic in nature in that they included a combination of to the mixture of people who eventually became known as
cooperating external and internal stimuli and develop- Edomites (ibid.).
ments.
Here we do not necessarily disagree with Knauf
(although his specific identity for these people may be
Society and societal changes in Iron Age debated), for although the majority of the ancestors of the
Transiordan Iron Age Ammonites, Moabites and Edomites apparently
We turn next to an examination of the archaeological came from among populations which had existed in their
evidence from Iron Age Transjordan to see which, if any, respective homelands previously, this does not rule out the
of the above listed hypotheses find support in the available role of a certain amount of migration. It is, in fact, very
data. likely that these homelands became the end-destination for
many individuals and groups of kin displaced by the
upheavals of the Late Bronze Age. However, in our
Origins
opinion, there are no compelling reasons to argue that
With regard to the ancestral roots of the people of Ammon, these refugees supplanted the indigenous tribes as the new
Moab and Edom, there are no compelling archaeological masters of Iron Age Transjordan.
reasons for supposing that the Iron Age inhabitants of
these homelands originated outside them. To begin with,
Ammon most densely settled, Edom least
studies of the material culture from Tell el-Umeiri - an
Ammonite site excavated by the Madaba Plains Project Most scholars working in Transjordan seem to agree that
under the direction of Larry Herr - point to a process of the density of the sites decreases as one moves southward
continuous development between the Late Bronze Age and (e.g., Weippert 1979: 26). It would be reassuring if this
the Iron Age (Herr 1992). Similar conclusions have been perception could be confirmed by a comparative analysis of
reached by Wimmer (1987a, 1987b) at Tell Safut and site densities of the Ammon, Moab and Edom regions
McGovern at Umm ad-Dananir (1986, 1987). which have been derived from recent surveys. However,
The situation in Moab is similar. Miller (1992a: 889), for because not all survey methods are uniform and the dating
The Archaeology of Society in Late Bronze/Iron Age Trans;ordan (ca. J400-500 BCE) 407
Plate 2 lehun of Moab and the Wadi Mujib looking north. Recent Plate 3 Buseirah in Edom, looking northwest. The excavators of
excavations there indicate occupation during the lB/lron transition Buseirah, Tawilan and Umm el-Biyara believe that occupation at these
period (photograph courtesy of Richard Cleaves) seHlements began in Iron II, although some scholars believe some Iron I
pottery was found as wel l. Certainly, sede ntary occupation appears later
of surface sherds is difficult, any such analysis would at in Edom than in Moab and Ammon (photograph courtesy of Richard
present yield uncertain results (Miller 1992b: 80). Cleaves)
However, if one limits the comparison to fortified
settlements, a distinctive pattern emerges (Dearman 1992: Finally, in Edom not only are there no clear LB walled
72-3). Ammon appears to have a number of fairly settlements that continue into the Iron Age, there are
substantial walled settlements with occupational histories virtually no LB settlements at all. The only exceptions are
that continue from the Late Bronze Age into the Iron Age. six sites in the northernmost area of Edom (MacDonald
These include Umm ad-Dananir (McGovern 1986), Tell 1992b). The scarcity of settlements, however, does not
Safut (Ma'ayeh 1960: 115; Wimmer 1987a, 1987b), necessarily mean a lack of inhabitants. More likely, it
Rabbath-Amman (Ward 1966: 9-15; Bennett 1979: 159; reflects a shift along the subsistence continuum to a very
Dornemann 1983: 105-21), Tell el-'Umeiri (Geraty et al. high degree of pastoral nomadism (LaBianca 1990).
1986, 1990a,b; Herr et al. 1990; Younker et al. 1990), Evidence that people did inhabit this region during the Late
possibly Tell Jawa (Younker et al. 1990) and Tell Sahab Bronze Age is provided by contemporary Egyptian literary
(Ibrahim 1987: 77). The significance of walled settlements sources (Kitchen 1992).
lies in the fact that they reflect a more sedentary occupation
with more permanent ties to their surrounding ploughland.
When one moves into Moab there are no clear LB
Land-tied tribalism most prevalent in Ammon
walled settlements whose occupational history continued Given, as we have seen, that Ammon seems to have been
into the Iron Age (Dearman 1992: 72). A possible both most densely settled and most intensively cultivated, it
exception may be Jalul, located in the northern half of the is reasonable to infer that here, to a greater degree than in
Madaba plateau, well north of the Wadi Mujib, where Moab or Edom, the ranks of land-tied cultivators swelled
environmental conditions were more conducive to intensive the most. This is not to say, however, that range-tied
agriculture. Indeed Jalul is closer to the Ammon sites listed pastoralists were completely displaced in Ammon - they
above than it is to the Moabite sites south of the Wadi most surely were not. They continued, no doubt, to coexist
Mujib. and accommodate themselves to the ascent of land-tied
The paucity of walled settlements in the heart of Moab, tribalism and the new, supra-tribal polity which came to be
south of the Wadi Mujab on the Kerak plateau, is confirmed known as the Kingdom of Ammon.
by the scarcity of classical tell sites in Moab - since it is the The description we have proposed for the relations
presence of walled settlements which provide the physical between land-tied cultivators and range-tied pastoralists in
structure upon which the tell will form (Dearman 1992: 73). Ammon during Iron II applies pretty well to Moab also.
This is not to say there were no sedentary villages in Moab Using slightly different language, Miller has described it
at this time. Surveys clearly show that there were (Miller well:
1991). However, there is no evidence of interest in
There will have been a few modest cities, each with its king
protecting long-term agricultural investments such as LBI
who also controlled some of the surrounding countryside.
Iron I fortified settlements in Ammon imply. In our opinion, However tribal elders also will have played a role in the
Dearman correctly interprets the lack of continually political structure, especially among the villages scattered
occupied walled settlements in LB and Iron I Moab as throughout the land. Also from time to time there will
reflective of a population whose economy was largely based have arisen local chieftains who carved out local kingdoms
on range-tied pastoralism. (Miller 1992a: 890).
408 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * 0ystein S. LoBianco and Randall W. Younker
Interestingly, the greater emphasis on network
generating range-tied tribalism in the environmentally
more severe territory of Edom may receive support from
the 'Edomite king list' in Gen. 36. Scholars have long noted
that none of the kings in this list was the son of his
predecessor, and that each king is attributed to a different
city. Moreover, these kings are introduced as 'the kings
who reigned in Edom, not Kings of Ed om' (Weippert 1982:
155). Regardless of when one would date this text (e.g.,
Weippert 1982: 155; Knauf 1992: 52), it accurately reflects
the proliferation of tribes and tribal chieftains which is
typical of an ecologically hazardous region such as Edom.
Plate 4 Dibon 01 Moab, looking east (photograph courtesy 01 Richard The ideological roots of Trans;ordan's tribal
Cleavesl kingdoms
In our opinion, it is also not impossible that during times We believe that the ideological roots of the kingdoms
of severe economic, political, and other challenges, the which arose in Iron Age Transjordan are to be found
inherent fluidity which tribal people have in forming primarily within the experience and knowledge of the
networks and cooperative alignments could result in over- populations who brought them into existence. In other
arching regional alliances that would encompass the entire words, we would argue that the kingdoms which arose in
territory of Moab periodically and - on even rarer Ammon, Moab and Edom came into existence through the
occasions - include neighboring tribal kingdoms such as same process of expansion of social networking that in the
Ammon and Edom. Such an example may be found in 2 past had brought tribes and tribal federations into
Chr. 20 where the Ammonites, Moabites and Edomites variously transient alignments. Their emergence thus
form a common alliance against the Judahite King, represented a coalescence of land-tied cultivators and
Jehoshaphat. range-tied pastoralists for the purpose of collectively
defending - now on a more permanent basis - their
common home territories.
Range-tied tribalism most prevalent in Edom
Although it is true that an ancient Near Eastern 'king'
As we have seen, Edom also experienced a certain amount (milk, malik, malk, sharru) could include the head of an
of sedentarization of its inhabitants, especially during Iron empire, state or tribe (Knauf 1992: 49), there is evidence
II. Particularly in the best agricultural areas, communities that the individuals who appropriated the title generally
of tribal settlers came into existence. We know this, for laid claim to power and influence that surpassed that of
example, from the results of excavations at sites such as mere local bedouin sheikhs or village headmen. To see
Umm el-Biyara, Buseirah (Plate 3) and Tawilan (d. more precisely what the nature of this difference in power
Bienkowski 1992b). The fact that the land of Edom was a was, we shall take a closer look at the ninth century BCE
much riskier place for people to settle down and live, polity of Mesha of Moab.
however, assured that bedouin tribes would continue to be According to the Mesha Inscription (see Window 2,
both proportionately better represented and more Figure 2.1 p. 414), Mesha identified himself as Dayboni,
influential ideologically in Edom. that is, a Dibonite. His people were called Dibonites and
Practically speaking, what this meant was that the his place of residence was the city of Dibon (Plate 4).
'safety net' of cooperative alignments and personal However, he clearly claimed authority beyond the
connections - which for generations had enabled the boundaries of his home city and people, for he was not
bedouin inhabitants of the high-risk Edomite homeland to merely the ruler of Dibon or the Dibonites; rather, he was
survive - persisted and prevailed. To a much greater extent the 'king of Moab'. During times of external threat he
than in Moab and Ammon, therefore, the lives of the tribal could call upon 'men from Moab', that is, individuals
settlers who succeeded in establishing themselves in Edom beyond his kin circle of 'obedient' or 'loyal' Dibonites. His
were enmeshed in the politics and economics of the ability to call up the 'men from Moab' clearly elevated him
bedouin. For this reason Knauf's characterization of beyond the level of a local Dibonite sheikh or chief. Even
Edomite society as 'never more than . .. a "tribal state", Mesha's enemies, the Israelites, who knew Mesha primarily
i.e. a state where a thin veneer of central administration as a 'cattle magnate' (noged, 2 Kgs. 3: 4), also recognized
hardly disguised the structure of a society that basically him as 'king of Moab' (ibid.).
functioned on a level not penetrated by the state' (Knauf It is important to note, however, that none of these
1992: 52) is, in our opinion, essentially accurate. activities or achievements (including his claim to have built
The Archaeology of Sociely in tate Bronze/Iron Age Trans;ordan (co. 1400-500 BCE} 409
water systems and roads) demands a social organization at Some sites such as Megiddo and Hazor appear to be major
the level of the state as defined by anthropologists (see centers which exhibit fairly sophisticated city planning
below). Besides the absence of characteristics typical of with special areas set apart for administrative complexes,
state level organization (see Renfrew and Bahn 1991: 156- temples, etc. The fact that the palace is separated from the
7 and below), Mesha does not appear to have had city's temples suggests the presence of competing centers of
jurisdiction over all land that was traditionally considered authority within the same society.
to be the land of Moab. While part of the reason for this Other settlements such as Aphek, which appear to be
was that aliens clearly occupied some of this land, there is, 'residencies' for Egyptian governors, testify to additional
nevertheless, little evidence that Mesha was active in layers of influence and authority within Canaanite society
Moabite land south of Wadi Mujib. Indeed, Miller argues at large. Isolated temple sites such as Mevorakh and
convincingly that only certain areas north of the Wadi Lachish, reflect a variety of religious practices and beliefs.
Mujib were definitely under Mesha's control. Both Other settlements appear to be nothing more than simple
Mesha's military campaigns and 'public works' projects agricultural villages which supported the larger centers.
are concentrated almost exclusively in this northern region, Still others, such as Tel Masos, appear to be trading centers
in and around Dibon and the lands immediately adjacent with a diverse ethnic composition. This rather complex and
to it. While it has been suggested that the individual sophisticated view of western Palestine's Late Bronze Age
commemorated on the Kerak Inscription, '[k]mshyt, the society is reflected in Egyptian texts such as the Amarna
king of Moab', was Mesha's father and, thus, a pan-Moab Tablets.
dynastic kingdom must have existed, Miller is correct in However, this picture of western Palestine stands in
asserting that there is, in fact, no definite evidence that this contrast to that of the Transjordanian plateau during the
individual is the father of Mesha. If [k]mshyt of the Kerak Late Bronze Age. In addition to the fact that technical
Inscription is not Mesha's father, this inscription could, studies on the ceramics at Deir Alla suggest that
ironically, actually be used as evidence of a non-Dibonite, Transjordan (at least in the north) appears to have
Moabite tribal king over the Kerak Plateau. If so, that developed a unique pottery tradition distinct from that of
would mean there could have been several 'Moabite' tribes Cisjordan (Franken 1969; Franken and Power 1971), the
within Moab. As Miller points out, all we know for sure 'is variety and complexity reflected in Cisjordan's settlements
that a ruler who claimed the title "king of Moab" left an is lacking to the east. While a great deal of attention has
inscription at Kerak' (1992b: 87). In short, everything we been given to the discovery of LB sites in Transjordan, so
currently know about Moab at this time is consistent with far none display the size or complexity of, say, Megiddo or
the presence of a tribal society. Hazor. In fact, the only significant LB sites are limited to
Amman (although little is really yet known about the LB
occupation), Safut, Sahab, Umeiri, Jalul, and possibly Jawa
Tlte nature of Transiordan's triba'lcingdoms (south), mostly in the north of Transjordan.
In further support of our claim that the kingdoms which So far, little monumental architecture has been
arose in Ammon, Moab and Edom are best understood as recovered - no palaces, or 'governor's residences', and
'tribal kingdoms' rather than 'states' we will note the the only possible temple that has been reported is the
absence of a number of essential features which typify true enigmatic Amman Airport Structure, an isolated building
'states' as commonly defined by anthropologists. True whose precise origin and function is still a matter of debate
states are generally understood to be the most complex (see Wright 1966; Campbell and Wright 1969; Hennessy
level of social organization; the role of kinship relations in 1966; Finkelstein 1988: 343; especially intriguing is
such a society is diminished, religious and political Finkelstein's resurrection of an idea originally put forward
authority are typically separate, the ruler usually maintains by Campbell and Wright, that this structure served tribal
a standing army and a significant amount of the population pastoralists). Finally, none of these sites in Transjordan are
is settled in urban centers which function within a comparable to the larger sites west of the Jordan river, and
pronounced settlement hierarchy (cf. Renfrew and Bahn were probably self-sufficient in terms of subsistence (see
1991: 156, 157). Such complex societies are characterized above). The presence of exotic wares - such as Mycenaean
by a significant amount of ethnic plurality and social and Cypriot pottery which appear in both western
differentiation (Kamp and Yoffee 1980: 87). Palestine and Transjordan and undoubtedly arrived via
To illustrate briefly what state-level social complexity trade - does not necessitate the presence of an urban or
might look like 'on the ground' in Syro-Palestine one might state society.
examine western Palestine during the Late Bronze Age (but However, what about the Iron Age, especially the Iron II
see Falconer 1987). Even a cursory view of the period, for which archaeological evidence clearly shows a
archaeological remains of Late Bronze Age western peak in sedentarization (including urbanization) and
Palestine shows a considerable variation in size, function intensive agriculture? The impressive material remains
and ethnic inhabitation of the numerous settlements there. from this period, especially monumental remains such as
410 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * 0ystein S. LoBianco and Randolf W. Younker
Figure 2 Statue of Ammonite King (Iron liB). More statuary appears in Figure 3 Statue of Crowned Figure (Ammonite) (Iron liB). Numerous
Iron Age Ammon than in any other of the Transjordanian kingdoms busts of 'crowned' figures, similar to the head of this statue, hove been
(drawing by Laura M. Bredall after the Museum of Tourism and found in the Amman region. They have generally been interpreted as
Antiquities, Jordan, courtesy of the Horn Archaeology Museum). Height busts of Ammonite kings, although some scholars have suggested they
= .48 meters represent deities (drawing by Laura M . Bredall after the Museum of
Tourism and Antiquities, Jordan, courtesy of the Horn Archaeology
the Ammonite statuary (Figures 2 and 3), the Balu'a Stele Museum). Height = .25 meters
(Figure 4), the Mesha Stele (see Window 2, Figure 2.1), and
the 'Warrior Stele' (Figure 5) suggest to many the presence suggest that they supplemented their wants and needs
of fully-fledged, albeit minor or secondary, states. through a variety of trade networks (e.g., Deir Alia and the
Certainly, by the time of the Assyrian period (Iron llB) it Amman Airport Structure). Undoubtedly, the disruption of
appears that supra-tribal polities had fully developed in these external contacts served as a catalyst for local
each of the Transjordanian tribal territories - that is, farmers, craftsmen, etc. to fill the vacuum with locally-
within each territory leaders had emerged who were able to produced goods and products. Thus, the development was
build networks that ultimately coalesced all of the related set in motion which led gradually to the intensification of
tribes within the traditional territory. Formerly intrusive plow agriculture during the Iron Age.
tribes, such as the Israelites, had by this time either been Second, the collapse of the lowland cities in adjacent
physically ejected or fully absorbed. regions such as western Palestine would have produced a
number of refugees. Some of these refugees, who are likely
to have included traders, craftsmen and farmers, were
Synergism of contributing factors
probably assimilated into the indigenous population of
It remains to account for the reasons why these tribal Iron I Transjordan - adding, as it were, a leaven to the
kingdoms came into existence in the first place. We would mix. Their modifying effect resulted in the opening up of
highlight three causal factors. these highlands to wider trade networks and the creation
First, the changes in rural highland regions of Palestine of a market for the exchange of textiles and agricultural
occasioned by the collapse of the Late Bronze Age city-state products. This situation no doubt increased the momentum
system (Coote and Whitlam 1987; Dever 1992) would of the move towards intensified sedentary agriculture.
have disrupted the economic networks which the Third, the arrival around 1200 BCE of the Philistines in
Transjordanian tribes were tied into. While in many Palestine escalated the threat to the region's land-tied
ways these tribes were self-sufficient, the presence of items settlers. This threat was first felt by the Israelites who,
such as cylinder seals from North Syria, Mycenaean sometime toward the end of the eleventh century BCE,
pottery, and faience amulets and scarabs from Egypt eventua)ly responded to it by appointing a king and
The Archaeology of Society in Late Bronze/ Iron Age Transjordan (ca. 1400-500 BCE) 4 11
A n
fundamental issue of this chapter is scope. The Iron
period in Palestine is generally considered to
cover the period ca. 920-586 BCE, i.e., the era of
these may be as introductions to the basic data, none
makes any attempt to organize the data in terms of social
structure, even though there are many suggestive
the Divided Monarchy of Israel and Judah - the principal possibilities. This is a serious deficiency in Syro-Palestinian
and best documented ancient national polities in the region. and biblical archaeology, when one considers that the
Other less well known Iron n entities in Palestine, however, general field of archaeology has been moving toward social
would include southern Phoenicia and Philistia along the archaeology for 20 years or more. The orientation,
Mediterranean coast; and the regional states of Ammon, however, reflects the typical bias toward 'political history',
Moab and Edom in Transjordan (see this volume, Chapters one that this volume is deliberately designed to counter.3
20 and 23). In the following discussion we shall usually treat the
The usual chronological schemes are based, not Iron n period as a whole, despite typical divisions into such
surprisingly, on historical events in Israel and Judah that phases as Iron nA, (ca. 920-722 BCE) and Iron llB (ca.
are documented (to some degree) in literary texts in the 722-586 BCE), which are well enough documented to be
Hebrew Bible and in Egyptian, Neo-Assyrian, and Neo- legitimate and useful for certain purposes. Our decision is
Babylonian inscriptions. The terminology and chronology based on the fact that the Iron I period is regarded by all
of most Israeli archaeologists begin Iron n with the tenth authorities as one of gradual change, of striking continuity,
century BCE., i.e., they include the United Monarchy and of overall homogeneity (except for a few north-south
(Aharoni and Amiran 1958; EAEHL; 1975-1978; Mazar, distinctions). Moreover, the phenomenon that we are
1990: 295, 296; Barkay 1992: 305); and this indeed makes seeking to comprehend - social structure - is so
archaeological sense. American usage, following Albright fundamental to the 'Israelite' culture that now dominates
and others, divides Iron I and n at ca. 920 BCE, with the western Palestine in this period that it is better viewed
death of Solomon and the breakup of the United Kingdom, synchronically (i.e., functionally) than diachronically. As
a more 'historical' (and, of course, biblical) notion. Despite for the more peripheral areas noted above, a 'lumping'
some misgivings, the latter scheme is adopted here. rather than 'splitting' approach is necessary, since we do
A second issue concerns the basic category of 'social not yet have detailed, chronologically-fixed sequences of
structure' that is to be discussed here. Standard works on material culture remains.
ancient Palestine or Israel in the biblical period, based One unique aspect of the iron n period that must be
largely on literary data, have rarely dealt with social addressed is the availability - for the first time in the
structure. Refreshing exceptions would be J. Pedersen's long historical-cultural sequence of Palestine - of fairly
pioneering Israel. Its Life and Culture (1926-1940); and comprehensive, contemporary literary records (i.e., of
R. de Vaux's monumental Ancient Israel: Its Life and pertinent textual data, both biblical and extra-biblical).4
Institutions (1961). In addition, the more recent trend This may be, however, a mixed blessing. Certainly a
towards the adoption of socio-anthropological models in former generation of 'Biblical archaeologists' were
biblical studies has produced a number of non-traditional, distracted from proper archaeological objectives by a
seminal works, some of which at least make an effort to theological agenda drawn largely from problems in the
employ archaeological data. 1 In archaeological studies per interpretation of biblical texts. Even though this form of
se, we are fortunate that there have appeared recently naive positivism has been largely outgrown in Syro-
418 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * William G. Dever
Palestinian archaeology, we have not solved the problem the 'central places'; and, finally, a still larger number of
of correlating texts and artifacts in writing any sort of small villages, hamlets and farmsteads in rural areas. 8
history of ancient Israel and Palestine, including the The point is that in a truly urban society, even
desired 'social history' yet to be written (below). We though the bulk of the population will live in middle-
shall, however, use the biblical and other texts wherever and lower-tier sites, administrative control of the society
they can be harmonized with artifactual remains, even will be centralized in the hands of a few elites in the
though we regard them in this context as secondary, major centers. These sites are, by definition, 'cities', even
rather than primary, data.s if those in Iron Age Palestine are small by comparison
Finally, it must be cautioned that in this initial attempt with the much larger urban conglomerates in Egypt,
to discern Iron Age social structure archaeo/ogically, we Syria, or Mesopotamia (Figure 1). It is the intrinsic
can rarely be more than suggestive; the data as excavated scalar difference of the southern Levant, due to the
and published were not designed originally to address the unique physical environment and geo-political situation
issue focused upon here, and they can be redirected only to of the region, that defines and shapes all politica~
a limited extent. Adequate data on social structure in economic and social institutions.'
ancient Palestine will emerge only from the newer research Steven Falconer (1987), a student of mine, has
designs that are gradually coming into vogue in Syro- developed a formula that calculated population size in
Palestinian archaeology. relation to the local carrying capacity of the immediate
oudying region, and that also measures the threshold at
which a given site will outgrow its ability to feed itself. At
The evidence from centralization and
that point, it must subjugate and organize the more distant
nationalization
hinterland, and thus by definition it becomes a 'city', i.e.,
It should be self-evident that the study of social institutions an administrative center. In Mesopotamia, Falconer's test-
cannot be separated from that of political organization and case, the urban threshold is ca. 85 acres - or, using typical
economic structure, since these are all subsystems of a formulae for demographic estimates of 100 per acre, a site
larger, organic whole. with a population of some 8000-9000.10 For Palestine,
The basic political organization of Palestine (and even of however, the scalar differences noted above would, in my
Syria) in the Iron TI period is that of regional or 'peripheral' opinion, reduce the 'urban threshold' to some 20 acres and
states, most of them emerging for the first time in the 2000 people. By this criterion, some six sites known thus
history of the southern Levant. 6 While small-scale far in Iron TI Palestine (five of them in Israel-Judah, one in
compared to Egypt and Mesopotamia, they nevertheless Philistia) would qualify as cities (Jerusalem, Dan, Hazar,
constituted 'nations', i.e., conglomerates that represented Gezer, Lachish and Ekron). While a full-scale 'rank-size'
distinct ethnic entities - usually competing with one analysis of all sites has never been done, this number is
another - with centralized administrative systems. For probably sufficient, relative to the total, to characterize
ancient Israel, the archaeological evidence for the rise of Palestine in this period as urban - indeed very highly
statehood is clearest in the trends towards urbanization, urbanized in comparison to the Bronze Age, and especially
centralization, and ethnic consciousness, as reflected in so when compared with the Iron I or pre-Monarchic eraY.
material culture. All these have far-reaching implications We shall tum below to the precise social implications of
for social structure. this phenomenon of relatively rapid urbanjzation in Iron TI.
Urbanization Centralization
Urbanization has been notoriously ill-defined in Near Political and administrative centralization are the inevitable
Eastern archaeology generally, but a few recent discussions results of urban development, which concentrates
have begun to adopt more deliberate and sophisticated population, resources and power in a relatively few cities.
models from other disciplines. The most promising These cities come to dominate the society and economy
approach utilizes a modified 'Central Place Theory' - even in the countryside - in fact, especially in the
especially in the analysis of site size, character, and location surrounding countrysides, which become tributary to the
in terms of a 'rank-size hierarchy'.7 The typical configur- urban centers. The social consequence is, of course,
ation that is thought to define 'urbanism' is a settlement stratification - or differential access to goods and services.
pattern that exhibits a 'three-tier hierarchy'. In this pattern We need not dwell on the archaeological evidence for
there are a few very large 'central places' that function as centralization in Iron TI Palestine, since the urban trends
administrative" and economic centers; a much larger documented above entailed precisely that (see Holladay
number of middle-sized towns ('nodes' in the network) that this volume, Chapter 22). In particular, there emerged
are relatively evenly distributed across the landscape, and early in the Divided Monarchy two true national capitals.
exchange goods and services both with each other and with Jerusalem, continuing from the tenth century BeE, in
Social Structure in Palestine in the Iron /I Period on the Eve of Destruction 419
* Assyrian destruction
t< Babylonian destruction
Sarepta .
kilomete rs 50
I
Mediterranean
Sea
Tel Mevorakh •
.
Tell Qasile .
Judah; and first Dan, then Samaria in Israel. Jerusalem is In both national capitals and regional centers we see
less well known archaeologically than Dan and Samaria; clear evidence of the centralization of political, economic
but all three have produced evidence of a monumentally and, in some cases (the capitals), religious institutions and
fortified lower city, a separate and well defended acropolis- functions . The result was a transformation of Israelite
citadel, a sacred precinct, and (in the case of Samaria) an society. This had begun already in the United Monarchy, of
impressive palatial complex (Plate 1)Y course; but it crystallized early in the Divided Monarchy
In addition to these national capitals, we now have and only intensified after that.
several Iron II sites that are certainly regional This transformation under the onslaught of urbaniz-
administrative centers, such as Hazor, Megiddo, Gezer, ation and nationalization resulted in an Israelite and
Lachish, and Beersheva (Figure 2 p. 421). These sites tend Judean society that, above all, must have been highly
to exhibit such features as a highly centralized, planned stratified. This basic, cumulative change, occurring
layout; impressive city walls and multiple entryway gates; a throughout the Monarchy, had a number of interrelated
palace-administrative complex near the city gate andJor effects. One result was a society and economy that
elsewhere; monumental, well-engineered water systems to gradually became more diverse, more specialized, and
defend against siege warfare; large colonnaded buildings finally more segregated. With increasing competition
that are best understood as government storehouses; and between various elements of society, economic inequalities
other distinctive features that set these sites apart from resulted and tended to become endemic. Centrifugal forces
ordinary cities, even those of the same size.13 developed that had to be counterbalanced by attempts at
420 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * William G. Dever
overly speculative; but in addition to the archaeological
evidence, which in itself is admittedly inconclusive, there is
considerable evidence from biblical texts that can be used
in conjunction with archaeological finds to illuminate
social structure (see details below and Window 1 p. 431) . .
Ethnic consciousness
Ethnic consciousness, which is an essential concomitant of
national identity and statehood, is often thought to be
difficult or even impossible to trace in the archaeological
record, but that is not necessarily the case. 14 Artifacts may
be considered properly the 'material correlates of
behavior', that is, they reflect patterns of both individual
Plate 1 Ahab's palace at Samaria (caurtesy W.G. Dever) and social behavior, as well as the thought and intent that
behavior expresses. In that sense, archaeological remains
greater centralized control, which necessitated coercion are indeed an index not merely to material culture, but to
and finally usurpation by the authorities. Bureaucratic culture, indeed to a particular culture. And when there
bungling and political corruption only made matters emerge consistent, distinctive regional patterns - i.e.,
worse, and the end result was the collapse of the system. By archaeological 'assemblages' - we can compare and
the time of the Assyrian conquest in the late eighth century contrast these with other such assemblages in order to
BCE in the north and the Babylonian campaigns in the isolate what may be called an archaeological culture (such
early sixth century BCE in the south, both Israel and Judah as "Ubaid'). Finally, if we happen to possess literary texts
were severely weakened by the social problems that we that are sufficiently detailed and can be closely correlated
have described (see Figure I). This scenario might appear with such an archaeological culture and its development
o 20 m
Figure 2 Tel Beersheva Stratum II. Source: Tel Aviv 2 (1975: 148, Figure 1)
Social Structure in Palestine in the Iron " Period on the Eve of Deslruclion 421
.:
Iron I we can project the origins of this culture, in a 'Proto-
' .. '.:~;<>'., .
",
. : ....
Israelite' complex of the twelfth-eleventh century BCE. 17
Here we do not need to elaborate on the Iron II Israelite
material culture, but only to point out the fact that
'Israelite' ethnic consciousness and ideology - a funda-
mental concept of society - is reflected faithfully in the rich
archaeological remains that we now have. While the
biblical texts often comment on that society only obliquely
(below), the archaeological data are increasingly able to
shed light directly on it. And, with newer research designs
oriented more toward social archaeology, the explanatory
potential of archaeology can only increase.
What have you to do here and whom have you here, that
you have hewn here a tomb for yourself, you who hew a
tomb on the height, and carve a habitation for yourself in
the rock?
_ _ _ _ . _ _ I ll '" - - - .. -----
..... ...[. =]
-\ ......
~~-
15 m
.' I i '
Figure 5 Tomb of (Sh ebna) the royal steward: facade and inscrip~on 4
(eighth century BCE) . Source: Ben-Tor 1992: 371, Figure 9.49
•
•
•
• •
• •
• •
Figure 7
-
o .....5m
Dwelling, Tell en-Nasbeh, house M.379 co. eighth century
BCE). Source: Kempinski and Reich 1992: Figure 51
5
1m
~ - JLL =============~
r~T~r~~ ,~~~~! =::==::=- I~:'=':."':..~~='':~
m
IL...=.======:.=.::J
=====-
'l :':: o.!~ :" ,
I
~
:1-=:
.. . I'
,I
'1, ., , "
U: ::
I:I,
II
"
""
1'.1, I' 'I
II
II
II
::11'
"I. 'L ______
~
L.: _______
..,. A
I.
II
~ '1
I: IL---:~----...
L,::-~:"_~=~~!f'!
n=---------
_ -:~~~:~~~--
0
I
II
II
II
I'
'I
I'
"
'I
o1_..J:::=:=::Ir_ ••
,.,.
I.
30m (a)
B~
II
.. .....1 I'
c
I
__• .
..:-:.::-,~
,I
,;:=- r..J.l
-Ii
----_
-.r-~-'r--'I
n
II
II
,
...."
:I
I I
~~~_ ~~ ~~ II
.. II ,I II
I ... ;? c;;:~. 01 'I
JL.Jl_JJ t=~~-:,-::--':=J
------ 0
(c)
Figure 9 (a) Ramat Rahel, palace (source: Ramat Rahelll, Figure 6);
(b) Hazar, Area 8, the 'citadel' (source: Hazar II, PI. CCV); (c) Lachish,
palace (source: Tel Aviv 10, 1983: 148, Figure 23)
).
• •••••
·,,
•
•
· · . \11.·. . .
(
,
,
,.
.... ~'
. .
"
-..
.._....
"
, •
,
i
.
t
I
'"
" .... ... =-'"l ,
\"'" ,. "'!§.
• ..•
~ ••• 6&:, ••••
Figure 10 Carved ivory inlays
from Ahab's palace at Samaria, in
~ Phoenician style (ninth to eighth
EI century BCE). From J.W.
Crowfoot, J.M. Crowfoot 1938,
Plates 5, 6, 17, 22
Israelite society appeared to have been largely illiterate. second is surely the case supported by the growing corpus
Today the picture is a very different one. We still have very of graffiti that we have. It may thus be suggested that
few royal or monumental inscriptions, but hundreds of sermons such as those of the eighth century BCE prophet
ostraca; innumerable inscribed pottery and stone vessels, Isaiah - if they are not simply later literary compositions
ivories, weights, seals; and several tomb inscriptions have and were never read by an earlier public - would have
now been found. 31 Among the epigraphic finds are a been unintelligible to the masses. If that is true, then such
number of abecedaries, including some from rather remote literature - and indeed much of the Hebrew Bible in the
sites, indicating perhaps the existence of scribal and other form in which we now have the consonantal text - must
schools (Lemaire 1981), where people learned to write. All have circulated, and been edited and preserved, only
this evidence has suggested to most scholars that literacy among the intelligentsia. The Hebrew Bible, in its external
was almost universal in ancient Israel. form as well as in its ideology, would then presuppose a
That may be true, but one can easily argue that while minority, elite class.33
most people could read and write in an elementary fashion, Another aspect of the epigraphic material at our
i.e., were 'functionally literate', relatively few - probably disposal deserves comment. One of the earliest corpora of
only the well-educated upper class - were truly literate. Hebrew ostraca was that brought to light from Samaria
This is suggested by the fact that a number of inscriptions (Figure 14).34 It consisted of several dozen documents
-like most of those in the Judean tombs, and a number of dated to the eighth century BeE, most of them receipts for
the cultic graffiti at Kuntillet 'Ajrdd in the eastern Sinai taxes, apparently paid in kind (i.e., oil and grain) into
(Figure 12) - are not easily read in the light of biblical government warehouses. It is significant that the names of
Hebrew, and may not be fully intelligible at all (Figure only a few individuals occur on these documents, occurring
13).32. Is the problem our mistaken assumption that the repeatedly in connection with transactions involving quite
Hebrew Bible, with its Persian-Hellenistic final redaction large amounts of commodities. It would appear that these
and medieval pointed vowels, is the proper standard for individuals were owners of large estates in the Samaria
literary Hebrew of the Iron Age? Or is it possible that most district. Such amassing of wealth in real estate, no doubt at
of the non-biblical inscriptions, representing ordinary folk the expense of 'the poor of the land', gives point to the
and vernacular Hebrew, are only partially literate? The frequent protests of prophets such as Isaiah. He complains
Social Slruclure in Palestine in the Iron /I Period on the Eve of Deslruction 427
(e~
Figure 11 A selection
of Israelite and Judean
seals (eighth to seventh
century BeE). Source:
Dever 1990, Figure S9
about those who buy up land, 'who add house to house are the sort of artless details, handed down in annalistic
and join field to field till there is no room left' (Isa. 5: 8). sources, that would have escaped the heavy editorial hand
And Micah condemns unscrupulous landlords who 'if they of the final redactors of the Priestly and Deuteronomistic
covet fields they seize them; if houses, they take them' (Mic. schools in the Exilic and post-Exilic periods, preoccupied
2: 2). as they were with theocratic history. It is as though the
In numerous other poignant passages, the eighth to biblical writers and editors have inadvertently preserved
seventh century BeE prophets of Israel and Judah for us authentic glimpses of everyday life, and thus of the
excoriate the ruling class for their rapacious business larger social structure in which they themselves had little
practices, their luxurious lifestyles, their arrogant manners direct interest. 3s
and dress, their disenfranchisement of the poor and of the If one 'reads between the lines' in the Hebrew Bible,
Israelite commoners. This prophetic protest - rooted in a there are indications of many social classes:36
sense of justice, mercy, and honorable conduct - is an
eloquent commentary on the social stratification that 1. Royalty, including kings, queens, princes and princesses,
existed in Iron Age Israel (King 1988). queen-mothers and concubines.
2. Courtly circles, including viziers, commanders of the
army and the guard, ministers, ambassadors and
The evidence of the biblical texts emissaries, scribes, secretaries, heralds, guards and
There are innumerable references in passing in the Hebrew other functionaries.
3. The military, including officers of many ranks, cadets or
Bible to social stratification. Despite the general difficulties career professionals, regular enlistees and conscripts,
noted above in using the texts of the Hebrew Bible as mercenaries, various specialists like runners and
sources for history-writing, these references may be charioteers, and even sailors.
considered prima-facie evidence of actual socio-economic 4. An aristocracy consisting of noble families, often
conditions in the Monarchy. This is precisely because they attached to the court, landed gentry, and even entre-
428 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * William G. Dever
9. Common laborers, including miners, millers, bakers, we shall confine oursdves primarily to western Palestine (i.e.,
barbers, launderers, charcoal-burners, domestics, and Israd) in the Iron Age. Wherever possible, we shall refer to the
day laborers of many kinds. general works listed here, in the interest of simplifying
10. An agricultural class including large-scale estate-owners, documentation; full references will be found there.
small freeholders, family farmers, agri.cultural workers, 3. On the belated impact of social archaeology on the disciplines
peasant farmers (the biblical 'am ha-'iiretz or 'poor of involved in the discussion here, see my remarks in Chapter 17 of
the land'). this volume; and on the history of 'biblical' and Syro-Palestinian
11. The lowest classes, including resident aliens (gerim), archaeology generally, see Dever 1985 and references there.
indentured servants and slaves - often attached to 4. Two qualifications are necessary. First, there are, of course,
agricultural lands - and, of course, widows, orphans, the textual data available for the Bronze Age; but the sources, while
relevant, are all extra-Palestinian. Second, in stating that the
handicapped, the chronically ill, beggars and other
ninth century and later biblical texts are the 'earliest'
destitute or outcast persons.
chronologically, we do not discount the possibility that some
texts incorporated into the literary ttadition as we have it stem
It should be pointed out that, of the dozens of vocations from the tenth century BCE, or even earlier. See further n. 32
and social classes listed above, there is some degree of below.
archaeologicaldocurnentation for the vast majority. The 5. For full discussion, see Dever 1985; 1991a; and especially 1994b.
evidence is too extensive to cite here; but the existence of 6. See further Frick 1985; Coote and Whitelam 1987; Flanagan
such external corroboration should give us confidence in 1988; and the critique of all three in Dever 1994a.
the ability of the biblical writers and editors to write 7. For orientation to 'rank-size' models, see Paynter 1983.
8. For a detailed application of this modd to the rise of urbanism in
descriptive and narrative history, when they chose to do so. the Middle Bronze Age, see Dever 1994c. Fritz (1990) sees Iron
Age urbanism in Israel principally as the revival of the typical
Palestinian Middle-Late Bronze Age pattern, as I do in Dever
Conclusion 1994a. Cf. n. 9 below.
As we noted at the outset, the extensive archaeological data 9. On the all-important scalar differences in the rise of complexity
for the Iron II period in Palestine have rarely been utilized in the southern Levant, especially Palestine, see Joffe 1993.
10. The figure of 100 persons per acre is considerably lower than the
to comment on the social structure of ancient Israel.
figure of ca. 160-200 per acre used in Shiloh 1980: 29, and it
Biblical scholars have been equally derelict, and only agrees rather with Stager 1985: 18-23.
recently have they begun to move away from narrow 11. The data for this conclusion, albeit tentative, are drawn from
theological questions of the Bible as Heilsgeschichte to a Shiloh 1980: 31. Note that I have taken only Shiloh's size
'secular history' of ancient Israel that addresses broader estimates, not his population figures; d. n. 10 above. Shiloh does
issues of society and the social context of the events of not deal explicitly with 'rank-sized' hierarchies, only with rather
biblical history. Even this rather modest effort is hampered rough statistics. Note that Frick 1985, Coote and Whitelam 1987
and Flannagan 1988, inexplicably, all discuss the rise of the
by the fact that biblical scholars have come to regard most
Israelite state but not the devdopment of urbanism. The only
biblical texts in their present form as stemming from the detailed treatment of this topic is Fritz 1990; although d. Herzog
world of post-Exilic Judaism. They are thus too late and 1992: 263-5, on urban planning.
too tendentious to be used as reliable sources for the 12. On Samaria, see the summaries of Weippert 1988: passim; Mazar
history of the Monarchy.37 In our view, that is too 1990: 406-10; and Barkay 1992: 319-23. Add now Tappy
extreme, The proper, critical use of biblical texts, in 1992.
conjunction with modern archaeological data, can yield a 13. On these administrative centers, see Weippert 1988: passim;
Mazar 1990: 411-15; 427-35; 441, 442; Herzog 1992: 223-30;
satisfactory socio-economic history, as well as a political 250-61.
and ideological history of ancient Israel. 14. On the vexed question of ethnicity in the archaeological record,
with reference to early Iron I, see Dever 1993 and references
there.
Notes 15. See further Mazar 1990: 463-530; on the tenth century BCE as
1. For orientation to recent literature of this genre, see Gottwald the formative period, d. Dever 1993.
1985: 26-31 and references there. Gottwald's own pioneering 16. See n. 15 above. On the tombs, add Bloch-Smith 1992; on seals,
work on the origins of Israd in Early Iron I (1979) did attempt to Mazar 1990: 514-20; Ked and Uehlinger 1992; Hestrin and
use the archaeological data then available. Since 1985, other Dayagi 1979; Avigad 1986; and on the epigraphic evidence,
socio-anthropological works of biblical scholars on the Iron I Naveh 1982. See Biran and Naveh 1993 for the recently
period would be Frick 1985 and Flanagan 1988, but both are discovered 'Tel Dan Stele Inscription' and the mention of the
deficient archaeologically; for a critique, see Dever 1994a. More 'House of David' and cover photograph of this volume.
congenial to archaeologists is the settlement-history approach of 17. For basic resources on Israd's neighbors, see the references in n.
Coote and Whitdam 1987. On the sad state of the supposed 2 above and Chapter 23 in this volume. For the term 'Proto-
'dialogue' between Syro-Palestinian archaeologists and biblical Israelite' and the question of Israd's earliest origins, d.
historians of ancient Israel, see Dever 1994b and references there. Finkdstein 1988; Dever 1991b; 1993. The literature on 'Israelite
2. For general works, see Weippert 1988; Mazar 1990; Ben-Tor origins' is now proliferating beyond our ability to cite it here.
1992. On Transjordan, add Dornemann 1983; Sawyer and 18. For orientation to the literature on mortuary practice, see n. 7 in
Clines 1983; Bartlett 1989; Bienkowski 1992. In this discussion, Chapter 17, this volume.
430 Part Y * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * William G. Dever
19. See my forthcoming review in the Israel Exploration Journal 29. On these seals, see references in n. 16 above.
(1994). 30. On the Royal Stamped Jarhandles, see the excellent discussion of
20. For details, see Bloch-Smith 1992: 65-108. Na'aman 1986 and references there.
21. Avigad 1953. 31. On the epigraphic evidence, see references in n. 16 above; d.
22. Mazar 1990: 465-71. Mazar 1990; 514-20; Barkay 1992: 349-51.
23. Cf. Fritz 1990; for the Middle Bronze Age defenses, see Dever 32. See further Davies 1992: 102-9; Thompson 1992: 336-9. I do
1987; 153-7. Further on Iron II defenses, see Mazar 1990: 465- not agree, however, with Davies' and Thompson's view that
71; Barkay 1992: 307-8; 329-32; 338-46; Herzog 1992: 265- 'biblical Hebrew' is a Bildungssprache (i.e., an artificially-
74. constructed literary language of the Persian-Hellenistic period).
24. On this masonry, see Shiloh 1979, who thinks it originally For bibliography on the Kh. el-Qom and Kuntillet 'Ajriid
Israelite; the notion that ashlar masonry is, however, of inscriptions, see Ackerman 1993: 391-94.
Phoenician origin is now common (d. Mazar 1990: 474). Few 33. See further Davies 1992: 113-33; and d. Thompson 1992: 412-
have pursued it back to its likely origins in the Aegean world. It is 23. Both are wrong, however, in seeing an elite or scribal class
common in Cyprus in connection with the appearance of 'Sea emerging only in the Persian period.
Peoples' there, as at Kalavassos and elsewhere. See Chapter 20, 34. Mazar 1990: 409, 410; d. King 1988: 139-49.
this volume, for a discussion of the Sea Peoples. 35. For an orientation to the growth of the literary tradition in the
25. Mazar 1990: 478-85; Barkay 1992: 332-4; Shiloh 1979. Hebrew Bible, and the related issue of the historicity of the texts,
26. Mazar 1990: 437; 485-9; Barkay 1992: 332; d. also Shiloh see no. 5, 6, 32 above.
1979; Netzer 1992: 193-201. 36. The following discussion is much too detailed to be documented
27. Mazar 1990: 406; 437; Barkay 1992: 310-14; Reich 1992: 202- with references to the biblical texts; but details will be found
11; on the masonry, see Shiloh 1979. throughout de Vaux's unique, magisterial work (1961) on the
28. On the ivories, see Winter 1981; Barnett 1982. Most scholars social institutions of ancient Israel.
assume that the ivories are imports from Phoenicia or Syria 37. Thus Davies 1992; Thompson 1992; d. my critique in Dever
(as Mazar 1990: 50S). But a few late eighth-century examples 1994b. Much better balanced as a 'history of ancient Palestine',
found at Arslan Tash and Nimrud, the latter no doubt booty using both biblical texts and archaeological data, is Ahlstrom
taken from Palestine, have Phoenician or Hebrew letters 1993. See, however, my forthcoming work (in collaboration with
inscribed on the back; see Barkay 1992: 320-3; Mazar 1990: Susan Ackerman), A Social History of Iron Age Palestine and
503-5. Biblical Israel.
The siege of Lochish: detail from the Lachish relief found at the
palace of Sennacherib at Ninevah
25
BETWEEN PERSIA AND GREECE: TRADE,
ADMINISTRATION AND WARFARE IN THE
PERSIAN AND HELLENISTIC PERIODS
(539-63 BCE)
Ephraim Stem
Introduction: the administrative that the coastal CIties in Palestine enjoyed political
organization of Palestine within the independence under the supervision of the king becomes
Persian and Hellenistic Empires doubtful. However,' it does seem that these cities did
Mediterranean
Sea
Tel Dor •
Tell Mevorakh . '-
.
Tel Michal .
Tel AvivO
Jaffa.
Ashkelon.
Alexander the Great did not have time to introduce was the situation radically changed. The evidence for a
basic changes in this local organization and neither did his rapid growth in international commerce is abundant. We
direct heirs. Only during the Ptolemaic rule of the country shall start our discussion with the revolutionary transitions
- especially at the time of their greatest king Ptolemais II which occurred in the traditional means of payment -
Philadelphos (285-246 BCE) - was a new administrative moving from weights to coins, and a similar transfer from
organization introduced. According to the Zenon Papyri the local or Persian-Phoenician standard to the Greek one.
from the year 259 BCE the country had been divided anew: In the following we shall discuss the archaeological
the larger unit called Hyparchia and the smaller Toparchia, evidence for the trade with Greece.
the Hyparchia replacing the previous 'state'. Some of the
older states survived: others, such as the kingdoms of Tyre
The weights
and Sidon, ceased to exist (Avi-Yonah 1966: Ch. 1).
The use of the unit of silver by weight in financial
transactions was the only one used during the Iron Age and
The trade between Palestine and Greece
earlier, and was still common in Palestine and neighboring
During the Iron Age, Palestine was relatively isolated and countries throughout the sixth to the fourth centuries BCE,
the archaeological evidence for imports from the west is alongside the use of coins (Stern 1982: 215-17). The types
scarce indeed (see Holladay, this volume). Only by the end of weights which are supposed to have existed, on the basis
of this period, mainly from the Babylonian Age onwards, of literary sources and archaeological finds, are:
Between Persia and Greece: Trade, Administration and Warfare in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods (539-63 BCE) 435
and Sidon; very few are from Aradus and almost none
1. the royal Persian standard; from Byblos (Kindler 1967).
2. the local Palestinian standard, which preserved the Hebrew During the late Persian period, coins now called
names of Israelite times; 'Philisto-Arabian' were also in use in Palestine, and these
3. the Egyptian standard; should be regarded as local coinage (Hill 1914: 83-9;
4. the Phoenician-Punic standard; and
Kindler 1963; Lambert 1932). What is unique in these
5. the Greek standard.
coins is the abundance of types; there are very few
The Greek standard became during the Persian period and examples of duplicates. We suggest that the privilege of
mainly later - in the Hellenistic period - dominant in the minting these coins had been granted by the Persian
country. The Greek weights of these periods found here authorities to the officials appointed over the various
were made of lead, shaped as rectangular disks on which satrapal treasuries in Palestine, for local business use. The
are depicted some numbers and the names of the officials minting was done by treasury officials, each using the
responsible for their accuracy (Stern, 1992a: 133-4, Fig. device of his own seal. As for date, it is agreed that they
181). begin at the end of the fifth century and that the bulk are
from the fourth century BCE.
A special branch of the local 'Philisto-Arabian' family
The coins
consists of those coins bearing the names of the provinces
Our best evidence for the rapid growth of international of Judea, Samaria, Ashdod and Gaza (Rahamani 1971;
commerce in the period is the introduction of coins. Meshorer 1961; 1982: 13-34; Barag 1986; Mildenberg
The use of coins in Palestine began in the first half of the 1988; Meshorer-Qedar 1991). It seems that, like the others
sixth century BCE (Meshorer 1961; Wright 1965: 168-9, in this group, these were also minted by the royal officials
Fig. 95; Barkay 1986: 34). Only a very few coins are extant in charge of the treasury who were permitted to coin small
from this early period and from the first half of the fifth silver denominations for day-to-day business needs within
century BCE; thus we may assume that the use of coins was the province.
common only from the end of the fifth century and mainly The other types of coin in use in Palestine were those
during the fourth century BCE (see Plate 1a). The coins in common in the Persian period in neighboring lands to the
use in this period were all minted in three principal north, south and east of Palestine. These can be grouped as
standards: the Persian, the Phoenician and the Attic. follows:
An examination of the Greek coin types of the Persian
period discovered in excavations reveals that most come
1. Persian cams of large denomination from the central
from Athens and a few from Kos, Thasos and Aegae. But a
imperial mint - darics and sigloi, which were common
comparison with the finds in neighboring lands shows that throughout the empire (Pope 1938; Zayadin 1967-8);
these hoards of Greek coins were composed of thousands 2. Cypriot coins, many of which have been found in Syria and
of coins from all the known mints in the Greek world (Noe Egypt, but have not yet come to light in Palestine;
1937). Of the Phoenician coins found in Palestine, only 3. Egyptian coins, struck in Egypt during the brief period of
several hundred are recorded, almost all of them from Tyre independence (400-344 BCE) (Stern 1982: 228, Fig. 378).
436 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * Ephraim Stern
designs on the upper part, and vessels in the Wild Goat
style. During the sixth century BCE, especially towards its
close, Greek vessels from Athens began to arrive. Though
imported initially in small numbers, they quickly became
an integral part of vessels used in the country (Plate 2).
The first Athenian vessels to arrive were painted in black
on a red background ('black-figured'); later the colors were
reversed, with the figures being painted in red on a black
background ('red-figured'); and, finally, the plain black-
glazed types arrived (Stern 1982: 136- 41; d. also Herzog
1988: 145- 52; Bennett and Blakely 1989: 69-137) .
The changes in the source of the imported Greek ware
Plate 2 Attic (right) and 'West Slope' kraters from Tel Dor (courtesy of and the absolute dominance of the Attic pottery
E. Stern; photograph by Zev Radovan) throughout the Persian period in Palestine is also
conclusively proven by the finds in neighboring lands,
and in fact all around the Mediterranean area, including its
It should also be noted that the privilege of minting in gold islands (d. Gjerstad 1948: 279-80).
was held by the Persian imperial mint alone. In this manner The influx of Greek goods to the eastern coast of the
the Persian authorities could control the economy of the Mediterranean brought with it a Greek colonization on the
areas under their rule. It also seems that the privilege of coasts of Phoenicia and Palestine. Clear evidence for this
minting granted to various cities and vassal states was process has been recovered at AI-Mina, Tel-Sukas, Tabat el
closely controlled and inspected - both in respect of the Hammam and elsewhere along the Phoenician coast (d.
amounts minted and the standard used (see Plate 1a,b). Braidwood 1940: 198; Wooley 1953: 127-88; Boardman
During the Hellenistic period the use of coins was 1964: 70- 9; Parrot 1969: 435-50; Riis 1970, 1979; Ploug
expanded and they became the main means for trade 1973; Niemeyer 1982: 237-55).
transactions. In addition to the coins of the country's Evidence for the settlement of Greek merchants has also
rulers, the Ptolemaics and the Seleucians, many city coins been discovered in Israel. We shall mention here several
had been struck, belonging to the autonomic polis which examples. At Tel Akko a rich assemblage of Attic-Greek
had been granted the privilege of minting their own coins . pottery was discovered in buildings in the western part of
A typical Hellenistic hoard would consist of Ptolemaic and the mound, and, on the basis of this find, the excavator, M.
Seleucid coins, the coins of the cities (such as Akko, Dor, Dothan, stated: 'The finds in area F attest that the
Jaffa, Ashkelon, Gaza, etc.), city coins of the major northwest section of the mound contained in the Persian
commercial cities in neighboring countries (e.g., Alexandria period a rich merchants' quarter, mostly Greeks, who
in Egypt and Antiochia in Syria), and coins of the small inhabited the finest section of the town' (Dothan 1979:
kingdoms, such as that of the Hashmonaeans. 151; Tcherikover 1963: 31 n. 5).
From the excavations at Jaffa, a large warehouse of the
Persian period that has close affinities with the plan of the
Pottery imports
warehouses at Al M ina was published in the 1980s. A
Another way to examine the expansion of the international sizeable amount of pottery was found on the floor of one
trade is by analyzing the spread of imported Greek clay of the rooms. All the vessels were of a single type and all
vases in Palestine. The earliest Greek vases found in bore similar red-figured decoration. The excavator
Palestine are of the late Protogeometric type, dating to the compared this find with the form of commerce practiced
end of the eighth century BCE (Ben-Tor and Portugali at Al Mina. Like that northern Phoenician port city, it is
1987: 110, PI. 50; Stern 1992a: 56, Fig. 65). Later Greek very likely that a group of Greek merchants resided in Jaffa
vessels came from different regions. In the Babylonian Age during this period and engaged in the wholesale trade of
and the early Persian period most of them came from the products of Athenian potteries (Ritter-Kaplan 1982).
Corinth, which then held the mastery of the seas. These In the same manner Athenian pottery was also
vessels were still rare in Palestine and only a few have been apparently brought to Tell Jemmeh. According to one
found. Only from the sixth century BCE onwards did account, the discoveries there included: 'About a dozen of
imports from the eastern Greek islands increase - from the Red-figured cups [which] were evidently painted by the
Rhodes, Kos, Knidos, Chios, Samos, Lesbos, etc., as well as Pithos Painter; although not found on the same site, they
from the Greek settlements along the northeastern may have been purchased at the same time in Athens and
Mediterranean coast, such as AI-Mina. These East-Greek carried over on the same vessel to the Eastern
vases included bowls with painted bands and horizontal Mediterranean coast, whence they were distributed to
handles, jugs with black-painted decoration or geometric several merchants.' (Clairmont 1956-5 8: 120; d. also
Between Persia and Greece: Trade, Administration and Warfare in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods (539-63 BCE) 437
~
I
Plate 4 Tel Dar, air view from the west (courtesy of E. Stern;
photograph by Zev Radovan )
MULTIPLE
'I./HITE FLOORS
tr~2;~~.,1 REVETMENT
STONE!MUD8RICK WALL
MUD6R/CK WALL
FIE:LDSTONE GLACIS
Figure 5 Sedion aaoss fortifications during the Persian-Hellenistic Periods, Dor Area C
For most of the Persian period Dor's fortifications widthwise across the pier, with fieldstone fill in between
remained the same as in the preceding period, i.e. the last them. As far as we know, all the city walls of coastal
city wall built in the Iron Age which was actually the Palestine and Phoenicia were built in this way from the
'Assyrian' wall, with insets and offsets and a two- tenth-ninth centuries BeE, at Megiddo and Tyre, down to
chambered gate. We can say that this wall protected the the third century BeE, at Dor and Jaffa (d. Stem 1992b;
city for its entire period as a provincial capital - at first Sharon 1987).
provincial capital of an Assyrian, then a Babylonian, and Some parts of this Phoenician wall have been preserved
finally a Persian province. This massive and sophisticated to a height of over two meters and are among the most
fortification system was destroyed by the Persians when impressive of their kind yet found in Palestine. In the third
they suppressed the great Phoenician revolt against Persian century BeE, when this last 'Phoenician' wall of the fourth
rule in the mid-fourth century BeE. Judging from the century together with its adjacent buildings was apparently
archaeological evidence revealed in the excavations, a new still standing, the city received a new fortification system.
fortification system was built at Dor very soon afterwards The wall was built in a totally Greek style, previously
- still in the fourth century BeE. encountered only rarely at sites in Palestine - in particular
The outer line of the city wall was built almost directly Samaria, Akko and Marissa, which had become Greek
above the line of the earlier offset-inset wall, though this settlements at the very beginning of the Macedonian
time it ran in a straight line, apart from a few small conquest (d. Crowfoot 1940: pis 24-25; Dothan 1976;
projections. This line was formed of buildings constructed Kloner 1991).
close together in the space between the city wall and the This new wall was built of large, thick rectangular
inner street. Their outer (eastern) walls, over a meter thick, blocks of sandstone (about one meter long), most of them
formed the outer defensive line. laid in headers facing the outside. It was a massive
The interesting feature of this fortification system is its construction, about two meters thick, and was built of
method of construction (see Figure 5): it is quite clear that stone to its full height. Its foundations cut through all the
the Phoenician tradition of building was still used here in preceding walls on its eastern side. Square towers, set
the mid-fourth century BeE. The outer wall and all the about 30 m apart and built in the same style, projected
inner dividing walls were built in the style characteristic of beyond the wall. So far, two of these towers have been
this tradition: ashlar piers built in 'header and stretcher' uncovered. The interior of the northern tower was not well
fashion, i.e. with one stone laid lengthwise and two preserved, but its outer contours are quite clear. The
Belween Persia and Greece: Trade, Administration and Warfare in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods (539-63 BCE) 441
Figure 6 Reconstruction of the lower in Area A at Tel Dor. Note The temples
central staircase (courtesy of E. Stern) Only two temples have been uncovered in Palestine from
this period which, by chance, represent the two main
foundations of the southern tower have survived in their temple plans of the time:
entirety. It is one of the most outstanding remnants of
fortifications from the beginning of the Hellenistic period. 1. The long building composed of three successive areas, in
which the ritual was conducted mainly in the holy-of-
The stones of this tower are also about 1 m long and 0.5 m
holies.
wide, and all of them were laid in headers facing the 2. The broad type of building of one or more chambers. Here
exterior. The relative flexibility of sandstone and its ability the ritual usually took place in an enclosed court in front of
to receive blows without breaking enabled them to the temple building.
withstand the advanced siege machines of the period. In
several spots, this wall has survived to a height of more An examination of these plans and of the remains of the
than 3 m. Also preserved was the central pillar of the architectural ornaments discovered in the temples in
southern tower. It apparently supported a wooden spiral Phoenicia and Cyprus, in our opinion, revealed that both
staircase which encircled it and led to the roof (Figure 6). plans are of Phoenician origin. This conclusion also agrees
This seems to be the earliest example of a tower of this type with the cult objects found in the temples (Stern 1982:
uncovered in Palestine (d. Yadin 1977: 165-8; Magen 61-7).
1984; Patrich 1986). A third temple has been uncovered recently in lower
In our opinion, it can be concluded that this new wall, Galilee (Frankel 1990), in which some unique Phoenician
with its distinctive style and towers and its impressive stone and bronze figurines were found, including a
innovations, represents an unmistakably Greek fortifica- Phoenician dedication to the Goddess Astarte. The temples
tion. According to the stratigraphic evidence, the wall was of the Hellenistic Age are following indeed the concepts of
not erected at the very start of the Hellenistic period since it Greek architecture.
442 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * Ephraim Stern
=
=C"':
~
=~
=~
= ..--. --
-
=c
= '""
=0:
=cx::
(0) (b)
Plate 5 Heads of two cloy figurines: one depicts a god's head in Egyptian style (0), and the other in a Greek style (b) (courtesy of E. Stern;
photograph by Zev Radovan)
• J udaea
I Oecapolis
kilometers 50
I
Mediterranea n
Sea
Key:
a. Rome
b. Caesarea
1 : 30.000.000
I I I I
o 500 1000 1500 km DETAIL
1 : 10.000.000
I I I I
o 300 km
sources cite the reasons precipitating the Revolt as Empire after the Second Revolt. Indeed, it was made
Hadrian's plan to convert Jerusalem to a Roman - and consular (Isaac and Roll 1979: 54-66), another legion was
pagan - colony (Dio Works LXIX 12-14), and a added, high profile legates were appointed (Smallwood
prohibition on circumcision (Eusebius Historia Ecclesias- 1981: 546), and large military forces were stationed in
fica IV 6). Excavation has proven that the revolt was Jerusalem and Legio (see Window 2, p. 468).
finally suppressed in the Judaean desert (Bar-Adon in From the Severan period (ca. 193-235 CE), not only
Kochavi 1972: 25), and the sources suggest that the revolt was the process of urbanization renewed (Jones 1931: 82-
was centered in Judaea. That it did not spread into Galilee 5), but many of the emperors developed favorable relations
is supported by numismatic evidence (Applebaum 1976: with the Jews - notably scholars representing the Jewish
23; Meyers et al. 1976: 169) as well as a lack of evidence leadership. For example, Severus allowed Jews to become
for site destruction (see Goodman 1983: 137). decurions and so participate in municipal affairs (Digest
50.2.3.3), and Caracalla fostered a close relationship with
R Judah I (Levine 1975a: 65). As a result, Palestina became
Post-Second Revolt Period: J32 CE to 325 CE
more peaceful, Jews and pagans developed closer ties, and
The Second Revolt resulted in the annihilation of two-thirds the nation prospered economically. However, it appears
of the Jewish population of Judaea (Applebaum 1989: that by the second half of the third century CE Palestina
157), a restriction against Jews entering Jerusalem on pain was suffering the consequences of Empire-wide political
of death (Eusebius HE IV.6.3), and a mass emigration of and economic crises. Indeed, Talmudic references attest to
Jews from Judaea to the coastal cities and Galilee, which villagers afraid to remain in their fields, to the erection of
became henceforth the center of Jewish learning and fortifications and the crowding of the population into
autonomous institutions. The province, now officially defended settlements (Sperber 1978: 51-5). In addition,
named Palestina (a revival of the term used by Herodotus: during the years 260-266 CE Palestina fell under the
1.105), seems to have taken on a new importance in the domination of Palmyra.
450 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * James D. Anderson
With the reign of Diocletian the provinces of the empire, 14.5.3.88; BJ 1.8.4.166). However, with the exception of
including Palestina, entered a radical period of transition. houses and a wall built under Gabinius recovered at
After the harsh experience of third century CE power Sebaste (Crowfoot et al. 1957: 5), not a single excavated
politics, the power of individual provincial governors was site has produced evidence for building activities during
diluted by the division of large geopolitical units. this period (Isaac 1990: 339). Then again, numismatic
Diocletian transferred Legio X Fretensis from Aelia to evidence attests to some inhabitants calling themselves
Aila (Aqaba) to face the new pressure of the Arab tribes 'Gabinians' (Isaac 1990: 340; Schlirer 1979: (2) 162 for
(295 CE) and in so doing moved the Negev (including Samarians). In total, the negative evidence suggests that at
Petra) from Arabia to Palestina, and Trachonitis and most Pompeius and Gabinius restored rather than founded
Batanaea to Arabia. Of the Herodian lands beyond the new cities.
Jordan, only the Golan remained in Palestina. In addition, Archaeology has confirmed many of the literary
bureaucracies were centralized, inflated, and divided references to the foundation of cities by Herod and his
between the military and state. The period of this survey sons. Excavations (Crowfoot et al. 1966: 31-3) at Sebaste
concludes with the defeat of Licinius in 324 CE by attest to Herod's construction of a temple in an enclosed
Constantine, who thereafter added the eastern provinces to precinct, and much of Caesarea and its harbour
his realm. constructed by him at the site of Strato's Tower has been
excavated (Raban 1985; Levine and Netzer 1986).
Excavations have been carried out at Herod Antipas'
SeHlement patterns Sepphoris (Waterman et al. 1937), Livias-Julias (Water-
Cities house and Ibach 1975: 227), and Tiberias (see Avi-Yonah
and Stem 1975-8 (4) 1171-7). Philip is recorded as having
Rome had much impact on the urbanization of Palestina. established Caesarea Philippi (Paneas) as his capital (Ant
Fully-evolved Roman provincial cities differed from 18.2.1.28; BJ 2.9.1.168), while Agrippa II further enlarged
Hellenistic city-states in that the former were not only the temple at Caesarea (Ant 20.9.4.211) and granted city
forbidden to wage war or make alliances with each other, status to the village of Bethsaida, north of lake Tiberias,
but were required to carry out the wishes of the provincial renaming it Julias (Ant 18.2.1.28; BJ 2.9.1.168; Schlirer
governor. In addition, the governments were essentially 1979: 2171ff.). However, despite their many foundations,
aristocratic rather than democratic. Although normally the Herodian period represents an hiatus in the civic
permitting the retention of much of the original form of devolution process: indeed, the cities were most likely
government (for Bashan, Edessa, and Gerasa, see Goodman governed more directly and severely by the Herodians than
1983: 252), the Roman provincial governors preferred to by the Romans (see Schlirer 1979: (2) 97). Herod seems to
deal with the Greek form of oligarchic boule rather than the have centralized his power and administration after
popular assembly. In addition, the Romans insisted that Ptolemaic models (contra Goodman 1983: 135), with
council candidates must own land and, once elected, retain toparchies divided into villages, headed by a village clerk
their seats for life. Thus, much of the responsibility of appointed by the crown.
government, especially that of a financial nature, within Roman colonies (see Window 2) were founded from the
these cities and their requisite territories was left to the local Flavian period. However, apart from Hadrian's revival of
aristocratic class. Once the aristocratic and landed council Jerusalem as Aelia Capitolina, the policy of urbanization
had become the governing body of the city the popular was not carried out again until the Severan period (the end
assembly declined in importance and eventually ceased to of the second-early third centuries CE). Diospolis (Lydda),
meet. Eleutheropolis (Beth Gabra) and Nicopolis (Emmaus) were
Ancient sources suggest that Rome endeavored to granted municipal status (which in turn diminished the
devolve powers of government in conquered areas from large territory of Aelia), while the southern coastal towns
centralized administrations to a number of autonomous of Jamnia, Ashkelon, Azotus and Gaza developed separate
cities through a process of municipal foundation or port communities which finally attained independent city
restoration. A result of such devolution was that the Roman rank (Applebaum 1967: 11, 14).
government gained considerable leverage, as the cities now
depended upon Roman support to maintain their prestige. Spheres of inRuence
Indeed, the governor could promote or relegate the status of It has been argued traditionally that a normal city served as
any city (such as Antioch in 196 CE), alter its spheres of a market for the surrounding country and as a distributive
influence, or endorse or revoke its right to mint coins. center for such few imported or locally-manufactured
articles as the neighboring peasantry required (Jones 1974:
City foundations 30). However, apart from collectors selected and sent to
According to Josephus, city foundations began under the villages by the city council to exact imperial taxes, levy
Gabinius, proconsul of Syria in 57-55 BCE (Ant recruits for the imperial army, and requisition supplies and
The Impact of Rome on the Periphery: The Case of Pa/estina - Roman period (63 BCE-324 CE) 451
transport, the villages seem to have been left to themselves a temple in honor of Hadrian in Tiberias (Avi-Yonah
(Jones 1974: 31). Indeed, a recent study of rabbinical texts 1976: 46). Indeed, pagan types such as the Capitoline
(Goodman 1983: 130) suggests that, in the Galilee, tax Triad (Jones 1937: 279) and Victory (Smallwood 1981:
collection was the city's only important function and that 243) appear on the coinage of Sepphoris and Tiberias,
the provision of security, a market for goods, or a coinage respectively, after the Bar Kochba revolt. Alternatively, the
to facilitate exchange had little effect on the villages. use of such symbolism, which was similar to types favored
Attempts to calculate the size of such city territories by neighboring cities (Hill 1914: 1-10), may have been due
include a survey of the locations of milestones found to the unwillingness of Jewish leaders to offend the Roman
inscribed with a particular city's name (Avi-Yonah 1977: authorities after the Second Revolt (Goodman 1983: 129).
127-9). However, the accuracy of this system is Even if such a policy was pursued by Hadrian, by the
questionable, as such stones were more likely to have fourth century Tiberias and Diocaesarea were so
been intended to serve as a benefit to long-distance travel completely controlled by the Jews that no pagan,
than to demarcate territorial boundaries (Goodman 1983: Samaritan, or Christian was allowed entry (Eusebius
130). Alternatively, comparative models from across the Martyrs of Palestine 29).
Empire have been used to define the extent of city
territories in Palestina (Hopkins 1980). Accordingly, major
Villages
cities have been found to include in their territories minor
urban centers, which served a number of towns usually Effects of the Pax Romano: population increases
located on the periphery of the territory, which in turn A major development during the Roman period was an
served villages. From the period after the First Revolt, five overall rise of the rural population across Palestina
lesser cities were situated at a 50 km radius from Caesarea, (excluding Judaea), despite wars and insurrections. In the
the provincial capital; six lesser cities within a 40km radius mountainous area of upper Galilee archaeological survey
from Scythopolis, the chief city of the Decapolis; and three has shown 19 Early Iron Age sites and 32 of the Roman-
lesser cities at radii of both 51 km and 32 km from Byzantine periods (Meyers et al. 1974). In western Galilee,
Jerusalem. Evidence from 134 Roman period settlements in 53 Roman-Byzantine sites compared with 36 Hellenistic
the Golan suggest a similar scheme (Urman 1985), with 5 have been observed (Avi-Yonah 1976: 19), and in the
cities with areas of over 120 dunams, 40 towns of 40-120 northern Jordan Valley 12 Early Iron Age sites have been
dunams, 28 large villages of 20-40 dunams, and 28 found compared to 36 Roman-Byzantine (Avi-Yonah
agricultural settlements of less than 20 dunams in area. 1976: 19). In the Golan, 75 settlements have been
identified for the Hellenistic period, against 182 for the
Population Roman period (Urman 1985: 104).
For the most part, those Greek cities revived under
Gabinius retained their pagan majority throughout the Village siting
Roman period, most likely because early emperors favored Villages of the first century CE, such as Gamala, Jotapata,
Greek or mixed cities (Applebaum 1989: 159). Literary Gischala (Goodman 1983: 29) and Nazareth (Bagatti
evidence suggests that Jewish populations in mixed cities 1969), are situated on top of steep hills in the interests of
were the recipients of very harsh treatment during the wars defense. However, ceramic and Talmudic evidence suggests
and insurrections of the Roman period. Indeed, at that the favored sites for settlements, such as at Meiron,
Caesarea, although a Jewish community is known before Khirbet Shema, Usha and Beth Shearim, were constructed
70 CEo there is no record of one existing until the third from ,the second century CE on the lower slopes of hills
century, at which point pagans, Jews, Christians and adjacent to level ground (Goodman 1983: 194). Even some
Samaritans were about equally represented (Levine 1975a: long-established sites, such as Jotapata and Sepphoris
34). As for Jewish cities, those founded by Herod's sons (Meyers et al. 1978), had second century settlements below
could not maintain their purely Jewish populations. After their citadels. Such a change resulted from the expansion of
the Second Revolt, the literature is very succinct in its population and settlement after 135 CE, as well as from
description of Hadrian expelling Jews from Aelia the change in political atmosphere after the S~nd Revolt.
Capitolina (previously Jerusalem) and replacing them The increase in numbers of villages meant that they were
with foreign, pagan colonists. Hadrian also may have now sited much more closely together than previously,
expelled the Jewish population from the cities of Sepphoris especially in Upper Galilee (Avi-Yonah 1976: 17). For
and Tiberias, which had been Jewish during the First example, Khorazin is only two kilometers from
Revolt (BJ 2.599; Rajak 1973: 346). That the ruling Jewish Capernaum, and Hammat Tiberias less than one kilometer
aristocracies were disenfranchised at this time is suggested from Roman Tiberias.
by the early third century CE rescript of the emperors In contrast, excavations in the Golan (Urman, 1985:
Severus and Caracalla that Jews might serve on municipal 83-4) have revealed that most Roman and Byzantine
councils (Digest 5.2.3.3), as well as by an attempt to build period settlements were constructed on hills or spurs (123
452 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * James D. Anderson
of 211). However, most of these settlements have been of second century CE Galilean sites argues generally
recovered near springs, and it seems proximity to a water against a large gap between different social strata,
source outweighed considerations of security or access to especially compared to other areas of the empire (Duncan
trade routes. In addition, the siting of these agricultural Jones 1974: 17-32). Specifically, the rarity of
settlements on hills would have preserved the better lands homogeneous housing styles (Yeivin 1971: xi-xii)
in the valleys below for agriculture. suggests against rented housing in favor of individual
ownership by most villagers, although a few villages may
Village planning have been wholly-owned by large landowners (Goodman
Aerial photographs attest to second century CE Galilean 1983: 34, 60, 120).
villages having well-planned central areas with public
buildings, the most important of which was the synagogue Effects of political upheaval
(discussed below). Although varying in size and style, the Evidence from across Palestina suggests that the two great
houses were commonly small and even one-roomed, and Jewish revolts had a major impact on village life. In
were clustered around courtyards and down alleyways western Samaria, village life at Um-Rihan seems to have
leading off the main streets (Yeivin 1971: vii-viii, xi; ended about this time (Applebaum 1986), and the lapse of
Mazar et al. 1973-4: (1) 16). Industrial quarters, including the field tower pattern (discussed below) in the second
oil presses at Khorazin and Beth Shearim, and workshops century CE seems to have been a consequence of the same
at Meiron (Meyers et al. 1974: 80; Avi Yonah and Stern upheaval, which put an end to occupation at the Jewish
1975-8: (1) 299), are generally found adjacent to the main townlets of Hirbet Najar, Um-Rihan, and Hirbet Karqush
residential areas, and sometimes outside the village. (Dar 1986: 42-51). These may have belonged to the 13
Aerial photographs also indicate the various shapes of Jewish villages in Samaria which were 'submerged',
ten villages constructed in the Golan and Galilee from the according to talmudic sources, after the war (see
second century CE as round, bow-shaped, square, Applebaum 1986: 265 for references). As for the Second
rectangular, or gamma-shaped (Yeivin 1971: vii). Shapes Revolt, the increase in settlements of Galilee and the Lower
of these and earlier settlements are apt to follow the Golan (Urman 1985) is likely due to Judaean emigration.
topography: Khorazin is rectangular with a long main
street running along a slight ridge (Yeivin 1971: iv); Kfar Confiscations
Einan, like Meiron, is split into terraces running down the Before 70 CE, the royal Jewish house owned private estates
slope of the hill (Yeivin 1971: x; Meyers et al. 1974: 12); throughout Palestina in areas of great fertility (A] 14.207).
only Kh. Usha is found with a network grid in a square With the procuratorship, it is likely that such land became
shape on its plateau (Yeivin 1971: x). However, those of imperial domain (Applebaum 1967: 283), and Talmudic
the third to fourth century CE settlements in the Golan are evidence, together with Bar Kochba's correspondence
fixed and generally ignore the local topography (Goodman found in the Judaean Wilderness (Yadin 1963), suggests
1983: 30). As for the size of these villages, modern that after the First Revolt large tracts of land were
estimates vary, at least partly on account of the lack of a converted to praedia Caesaris (Applebaum 1976: 9). Some
rigid convention in antiquity. On the basis of aerial of this land can be located in Judaea, Jericho and Peraea,
photographs of ten sites, 1-10 ha in size has been argued and probably Ein Gedi (Avi Yonah 1977: 12). By the
(Yeivin 1971: v), while the excavators of Kh. Shema and second century CE much land may have become territoria
Meiron estimate ca. 30 hectares (Meyers et al. 1974, 22; or prata for specific legions or auxiliary units stationed
1981: 76-7). throughout the country, such as the valley of Jezreel for the
Not only were second century CE villages constructed legion at Legio (Avi Yonah 1977: 141). However, by the
on sites much more difficult to defend, research has yet to Severan period, it appears that R Judah I received the lease
uncover evidence for walls protecting these villages. of extensive areas of state land in Galilee, the Golan and
Although Josephus (BJ 2.573) writes that some of the Bashan, suggesting that at least some Jews were made
villages were fortified during the First Revolt, apart from conJuctores of imperial lands (Applebaum 1989: 149).
Beth Shearim (Mazar et al. 1973-4), none of the excavated
sites of the second century CE or later in Galilee have
Farmsteads
produced a village wall (Goodman 1983: 30).
The classical Roman villa constructed in rural areas across
Village class systems the empire, and which comprised an isolated farm
Ancient literature (especially Josephus Vita: 79 and St equipped with amenities such as baths and mosaics (Rivet
Mark 6: 21) attests to a clear-cut aristocracy in first 1969), is not found in Roman period Palestina (Applebaum
century CE Galilean villages, where leading men won 1989: 125). Indeed, the bigger town houses excavated in
political influence through their wealth as landowners, Galilee are only of moderate size (Safrai and Stern 1974-6:
moneylenders, or market speculators. However, excavation (2) 643). This absence of villas is best explained by the
The Impact of Rome on the Periphery: The Case of Palestina - Roman period (63 BCE-324 CE) 453
Fortifications
Despite the absence of Roman forts in the countryside (see
Window 2), evidence has been found in western Samaria
for rural settlement influenced by the army. The fortified
farmhouse (Figure 3) at Hirbet Tanurah (Dar 1986: 225-
9), guarding the Qana gorge and the roads in the hills of
western Samaria, contained four gates, a surrounding
defensive wall, an administrative command post, store-
room areas and barracks. The first fortification (the central
fortlet) may have been built between Revolts. The second
phase, perhaps from the Second Revolt, had room in its
barracks for 40 men. In the third to fourth centuries CE the
Plate lOne of many field towers grouped around the fortress at site was converted from a fortified enclosure to a fortified
Qarawat Bene Hasson, western Samaria (photograph by Dar, 19861 farmstead which produced oil, wine, olives and cereals. In
addition, local defense arrangements were made in villages
political, social and economic instability of Palestina which and townlets of western Samaria, such as fortified towers
did not foster such development (Dar 1986: 249). Rather which, attached to houses, converted the fronts of
than villas, the mainstay of farming across Palestina seems settlements into defensive walls. Good examples of such
to have been the small, private holding. The size of these are found at the villages of Hirbet Najar and Um-Rihan
holdings is suggested by a survey of western Samaria where (Dar 1986: 47-51).
small farms of 2.5 hectares were recorded (Safrai and Stern
1974-6: (2) 657).
Caves
Field systems As a result of insurrection and war, many caves were
It seems that a change in field patterns occurred in western inhabited in Palestina. Most have been found in the
Samaria, at least, as a result of the Second Revolt western and south-western foothills of Judaea, and a
(Applebaum 1986: 262). Ceramic evidence suggests that a number recently have been identified in Lower Galilee
system of cultivation by smallholders based around (Isaac and Oppenheimer 1985). Most of these are adjacent
massive stone field towers (see Plate 1) did not survive to villages and were clearly made by the local village
beyond the second century CE, and that such holdings gave population (Isaac 1990: 85).
way to larger estates controlled by fewer people (Dar 1986: Some caves have been dated archaeologically to the
109). These towers, 45 of which have been excavated out Second Revolt, and indeed they adhere very closely to the
of 1200 identified throughout Samaria, are square, oblong description given by Dio Works (69.12.1.3) of Bar
or circular in form and were constructed for the most part Kochba's hideouts. In the Cave of the Letters, on the
in the third century BCE (Dar 1986: 109). northern bank of Nahal Hever in the Judaean Desert, 15
Josephus attests to large estates, or latifundia, existing letters were found from Bar Kochba to the commanders of
across first century CE Golan (Vita 33, 47, 58) and Judaea En-Gedi as well as an archive of 35 documents from the
(Vita 4.22). That some of these estates were transformed in period 132 CE (Yadin 1963). The letters were recovered in
the Roman period to smaller centrally-managed farmsteads a cache which also included 19 metal vessels, glass plates,
may be in evidence at Hirbet Shehadah in western Samaria keys, clothing, sandals, mats, wool, and a hunting net. The
(Dar 1986: 18-21). Forty-four field towers suggest cave had been inhabited by Jonathan b Bayan, one of Bar
cultivation by smallholders or tenants in the pre-Roman Kochba's commanders, and his family.
period, after which the towers were abandoned, and the In general, the caves of the Bar Kochba period are
settlement became centered on a strongly-fortified entered through openings masked by cisterns or other
acropolis. A concentration of threshing floors and innocent-looking cavities in the rock; the caves themselves
livestock enclosures connected by a paved roadway are linked by horizontal passages and vertical shafts
suggests (Dar 1986: 20) that the agricultural areas were connecting different levels, and many contain ventilation-
cultivated under supervision. It may be that the entire area shafts, water tanks, storerooms, and niches for lamps
passed into the ownership of one estate which cultivated (Isaac 1990: 85). As it is more likely that the caves near the
these lands through tenants who dwelt on the fringes of the settlement at Qumran were used for storage purposes
farmstead (Applebaum 1977). A possible explanation (Dar rather than for habitation, the Qumran settlement will be
1986) for the centralization of management might be that discussed separately.
454 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * James D. Anderson
That the 37.5 square meter building complex of
Occupation II was the headquarters of an Essene religious
community that authored the Dead Sea Scrolls is suggested
by the following. First, Pliny the Elder (NH 5.73) describes
the Essenes as living on the western shores of the Dead Sea:
'[and] below them the town of Ein Gedi once stood' - in
this case, 'below' would have been to the south. Second, in
the floor of one of the many rooms of the building complex
of Occupation II a jar was recovered of the same type as
those in which the scrolls in Cave 1 had been placed, and
along with it was a coin bearing a date equivalent to 10
CEo Altogether, the chronology of the site agrees very well
with that established for the manuscripts. Third, a long
central chamber in the southwest part of the building has
been identified as a scriptoriufu, as it contained a narrow
plaster table and bench built into the wall, three shorter
o· tables, and two inkpots, one of which contained traces of
dried ink.
The character of the building complex also suggests the
Key:
headquarters of a large, well-organized, communal, and
~ Barraekll ~ Administrative POlt
r.
)
>(~.~v~~
...
'. :-:: f'"., /fuh .. n;'
l"l.no " n ,h .•
. /\
--
! .• roq i
\ :,...f'-f'
~ \ ~{
r(~'gdoI
Aph., J )' -F·-o-rh....,"~-i---~
'4o
'oS' O.ir Bolul t~eir Sam'on
---------r- _
',,-. ./
'" +'-(j"..,..../j\f\..",,- ~ '~~ir SW roh (--'"\.)_/ "'4<i.//
'-_ Dt>ir Daq~eh - lr ;.(r. )
___ ,'<-•.1 ' ..... \j :' ~
......... , //f
\ '"
_\...-.<::~ " .1
:
I'.
",..--
............ .Rontis,~ 1
---:;..,.,.....
...... H. BEl! ' . : ••,
:'
" .Abbud
;
!Nebbi Salal)
....... ~ i ....--;-----,
~: ............ //i \
I
" , ./
/.! ' .....
............
; "\\
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. Key:'
~
"is',---;-,r-
r (
/
_ _ RURAL ROADS Harbata·~~Ra!. Karkar
20). Trajan (106-14 CE) constructed the Judaean ridge- New roads were constructed especially in difficult
way linking Beersheva, Jerusalem and Sebaste, and the terrain, such as that from Antipatris to Caesarea (Dar and
'King's Highway' between the Red Sea and Damascus Applebaum 1973, 91-9) and Legio to Scythopolis (Isaac
along the fringe of the Arabian Desert which laid the basis 1990: 109). Hadrian's visit in 129 CE produced the routes
of the Limes Arabiae (see Isaac 1990: 165). These routes Gerasa-Philadelphia, Heshbon-Jericho-Jerusalem and
were improved with continuous metalling, bridge·building, Jerusalem-Gaza, and the Second Revolt the roads
milestones and road-stations (Isaac and Roll 1982; Roll encircling Bethar. In the north, Ptolemais, Sepphoris and
and Ayalon 1983: 113-34). Tiberias were also then linked by road, as well as Caesarea,
458 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * James D. Anderson
Trade
The long periods of peace, as well as the construction of
the road system under Roman rule, would have facilitated
trade into, within and from Palestina. Although
theoretically 'military' road systems, provincial networks
across the Empire were nevertheless used widely by the
general population. In addition, the construction of fleets
under Pompeius and the creation by Augustus of the
Imperial navy, manned by freeborn provincials and based
in the east at Alexandria and Seleucia in Syria, resulted in
the virtual elimination of piracy in the eastern Mediter-
ranean for certain periods. The maritime cities of Palestina
thrived on inter-provincial sea-borne trade created by this
maritime pax Romana. Such trade included exportation of
agricultural produce as well as industrial products (Avi-
Plate 6 Olive Press (Type 7) at Hirbet Najar, western Samaria Yonah 1977; see Schurer 1979: (2) 68 for full references).
(photograph by Dar, 1986). This facility expanded during the Raman to Much literature attests to ships putting into Caesarea (see
Byzantine periods from a small nucleus to a large complex serving 80 to Levine 1975a: 42), and the rabbis instituted various laws
90 families on behalf of merchants and transporters to encourage the
flow of overseas imports inland from the coastal cities U
Legio and Sepphoris. Other less important roads were Bava Mezia 5.8 .10c). The commerce emanating to and
added under M. Aurelius, Commodus and Severus, and from Caesarea is reflected in the coinage fo und there:
repairs were intensive in the second, third and fourth examples include coins minted at Dora, Aelia, Antipatris,
centuries CE, more especially in connection with the Ashkelon, Gaza, Raphia, Neapolis, Gaba, Sebaste,
Parthian campaigns (Applebaum 1967: 20). Scythopolis, Ptolemais, Gadara, Tyre, Tiberias and
Sepphoris (Levine 1975a: 54).
Overland trade from the regions east of Palestina would
Presses have been facilitated by the improvement of the Trans-
The pressing of the residues with the help of a roller for the jordan road system under Trajan and other Antonine
making of wine was common in the Greek and Roman emperors following the annexation of Roman Arabia
world (Columella De re Rustica 12: 26, 28). Although the (Kraeling 1938). Whereas the bulk of this trade formerly
'screw' -type press was used in Palestina between the came through the Red Sea and Alexandria (see Casson
Hellenistic and Byzantine periods (Ahlstrom 1978: 19-49), 1959), alternative overland routes proved more desirable.
those from the Roman period were often constructed and The most lucrative trade routes in the Empire passed
used on much grander scales than previously. through the Roman East and by way of the caravan cities
With the advent of the large estates in western Samaria, of Palmyra, Petra, Gerasa and Bostra, they reached Syria,
olive oil production was concentrated in large presses (Dar Palestina and the Mediterranean ports (Heichelheim 1938:
1986: 152, Type 3-5) which replaced the small vineyard 198-9).
presses of independent farmers. For example, Press 26 at
Hirbet el-Buraq and 274 at Tzur Nathan, both close to Coinage
their respective settlements, indicate far greater production
than presses of earlier contexts (Dar 1986: Types 1-2), and Another impact of Roman rule was the imposition of
that at Hirbet Najar (Dar 1986: 180, Type 7) expanded Roman currency denominations. Although not permitted
during the Roman to Byzantine periods from a small to mint silver coins, the Herodians struck copper and
nucleus to a large complex serving a settlement of 80 to 90 occasionally bronze coins (Figure 7: m) corresponding to
families (Plate 6). the Roman as, semis, and quadrans. This system continued
In contrast, many olive oil presses have been found in under the governors, with gold (aurei) and silver (denarii;
single settlements dating from the mid-second century CE Figure 7: n) minted abroad (Schurer 1979: (2) 63). By the
across the Golan (Urman 1985: 158). It is uncertain first century CE the quantities of such Roman imperial
whether these presses, which proliferate across the Golan coinage superseded the Greek and Hebrew coinage in
throughout the Roman period, were public or private circulation (Schurer 1979: (2) 64).
property. However, they indicate cultivation of olives on a In addition to coins of imperial mintage, the Roman
scale large enough to have allowed considerable export of government granted to certain cities in Palestina the right
olive oil (Urman 1985: 161). to mint their own coins. Such mintage not only bolstered a
The Impact of Rome on the Periphery: The Case of Palestina - Roman period (63 BCE-324 CE) 459
Religion
The Roman presence in Palestina had its greatest and most
enduring effects in the realm of religion. Judaism was to
change radically throughout the three major periods, and
although pagan religions were nurtured, by the end of this
survey they were superseded by Christianity - the new
Plate 7 Herodion mosaic floor {photograph by lA. Whetstonel state religion.
Talmud (b Shabo 72b) warned Jews not to bow down Although the architectural relief in the synagogues may
toward synagogues in case they made a mistake and have been too high up on the buildings and out of the way
worshipped a pagan god (Goodman 1983: 87). Differences to embody deep religious significance (Bickerman 1967:
include architectural detail, especially in the facades and 131-61), nevertheless such change in Galilean Jewish art
portals (Hachlili 1988: 229; see Figure 7c,d,e), and size. after the Second Revolt was dramatic and rapid. The
With the destruction of the Temple, the village synagogue carvings include various pagan symbols drawn from
had become the venue for ritual practices and held an Nabataean, Roman-Syrian, and Parthian influences
entire congregation; in contrast, pagan temples had only to (Hachlili 1988: 200). The extant human figures are
accommodate priests and so were much smaller than without exception from pagan mythology, as are most
contemporary synagogues. likely the Victories, cupids, lions, griffins, capricorns,
The striking feature of all these buildings is the use of eagles, vine motifs, wreaths, shells, and rosettes (see
sculptured or mosaic ornamentation representing humans Goodenough 1965: (12) 43; Figure 7: a,b).
and living creatures, in contradiction to the Second Galilean society in the second century CE was moving
Commandment, and in stark contrast to the attitudes of toward, if it had not already attained, l a system centered
religious leaders in the first century CE to pagan idolatry around a public synagogue that would dominate the
(Avi-Yonah 1961: ch.l; Schiirer 1979: (2) 81-3, 59). surroundings (Sukenik 1934: 27). Although the exact
462 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * James D. Anderson
functions of the first century CE synagogues identified at borders, and the artistic style of construction recalls the
Masada (Yadin 1965: 1981), Herodium (Foerster 1981), architecture of contemporary Galilean synagogues (Mazar
Migdal (Saltz 1977: 3), and Gamala (Shanks 1979: 76) are et al. 1973-4).
as yet uncertain, the building of a synagogue was
presumably not considered essential for a community while Coinage in the Post-Second Revolt period
the Temple stood (Goodman 1983: 86). However, by the Before 70 CE, the Herodians minted coins with pagan
third century CE, the Galilean synagogue, as shown by motifs, apparently to please the Romans, and the
ample inscriptions and literary references, was an procurators employed designs to placate the Jews.
educational center, law-court, and center of communal Indeed, the imperial family was identified with regnal
administration, recreation and industry, and some were years and Greek legends rather than images, and motifs
associated with baths and hostels (Applebaum 1967: 21). were used which were common on contemporary Jewish
ossuaries (above) such as three lilacaeous flowers together
Burial customs in the Post-Second Revolt period and three stalks of grain, grapes, grapevines, and cups
In addition to synagogues, the Jewish burials from the (Goodenough 1965: (12) 27). When the Jews minted their
second century CE went through radical changes in own coins in the First Revolt, such symbols continued,
architecture and motifs,· incorporating much from with the addition of the lulab, ethrog, wine and objects
paganism, such as vines, grapes, cups, rosettes and used in synagogue (or household) worship (Goodenough
'round objects', columns approached by steps, flowers 1965: (3) figs 685-91). However, between the revolts only
resembling tulips, trees, wreaths, zigzags, and burcania. pagan symbols were depicted on coins (Goodenough 1965:
Excellent examples of second to fourth century CE burials (3) figs 692-99). With the Second Revolt, coins were once
are found at the necropolis of Beth Shearim in western again struck with Jewish symbols including the same three
Galilee. These tombs were rock-cut with 3 m ceilings, and flowers or fruit, or stalks of grain, wine symbols, the lyre,
include a descending corridor (one of which is 30 m long) the ethrog, lulab, star, and a peculiar temple facade with an
branching into halls with individual chambers three stories ark (Goodenough 1965: (10) 84). Therefore, it seems that
high. That these tombs belonged to Jews, and most likely the Messianic Jews who led the two revolts struck, with the
very loyal Jews, is attested to by the numerous menorahs first opportunity, symbols of Judaism to the complete
depicted on the walls, as well as the lulab, ethrog, shofar, exclusion of pagan influences.
Jewish wine jar, and roll-case (Avigud and Mazar 1993).
At the same time, the tombs contain numerous pagan Symbols in general in the Post-Second Revolt
motifs. Deserving specific mention is a facade in relief in period
Room vn within Hall A of Catacomb number 4, and a Symbols borrowed from paganism and used in Jewish
mausoleum adjacent to Catacomb 11. synagogues, tombs and coinage include representations of
The facade is 0.82 m high and consists of a portico with Victory, the bull's head, lion, tree, including its branches
four columns, each with base and capital, and a high arch and fruit, crown, rosettes, wheels, and 'round objects',
joining the central two columns, representing an Holy Ark birds, sheep, hare, shell, cornucopia, centaur, eagle and
(Mazar et al. 1973-4: 176). A closed double door occupies ship (Goodenough 1965: (1) 213,132-9; (12) 142-51). At
the center of the ark, which is reached by a flight of five the same time there arose the use of purely Jewish symbols.
narrow steps. Above the entrance is a conch; between the Indeed, the menorah became a prominent symbol only
two columns on the right a vase with (most likely) a lulab; after the destruction of the Temple, when the need for
and standing on the columns to the right and facing the concrete images was most strongly felt (Hachlili 1988:
conch a lion. It is argued (Mazar et al. 1973-4: 177) that 255). In addition, the menorah is often flanked in
this holy ark recalls Torah shrines built into the Jerusalem- synagogues and funerary art by the shofar, lulab, ethrog
facing walls in the nearby Galilean synagogues, and so and incense shovel. Together with the Ark of the Scrolls
followed accepted convention. Alternatively, it is argued and the conch, these motifs developed during the third
(Goodenough 1965: (1) 93) that this relief contains much century CE as a unified design of Jewish symbols recalling
mystical symbolism. the Temple and ceremonial ritual (Hachlili 1988: 185).
The mausoleum included an animal frieze over the arch,
with bulls, sheep, perhaps a lion, and a marble inscription
Paganism
in Greek on a sarcophagus, now in fragments
(Goodenough 1965: (1) 101; Schwabe and Lifshitz For the most part cities in Palestina with Gentile majorities
1974). The inscription, dating to the first half of the (especially Philistine and Phoenician) retained the essence
third century CE, records a certain Justus, the Leontide, on of their indigenous cults throughout the Roman period, but
his way to Hades, and fragments of the sarcophagus depict they were to a significant extent transformed by Greek
pagan motifs such as a Ieda and a battle between Greeks elements (see Schiirer 1979: (2) 29 for references). Such
and Amazons. Again, the arches of the mausoleum, their was the case in Ashkelon, where worship was directed to
The Impact of Rome on the Periphery: The Case of Pa/estina - Roman period (63 BCE-324 CE) 463
Astarte, as well as to the Semitic Atargatis or Derceto, them, and many possessed elaborate amphitheaters andlor
represented as a mermaid (Diodorus 2.2.4; 2 Macc. 12: theaters (Schurer 1979: (2) 45; Avi-Yonah and Stern 1975-
26). The coins of Ashkelon also depict a god named 8). The games were hdd quadrennially in the emperor's
Phanebal, possibly identified with Apollo (British Museum honor and connected with his worship from the time of
Collection Palestine lix-lxi). These gods are mixed with Augustus (Suetonius Div Aug 59). Herod introduced games
Greek deities, Heracles, Poseidon and the Dioscuri (xlviii- into Caesarea (Ant 17.10.2.255; BJ 2.3.1.44) and built a
lxiv). Excavations at Gerasa have revealed Hellenized local theater and amphitheater in Jerusalem (Ant 15.8.1.268) as
cults alongside Sarapis and Isis, as well as emperor worship well as Jericho (Ant 17.6.3.161; BJ 1.33.8.666; see Kelso
dsewhere (KraeliDg 1938: 56; Rostovtzeff 1935: 26). At and Baramki 1955 for excavations). Tiberias may even
Scythopolis, figurines and statuettes found in tombs have had a stadium (BJ 2.21.6.618; Vita 17.92, 64.331).
indicate private allegiances (Avi-Yonah and Stem 1975-8:
(1) 221), and together with the excavated temples revealing
magnificent public cults, form an amalgam of Greek- Social structures
Egyptian, Roman, and Semitic cults (Goodman 1983: 47). Cities
Elsewhere, numismatic evidence suggests that during the
Roman period purely Greek or Roman cults often entirely Ancient literature suggests that although Rome endeavored
supplanted indigenous cults (Schiirer 1979: (2) 29). Coins to return to the cities the autonomy with which they could
of Raphia depict Apollo and Artemis in Greek form (BMC govern themsdves, the result was that they became less
Palestine lxxxi-ii), and the tutelary goddess of the city of willing to do so, and more reliant on the central govern-
Anthedon is presented as Astarte (xlv-vii). In Gaza, ment in Caesarea. The council, now permanent and based
coinage depicts Roman and Greek deities with the excep- on property qualification, had become an imposition by the
tion of the Semitic Mamas, the principal deity of the city, second century CE, so that public dections of both
although he too was Hellenized (see Schiirer 1979 (2) 30-1 magistrates and councillors gradually ceased. Indeed,
for references). The pantheon of Greek and Roman gods dected magistrates and councillors were expected to pay
common throughout the Roman world is represented on for their election through civic contributions which, by the
second- and third-century CE coins of Caesarea (Kadman second century, increased in cost so dramatically that only
1957: 56ff.; Levine 1975a: 42). The coins of this colony the wealthiest citizens could hold office (Jones 1974: 14).
also include representations of Tysche-Astarte, sometimes With the exorbitant cost of dection, the offices became
in a triad with Dionysus, Demeter and Sarapis (Kadman honorable obligations rather than a means to improve
1957). Such colonial coinage is also present at Ptolemais one's social and political standing (Jones 1974: 14). As a
from the end of the second century CE (Kadman 1961). result, men of ambition qualified to take office ceased
running for dection and even began evading the obligation,
Imperial cult so that it fdl to the council to persuade or to press its
As with most other Hellenized cities of the eastern Roman members to stand for the higher offices, and propose their
Empire, those of Palestina adopted the Imperial cult during sons or other qualified persons for the junior offices.
the reign of Augustus. As such a cult was similar to the Membership became increasingly more hereditary so that
Hellenistic concept of monarchy, the pagan population, by the time of Diocletian, sons of decurions were
especially in the cities, hastened to embrace the emperor as automatically enrolled on attaining their majority, and
a god (Jones 1974: 101). Augustus encouraged imperial service on the council thus became the hereditary
cult worship (Tacitus Annals 1.10), with the provision that obligation of the class known as curiales (Jones 1974: 15).
Rome should be associated with himself as the object of Although the cities were originally left to control their
cult (Suetonius Div Aug 52). By so doing, the cult became a finances, by the second century CE - or perhaps from the
useful means of focusing the loyalty of the provincials to reign of Vespasian (69-79 CE) (Magie 1950: 556-7),
the head of the Empire. According to Josephus, Herod imperial commissioners, or curatores. began to be
founded temples to Caesar in many cities, including appointed occasionally to supervise the financial affairs
Caesarea Philippi (Ant 15.363), Caesarea (BJ 1.21.4.407; of individual or groups of eastern cities (Pliny Letters
Ant 15.9.5.328) and Sebaste, which was later established 10.8.1). By the end of the third century CE the office of
by Severus and Caracalla as a center for the imperial cult curator had become a normal institution in most cities
(Smallwood 1981: 490). The temple at Caesarea, located (Jones 1974: 9). The jurisdiction of the city courts also
on a hill facing the entrance to the harbour, contained two steadily waned during the Roman period (Jones 1974: 20).
large statues - one of Augustus (modded after Olympian By the end of the same period the jurisdiction of the
Zeus); one of Rome (after Hera of Argos). provincial governor had absorbed all - even the most petty
The imperial cult was celebrated in various cities during - litigation within the cities. At times the cities themselves
periodic festival games: by the second and third centuries encouraged the trends toward governmental control by
CE, no provincial town of any significance was without soliciting aid in settling certain claims (Pliny Letters 10.10).
464 Part V * Local Kingdoms and World Empires * James D. Anderson
However, despite the political demise of the city, the Conclusion
spirit of civic patriotism survived. Although forbidden to
wage war, the cities continued to compete with each other. .The Roman period in Palestina involved the imposition of
As a result of such rivalry, municipal contests fostered the imperial government upon an area which had hitherto been
study of grammar, rhetoric, music and drama; the ruled by dynasts. Throughout the period, the population
profusion of gymnasia and public games fostered athletics; both resisted and developed under the umbrella of the pax
and impressive building programs allowed the continued Romana.
development of civic architecture which included temples, After the brief period of the Herodian centralization of
triumphal arches, theaters, odea, stadia, nymphaea, baths, the administration, the Roman government endeavored to
colonnaded streets, markets, and statues (Jones 1974: 96; devolve power to the municipal level. Although the cities
see sites in Stern 1993). were stripped of their political autonomy insofar as they
could wage war, make alliances with other cities, or elect
democratic governments to rule over them, they were
Villages nevertheless permitted to govern themselves in the
financial, legislative and jurisdictional spheres - and the
In addition to major changes in the settlement patterns cities in fact managed to maintain and even foster some of
across rural Palestina (discussed above), it also seems that the key elements of Hellenism. However, the city-state
Roman rule had an impact upon social structures and died as a political entity: most major decisions concerning
organization. It has been argued (Dar 1986: 86) that in the cities were eventually made by the Roman governor,
Second Temple period western Samaria the courtyard and the cities were relegated to the status of
house was dominated by a large yard surrounded by municipalities.
residential and agricultural buildings for the extended The settlement pattern across the countryside reflects
family. However, confiscation of lands across Palestina both the periods of peace and strife during the Roman
forced many farmers into tenancy. Evidence in the Roman period. By the second century CE, villages in Galilee were
and Byzantine periods for such a change is the decrease in being constructed with little regard for defense. At the
size of the courtyard house and the proliferation of small same time, the numbers of villages greatly increased as a
dwellings within what had been the common yard (Dar result of the mass emigrations from war-tom Judaea
1986: 86). It is possible that the farming unit began to following the Second Revolt. In western Samaria,
reorganize around the nuclear rather than extended family. settlement patterns may reflect the confiscations known
Such nuclearization created an increase of crahsmen and to have occurred during the Roman period after
non-agricultural occupations within a settlement (Dar insurrection or war. Other settlements reflect a movement
1986: 86). away from farms based upon an extended family toward
large farms with central olive and wine presses (built on
much larger scales than previously) worked by nuclear
Brigandage families. Still other evidence suggests the working of large
The wars and insurrections, as well as Roman taxation, farms by one landowner, possibly a renresentative of the
confiscations and religious insensitivity, allied to endemic Roman government. Finally, some farmsteads were
banditry in most areas and periods of Roman Palestina. In developed into virtual fortresses, again reflecting unsettled
23 BC, Augustus gave Trachonitis, Batanaea and Aurantis periods under Roman rule.
to Herod, whose task was to suppress robber bands (Ant The disposition of the Roman army would have had a
15.10.1.343-8; BJ 1.20 4.398-400). Josephus ascribes the large impact upon the population of Palestina. Those
increase in banditry in the first century CE to governmental soldiers billeted in the cities became brutal and corrupt,
maladministration (Isaac 1990: 82). During the reign of and were despised by all accounts. Those in the
Caligula, it appears that banditry was the result of poverty countryside controlled roads and nodal points in the
and oppressive taxation. Indeed, in 39-40 CE Jewish communication system, while veteran colonies represented
leaders asked the governor of Syria to point out to Caligula loyal elements in otherwise hostile areas.
'that, since the land was unsown, there would be a harvest The organization of the road system, the medium by
of banditry because the requirements of tribute could not which the Roman army controlled conquered areas across
be met' (Isaac 1990: 82 for reference). In later periods, the Empire, would have had great impact on
banditry is described in Talmudic sources as a direct cause communications, transport and trade into, within, and
of instability. R. Aha wrote (Leviticus Rabbah 9.8) that from Palestina. Traditional routes were improved with
bands of listim appear when the empire takes over the metalling, bridges, milestones, and road-houses, and other
government. Even though no major wars occurred in routes were constructed through difficult areas. In
Palestina after Bar Kochba, again Talmudic sources attest addition, trade would have been stimulated by the long
to endemic banditry (Isaac 1990: 87). periods of peace enjoyed not only across Palestina, but also
The Impact of Rome on the Periphery: The Case of Palestina - Roman period (63 BCE-324 CE) 465
throughout the desert regions to the east, the provinces of new gods were swept away by the new state religion -
Syria to the north and Egypt to the south, and over the Christianity.
eastern Mediterranean Sea. For the Gentile population, the pax Romana allowed
The greatest impact of Roman rule in Palestina was felt long periods of development. However, Gentiles remained
in the realm of religion. Judaism underwent dynamic culturally Semitic and Greek, and were 'Romanized' only
changes under Roman rule. Zealots resisted strenuously in terms of political organization and material life
any ruler other than a representative of the Hebrew God, (Applebaum 1989: 165). For example, Greek and Aramaic
and the two great revolts were fueled largely by their remained the languages of the people at large, almost
inspiration. During the Second Temple period, Palestina without exception (Levick 1967; Levine 1975a: 71), while
was a Jewish state with a central Temple in Jerusalem. The most surviving Latin inscriptions are connected with the
ruling classes, although Hellenized, retained parts of their army, or local or imperial officials. The Jewish population
faith and laws. Jewish art, which withstood foreign too was influenced only superficially by Roman culture,
influences by evolving strictly aniconic features, reflects managing to retain their essential cultural integrity;
Judaism's struggle against paganism and idolatry. following the Second Revolt, they flourished under the pax
However, the destruction of the Temple, the emigration Romana. However, the great achievement of Judaism
of Judaeans into Galilee, the compatibility which arose throughout the period of Roman Palestina was that it
between the Roman rulers and Jewish population after Bar survived the social upheavals brought about by the brutal
Kochba, and the decline of paganism together gave rise to suppression of two major revolts.
a new, more 'relaxed' rabbinic Judaism. The new
atmosphere allowed the use of images borrowed from
Note
paganism. Such images were incorporated into 'Galilean'-
type synagogues, which were now constructed in the 1. Although the facade type corresponds best to second and third
villages, and came to represent the centers of Jewish century CE styles elsewhere in the empire, 'early style' relief in
religious, national, and social life. These synagogues any particular area cannot be assumed to indicate second or third
century synagogues, as conservative communities might have
included a Torah shrine on the Jerusalem-oriented wall,
continued building religious edifices in an earlier style many
and in many ways resembled local and pagan traditions of centuries after new ideas had appeared elsewhere (Goodman
temple construction. Funerary art and architecture were 1983: 85). Indeed, excavation of sealed materials under the floors
also influenced by the above forces. Indeed, pagan images of stylistically early synagogues has revealed late third century
were found in tombs, which had ceased to include the material at Meiron (Meyers et al. 1974: 84), and 5th century
sarcophagus and ossuary. material at Capernaum.
At the same time, paganism was fostered, and became
highly political with the advent of the Imperial Cult. The Acknowledgments
Hellenistic deities were adopted most often as a supplement
to the pantheon of local gods and goddesses, some of I wish to thank T.A. Whetstone and Dr Shimon Dar for
Semitic origin, others Egyptian or Babylonian. However, permission to use their photographs, R. Harrower and
despite the investment in the pagan cults by both the K. Errington for their contributions towards the line
Gentile population and government of Palestina, this drawings, and Dr E.G. Wilson, D. U1veland, and J. White
survey represents the swan song of Roman period for reading the manuscript. I would like also to thank the
paganism. Under Constantine, the traditional as well as the anonymous reviewers for their critical comments.
Key:
a-c:: Herod'. palace villa fBI_a
•• Lower terrace with wall palnUng. ~-b
and double colonnade
b. Middle terrace with circular
pavilion and colonnade
c. Upper terrace; living quarters
with semi-Circular porch
d. Large bath-house
e. Store-rooms
r. Water gate
g. Spot where the 'Iota' were Cound
h. Administrative bulldlal
I. Synagogue
J. Casemate containing the first scroll a
k. Snake-path gate
1. Casemate containing scroll oC the
Eccleslaatlcus
m. Room containing large hoard of
allver shekels
n. Apartment building ~
o. Small Byzantine structure
p. Byzantine church
q. Herod's Wcetcrn Palace
r. Throne rOOID
So West gale
t. Small palaces
u. Swimming pool
v. Zealot's UVlnl quarters
w. Byzantine structure with
mosaic workshop
x. Small palace converted
Into Zealot's quarters
y, The mlk.,e
z. Southern waler gate
aa. Huge underground cistern
bb. Southern bastion
SCALE 1:4000
I I I
SO 100 150m
PART VI
Mediterranean
Sea
Tel Aviv 0
Azotos (Ashdod) e
Askalo n (Ashkelon) e •
Eleutheropolis (Beth Govrin )e , (
Maiumas of Gaza . Mam re e '
Gaza e
majority in the country. They grew in number mainly at and in the Golan - within the confines of Palaestina
the expense of the Gentiles, but the process of Secunda. In the Galilean cities of Tiberias and Sepphoris
christianization of the pagans was gradual, enforced by the Jews constituted a majority, and Caesarea was another
law, the missionary zeal of the monks, and sometimes even center of cultural Rabbinic activity. Synagogue remains
by use of the army. The number of Christians was also were found in many of the coastal cities, as well as in
augmented by immigration and settlement of pilgrims, southern Judea, in the Valley of Jericho and En Gedi, and
monks and Arab tribes in a province that underwent in Transjordan (Gerasa). The Samaritans flourished in their
economical and cultural prosperity. A cosmopolitan society rural land, with Mount Gerizim, overlooking Neapolis, as
was thus attained, mainly in Jerusalem and in the their religious center. They were influential both in
monasteries, introducing cultural influences from all over Scythopolis and Caesarea. Arabs - nomads or semi-settled
the Christian world. The dominant language was Greek, - were present in the semi-arid grazing lands. Some were
but Palestinian Syriac prevailed, mainly among the christianized, while others adhered to their pagan customs
indigenous, rural population. Christians inhabited the (Nevo 1991). Efforts were made to christianize all these
previous pagan regions in the coastal plain, central Judea ethnic groups and to convert the country into an entirely
(from where the Jews had already been expelled by Christian land, but these efforts failed.
Hadrian) and the Negev (a former Nabatean territory). Byzantine Palestine experienced a tremendous growth of
But Christians were not the only element in the society. population, reaching levels never seen before (Tsafrir
Jews lived in large rural areas in lower and upper Galilee, 1993b). Avi-Yonah gave a figure of 2.5 million inhabitants,
Church, State and the Transformation of Palestine - The Byzantine Period (324-640 CEl 473
while Broshi (1980), offering convmcmg arguments, villages (komailktemata), farmsteads, military posts,
estimates their number as 1 million at most. Both monasteries, isolated holy sites enshrined by a church,
maximalists and minimalists agree that at that time there annexed by an hostel or a monastery, road inns
was a peak in the population of ancient Palestine; regions (mansiones), and road posts for changing of horses
that had been sparsely populated became densely (mutationes/allagai). There was also a pastoral activity.
populated. The towns and farms of the Negev (see The Onomastikon of Eusebius gives the names of many
Window 2 p. 487) are the most outstanding example of settlements and sites, classifying them according to their
this process. In the northern regions, the villages of the size and function (Thomsen 1903). A graphical
Golan were resettled after a period of desertion that had representation reflecting internal hierarchy of settlements
lasted more than 250 years - since their destruction in the is to be found in the Madaba mosaic map (Avi-Yonah
first Jewish revolt against Rome (66-70 CE). Throughout 1954).
Palestine wherever archaeological surveys were conducted,
they consistently yielded the largest number of settlements
Secular architecture
and installations for the Byzantine period. This expansion
is attested in the urban centers as well. Caesarea, As in the Roman period and earlier, the city was the
Scythopolis and Jerusalem - the provincial and religious principal social organization within each province,
capitals of the country - during the Byzantine period 1 demonstrating the main achievement in the domain of
reached their largest dimensions as Roman cities. secular architecture. Two competing tendencies can be
Some scholars have suggested that this florescence found in urban planning and architecture: continuity of the
should be associated with some global climatic changes. Roman tradition versus an introduction of non-classical
Namely, that due to global processes, the Byzantine period trends.
was rainier and colder than the earlier, Roman period and After the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine,
the later, Arab period. The evidence for this is far from characterized by a tendency towards centralization and
decisive. Moreover, from the literary sources we hear bureaucracy, the involvement of the imperial authorities -
about periods of drought (the longest lasting five years, and later, of the Church - in city life increased, and the
between 516-521 CE). If a climatic change did occur, it autonomy of the cities was further decreased. The boule (or
was on a minor scale - perhaps increasing the average curia, in the Latin) almost disappeared as a central insti-
yearly precipitation by not more than 50 mm and tution, and the bouleutai (curiales), as a social hereditary
increasing only slightly the number of rainy days per class, lost their previous prestige and wealth, and decreased
annum. In any case, the prosperity and density of the in number. People tried to escape the burden of curiales, on
Negev settlements should be attributed primarily to state whom various liturgies, including tax collection for the
encouragement and human labor, rather than to major central government, were imposed. Instead new classes
climatic factors (Rubin 1989). took the lead, constituting the group of proteuontesl
Before proceeding to talk about settlement patterns and principales (the leaders of the city) - the landlords
aspects of architecture, several historical events that bear (ktetores/possessores), who possessed large estates; the
upon the archaeology should be mentioned. Until the dignitaries (honorati), generally imperial officials or ex-
Persian conquest of 614 CE, that lasted fourteen years, and officials, who got an imperial honorary title; the bishop
the final conquest by the Arabs (633-4112 CE), the and the church leaders. These classes were thus in charge of
Byzantine period was relatively peaceful, with no foreign the election of the city officials (magistrates). These
forces crossing the country and causing damage on their executive officials, nominated in the past by the boule from
way. This tranquility was interrupted by the following among its members, were replaced by non-bouleutes
events: several local revolts of the Jews (351-3 CE) and the officers, whose nomination had to be approved by the
Samaritans (484, 495, 529, 556 CE), that were violently central government. The authority of the civic organs in
suppressed; local incursions of Saracens; a heavy plague in terms of taxation, jurisdiction and even their involvement
the winter of 54112 CE; and two major earthquakes (in in building projects decreased in comparison with that of
363 and 551 CE; Russell 1985). The reign of Julian the the central government, or the bishop. Nevertheless, the
Apostate (361-3 E), who caused disorder by trying to cities remained political, social and religious centers: the
revive paganism and rebuild the Jewish temple in upper classes resided there; in terms of provincial
Jerusalem, was a short episode. Other sources of unrest, administration, the city still retained its authority over its
sometimes resulting in violence, were associated with territorium with regard to taxation and civil jurisdiction;
Christian theological disputes in which the Palestinian and similarly, the bishop of each city had an ecclesiastical
church and monks were intensively involved. jurisdiction over his see - consecrating the priests, deacons
The archaeological remains represent a large variety of and other clerics in the villages, and being in charge of all
settlement patterns: large cities (metropoleis), cities (poleis), religious affairs therein. Actually, the bishop, more than
towns (polichnai), large villages (komai megistai) and any other citizen, was the most prominent individual in the
474 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Joseph Petrich
. \
Figure 2 Horvat Kanaf in the Golan, reconstruction of the Byzantine villagte (drawn by Leen Rilmeyer; courtesy Z. Maoz,
Israel Authority of Antiquities)
society and in the civic government. He also took part in still prevailed, expressed in broad colonnaded, or arcaded
public building projects - not solely ecclesiastical ones - streets (appearing graphically in the depiction of all the
and in the election of the civic administration. The bishop cities - Jerusalem, Neapolis, Diospolis, Charachmoba,
and the imperial honorati were patrons of urbanism, Eleutheropolis, Azotos on the Sea, Askalon, Gaza and
initiating the construction of public buildings (Jones 1964: Pelousion - on the Madaba Mosaic Map, where the walls
737-63; Claude 1969: 107££.; Dan 1984: 51-117). and other public buildings, not only churches, are depicted
The poleis of Byzantine Palestine were the ones as well). The two colonnaded streets of Jerusalem were
established as such in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. extended southward under Justinian. In Caesarea, located
No new poleis were established during the Byzantine in the coastal plain, the city plan retained its Roman,
period, and only a few villages of the past were raised to a orthogonal layout, with paved colonnaded streets,
civic status, by becoming regional administrative centers. equipped with· sidewalks paved with mosaic floors,
Greco-Roman architecture prevailed, but modifications dividing the city into square insulae of about 90 x 80 m.
and adaptations were enforced by the changing social A cardo found to the south of the Crusaders' city, has its
attitudes and by the new religion. In terms of street level 1.5 m higher than the earlier Roman pavement. One
engineering, order of magnitude, and quality of workman- east-west street at least was first paved a' that time. In
ship on decorative details such as capitals, there is a clear Scythopolis, topographical restrictions prevented a strict
decline in comparison with those of the second century. A orthogonal plan in the entire area (Figure 3). The city center
utilitarian, 'spontaneous' approach to urban planning, was renovated after the severe damage caused by the 363
following the natural contours of topography, is more and CE earthquake. The renovation is attributed by inscriptions
more evident - mainly in the new suburbs, remote from the to Governor Flavius Tavius Ablabius (ca 375 CE), and
civic center, and in the smaller towns and villages (Figure other governors or dignitaries (honorati) of the city.
2). But the formal Roman orthogonal approach continued 'Palladius Street' - a colonnaded street (stoa in one of the
to prevail as well. All these processes can be demonstrated inscriptions) - was built later in the fourth century (Plate 2),
by the finds in JerusalemlAelia (Tsafrir 1978, 1984; and 'the Byzantine Shops Street' (or 'Silvanus Street') - an
Vincent and Abel 1914-26; Avigad 1983; Ben Dov 1985), arcaded street (basilica in an inscription) - was built in the
Caesarea (Frova 1966; Holum et al. 1988; Holum 1982; early sixth century. The main streets were 12-25 m wide
Var.n 1932; Levine 1975: 40-5), and Beth Shean! (d. Broshi 1977), including the sidewalks, that in many
Scythopolis (Tsafrir and Foerster 1987-92; Mazor and instances were paved by mosaics and opus sectile floors,
Bar-Nathan 1987-92) - the religious center and the two rather than by regular flagstones. In Sepphoris the Roman
provincial capitals of Palaestina Prima and Palaestina streets continued to be used and mosaic floors were laid in
Secunda. the sidewalks of the cardo by a local bishop.
The cities were surrounded by walls and had civil public Roman standards were also evidenced in the supplying
buildings. In terms of urban planning, the Roman standards of water by elaborate aqueducts and nymphea, and in the
Church, State and the Transformation of Palestine - The Byzantine Period (324-640 CEI 475
Bet Shean
The Excavation Area 1990
a,
Figure 3 Beth Shean (Scythopolis). Plan of the excavated area at the urban center. 3. Roman Theater; 4. Byzantine Bath; S. Byzantine semi-circular
piazza; 6. Colonnaded street with shops ('Palladius Street') from the early Byzantine period; 7. Roman Temple; 8. Nymphaeum; 9. Roman
colonnaded street; 1O. 'Central Monument' (Roman); 11. Roman civil basilica; 12. Roman sloa and a reflection pool to its Iront; 13. Byzantine street
with shops on its southern side built on tap of the Roman reflection pool; 14. Massive pillars of the lrigidarium of a large Byzantine Bath; 1S. Public
fountain (Byzantine); 16. Graded street along the outer wall of the theater; 17. Byzantine Propylon (decorated Gate) at the entrance to Bath no. 4.
18. Odeon/Bouleterion (Raman); 19. Roman Monument (courtesy the expeditions to Beth Shean)
construction and maintenance of improved sewage systems pagan temples, that were either demolished or just
under the paved streets. In Jerusalem the ancient lower deserted, and the prevalence of churches, whose numbers
level aqueduct, leading from Solomon Pools in the Hebron in each city exceeded the numbers of temples previously
Hills, was maintained with care (Abel 1926), as were many found there. In Caesarea a vast octagonal building,
ancient pools. In Caesarea the water supply was uncovered in recent years - perhaps the Martyrium of St.
augmented by the construction of the 'Lower Level Procopius known from literary sources - took the place of
Aqueduct'; a 1.8 m wide tunnel, built on the ground, with the former Herodian temple dedicated to Augustus and
a vaulted roof, that could conduct 2500 m3 of water per Rome. This is the only Byzantine church excavated so far
hour - six times as much as the earlier, arcaded aqueducts in Caesarea. The literary sources mention nine other
(Peleg 1989). In Scythopolis the nympheum was renovated churches and martyria in the city or in its immediate
in ca. 400 by the provincial governor. It went out of use in vicinity, none of which have been uncovered. In
the sixth century. Scythopolis, the single church so far uncovered in the city
But city life was now a mixture of the Roman traditions center is of a circular plan, and is located on the top of the
of the past and new Christian concepts. The most Tell. It was erected in the fifth century near the destroyed
important change that occurred in its landscape during the Roman Temple of Zeus Akraios. In Jerusalem, 25 churches
Byzantine period was the gradual disappearance of the in all were counted in the Corpus of Ovadiah 1970, and 6
476 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Joseph Patrich
....
(tln . ","'l',; ...... " .....
~- ,,~., '"',
'. -.
o
~=- .....
~-'
L RITMEYER
25m
Figure 5 Mount Gerizim. Reconstruction of the octagonal church and the enclosure built by the emperor Zeno (484 eEl (drawn by Leen
Ritmeyer, courtesy Y. Magen)
The first three were built on the sites of pagan shrines, Byzantine innovation, first introduced by Constantine in his
thereby destroying them. Such was also the case with two Church of the Aposdes in Constantinople, where he was
other imperial churches: the first church of Gaza (407), and interred. Transept basilicas, like the trefoil Justinianean
the church on the top of Mount Gerizim (484), the second Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, or the Church of
being preceded by a Samaritan sacred place (see Figure 5). Loaves and Fishes at Tabkha, are variants of this type.
Other Emperors and Empresses that were engaged in The orientation of the apse toward the east became a
ecclesiastical building in Palestine (Armstrong 1967) convention in Palestine since the foundations of Constan-
include Eudoxia (Gaza), Eudocia (St. Stephen in Jerusalem tine. It appears that the earlier practice was to direct the
and other churches), Zenon (Mt. Gerizim), Anastasius (St. facade, rather than the apse, to the east. This was the case
John near the Jordan) and Justinian (the Nativity Church, with the 'House of St. Peter' in Capernaum, and with the
the Nea in Jerusalem, the church of the holy bush at Sinai). pre-Constantinian Cathedral of Paulinus bishop of Tyre,
But most churches were erected by wealthy patrons, both described in detail by Eusebius. Such was also the
male and female, bishops and other members of the clergy, orientation of almost all of the Constantinian foundations
members of the congregation itself and leading townsmen in Rome, and it prevailed in the West until 420 CE
and monks, as we can learn from the dedicatory (Landsberger 1957: 193-203; Wilkinson 1984). The
inscriptions (Meimaris 1986). Constantinian basilica of the Holy Sepulcher compound is
Architecturally, the local churches can be divided into in accord with this early tradition, although the common
four distinct types, according to their plan: basilicas (155 explanation in this case is that the presence of the
altogether in the Supplemented Corpus of Ovadiah and de Sepulcher itself - to the west of the basilica - was the
Silva), chapels (93 altogether), churches of central plans factor that determined its orientation. A similar dichotomy
(either circular, or octagonal), and churches of a cruciform is to be found in the orientation of the Jewish and the
plan. All these types (except the cruciform) were derived, Samaritan synagogues, as we shall see later.
with adaptations, from Roman prototypes - Roman civil In many instances a chapel was appended to the south
basilica or palace basilica, Roman funerary architecture, or or to the north of the basilica. It has been suggested that
palatial reception halls. Only the cruciform type is a this chapel was the place where the deacon received the
Church, State and the Transformation of Palestine - The Byzantine Period (324-640 CE) 479
Figure 6 Rehovot-in-the-Negev.
'':..'':.:..........
....:'.. -:... , An isometric reconstruction of the
, northern church. The basilical church
rp--.
,
is annexed by a chapel on the north,
, '.
-' - and a stairs.-tower on the south. An
atrium extends to the west of the
basilica (Tsafrir et al. 1988, fig. 10)
offerings of the faithful and wrote them down, and where into the floor, or standing on it. Nine basic types were
the sacred elements were prepared, to be brought from defined, according to the shape of the font's interior rim:
there in a solemn procession to the main altar (Crowfoot rectangular, hexagonal, semicircular, cruciform, mush-
1941: 55, 57; Krautheimer 1975: 99). room-like, trefoil, circular, oval and quatrefoil. The most
The cult of rdics of martyrs and saints was another rite prominent types are the quatrefoil (21 fonts), mostly
that took place in the church besides the daily prayers and monolithic, with four variants, and the cruciform (10
the celebration of the Eucharist. Relics were generally hdd fonts), mosdy masonry built, with three variants.
in a special stone or marble container, shaped like a tiny
sarcophagus - a reliquiarium. Generally, the relics were Jew;sh Synagogues
placed under the main altar, but more than one saint could
have been venerated in a single church and then one or The synagogue was the central institution in each Jewish
both of the lateral rooms or apses, flanking the central village or town. To date, more than 100 synagogues have
apse, could have been used for this purpose. This is been explored. The Jewish synagogues were influenced by
indicated by such finds as those discovered in Mamshit the contemporary sacral architecture - pagan in the Late
eastern church and in other churches of the Negev, and in Roman period and Christian in the Byzantine period. The
Horvat Hesheq in Upper Galilee (Negev 1974, 1989; Jews insisted on meeting the standards of the Gentiles, so
Aviam 1990). In the lateral spaces the rel;quiarium was put that the Jewish house of worship would not be less
under an altar or in an devated niche. In major sites of attractive than theirs. On the other hand, the very adoption
pilgrimage, and if the resources permitted, an underground of the Roman civil basilica as a genre appropriate to serve
crypt was constructed under the bema, with two staircases as a prayer house was first adopted by the Jews, and only
leading down from the aisles. Such was the case in the rural later by the Christians. Liturgical demands was another
church at Horvat Berachot to the north of Hebron (Tsafrir factor that dictated the shape of the Jewish synagogue and
and Hirschfeld 1979) and in the Northern Church at the introduction of changes in its layout. The most
Rehovot-in-the Negev (Tsafrir et al. 1988; Figure 7). important liturgical prescription was that the direction of
The baptismal rite was another function associated with prayer should be toward Jerusalem (Palestinian Talmud,
the church. In a recent study (Ben Pechat 1989), 53 Berakbot 4.5, 8he).
baptismal installations found in 42 sites were explored. The In terms of their plan, Jewish synagogues demonstrate
baptisteries were always attached as a chapel or a room greater variety than the Christian churches. It seems that
annexed to the body of the church. They were simple in there was no central authority to impose a single specific
shape, not independent buildings of octagonal or cruciform plan everywhere. Regionality, conservatism, and inventive-
plan, and sophisticated architecture. The font was generally ness in accord with the liturgical restrictions were factors
located near the eastern end of the baptistery. It may be that determined the actual layout. The traditional classifi-
either masonry built, or monolithic, either partially sunk cation of ancient synagogues is according to three types:
480 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in 'he Holy Land * Joseph Patrich
Figure 7 Rehovot-in-the-Negev.
An isometric reconstruction of the
norlhern church, including the
underground crypt. Relics of a saint
were placed in the crypt's niche
(Tsafrir et al. 1988, fig. 18)
'early' or 'Galilean', 'transitional' - dated to the fourth- Only in Qasrin - from its first phase in the late fourth-fifth
fifth centuries; and 'late' - dated to the fifth-seventh century - was the entrance in the north (Maoz and
centuries (Avi-Yonah 1981: 271-81). The two later types Killebrew 1988). In none of the Golan synagogues was
fall within the Byzantine period. there any recess in the wall to place the Ark in; rather, it
Excavations at the Galilean Synagogues of Meiron, Gush was placed on a raised platform or dais, projecting into the
Halav, Horvat Amudim and Nabratein indicated that they nave. Yet, several characteristics are typical to the Golan,
are indeed the earliest type, but their date falls in the late differentiating this group from the Galilean synagogues: all
third century, not in the second and early third, as had been have just a single door; only two rows of columns, none of
assumed. (The Capemaum synagogue, the most elaborate which is heart shaped; and, with one exception, the
in this group, was dated by its excavators to the late columns stand on the floor rather than on pedestals.
fourth-Mid-fifth century. This date is debated by other The transitional features in the 'transitional' type are
scholars, though this is not the place to elaborate on this manifested in attempts to move the entrance to a wall
issue.) The sense of regional conservatism in this exclusively perpendicular or opposite to the direction of Jerusalem,
Jewish, rural region, is best expressed in the ashlar built and to find a better architectural solution for the housing
synagogue of Meroth, erected in the late fourth-early fifth of the Torah Shrine or Ark, more elaborate than an
century and still preserving the features of the earlier aedicule flanking the main entrance. Rather than standing
Galilean synagogues: external decorations cut in relief and on a simple dais, the Ark was placed inside a special recess,
entrances in the south. These entrances were blocked only or a niche - mainly rectangular - constructed in the side
in the early seventh century, when new entrances were directed toward Jerusalem (Hachlili 1988). A mosaic floor,
pierced in the northern wall. Yet there was neither an apse, appearing already in the Galilean type-building at Horvat
nor any recess throughout its existence, just an inward Amudim, dated to ca. 300 CE, is prevalent among the
protruding bema on which the Ark was standing. synagogues of this group, which include 'Severus'
The Golan synagogues (25 altogether, four of which Synagogue' at Hammat Tiberias, and the synagogues at
have been excavated; see Figure 8) reveal a Galilean (as Husifah, Japhia and En Gedi. A distinct subtype in this
well as southern Syrian) influence, although being erected group is the broadhouse, having no columns on the inside,
in the fifth and sixth centuries - contemporary with the and being entered from the east. To this subgroup belong
basilical, 'late' synagogues (Maoz 1981). Like the Galilean the late-fourth to early-fifth century synagogues of
synagogues, their plan is basilical without an apse, they are Eshthemoa and Horvat Susiya in southern Judea, but
ashlar built - at least in their facade - and decorated in other types existed there as well, so that the broadhouse
stone cut reliefs, mainly on the door frames. Also like the cannot be considered as the exclusive Judean type.
Galilean type, the facade is generally directed to Jerusalem The 'late' type synagogue resembles the Christian
in the south. But there are instances where both the basilica in its plan, decorations and furnishing (Tsafrir
entrance and the direction of prayer were to the west, in 1987). The apse - where the Torah Shrine is located,
accordance with the Transjordanian synagogue of Gerasa. standing on a raised bema, surrounded by a chancel screen
Church, State and the Transformation of Palestine - The Byzantine Period (324-640 CEJ 481
>----
- is aligned toward Jerusalem, while the entrance is in the short ones. Stone benches are built along the walls. It
opposite wall. The decorations are internal, consisting appears that the Samaritan synagogues underwent later a
mainly of magnificent mosaic floors. To this group belong development similar to the Jewish synagogues in terms of
the synagogues of Beth Alfa, Jericho, Naaran, Nirim, and the final prevalence of the Christian basilical type, and the
Maiumas of Gaza (for a summary of the finds in each introduction of an apse for the placement of the Ark. The
synagogue and an extensive bibliography, see Hiittenme- sixth century synagogue of Beth Shean is basilicaI in phin,
ister and Reeg 1977; Chiat 1982). with two colonnades and an apse which is facing away
In several cases, like in Qasrin and Meroth, a Torah from Mount Gerizim. The plan of the Zur Nathan (and
school - Beth Midrash - was annexed to the synagogue. Ramat Aviv?) synagogues was similar, except that a small
apse in the rear wall faced eastward - towards Mount
Gerizim.
Samaritan synagogues
Excavated sites number about seven (Magen 1992). Others
are known from the literary sources (compiled by Reeg; see
Burial practices
Hiittenmeister and Reeg 1977, Vol. n and Safrai 1986: As in earlier periods, burial in underground, rock-cut
157-86). Samaritan synagogues are aligned with their tombs was still common. There were also subterrenean
facade or their rear wall toward Mount Gerizim. The public burial haIls (Polyandria). The burial places were
recently excavated fourth-fifth century synagogues of el- shaped like shelves or troughs, arranged along three walls
Khirbe and Khirbet Samra, show a unique plan, never of the chamber, sometimes in arched niches (arcosolia).
encountered before. They are rectangular halls, entered Large cemeteries of tombs dug in the ground were found in
through a single door and roofed by a vault. The the Negev towns - those around Rehovot were thoroughly
longitudinal walls are therefore ca. twice as thick as the surveyed. In such cemeteries there is no indication that the
482 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Joseph Patrich
place allotted for burial was determined by family
relationship. This reality seemingly reflects a society of new
settlers, without deep family roots at a particular site.
Interment within or in proximity to a church, like in the
case of the northern church of Rehovot-in-the-Negev, was
another factor that dictated the location of the burial place.
Interment in a church was considered a great privilege,
reserved for pious members of the congregation - and for
the wealthy ones. In many churches tombs were cut under
the floor, and marked with a burial inscription. Burial in
monumental mausolea, or large, decorated sarcophagi
were not as popular as before. Coemeteria (roofed burial
halls), like the Constantinian ones at Rome, were not
found in Israel.
Plate 6 Beer Shema (Birsama, northern Negev). Mosaic floor of the Agricultural installations
church (photograph by Nahshon Sneh, courtesy Y. Lander and D.
Gazith, Israel Authority of Antiquities) More than in terms of technology, agriculture reached its
peak during the Byzantine period in terms of exploitation
names of all the symbols . Scriptural quotations are of all tillable lands. Larger areas of the hilly regions of
common on pavements of churches. Judea, Samaria, and Galilee were covered by terraces. The
A popular composition, in synagogues and churches most significant plants were cereals, lentils, olives for oil
alike, consists of an intertwining vine-trellis emerging from and mainly grapes for wine. Mills, operated by water
an amphora, forming medallions in which various birds, power, are preserved near the dam where the lower
animals, vignettes, or vessels are depicted. An almost intact aqueduct to Caesarea starts. The water, conducted by a
mosaic floor of this kind (Plate 6) was uncovered recently channel, exerted power on the mill by falling down
in a church at Beer ShemaiBirsama (Kh. el Far). It was through a chimney. This was an innovation of the
suggested (Avi-Yonah 1981: 389- 95), that these floors Byzantine period. The oil presses were of two major types:
were laid by a Gazaean school of mosaic artists, but its the older type, known already in the Hellenistic period,
distribution reaches the regions of Beth Govrin (Eleuthero- where one end of the press-beam was laid in a deep recess
polis) and Jerusalem. 'Peopled' scrolls of acanthus leaves inside the wall, and heavy stone, each weighing less than
were popular as border strips. 100 kg, were attached to the other end; and a newer type,
Opus secti/e floors, of geometric design, are less where the pressing power was obtained by means of a
common. They appear in public buildings and on side- stationary wooden screw anchored to a heavy monolith,
walks, as well as churches. Other decorations included several tons in weight (Figure 9). Nice examples of both
carved capitals, and reliefs on lintels, chancel screen panels types were excavated in Qedumim (Samaria) and in
and screen posts. They were made of local limestone, or of Karkara (Upper Galilee) (Frankel 1992).
imported marble, mainly grey Proconnesian. The cross was A well-preserved farmstead was excavated in Horvat
the most prominent Christian symbol since the second half Aqav (Mansur el-Aqab) at Ramat Hanadiv (Plates 7 and
of the fourth century. Its depiction on mosaic floors is quite 8), near Caesarea (Hirschfeld and Birger 1991). The
rare, though not unknown. An edict of Theodosius II of Byzantine estate, designed as a rural villa (villa rustica),
427 CE prohibited the inclusion of Christian symbols in the was an approximately square building (22 x 24 m), with a
floor. Nevertheless, this cannot be considered as a universal central courtyard flanked on three wings by a storeroom,
terminus ante quem for mosaic floors displaying crosses. two stables and a wine-cellar, all roofed by barrel vaults.
The ultimate victory in the Byzantine period of the The living quarters were on the second floor. At a distance
oriental approach to the representational arts was of some 50 m to the southwest was a screw-operated wine-
brilliantly demonstrated by Avi-Yonah (1981: 1-118, press.
first published in 1942- 50; 1961) in the case of Palestine. The transition to mass production is best revealed in the
This approach always existed as a sub-classical trend, side agricultural estate excavated recently to the north of
by side with the main stream of the Greco-Roman art. This Ashkelon, in an area covered by post-Byzantine dunes (like
oriental triumph is evident in Byzantine art everywhere - many other areas in the northwestern Negev and the
not only in provincial and popular art, but in official coastal p lain) . The buildings uncovered consist of several
imperial art as well. The art is conceptual, rather than large oil and wine-presses, two-story warehouses of a
illusionistic. Its characteristic features are frontality, basilica I plan for the storing of the products, kilns for the
stylization, ignoring of proportions and horror vacui. The production of the jars - the so-called 'Gaza and Ashkelon
484 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Joseph Patrich
jars' (Mayerson 1992), in which the oil and wine were Plate 8 Pottery vessels from Ramat Hanadiv (photograph by Zev
exported, and ponds for the artificial breeding of fish. A Radovan, courtesy Y. Hirschfeld)
private, but large, bath-house was another component of
this estate. A survey conducted along the coastal plain In the windows which follow, the social dimensions of
from Ashdod to Gaza, and even farther to the southwest, the towns and farms of the Negev are presented. In
revealed a large number of such estates with similar addition a new perspective on the emergence of
installations. The agricultural regime of the Negev is to be monasteries and their impact on the social landscape of
viewed in this larger context. the Holy Land is discussed.
Plate 7 Ramal Hanadiv. The Byzantine farmstead alter the reconstruction (photograph by Zev Radovan, courtesy Y. Hirschfeld)
the Negev
Plate 1.3 Beth Loya. Wine-press. The circular stone in the treading fl oor
was used for anchoring the wooden screw of the press; the juice fl owed to
the square settling basin and hence to the circu lar collecting basin
(photograph by Avroham Hoy)
Khirbet ed-Deir in the Judean Desert. Aerial
view of the cliff coenobium (courtesy Y. Hirschfeld)
28
ISLAM AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL
TRANSITION OF PALESTINE - EARLY
ISLAMIC PERIOD (638-1099 CE)
Donald Whitcomb
Maior transitions magnitude . .• both the Persian army and the forces of
Islam invaded . . . with bulldozers and cranes.' (Rusself
kilometers 50
I
Qaysariya ICaesareal.
Mediterranean
Sea
Arsul IApollonial A
I
I
Asqalan IAsealonl/"
""
though the province of al-Sharat, centered on Sughar functional interpretation. One aspect should be
(Zughar or Zo'ara) and ranging from Ayla to eastern emphasized, that these 'chateaux' are unlikely to have
Jordan, was later created in this region (see Figure 1). been loci of innovation but rather reflections of
The presence of tribal groups in Palestine before the architectural developments within (or adjacent to) cities
conquest was reinforced by immigration; new settlement (contra Helms 1990). Thus, Khirbat al-Mafjar (Hamilton
was confined by policy to towns, either as occupation of 1959) was just outside of ArI~a (Jericho) and Khirbat al-
abandoned properties or, more likely, a system of amsiiT, Minya (Grabar et al. 1960) was ancillary to Tabarlya. The
new urban foundations placed next to older cities (early 'chateaux' were perhaps more typical of contemporary
Islamic Capharnum is one clear example, Tzaferis 1989; urban contexts than generally recognized, though we know
Ayla is another, see below). An interrelated aspect of little of the latter since they have not benefited from
settlement was the intense interest in developing abandonment and preservation.
agricultural estates, the diyii' al-khiliifa; this acquisition Tabariya, the former city of Tiberias, became capital of
of lands by tribal aristocracy continued well into the the jund of al-Urdunn. The summary of archaeological
Abbasid period and is estimated to have accounted for as research by Harrison details expansion in the Umayyad
much as one third of the total revenue of Palestine (Khalidi period north and south of the Classical town (1992). The
1984: 185). excavation of Oren in the southern portion, J:Iammam
The so-called desert castles, of which Khirbat al-Mafjar Tabariya, offers a tantalizing glance at planned urban
and Khirbat al-Minya are two excavated examples, may be settlement including a large structure with workshops; the
representatives of such estates, as Sauvaget originally suggestion of pottery glazing has made the lack of a
suggested (1939). These structures are composed of many detailed report lamentable (Oren 1971). Umayyad ceramics
elements: baths, reception halls, lodgings (see Figure 2). from J:Iammam TabarIya (Stacey 1988-9) seem to rest on
While they usually have strong walls with gates and towers virgin soil. Harrison has shown the northern expansion,
on the periphery, there is no specific evidence of a beneath the modern city, is an early Islamic foundation and
militaristic function (Urice 1987). One might suggest that makes a strong case for this being another miST. This
the walls and formal, peripheral elements functioned rather settlement, 'while perhaps initially created for military
as definitional elements for an urban entity, rather like the reasons, soon developed into a vital urban center ... '
towered walls used as the symbol for cities on early maps. (Harrison 1992: 51); it became the administrative center
These isolated structures, most commonly found in eastern for the province of al-Urdunn. Most excavators agree to
Syria and Jordan, are known as qUSUT (sing. qUST; Conrad continuities in this settlement into the eleventh century.
1981) and, like this term, are the subject of cycles of The city of al-Ramla was founded by Sulayman ibn
492 Part VI * The Rise of Christianily and Islam in the Holy Land * Donald Whitcomb
7. Mit'
~ml.
~LUdd
~BeYt
Blr.h
: thr-own war-. ::
··::: ·F··· ·
i..-=:s:::;:s~~~~~~E::::.=-_-1.-..:h~a:::n:::d:.:.m::a~d.~cookin9 pots
Plate 1 Abbasid coins from Capernaum (photograph courtesy D E 2 3
John F. Wilson) AYLA (AQA BA) TELL ABU QA'DAN (D EIR ALLA)
identifying early mosques architecturally, it is not the sixth and seventh centuries, does not derive from its
surprising that mosques and Muslim shrines are rarely classical antecedents. In the words of its excavator, 'The
mentioned in the literature; there has been no attempt at striking feature of the town plan is its disorder and lack of
codification of such monuments since the early work of preconceived design ... Umm al-Jimal ... represents the
Mayer (Mayer et a!. 1950; and the excavations of most of indigenous way of life .. .' (De Vries 1982: 20). The
those monuments are later in date). There are now many standing ruins of more than 150 buildings (within ca. 800
more synagogues and churches excavated which give m x 500 m) are grouped into three irregular clusters;
varying stories of continued use, abandonment, and Knauf has pointed to Arabic features of the domestic
redefinition (e.g., Khirbat al-Karak). The exception to this architecture (Knauf 1984: 579) and a broader case might
general lack of early Muslim monuments is in Jerusalem be made for a cluster system as typically Arabian
where the Aq~a mosque and Dome of the Rock on the (Whitcomb n.d.a.); see Plate 4.
I;Iaram and the churches in the town below punctuated the Mez has defined one of the urban traditions contri-
urban scene. buting to the early Islam city as 'the [south] Arabian city
such as ~an'a', to which type Mekka and Fus!a! belonged'
(1937: 412). Amplification of this urban system will
Social organization
depend on study of the sociocultural background. Dostal
Treaties with cities, beginning with Ayla and the 'Jewish has proposed two urban types based on social organization
towns' of the south (Magma, Jarba, Adhruh; Gil 1992: (1984: 188-9). The first is called the ~an'a'-formation,
30), the covenant of Jabiya, and Umar's attitude toward developed from a market center and inhabited by groups of
Jerusalem give some evidence of initial conditions in the same tribe with social differentiation based on his
Palestine at the time of the Islamic conquest. Much of this 'farmer-craftsman' technological specializations. The
discussion revolves around the relationship of the Muslims, second urban type is the TarIm-formation, in which
particularly the immigrant Arabic speaking population, quarter organization reflects the social structure of a multi-
and the confessional groups already established in the Holy tribal settlement. This latter ethnographic type might have
Land. Patterns of tolerance and identity, of dominance and approximated the social organization, and hence the
cooperation, may find expression in urban organization physical structure, of the amsiJr.
and, more particularly, in a new process of urbanization. Cities of the early Islamic period may be seen as a
This was the process of the amsiir, already mentioned in 'generational process' in which cultural traits of the fully
other contexts. urbanized milieu of the Middle East were integrated into
The phenomenon of the amsiir may be seen as a new a distinctive Islamic urbanism. In other words, one might
phase in the urbanization or, more precisely, the urban see the amsiJr as an imposed form while the internal
process in the history of the Middle East. Wheatley has structure of these new settlements, both social and
proposed that this developmental process is of two types: physical, involved component traits adopted from existing
urban imposition or urban generation (Wheatley 1983: 5). cities. The orthogonal urban core may be viewed as a
'Urban imposition . . . is virtually inseparable from the mechanism for facilitating this interaction in conjunction
expansion of empire and is usually accompanied by the with the tradition of the Arabian city, as yet to be fully
establishment of an administrative organization designed defined.
to sustain the value system of the colonial power'. The Many diagnostics for later Ayyubid-Mamluk times
position adopted here is that the amsiir represent a seem to begin during the late Abbasid or Fatimid
program of urban imposition, and implies that early period. Evidence of the Cairo geniza, the great corpus of
Islamic culture intentionally reconstituted the social documentation on the Jewish community in the Fatimid
organization of the conquered lands. This view and Ayyubid periods, testifies to the tremendous amount
presupposes the existence of institutional components of of travel and trade in this time. Indeed, the travels of
fully urbanized society in pre-Islamic western Arabia. Nasr-i Khusrow provide abundant descriptions toward
An urban style of life is more recognizable in the the end of this period. All of this suggests that archaeo-
classically-derived towns of north Syria than the settle- logical evidence must be viewed ever more cautiously,
ments of western, and more particularly southwestern, exammmg potential interregional influences. The
Arabia. The question is whether an urban ideology as part evidence of the geniza documents provides an abundant
of Islamic culture was part of the legacy of pre-Islamic resource for archaeologists, particularly items of daily
Arabia or was formalized in the aftermath of the life (Goitein 1983). One especially relevant aspect is
conquests. Delineation of archaeological features which description of cities and their architectural elements; the
may indicate an Arabian urban type is only beginning with subject of intra-urban ruins is a cautionary tale for any
new excavations (such as those at Rababdha, al-Mabiyat stratigrapher (Goitein 1983: 21-6). Specific data on
and Najran). Some preliminary observations may be seen socio-economic factors such as rental systems and repair
at the site of Umm al-Jima!. The plan of this city, dating to costs add dimensions to continuity and shifting of
498 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Donald Whitcomb
Rural burgi
Many of the Frankish castra in fact consisted of the castles
themselves and the rural burgi attached to them. The rural
burgi were inhabited by Frankish settlers who worked the
fields. The process of the creation of such rural burgi must
be compared to the process of transferral to collective,
fortified settlements which was widespread in Europe from
the tenth century on. It is now commonly accepted that the
intensive process of fortification which accompanied the
settlement in the tenth to twelfth centuries was not a result Plate 1 The Frankish village of Mi'ilya, general view (photograph: D.
of any external or internal threat. An appreciable number Tal; courtesy of R. Ellenblum)
of new fortresses were erected as kernels for new rural
settlements, and many others were built near temporary Europe and there is no reason why the Franks who settled
markets and regional economic centers. Toubert, in his the Latin Kingdom should have abandoned this very
study of Latium, called the process 'incastellamento', and common form of habitation and of rural management. 22
this expression, widely accepted since then, is applicable The novelty lies more probably in the fact that the Franks
also in the Levant. 18 succeeded, in a relatively short time, in mastering
Sufficient proof for the existence of rural burgi can be technologies of irrigation with which they were not well
found in many of the Frankish castles, for example acquainted in their countries of origin. Sophisticated water
Castellum Regis [Mi'ilya], 19 Caimont, Ibelin, Saint Gille installations, like the channel networks running along the
[Sinjil], Bayt Jubrin and many others. Frankish villages terraces and the implements used for regulating and
existed also in places such as Shfar'am, Kafar Kana, Safad distributing water to the fields, may testify to help being
'Adi, Tira, Mimas, AI Bassa, Qalansaua, Ascar and many given to the Franks by the local villagers.
others. In some cases it was possible to identify the owners of a
certain maison forte. This happened, for example, in the
case of a farmhouse owned by Johannes Gothman. This
Maisons fortes
Frankish knight witnessed many charters, the first of which
Such edifices were built usually in remote places, away was issued in 1104, and he was still alive in 1164. 23
from the main roads and in sites which do not possess any According to William of Tyre, Gothman participated in the
strategical value. However, as Pringle already mentioned, it Frankish raid on the Hauran in 1147. When it became
is very difficult to distinguish between Frankish 'maisons evident that the raid was a failure, it was suggested that the
fortes' and Frankish small castles since the architectural King should take fl ight on Gothman's horse which was
ground plans of these two types of buildings bear a considered the fastest of the Kingdom's horses. 24 His
resemblance. 2o Nevertheless, our definition of a Frankish daughter was married to Hugo of Caesarea, one of the
construction as a private agricultural domain is not based most important knights of the realm. 25 Johannes Gothman
solely on the architecture of the main building but on the was taken prisoner in 1157 and his wife had to sell his
agricultural context. The construction of many of these property to the Chapter of the Holy Sepulcher, in order to
places was associated with a complete reorganization of raise the money that was needed to release him from
fields, with the establishment of irrigation systems and with captivity.26 The documents which are concerned with the
the creation of new networks of paths which connected the sale contain the names of the four villages which belonged
main buildings with the fields. In many cases, all these to this property, the first of which is the village of
components correspond to one general plan and it is Bethaatap, undoubtedly the Arab village of Bayt 'Itab, 15
possible to assume that the 'maisons fortes' and their kilometers to the west of Jerusalem. A very impressive
dependencies were conceived as a whole. The context, in Frankish 'maison forte' is still to be seen in the ancient core
conjunction with the architectural details of the main of Bayt 'Itab and it is very probable that it was used by
building, enabled the classification of this Frankish rural Johannes Gothman as a residence when he stayed in his
estate as suCh. 21 domain .27
There is nothing surprising about the existence of such A similar example is that of the property of the family of
rural estates or manor houses in the Frankish East. Francoloco, or Franclue. Franclue's property was sold in
'Maisons fortes' existed in all parts of contemporary 1179 to the Church of Mount Zion. 28 Here, too, the list of
506 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Ronnie Ellenblum
• Church
• WI. . o Synagogue
o Maaorbouse or-Maison fortc-
• farm hoase
a Pnmkisb. sftc ia a village com
CD MonasIeIy
t
I
Cbmm
Uncedaia o •
o.
o • o
•
.,'""<
'"
"<
•
'ct-'""
"< ••
ct- • Neapolis
~ •
/ • •••• ShilOO•
• 4· ••
•• • + •• +
• • ••
o •.+ +.+•
.,:......
•+ • +
+ +. ++
Ascalon
•
• •.+ .+ ..\". .
• .:
i
+. • + erusalem
o . '" CD
• ••
•
+ ++:
• •
.+ .":'.0.+
.0
• +.+ +••
J;. J;. J;. J;.
• • ••
10 10 30 40 kID 10 20 )0 40Km
! , ! ! , , ! ,
Figure 1 Frankish sites in Palestine Figure 2 Byzantine churches and synagagues in Palestine. Sources:
The norlhern part is based on infonnation given by Mr Mordechai Aviam
The villages which were situated to the south of the of the Israel Antiquities Authority. The southern part, based mainly on A
Samarian cultural border are mentioned in Frankish Ovadya, Byzanline Church
documents as being inhabited by 'Syrians' who were native
Orthodox Christians who used Syriac for their rituals and remains of Frankish buildings were discovered in almost all
Arabic for their daily life. The documents enumerate the of these Christian villages.
names of many villagers, and names such as Cosmas, There is no evidence, neither historical nor archaeo-
Georgius, Samue~ Nicolas, Hanna, Elias, Salomon and logical, of the existence of medieval Christian communities
Butrus, appear again and again in many of them. 3o Other to the north of the borderline up to Nablus. On the other
villages, which are not mentioned in Frankish documents, hand, there definitely is evidence of Muslim inhabitants
were certainly inhabited by local Christians in the Mamluk there. A twelfth-century religious mutiny of Muslim
and Ottoman periods. The villages of Taiyba, 'Abud, lifna, farmers against their Frankish landlord, seated at Mirabe~
Bir Zayt, 'Ain 'Arik and Ramallah were dominated by the resulted in the immigration of a few hundred Muslims
Christian population until the beginning of the twentieth from Central Samaria to Damascus. One of their
century.31 The only village in this region which apparendy descendants, Diya' ai-Din who was born in 1173 and
was not inhabited by local Christians in the twelfth century died in 1245, recalled these events and gave a detailed
is the village of Bayt Surik and there, too, there is no description of his parents' native villages, all of which were
mention of any typical Muslim name such as Muhamad or located north of the cultural border.33 Moreover,Diya' a1-
'Ali, Husein or Hasan.32 It should be noted that impressive Din refers to the existence of six rural mosques in these
508 Part VI * The Rise of Chrisfianily and Islam in the Holy Land * Ronnie Ellenblum
place only in the Mamluk period, after the expulsion of the
Franks from Palestine.
In any case, during the Frankish period there were still
enclaves in which the Christians formed a substantial
minority, or even a majority, of the local population. The
Franks, so it seems, preferred to settle in such regions and
Caif.. refrained from moving into the Muslim ones. This
observation may well be as valid for the subregions of
Palestine as it is for the northern regions of Syria, such as
Antioch, Edessa, Ma'arash, Cilicia and so forth. Wherever
they settled in the Levant, the Franks sought the
neighborhood of the local Christians and stayed away
* from centers of Muslim population. This is true not only in
* the wider geographical sense, but also as regards the
*
* small villages themselves. There is even documentary and
**
"* * * * *
** archaeological proof of the existence of mixed com-
* munities of Franks and Oriental Christians in the same
* * * .t * * *0*Neapolis
* village, and the parish churches of St. George near
¥** * *** * * Tiberias,35 Tayiba, 'Abud, 'Amwas in Samaria and Bayt
* ** **iJr* * Jibrin in Judea were probably attended both by Syrians
Jaffa
** *
* * * and by Franks.36 In some of these places the Crusaders
* * rebuilt the existing churches in a Frankish Romanesque
style.
*
* *
* Jerusalem
°
Ascalon * Conclusion
Three main conclusions derive from this study.
The first is that Frankish rural settlement was quite
intensive and that the number of rural sites which can still
be traced and identified surpass the previous modest
estimates.
The second claim is that in certain regions of the
10
!
20
!
30
,
40 Ian
, country the local Christian population constituted the
larger part of the population.
Figure 3 Samaritan sites of the Byzantine period in Palestine The third and final conclusion claimed is that the Franks
settled only in the regions which were inhabited by local
villages and a dedication inscription of a seventh, which Christians and sometimes even in the Christian villages
was built five years after the battle of Hattin, was themselves.
discovered in this Muslim, formerly Samaritan region (by These conclusions bring us back to the former French
the author). The process of Islamization was more model which explained the relation between the Franks
accelerated in the formerly Samaritan regions of Samaria and the local population and which was rejected by Smail
and it was much slower in the southern Christian ones. and Prawer at the beginning of the 1950s. The protagonists
The general picture of the Galilee in the same period is of this model claimed that the Crusades created an
very similar: the process of Islamization of the eastern integrated society which consisted of the Franks and their
Jewish parts had started already by the Early Muslim subjects. The Franks, they argued, were deeply influenced
Period, and many villages were deserted even though the by the oriental habits and were responsible for the
Jewish communities were less antagonistic towards the unprecedented atmosphere of law, order, and tolerance
Muslims. There were no mixed communities in the which prevailed in Palestine during the twelfth and the
beginning, but, as Elhanan Reiner of Tel Aviv University thirteenth centuries.37 Rey, Dodu, Madelaine and even
informs us in his doctoral dissertation, a new Jewish- Grousset, idealized this allegedly friendly relationship and
Muslim culture which was based, in the first place, on did not make any distinction between local Christians and
mutual veneration of the same Saints' tombs, existed Muslims. This idealization of the intercultural relationship,
already by the twelfth century.34 On the other hand, the which Smail did not hesitate to label 'French propa-
main phase of Islamization of the Christian region took ganda,'38 facilitated the creation of the existing model,
Selt/ement and Society Formation in Crusader Palestine 509
which, in its turn, told a completely different story of the history of the Crusading Kingdom ofJerusalem, presented to
social, political and geographical segregation. Joshua Prawer. Jerusalem, 1982, p. 130-52 [Hereafter cited as
Outremer].
A possible synthesis suggests the existence of a mixed
2. Prawer, J. Colonization, p. 102-3.
society which consisted of local Christians and Franks, and 3. Smail, R.C. Crusading Warfare, p. 40. Cf. Ibid., pp. 62-63.
which had common interests and common establishments. 4. 'The countryside was setded in an overwhelming majority by
No doubt that Franks occupied the higher ranks of the Muslims, but with a fair sprinkling of Oriental Christians of
seigneorial and ecclesiastical hierarchies, and that they had different denominations .• .' Prawer, J. 'Serfs, Slaves, and
a proper judiciary, but they settled and lived only in the Bedouins', Crusader Institutions, Oxford, 1980 [Hereafter cited
neighborhood of the local Christians. as Prawer, Serfs], p. 201; 'Not only was the threat of invasion
almost continuous, but many of the subject peoples never fully
It would not be right to describe the relationship consented to Latin rule, and on important occasions were to
between the Franks and the local Christians as idyllic - show themselves either doubtfully loyal or actively hostile.'
which is what the French model attempted to do. The Smail, R.c. Crusading Warfare, p. 204.
relations were more complex; motivated more by need 5. 'All Syrian Christians, ••. had lived for centuries under the
than by will, they certainly had their ups and downs. The generally tolerant Muslim rule . • • • Between them and their
Franks, being an immigrant society, needed the help of the Latin overlords there was the bond of a common faith, but they
locals, whereas the latter regarded the former as a last were tied also to the Muslims by history, language, and habits
• . .. It would therefore appear that the native Christians
barrier in the face of the Turkish conquest - a conquest provided no firm basis for Latin rule, and that they increased
which eventually brought about the final destruction of rather than alleviated the Franks' military problems.' Smail, R.C.
many of the Christian congregations. Crusading Warfare, p. 52.
Hans Mayer has already noted that the Latin 6. Prawer, J. Histoire du royaume latin de Jerusalem, 2 vols, Paris,
chroniclers ignored the existence of the Muslim subjects: 1969-1971; 2nd edn, Paris, 1975, vol I, p. 570-1; Prawer, J.
'll I am not mistaken,' he wrote, 'the Muslim inhabitants of Colonization, p. 117; Russel, J.C. 'The Population of the
Crusader States', K.M. Setton (General Editor), A History of the
the Latin Kingdom hardly ever appear in the Latin
Crusades. 5 vols, Wisconsin University Press, 1955-1985, vol. 5;
chronicles.'39 Mayer was not mistaken and the approach N.P. Zacour and H.W. Hazard (eds), The Impact of the Crusades
which is suggested here, of a multi-leveled Franco- on the Near East, Wisconsin University Press, 1985, pp. 295-
Oriental-Christian society, may well explain the absence 314; Benvenisti, M. 1970, pp. 26-8.
of the Muslim subjects from the Frankish collective mental 7. Prawer, J. Colonization, pp. 102-3; Prawer, J. 'Crusader Cities',
map. The Franks referred only to those of their subjects in H.A. Miskimin et al. (eds), The Medieval City, New Haven
with whom they had social and geographical connec- and London, 1977, pp. 179-99; Benvenisti, M. 1970, pp. 25-6.
8. Abel, F.M. 'Les deux "Mahoruerie" el-Bireh, EI Quobeibeh',
tions.40
Revue Biblique 25 (1926), 272-83; Idem, 'Yazour et Beit Dedjan
ou Ie Chastel des Plains et Ie Chastel de Maen', Revue Biblique
Notes 36 (1928), 83-9; Bagatti, B. 'Gifna. Villaggio cristiano di
Guidea', La Terra Santa, 47 (1971), 247-56; Idem, I monumenti
1. Cahen, Cl. 'Notes sur I'histoire des croisades et de l'Orient latin', di Emmaus el-Qubeibeh e dei dintomi, Jerusalem 1947, en
ll: 'I.e regime rural syrien au temps de la domination franque', Christianesimo ad Eleuteropoli (Beit Gobrin), Liber Anus 22
Bulletin de la Faculte des IettTes de Strasbourg 29 (1950-51), (1972), 109-29; Idem, Antichi vi/laggi cristiani dl Samaria,
286; Smail, R.C., Crusading Warfare {1097-1193}. A Jerusalem, 1979; Benvenisti, M. 1970, 1982; Clermont-Ganneau
Contribution to Medieval Military History, Cambridge, 1956, Ch. Recueil d'archelogie orientale, 8 vols, Paris, 1888-1924
pp. 57-63 [hereafter cited as Smail, Crusading Warfare]; Prawer, (Hereafter cited as RAO), vol. I (1888), pp. 308-11, 334-6,
J. 'Colonization Activities in the Latin Kingdom', Crusader 336-7, 351-92; RAO, II (1898), pp. 91-2, 95-7; RAO, m
Institutions Oxford, 1980, pp. 102-42; [Hereafter cited as (1900), pp. 141-2; RAO, V (1903), pp. 70-9; Conder, C.R.
Prawer, Colonization]; Richard, J. La feodalite dans l'Orient latin 'Medieval Topography of Palestine', C.W. Wilson (ed.), Survey
et Ie mouvement communnal: un etat des questions', Structures of Western Palestine Special Papers on Topography,
feodales et feodalisme dans l'Occident mediterraneen (X-XIII Archaeology, Manners and Customs ere. London (1881), pp.
siecles), Rome, 1980, p. 665; Hamilton, B. The Church, The 274-80; Frankel, R. Topographical Notes on the Territory of
Latin Church in the Crusader States, The Secular Church Acre in the Crusader Period', Israel Exploration Journal 38
London, 1980, p. 90; Pringle, D. The Red Tower {al-BuriJ al- (1988), 249-72; Pringle, D. Two Medieval Villages North of
Ahmar}: Settlement in the Plain of Sharon at the Time of the Jerusalem: Archaeological Investigation in ai-Jib and ar-Ram',
Crusaders and Mamluks, London, 1986, p. 12 [Hereafter cited Levant 15 (1983),141-77; Idem, 'Magna Mahumeria (al-Bira):
as: Pringle, D. 1986]; Pringle, D. 'Crusader Casdes: The First The Archaeology of a Frankish New Town in Palestine', Edbury,
Generation', Fortress, I, (1989), pp. 18-19 [Hereafter cited as: P.W. (ed.), Crusade and Settlement, London (1985), pp. 147-68;
Pringle, D. 1989]; Benvenisti, M. The Crusaders in the Holy Idem, 1986; Idem, 1989; Rey, E.G. Recherches geographiques et
Land, Jerusalem, 1970 [Hereafter cited as Benvenisti 1970], p. historiques sur la domination des Latins en Orient. Paris, 1877;
219 and p. 233: distinguished between Frankish villages, the Idem. Les colonies franques de Syrie aux Xlle et XIlle siecies,
number. of which being very small, less than ten and manor Paris, 1883.
houses which were quite numerous. Cf. Benvenisti, M. 'Bovaria- 9. There is no record of Muslim attacks on the coastal plain north
babriyya: A Frankish Residue on the Map of Palestine', in B.Z. of the river Yarkon until the time of Salah al-Din. The mountain
Kedar, H.E. Mayer and R.C. Smail (eds), Outremer, Studies in area of Jerusalem was raided only twice. For the raid of 1124 see:
510 Part VI * The Rise of Chrislianily and Islam in the Holy Land * Ronnie Ellenblum
H. Hagenmeyer (ed.), Fulcheri Camotensis Historia ffierosoly- betrayal of the commander of Baniyas, together with a canon
mitana (1095-1127), Heidelberg, 1913 [Hereafter cited as named Roger: see William of Tyre, 19, 10, p. 877. For the
Fulcher of Chartres], pp. 731-2. According to William of Tyre suspects of treason during the Frankish and Greek siege on
the Ascalonites dared to attack Jerusalem only when they Damietta: see William of Tyre, 20, 15, p. 930. For the fear that
discovered that the entire army was occupied with the siege on Bohemond would collaborate with the Turks because of the
Tyre. The inhabitants who remained in the city sufficed to hold interdict afflicted on him for marrying a second wife: see William
back the onslaught: WiUelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon of Tyre, 22, 6, p. 1012-13. For acts of treason during the
(ed.) R.B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio surrender of the c:ave castle in the Gilead: see William of Tyre,
MediaBllalis, 63-63a, Turnhout, 1986, 13, 8, p. 595; d. 22 16 (15), pp. 1028-9. For a messanger to the Turks, who was
Prawer, J. 'Ascalon and the Ascalon Strip in Crusader Politics', formerly suspected to be their collaborator [qui suspectus
Erm-Israel4 (1956), 231-51 [in Hebrew]. For the unsuccessful habebatur quod alia vice in legatione simili contra Christi
raid of 1152 see: William of Tyre, 20, 17, pp. 787-9. Cf. populum malicioise (uisset versatus] but was sent to them again
Grousset, Grousset, R, 'Sur un passage obscur de Guillaume de because of his mastering of the [Turkish?] language: see William
Tyr', Les Melanges syriens, offerts a M.R. Dussaud, Paris, 1939, of Tyre, 16, 12, pp. 731-2. For acts of 'treason' which were
637-9; Robricht, R., Geschichte des Konigsreichs Jerusalem directed against the Turks; a Turkish 'Satrap' of Armenian origin
(1100-1291), Innsbruck, 1898, p. 271. The region of Nablus from Tantass, who proposed to deliver to the Franks both Bosra
was raided three times in the same period. For the raid of 1113 and Zarhad: see William of Tyre, 16, 8, p. 724. For a Turkish
see: Ibn al-Qalanisi, (ed.) RHC.HOr. p. 186; An Arab-Syrian soldier who asked the Franks to take Basra, thus rescuing the
Gentleman ·and Warrior in the Period of the Crusades. Memoirs Frankish army: see William of Tyre, 12, 16, p. 732. These few
of Usamah Ibn-Munqidh, (trans. P.K. Him), New York, pp. examples were taken from one source only - William of Tyre. It
138-40; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 572-3; William of Tyre, 11, would be impossible, within the limits of this paper, to cite all
19, pp. 523-5; Albert of Aachen, xu, 9-10, pp. 694-5. For the the incidents concerning treason of Franks, Turks, Saracens and
raid of 1137: see Kedar, B.z., 'The Frankish Period' in A.D. local Christians. A paper referring to such acts is now under
Crown (ed.), The Samaritans, Tubingen, 1989, pp. 91-2. The preparation.
Galilee was raided only once between 1121 and 1169. For the 16. Prawer, J. Colonization, p. 102.
raid of 1121 see: William of Tyre, 12, 16, pp. 565-6; Ibn al- 17. Prawer, J. History, vol I, pp. 568-76; Benvenisti, M. 1970, pp.
Qalanisi (ed.) RHC, pp. 86-7; Fulcher of Chartres, pp. 643-4. 26-8; Russel, j.C. Population.
For the raid of 1134 see: Ibn al Qalanisi (ed.) RHC, pp. 216-18; 18. The pioneer research of P. Toubert on medieval Latium opened
Ibn al-Athir (ed.) RHC, pp. 392-7. For the raid of 1169 see: J. the way to new conceptions concerning Mediterranean settlement
Delaville I.e Roulx (ed.), Carlulaire general de l'Ordre des during the same period. See: Toubert, P. Les structures de Latium
Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jerusalem, 1100-1310. 4 vols, mediBllaL I.e Latium meridional et Sabine tlu IXe sieels a la fin
Paris, 1894-1906 [Hereafter cited as Hospital), voL 1, 1894, no. tlu Xlle siecle, Roma, 1973, Ch. 4, L"incastellamento' Rythme et
404, pp. 279-80, 1169. formes d'une croissance, pp. 303-447. Cf. Bourin-Derruau,
10. Conder, C.R. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1099 to 1291 Monique, Bas Languedoc. Villages mediwaux en Bas
A.D., London, 1897, p. 161. Languedoc. Genes d'une sociabilite: X-XIV sieels, 2 vols,
11. Prawer, J., Serfs, p. 201. Paris, 1987; Bonnassie, P. La Catalogne tlu milieu tlu Xe a la fin
12. Cahen, O. 'An Introduction to the First Crusade', Past and du Xle siecle. Croissance et mutations d'une societe, 2 vols,
Present 6 (1954), 6-7; Hitti, P.K. 'The Impact of the Crusades on Toulouse, 1975; Idem, 'From the Rhone to Galicia: origins and
Eastern Christianity', in S.H. Hanna (ed.), Medieval and Middle modalities of the feudal order', in Idem, From Slavery to
Eastern Studies in Honor of Adz Suryal Atiya, Leiden, 1972, p. Feudalism in South-Western Europe, Cambridge, Paris, 1991,
212; Gil, M. A History of Palestine, 634-1099, Cambridge, 104-31.
1992, pp. 140-3. Cf. Sivan, E. 'Note sur la situation des 19. See: EIlenblum, R., 'Colonization Activities in the Frankish East:
chretiens a l'cpoque ayyubide', Revue de l'histoire des religions The Example of Castellum Regis [Mi'Uyal', English Historical
172 (1967), 117: 'De l'avis general des specialistes, Ie Reuiew, forthcoming.
changement decisif dans la position des minoritis confession- 20. Pringle, D. 1989, p. 20.
nelles dans Ie Proche-Orient islamique au Moyen Age doit etre 21. See. EIlenblum, R., Rubin, R. and Solar, G. 'Kh. al-Lawza, a
rattache a l'invasion mongole de 1258-1260.' Frankish Farm House in the Judean Hills in Central Palestine',
13. For the actual state of the research cf. Morony M.G. 'The Age of LBllant, forthcoming.
Conversions: A Reassessment' in M. Gervers and R.J. Bikhazi 22. For various 'maisons fortes' in medieval Europe see: Michel Bur
(eds.), Conversion, pp. 135-50. (ed.), La maison forte flU Moyen age, actes de la Table ronde de
14. Smail, R.c. Crusading Warfare, pp. 48-52. Nant:y-Pont-a-Mousson, des 31 ma;-3 juin 1984, Paris, 1986.
15. For Jocelin's collaboration with the Turks against Bohemond: 23. Rohricht considered the various instances of 'Gathman'
see William of Tyre, 13, 22, pp. 614-15. For the intentions of mentioned in the documents as relating to one person, but
Alice [the daughter of Baldwin the second] to place Antioch there existS a possibility of there being two different people. In
under Zanlci's rule: see William of Tyre, 13, 27, pp. 623-4. For the earlier documents 'Gathman' appears with no mentioning of
Hugo's collaboration with the Ascalonites against Fulco of his first name, whereas in the later documents, dating from the
Anjou: see William of Tyre, 14, 16, p. 653. For the presumed year 1125 onwards, the first name Johannes is always associated
reasons for the failure of the second crusade: see William of with the name Gathman. The relatively long period of time [ca.
Tyre, 17, 5, p. 766. For the betrayal of the defenders of Cavea de 10 years] that elapsed between the two groups of doc:uments, as
Tyrun, and for the hanging of the commander, who was the only well as Johannes Gathman's participation in battle in the year
one who had not defec:ted to the Turkish camp: see William of 1157, support this assumption. Jl this were the same man, then
Tyre, 19, 11, pp. 878-9. For the hanging of 12 of the Templars Gothman should have been about 70 years old when taken
of the c:ave castle: see William of Tyre, 19, 11, p. 879. For the prisoner.
Settlement and Society Formation in Crusader Palestine 511
24. ' ..• equum domini Iohannis Goman, qui omnes alios eiusdem Tulun, Shams ai-Din Muhammad Ibn 'Ali, al-Qala'id al
exercitus equos celeritate et laboris pacientia longe superare ;awharlyya Ii ta'rikh al Salihilyya, (ed.) M.A. Duhman, 2 vols.,
dicebatur.' William of Tyre, 16, 10, p. 729, 1. 52-3. Damascus, 1980, vol. 1, p. 68. For a partial English translation
25. Rohricht, Regesta, no. 368, 1161. see: Drory, J., 'Hanbalis of the Nablus Region in the Eleventh
26. 'Captus est inter ceteros ... Johannes Gomannus.' William of and Twelfth Centuries', Asian and African Studies 22 (1988),
Tyre, 18, 14, p. 831, 1. 16; Genevieve Bresc-Bautier (ed.) Le 93-112. For a translation into Hebrew of unknown passages of
Cartulaire du chapitre du Saint-Sepulchre de Jerusalem, Paris, this author see: Talmon-Heller, D. The Shaikh and the
1984 [Hereafter cited as Holy Sepulcher], no. 87,21.11.1161, p. Community, Jerusalem. Unpublished M.A. thesis, 1990 [in
200; ibidem, no. 88, 3.12.1161, pp. 201-2. Hebrew], pp. 27-63.
27. See: Clermont-Ganneau, Ch. Archaeological Researches in 34. Reiner, E. Jewish Immigration and Pilgrimage to Palestine
Palestine during the Years 1873-1874, Paris, 1899, 0, p. 217; [1099-1517]. Doctoral dissertation, The Hebrew University of
Bagatti, B. Antichi villaggi cristiani di Samaria, Jerusalem, 1979, Jerusalem, 1988 [in Hebrew], pp. 252-3.
p. 128; Rohricht. R. Studien zur mittelalterlichen Geographie 35. For the church of St George see: Hamilton, B. The Church, p. 87;
und Topographie Syriens, ZDPV 10 (1887), 202; Robinson E. 100; Cf. Delaborde, H.F. (ed.), Chartes de la Terre Sainte
and Smith, E. Biblical Researches in Palestine, Boston, 1841, p. provenant de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame de Josaphat, Paris, 1880
594; Survey of Western Palestine, vol. m, p. 83. [Hereafter cited as Delaborde], no. 14, p. 40, 1126; Kohler, C.
28. Rohrict. Regesta, no. 576, 1179. (ed.), 'Chartes de I'abbaye de Notre-Dame de la valle de Josaphat
29. For the plan of the place see, M Kochavi (ed.) Judaea, Samaria en Terre Sainte (1108-1291). Analyse et extraits', Revue de
and the Golan: Archaeological Survey 1967-68, Jerusalem, 1972 I'Orient latin 7 (1889), 108-222. Kohler, no. 2, pp. 113-14,
[Archaeological Survey of Israel, I. In Hebrew.], no. 125, p. 183. 1109; Delaborde, no. 40, pp. 87-8, 1178.
For a Frankish 'maison forte' in one of the villages which 36. In all these locations were found churches which existed before
belonged to this fief see: Bagatti, 1979, Plate no. 1, Fig. 3. the Frankish period and were renovated by the Franks: For the
30. Caiandia: Holy Sepulchre, No. 69, p. 166, 1151; ibidem, No. 43, Church in Taiyba see: Schneider, A.M., et-Taijibe, 'Die Kirche
pp. 120-1, 25.7.1150; ibidem, No., 36, pp. 103-104, 1152. Ar- von et-Taijibe', Oriens Christianus 28 (1931), 15-22. For the
Ram [Ramathes, d. Pringle, 1983, pp. 160-3] Holy Sepulchre, Frankish Casrle there see: Kedar, B.Z., 'Ein Hilferuf aus
No. 43, pp. 120-1, 25.7.1150; ibidem, No., 36, pp. 103-104, Jerusalem vom September 1187, 'Dtsch, Arch. 38 (1982), 112-
'Adasa [BethelegeI, d. Oermont-Ganneau, RAO, D, p. 92] Holy
22; Benvenisti, M. 1983, no. 21, pp. 147-51. For the Church in
Sepulchre, No. 43, pp. 120-1, 25.7.1150; Holy Sepulchre, No.
'Abud see: Pringle, D. 'Church Building in Palestine Before the
131, p. 258, circa 1161. Turcho: Holy Sepulchre, No. 156, p.
Crusades', J. Folda (ed.), Crusader Art in the Twelfth Century,
306, 14.3.1171; d. Prawer, J. Crusader Institutions, p. 302 and
BAR, International Series, 152 (1982), p. 31; Milik, J.T.
p. 331. Caphaer: Hospital, No. 487, p. 336, 29.11.1175. Belveer:
'Inscription aramsenne christo-palestinienne de 'Abud', Liber
Hospital, No. 450, pp. 311-12 [Rohricht, Regesta, No. 501]. See
Annus 10 (1959-60), pp. 197-204; Bar-Asher, Palestinian
also: Hospital, No. 150, pp. 121-2, 1143; Archives de l'Orient
Syria" its Sources, its Traditions and Selected Grammatical
latin [Hereafter cited as AOLj, DB No.7, p. 128, 1150; AOL,
Problems Doctoral dissertation [in Hebrew], Jerusalem 1976, p.
lIB, No.8, p. 129, 1150; Hospital, No. 554, p. 376, 1179; AOL,
123. For the church in 'Amwas see: Vmcent. LH. and Abel, F.M.
lIB, I, p. 123, 1130-1145; AOL, DB, No. X, p. 130,1151.
31. Villages with a significant Christian population in the sixteenth Emmaus, sa basilique et son histoire. Paris, 1932; SWP, Judea, p.
century [according to Hutteroth W.D. and Abdulfattah, K. 63. For the Church in Bayt-Jubrin see: SWP, Judea, p. 276.
Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and Southern 37. Rey, E.G. &sai sur la domination franftlise en Syrie durant Ie
Syria in the Late 16th Century, Erlangen, 1977.]: 'Ain 'Arikh moyen age, Paris, 1866, pp. 17-19; Idem, us colonies franques
[42%]; 'Abud [55%]; Ramalla [89%]; Jifna [according to de Syrie awe XIIe et XIIIe siecies, Paris, 1883, pp. 4-14; Dodu,
Toledano 100%]; Tayba [35%]; Baytaniya, Ramun, 'Ain Samia, G. Le Royaume latin de Jerusalem. Conference donnee Ie 20
Bayt Rima. Villages with a significant Christian population at the novembre 1913 a l'Universite Nouvelle de Bruxelles, Paris, 1914,
beginning of the twentieth century [according to the 1922 pp. 42-75; Madelin, L. 'La Syrie &anque', Revue des deux
census]: Tayba [100%] (d. Anthymus, 'Description of the mondes, 6eme serie, 38 (1917), 314-58; Idem, L'Expansion
Boundaries of the Apostolic See of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, in francaise; de la Syrie au Rhin, Paris, 1918, pp. 258-314;
1838', in G. Williams, The Holy City, London, 1849, pp. 490-5; Duncalf, F. 'Some Influences of Oriental Environment in the
Bir Zayt [87%); 'Ain 'Arikh [56%]; 'Abud [54%]; 'Ain Karim Kingdom of Jerusalem', Annual Report of the American
[28%]; Ramalla [96%]. There is a possibility that the Ottoman Historical Association for the Year 1914, Washington, 1916,
figures of Christians in some of the villages are diminuated. See 135-45; Grousset. R. Histone des croisades et du royaume franc
Lewis, B. 'Studies in the Ottoman Archives - 1', BSOAS 16 de Jerusalem, 3 vols., Paris 1934-36, vol. I, p. 287, 314; vol.II,
(1954),479: 'A curious feature is the absence of any reference to pp. 141, 225, 264, 518, 615, 754-5; vol. m, Intro. pp. xiv-xv;
Christians in a number of places known in later times as and pp. 57-9, 61-2.
Christian centres - such as Jafna, Rafidiya, Zababida, Kafr Yasif, 38. Smail, R.C. Crusading Warfare, pp. 41-42.
Mi'iliya, 'Ailabun, Bir'im, Ma'lul, Bir Zait, Ramallah, etc.' 39. Mayer, H.E. 'Latins, Muslims and Greeks in the Latin Kingdom
32. Holy Sepulchre, No. 36, pp. 103-104, 1152. For Muslim names of Jerusalem', History, 63 (1978) p. 175.
d. Bulliet, Conversion, pp. 64-79. 40. The author is grateful to the editor, Thomas Levy, for his
33. Diya' al-Din, Sabab hijrat al Maqadisa ila Dimashq, in Ibn patience during the preparation of this chapter.
30
BETWEEN CAIRO AND DAMASCUS:
RURAL LIFE AND URBAN ECONOMICS IN
THE HOLY LAND DURING THE AYYUBID,
MAMLUK AND OTTOMAN PERIODS
Myriam Rosen-Aya/on
Maior developments Palestine: the defeat of the Crusaders signalled the
immanent re-establishment of Muslim rule over Palestine;
The Ottoman period presents a rather different picture. these developments, for agriculture continued to provide its
Since Istanbul was the seat of government of the Ottoman needs (Jacoby 1982: 205). Thus, the Crusader period was
dynasty, this major center of the Sultanate would naturally merely an episode in the life of much of the hinterland,
influence much of what occurred in Palestine. which quickly returned to normal conditions with the end
of Christian domination. Actually, the beginning of
Ayyubid rule does not coincide with the complete
disappearance of the Crusaders, who retained control
Settlement patterns
over various areas of Palestine, while the city of Acre
This chapter begins with the emergence - more correctly, remained their stronghold until the fall of the last remnants
the re-emergence - of Islam in the Holy Land . Between of the Crusader Kingdom in 1291 CEo The existence of
1099 and 1187 CE, Palestine was under Crusader such Christian enclaves had a dual implication. On the one
domination. After the massacre that accompanied the hand, there existed a certain state of coexistence of two
Crusader conquest of Jerusalem in July 1099 CE, whatever political powers, which at times fought each other and at
Muslim communities survived in that city or elsewhere other times observed a truce of sorts. On the other hand,
throughout the country lived under Christian rule. It took the enclaves signalled the inevitable decline of the Christian
them some time to recover and reorganize (see Figure 1 for presence in the Holy Land, gradually yielding to the
a map of major sites mentioned in the text) . Muslim forces (see Chapter 29, this volume).
The rural population in the villages was less affected by The retaking of Jerusalem by the Muslims in 1187 CE
Rural Life and Urban Economics in the Holy Land during the Ayyubid, Mamluk and Ottoman Periods 515
__ - I
-~
held during the production process, are still visible. The
motifs are overwhelmingly geometric and monochrome,
/I
painted in red, brown or dark purple over a pinkish slip.
I Many such vessels have been found in various parts of
Israel, but also outside the country in areas bordering on
Palestine, in contemporaneous strata (Riis and Poulsen
\ 1957: 270).
Most of the glazed pottery production of this period can
be classified into six prominent types:
Middle Ages and the Ottoman period. The country increasingly opened up to the West, especially to
underwent a slow process of acculturation of the asrnar European influences (Lewis 1988).
(military outposts that developed into provincial capitals).
The country, for the most part, was sparsely populated,
Conclusion: processes of change
characterized by cities bearing a medieval stamp in which
trade and small industry prevailed, with some exceptional The later Islamic period in Palestine brings us up to
cases of religiously-oriented activity. modem times, to the most recent archaeological strata.
The hinterland was dotted with typical agricultural Since it is also the youngest of the archaeological
villages (Cohen-Finkelstein 1991). The major crops raised disciplines, much still remains to be accomplished - both in
were the traditional ones: wheat, olives, sugarcane, dates, laying the foundations and in the study of the wide range
figs, rice, pomegranates, flax, grapes and even bananas, to of subject matter - compared to earlier periods. The
mention only the best-known products. Historical sources samples provided by the surveys of various archaeological
have repeatedly praised the quality of agricultural produce teams, taken together, will provide us with a better
and the great fertility of the country. understanding of the complete picture. One fact is obvious
The Geniza documents, discovered in the old synagogue - no new cities were founded during the lengthy period we
of Fl1stat (ancient Cairo), illuminate much of the nature of have been discussing and the rural population continued to
the commercial activity conducted by the Jews of Palestine be unevenly dispersed throughout the country.
and their relations with other communities of Jews abroad, The Ayyubid period, which marked the return of
especially during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This Muslim control of Palestine, was characterized by several
is, indeed, an extraordinary source through which one can ups and downs. There were some foreign intrusions, such
trace family connections, trade between Egypt and as the decade of renewed Crusader rule in Jerusalem
Palestine, and the various products that were particularly (1229-1239) and the brief invasion by the Khorazmians in
in demand (Goitein 1967-88). Although these fragments 1243-1244 CEo But, on the whole, it was an extra-
deal primarily with the Jewish community, they ordinarily dynamic period which paved the way for the
nevertheless shed much light on commercial activity in very productive Mamluk one that followed. Despite the
medieval Palestine. return of Islam, some Crusader influences were
Under the Ottomans, the Holy Land seems to have been incorporated into the material culture of the country.
relegated to the status of a minor province. Though Above all, the Ayyubid period contributed some important
relatively not too distant from the center of the Ottoman innovations to most fields of cultural activity.
Empire, then a world power, Palestine did not greatly During the almost three centuries of Mamluk rule,
interest the rulers in Constantinople (Istanbul). Palestine acquired the solid foundations for much of what
Recent surveys provide us with ample evidence relating it became in later eras. This holds true for the urban fabric
to the rural settlements of Palestine in the later Middle of the respective cities - their administration, layout and
Ages. They particularly point to the existence of a number style of architecture - and also for various aspects of the
of small agricultural villages. Only future excavation of material culture of the country. In this latter respect, all the
those sites will enable us to interpret the information that material evidence surviving from this era is extraordinarily
could be supplied by the shards collected, illustrating these similar to what one finds in both Mamluk Cairo and
historical periods. Damascus.
During the Ottoman period, especially in its later The direct line between the earlier and later periods also
stages, more active and dynamic Christian and Jewish holds true for the distinctive patterns of urban and rural
communities developed in the Holy Land. Churches and life in Palestine - much of what was prevalent in the
synagogues were once more established in the country's nineteenth century was formulated in the later Middle
cities. Several synagogues in Safed, Tiberias, Hebron and Ages. No major catastrophes introduced meaningful
Jerusalem date from as early as the sixteenth century, changes into the medieval patterns, whose foundations
while, somewhat later, churches were built in Lydda, were laid during the period of Mamluk rule.
Jerusalem and Bethlehem. International developments, Only towards the final phases of Ottoman rule in
which led to the system of 'capitulations' in the Palestine would major changes be introduced, as a result of
nineteenth century, also provided special status and modernization and industrialization. Innovations and
improved conditions for the Christian Church in the Holy transformations, the introduction of printing and modem
Land, which enjoyed the protection of the European means of transportation and manufacturing, followed one
powers. Following the Tanzimat - the reforms and another at an accelerated pace, moving the Holy Land into
modernization of the Ottoman Empire - Palestine a new, modem period in its history.
31
THE INTRODUCTION OF MODERN
TECHNOLOGY INTO THE HOLY LAND
(1800-1914 CE)
Ruth Karl<
Theoretical and comparative modern world, why it developed as it did, whether it was
background culture-dependent, and why and how a given society
assimilated those new technologies that it accepted.
expression in coast and inland) - and their usefulness or the West in the 1860s (Avitsur 1989: 16-17; Kark 1990b:
aptness as frameworks for analysis (Cuno 1980: 245-75; 57-76).
Owen 1984: 475-87). There is little systematic research dealing with the topic
The introduction of modern technology into the of this chapter, and there is room for more theoretical
Ottoman Middle East in the nineteenth century was sophistication and more detailed empirical study. In
closely connected with, and found its expression in, almost reviewing what does exist, we must single out the
all of the above trends. Davison (1990: 133-65), for pioneering studies, over the past fifty years, by Shmuel
example, cites the very rapid adoption (i.e. it was already Avitsur, a geographer with an engineering and technical
in use during the Crimean War of 1853-1856) by the background. His work, which laid the foundation for
Ottoman Government and Army of the telegraph (invented subsequent investigation, focused on the collection of
in 1833, with the first commercial line opened between technological remains of former recent material cultures
Washington and Baltimore in 1844). Although they were along with studies of written sources; it is summed up in an
motivated mainly by considerations of political and adas (1976), several books and numerous articles (detailed
military control, the telegraph also had significant to 1977 in Avitsur 1977a: 210-23). More recendy, other
administrative and social impact. Cuno (1980: 245-75) geographers, archeologists, historians, sociologists and
and Richards (1981: 45-67) discuss the work of botanists have followed with analytical and comparative
'dependencia' theorists, growth and technical change, and studies. Most of them - Ran Aaronsohn (1990, 1993);
the larger role that should be attributed to indigenous Yossi Ben-Artzi (1988); Nili Lipschitz, Simcha Lev-Yadun
forces in reappraising socio-economic and technological and Gideon Biger (1988); Ruth Kark (1986, 1990a,
change in Egypt between 1800 and 1914. 1990b); Shaul Katz (1982, 1986); Derek Penslar (1991);
Gottheil (1980: 1-35) tries to understand why the Naftali Thalmann (1991) - concentrated on the European
Middle East including Palestine, despite the increasing influence through Christian American and German, and
introduction of new technologies in the nineteenth century Jewish settlers in Palestine in the period 1831-1914,
(steam navigation in the 1830s, telegraph in 1861, carriage dealing with modern technological ideology and practice,
roads in 1868, railroads in 1892), by 1914: 'remained mainly in the fields of setdement planning, construction,
much the less developed region it had been half a century and agriculture. Joseph Glass and Ruth Kark (1991)
earlier, having produced little in the way of infrastructure studied the theme of entrepreneurship and local
formations that are associated with self-generating entrepreneurs in Palestine, and their role in the economy,
technological change.' A detailed study of this process in society, and settlement within the Middle East context.
Palestine must be seen against the same background and Kark also wrote on the development of infrastructure and
conceptual frameworks. the reintroduction of wheeled vehicles into Ottoman
Palestine, using present-day geographical methodology to
discuss transport (roads, railways, ports), and applying
III The introduction of modern
models based on Turkey, West Africa, and a model of
technology into the Holy Land-
transport expansion in underdeveloped countries (Kark
Palestine 1800-1914
1990a: 57-76). In the future, a study of the contribution of
the local Arab population to this process will be initiated.
Baclcground and tlte state 01 researclt and Notwithstanding the variety of material available for the
sources
study of nineteenth-c~tury Palestine, there are serious
Only recendy has a beginning been made in evaluating the limitations in locating sources concerning technological
impressive technological achievements in ancient Palestine. change and innovation diffusion. Most of the material is
This relates mainly to cultivation methods, exploitation of descriptive and hard to quantify or map. Nevertheless there
water resources and water power, irrigation methods, are still many sources to be tapped in Ottoman, consular
mining of copper, production of dyes from plants and and local archives, such as in the archives of European
animals, and the development of the first engine - the countries, the United States National Archives, the Israel
water wheel (Avitsur 1986: 7-8). At the beginning of the State Archive, and the Central Zionist Archive in
nineteenth century, Palestine was a peripheral area of the Jerusalem. Other possible sources are Arab, German, and
Ottoman Empire with a population of only 250,000 and a Hebrew newspapers published in Palestine, and surveys of
very low level of agricultural and industrial production. In surviving specimens of machinery, buildings, and
some branches the technological level was even lower than installations. Two examples of good sources for the study
at the end of the Second Temple period and later. To give of technological diffusion are the local Hebrew periodical
just one example, wheeled carriages disappeared from the press in Jerusalem and correspondence kept in the United
country at the end of Byzantine rule in the seventh century States National Archives. The former, summed up in a map
CE and only reappeared briefly at the time of the Crusades. by Mendel (1984), shows the source of innovations as
Wheeled vehicles were finally reintroduced by settlers from reflected in advertisements in the years 1885 to 1900
528 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Ruth Karl<
Categories of Innovations:
Agricullure
Industry &
•
Raw malerials •
Energy, Transport
& Communications
Insurance, Manpower
& Office equipment
*
Pharmaceulicals & v
Medical supplies
Culture o
Food, Household o
& Clolhing
F'l8ure 1 The source of innovations as refleded in advertisements in Hebrew newspapers in Jerusalem, 1885-1900 (after Mendel 1984)
(Figures 1 and 2). The latter, based on Kark (1994) and and cultural developments, and environmental, physical
detailed below (see Window 2 p. 540; Figures 2.1 and 2.2), and spatial change. Although one-dimensional it should be
presents United States marketing inquiries in Palestine in viewed as a dynamic process, reflecting a hierarchical
1908-1914. system in three different contexts - all relevant to Palestine
(Figure 3). The international context entails the changes in
the political structure of the great powers, increased
Change in 'he nine'een,h cen'ury
Western influence in the Ottoman Empire - also as affected
From the mid-nineteenth century Palestine became an by the Industrial Revolution in Europe and developments
important core for the introduction into the Ottoman in the European economy in the nineteenth century (trade
Empire of modem innovations and technologies which and international capital market and technological
came at an increased pace from Europe and America. This advances that gready improved both marine and overland
process continues to the present: Israel is today the most communications, and enabled the opening of the Suez
advanced, innovative and technological center in the Canal). The second context is that of the Ottoman Empire.
Middle East. The determinants of this change, and its Strengthening links of the Empire with the West and
impact on the dichotomy or continuum between tradition substantial changes in the nature of Ottoman administra-
and modernity and on development, should be viewed in a tion brought about by reforms within the Empire benefited
broad political, economic, social, cultural and geographic foreign trade, communications, urbanization, and
context. structural social change. The third context comprises the
This may be presented in a schematic diagram demon- region of Palestine. Although not a unified administrative
strating the interaction between political transformation, unit in the nineteenth century, it had its own unique
economic and technological change, demographic, social character. The special attraction of the Holy Land and
The Introduclion of Modem Technology into the Holy Land (1800-1914 eE) 529
."Jlln pnr .r·.:J~l·~'C."It:"\ :j\O";"': :-Zp:-":::,- .C~I:"'·' .£": C,....) C:"M~'l j"":"1 ~Jt 'rat."., ')00:"\
. dJd:=!E: .. eistr.tJ:!:~
No igaitioa a.b..•
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LIABLE TO GET aDd reqairing
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CONSTRUCTEUR .\IECANICIEN A JAFFAI
SeDI Agoat do I. AI.iao. "BOllNBBY ot Soaa po.r Alot..... P6trol. do 1-100 B. H. P.
Jerusalem, and growing European and American political rile agents and opponents of tecllnological mang.
and religious interests, influenced many spberes of life in
the local arena. In his study on technology transfer in the age of imperial-
The introduction of modern technology into Palestine ism in 1856-1940, Headrick (1988: 10-13) identifies four
after bundreds of years of stagnation started only in the basic categories: geographic relocation of technology by
second third of the nineteenth century. The motivating Western experts; by non-Western experts; cultural
forces were both internal and external. Among them were diffusion of technology by Western experts; and by non-
imperialist political and economic endeavors of the Western experts.
Western powers in seeking mineral deposits, agricultural In Palestine these categories are only partially relevant
products or potential markets. The Ottoman Government due to the difference in scale; nor was it a case of classic
was concerned with political and military control. imperialism, Apart from the 'external' introduction of
Philanthropic and religious bodies were driven by belief- technologi~ change from Europe and America, there were
systems or social and national aspirations. Foreign and 'internal' introducers, i.e., select semi-local or local groups
local entrepreneurial companies and individuals were which served as agents of change. First among the external
intent mainly on profit and status. introducers were philanthropists (Sir Moses Montefiore,
530 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Ruth Karle
Political Change
• Change in the relationships belween the
- - ~ European nations and the ChIoman Empire
• Abuse of capitulations system: exlrlllenitoriality and
political economic and legal privileges
• Reform of lhe power structure in government
and administration
• Westemizalion and secularizalion
• Palestine from provincial periphery to secondaI)' core ,
• Increase of security of penon and property ,
/
/
/ \
Economic and Technological Change Demographic, Cultural and Social Change
• Expansion of foreign trade and development of import""xport economy • Population growth (250,000 in 1800 to 800,000 in 1914)
• Influx of foreign capital • Immigration and emigJation: anival of groups motivated by
religious and national ideologies, new concepts, customs and lifestyles
• Agricultural expansion: increase in cultiValed cash-crops and acreage;
change in landownership patterns • Early signs of cultural awakening, borrowing from
both Western and traditional sources
• Selective development in crafts and industl)'
• IntegIlllion of Palestine in the international economy • Social diversifica1ion: semiautonomous religious sects,
ethnic groups, oommunities; language differences, modernity,
• Introduction of modem Western technolOgies I
institutional with differing lifestyles and dlylhms
I
• Development of infrastructures: transport (carriage roads, railways), --1----- • Social stratifica1ion: variety of elites (government officials,
communications (posts and telegJaph), municipal setvices, feudal land owners, tax fanners, religious leaders - 'ulema,
health and sanitation. construction rabbis, clergy); newly introduced professions
• New consumption patterns; rise in standard of living for • Social mobility: non-Muslims in growing middle class,
part of the population expansion of local entrepreneur class
• Dual economy • Traditional social mganizations and institutions
alongside new ones
the Alliance Israelite, Baron Edmond de Rothschild), beginning of the nineteenth century as mediators between
foreign consuls and Protestant missionaries. Later, the West and Palestine.
important agents of technological transfer were Christian These local and foreign classes, numbering on the eve of
American and German settlers who came t9 the Holy World War I about one-fifth of the country's population,
Land in the 1850s and 1860s, and Muslim Circassians were the ones who not only introduced but enjoyed most
and Bosnians who immigrated to Palestine in the 1860s of the modem technologies, thus creating a dual society
and 1870s from the Balkans and the Caucasus with and economy. Some opposition to change came from the
Ottoman encouragement. From 1882 on, the dominant Muslim Arab majority of the country: cutting telegraph
factor was the influx of Jews from Europe influenced by wires and poles (in 1865), damaging carriages, and the like
the 'settlement engineers' and policies of Jewish (Shva and Ben-Amotz 1973: 181). Some of this opposition
institutions and leaders, including the Zionist movement was motivated by xenophobia, or, as in some Western
from the 1890s on. They applied to Palestine concepts and countries (e.g., Stein 1991: 10) and in tropical Africa and
models of French, German, and Eastern European India, Western technology was seen as a threat to the
nineteenth-century technology and settlement (Kark prevailing culture and traditional employment patterns
1984: 183-96; Penslar 1991; Window 1 p. 538; Figure (Headrick 1988: 12).
1.1). Among the Jewish immigrants to Palestine were some When the British consul in Jerusalem, James Finn, spoke
who engaged in occupations and professions new to the in 1856 to an Arab effendi in Jaffa about the necessity of
country (Table 1). Here must be mentioned a class of building jetties along the Mediterranean coast, and the
semi-local and local entrepreneurs - Muslims (effendis need to open an additional gate in the city wall, the
and the local Arab elite), Christians (including Christian improvement of roads and the introduction of coach
Arabs), and Sephardi and other Jews originating from the transportation, he received the following answer: '''But,''
Middle East and North Africa - that served from the said the effendi (not a Turk but one of the Arab city
The Inlroduction of Modem Technology into the Holy Land (J 800- J 9 J4 eE} 531
notables), "we don't do this on principle. When I have 64). The United States consul in Jerusalem, Thomas R.
money to spare I lay it out on a house, a slave, a diamond, Wallace, in a report to the State Department in 1910, gives
a fine mare or a wife; but I do not make a road up to that a more balanced explanation for the meager sales of
object in order to invite strangers to come that way..."' modem American farm implements in Palestine, but agrees
(Finn 1878 Vol. I: 191). Western prejudice attributed this that the existing tools and implements used by the local
attitude to Muslim nature: Arab farmer classes 'are but little different from those used
by the patriarchs'. Among the reasons for this he adduces
No artificial fertilizers are used. Modem machinery and the stony conditions of the land, the unsuitability of
implements are little known. The cheap labor in Anatolia machinery for some types of soil, lack of proper
often makes their use uneconomical. It is hard to change instruction, want of care and indifference as to the
the customs of Oriental peoples: this statement is
particularly true of the Moslems, since they are not implements used, the cheapness of labor, cultivation in
mechanically inclined and soon abandon any mechanical small patches, the communal system of farming, and the
contrivance when it gets out of order. (Nickoley 1924: poverty of the farmers. He went on to say that even the
281) Jewish and German farmers, who are far in advance of the
natives in methods of cultivation, use out-of-date farm
This seemed true also to British military intelligence in implements (Wallace 1910c: 370-5).
Palestine in World War I: 'The Arab fellah is still contented However, in time, the local Arabs also began to
to follow the method of the Bible.' (Great Britain 1917: appreciate the modernization of infrastructure in the
532 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Ruth Kark
Plate 3 Jewish almshouses and the modern w indmill erected by Plate 4 The irrigated gardens at Artas south of Bethlehem, the first
Moses Montefiore in Jerusalem (source: Manning 1874: 115) modern European agricultural experiment in Palestine (photograph Kark
1980)
278). The first airplane arrived at the end of 1913, but it
was just a curiosity. introduced chiefly by Protestant missionaries, who strove
to bring the native Arab Christians and Muslims, and the
local Jews, 'nearer heaven'. The British consul James Finn,
Spheres of technological diffusion
and his wife Elizabeth Anne were very much involved in
The main spheres into which modern technology was such activities (Finn 1878).
introduced into Palestine during the period 1800-1914 Two groups of American settlers in Artas (Plate 4) and
were agriculture, crafts, manufacture and industry, Jaffa - the former led by Clorinda S. Minor in 1851-
infrastructure (transport and road services, communi- 1855, and the latter by George W.]. Adams in 1866-1867
cations, energy, finance, education, health and welfare), - had advanced ideas about farming methods and
construction and private consumption. Important criteria introducing modern machinery in order to achieve
for examining technological development in its cultural agricultural progress and economic success in the Holy
and economic context are the processes of transformation Land. Minor's small group sent or brought from
in the energy-base of the country (Avitsur 1972, 1974, Philadelphia seeds, agricultural tools, farm implements
1989). Avitsur identified four stages. Two parallel ones for and fixtures (plows, mechanical tools, a flour-mill and
the period 1800-1860 were characterized by technological medicines) . The Adams group placed special emphasis on
advance and the beginnings of mechanization based on the bringing with them - apart from prefabricated wooden
improvement of biological (human and animal), water and houses from Maine - machines, tools, seeds and animals
wind power. The third stage, from 1860 on, was marked that could further modern farming methods: Johnson's
by the introduction and use of steam power to operate 'patent shifting mold-board and gang plow', Smith's
machines in industry, agriculture and transportation. The 'double-back action drill', and a wonderful combined self-
fourth stage began in 1897 with the importation of internal adjusting reaping, threshing, sacking, grinding and bolting
combustion engines running on kerosene. machine. Despite their shortlived existence in the country,
these pioneering groups were to have a lasting influence in
Agriculture these realms (Kark 1990c: 76-89) .
The agricultural sector took prime place in technological In the 1860s and 1870s a few Muslim Circassians and
experimentation and progress. This included new Bosnians, coming from Russia and Bosnia introduced
agricultural tools and machinery and different cultivation advanced agricultural methods (the use of the scythes for
methods and crops. From 1831 and until the organized mowing), and skills in animal husbandry (Ruppin 1918:
settlement of the German Templars in 1868, there had 33). But the main innovators in agriculture from the late
been only a few pioneering and short-lived beginnings - 1860s on were, undoubtedly the pietist German Templars
the introduction of wind-powered flour mills (by Ibrahim who came from Germany, Russia and the United States.
Pasha the Egyptian governor of Syria and Palestine and the They also inspired the Jewish agricultural school Miqve
Armenian monastery in the 1830s, and by Sir Moses Yisrael, founded in 1870 by the French philanthropic
Montefiore in the 1850s) (Plate 3), and the installation in Alliance Israelite Universelle, and the first Jewish
Jerusalem, Jaffa, Haifa and Nablus of European agricultural settlements established from 1878 on. As
mechanized oil-presses and hydraulic cotton balers, and Thalmann (1991 : 158-71) has shown, the Templar
water pumps from England. These improvements were settlement was accompanied by a process of diffusion of
534 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Ruth Kark
modern agricultural innovations from Germany in
particular, and from Europe and America. In agrotechnol-
ogy, it included tools and modern machinery: light and
heavy steel plows from Ulm; plows operated by horse gear
(manege) - 'Gopelpflug' - and later by steam loco mobiles,
some of which were not always suitable for local con-
ditions; scythes, harvesting machines, drills and mowing
machines. A ribbed stone threshing roller was imported
from Russia to replace the local threshing sleds. These
machines were either imported from Europe and the US,
and sold in Jaffa and Haifa (see advertisement for
McCormick machines, Figure 4), or assembled, adapted
and, toward the end of the period, manufactured in
Palestine.
The Templars instituted rational, intensive farming
Plate 5 Mansian on the Zarghania estate in the northern Sharon Plain
using irrigation and fertilizers (unknown to Arab fellahin), - one of many built in the 1 870s by absentee landlords an their estates
and regular crop rotation, including green fodder such as (photograph Kark 1985)
clover, which enabled feeding cattle in barns and
stimulated the development of dairy farming. They From the little we know about Arab agrotechnology it
planted vineyards for wine production, and also seems that it remained mostly traditional, with no
introduced improved strains of animals and plants, and intensification or development of an agricultural infra-
methods of disease and pest control. structure. However, there was an expansion of cultivated
The agricultural school at Miqve Yisrael concentrated areas and extensive planting of citrus and olive groves in
on orchards, dairy farming and European vegetable selected areas (Scholch 1981: 47). It was chiefly the Arab
gardening using modern machinery. It experimented with entrepreneurial absentee landlord class that adopted some
different crops (avocado, eucalyptus trees, grapefruit) and innovations in the cultivation of their newly-acquired
developed an advanced agricultural industry (wine, dairy, estates from the 1870s on (Plate 5).
vegetable and fruit processing) (Avitsur 1984: 235-46).
Besides providing an agricultural education, the school Waterworks
aimed to introduce modern technology into Palestine by The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 greatly stimulated
means of trained technicians (Penslar 1991: 15-25). international shipping in the eastern Mediterranean. One
However, the early Jewish moshavot could not afford of the effects this had on Palestine was increased demand
modern technology and adopted inexpensive, simple tools. for Jaffa oranges in Europe, which was the prime moving
They engaged in traditional agricultural dry-farming force behind the 'water revolution' which permitted
practices - mainly of grain crops. When Baron Rothschild intensive agriculture, and the expansion of citrus groves
of Paris became involved in the Jewish settlements in the and irrigated gardens. The area of citrus groves grew from
1880s, he tried by means of his administrators and experts a few hundred dunams (1 dunam = 1,000 square meters, or
to inculcate contemporary technical, social and cultural ca a quarter of an acre) at the beginning of the nineteenth
French concepts for the creation of an ideal Jewish farmer century, to 30,000 dunams in 1914 - in the Jerusalem
community in the moshavot. This was done through province alone. With European equipment it was now
heavy capital investment in advanced technological know- possible to drill down to a depth of 100 m and to pump the
how (systematic fertilization, spraying against pests and water up through pipes, instead of digging 10-12 m wells.
diseases, thinning of orchards, and improvement of The traditional noria water-raising wheel operated by draft
harvesting methods) and modern European machinery animals which could provide about 5 cubic meters of water
(pumps, mechanized plows, reapers, threshers, steam an hour was improved from the mid-nineteenth century.
engines), in order to develop intensive commercial From 1897, larger buckets and iron gears were operated by
agriculture based on monoculture of wine-grapes oil engines (3-5 hpj to raise 16-24 cubic meters of water
(Aaronsohn 1993: 1-14). By the 1890s and the an hour. Later, vertical force pumps of two or three
beginning of the twentieth century, the Jewish agri- cylinders operated by oil engines or suction coal-gas
cultural sector tended towards diversification and modern motors (7-15 hpj were able to raise 25-60 cubic meters
mixed farming - the introduction of new species and per hour. From a detailed report in 1908, it seems that 50
expansion of citrus groves, almond, olive and mulberry percent of the oil suction engines in the vicinity of Jaffa
plantations, and dairy and poultry farms. Modern came from one firm (Hornsby) in England, 45 percent from
machines and packing machinery were imported from one German firm (probably Deutz) and 5 percent from
the US and Europe. other firms, mostly English. The norias cost $140-$200
The Introduction of Modem Technology into the Holy Land (1800- 1914 eEJ 535
~ ~'-: ;;b"i"~ ~
, , ·",,;.I"h ~
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~ ~ ~ - 4,990
~I
.
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Estimat ed pop ul ati on in 1914: 800.000 o, , , 50 tOOkm
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Figure 1.1 The process of spotial change in Palestine, 1 800- 1914 (source: Kark 19841
WINDOW 2
. ""'
~~~~~
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industry &.
Raw 1ll:lIcrJJls
Ellergy. Transpon
& CUl\lI1lUlllCo.tIlOIlS
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Fooc..I, Ilou~cho[d
o
&Clolillng
Holl, the Annales perspective of the 'long duration' are spectacularly well placed to make contributions. That
represents a 'new approach to the past~ because it is ideology is not necessarily limited to historical periods is
through the fundamental conditions imposed by geology, shown in Gopher's suggestion that actors in the PNA were
geography, and climate that events and structures are given consciously recovering from the crisis at the end of the
meaning. Taking a long look at a region's prehistory and seventh millennium BCE. But I suppose that one person's
history is also supported because it demands genuine 'Biblical Archaeology' may be hopelessly retrogressive
interdisciplinary research. Interdisciplinary does not mean (say, in ASOR meetings) while another's 'Biblical
simply that an archaeologist should employ a botanist to Archaeology' is moving into the vanguard of latest
appraise pollen or send a charcoal sample to a physicist for archaeological research (for example, at the SAA or AAA,
radiocarbon dating. Rather, one must use all possible or in this volume with Bunimovitz's and Stager's
resources - as the remarkable trinity of Goldberg, Smith, chapters).
and Grigson have demonstrated - from as many disciplines In the required perspective of the longue duree, it seems
as are pertinent in order to understand the historical nature to me that there are three themes that can be identified as
of social relations. Social organization and ch:fnge are underlying social organization and change in ancient
dependent - the trendy word is 'contingent' - on a past Palestine/lsrael: diversity, scale, and foreign impact ( aka
that 'agents' reproduced, reacted against, and otherwise exogenous change, diffusion). All three can be sub-
used to mold the present; and, of course, the past was and stantively separated although they cannot be sealed in
is itself continuously shaped and interpreted by human analytical tunnels. Since it is not my task to repeat to you
actors in the historical present. In the recent history of what the papers have already made clear, I shall be brief in
archaeology, of course, this is a modernist, almost post- this Gloria about diversity, while adding a few comments
modernist view, and it is to be contrasted explicitly with on foreign impact. I will reserve comments on scale for the
the so-called 'New Archaeology'. That archaeological Credo.
school, founded in the heady days of the 1960s, in which As nearly as I can tell, almost every paper I read refers
posltlVlsm, functionalism, ecological adaptationism, to the diversity of the region. I do not believe this is due to
systems theory, and unilinear evolutionsim flourished, is a desire to read modern concerns with multiculturalism
now regarded as an intellectual embarrassment in the into the past; rather, it reflects something - dare I say? -
history of the archaeology. We have absorbed certain of Braudellian. Danin and Goldberg discuss the region's 'high
New (or pr~ssual) Archaeology'S contributions - mainly geographic richness and diversity', its extremes of zonation
the attention to research design and quantitative methods - in a relatively small area, its 'high numbers of plant
and have jettisoned most of the rest, especially the species'; Gilead notes 'impressive techno-typological
misguided rejection of historical method. In this context, variety' among simple Upper Paleolithic foragers; Goring-
espousal of the longue duree is certainly praiseworthy and Morris claims to identify niches and specific groups of
perhaps even a 'newapproach'. people in the Epipaleolithic and Valla did so easily for the
The Annales perspective and its interdisciplinary Natufian; Levy talks of 'regionalism' and the classically
emphasis also holds that disciplinary territoriallsm structural contradiction between the production of elite
cannot be allowed to control the process of analysis. goods for interregional exchange and the local regulation
Since we cannot assume that technical analyses represent of common resources and the management of risk;
unassailable truth, especially when they defy archae- Finkelstein pluralizes dimorphism (rightly, in my
ological and historical logic, scientists must be integrated estimation); many see the region as a land of villages (rll
within the interpretive processes of archaeology and return to that topic in .the Credo); nan and Finkelstein,
history. Archaeology, thus, is not merely a technique of with fabulously rich data, isolate different behaviors in
how to get things from the ground and it is no more free lowlands, highlands, steppelands, the social isolation of
from intellectual bias, as Silberman has shown, than small communities, the marginality of much of the land;
textual analysis. Indeed, the fun of archaeology is that it is Holladay cites 'broken highland and dissected slopes';
a quintessentially integrative endeavor, as much concerned Anderson delineates the amalgamation of various motifs of
with mentalires as it is with pots. From my outsider's differing religious orientations on tombs; Whitcomb
purview, it has always seemed odd that those self-styled stresses 'zones of conflict of increasing intensity'. Social
'Syro-Palestinian' archaeologists who condemn the term groups/orientations include the following: Neanderthals
'Biblical Archaeology' most vociferously are just the ones and Sapiens (perhaps these are biological orientations),
who know how to employ the complicated layers of the Canaanites, Israelites, Romans, Arameans, Amonites,
Biblical text to best effect! - none better than Bill Dever, Moabites, Edomites, Phoenicians, Sea Peoples, Philistines,
the Biblical Archaeology Review's Prince of Darkness. Greeks, Persians, Franks, Assyrians, Byzantines, Arabs,
Indeed, in modern anthropological archaeology, the Ottomans - and this is only a partial list.
growth fields are ideology and historical archaeology Some of the folk listed above, of course, must be booked
and these are the fields in which Region X archaeologists under foreign impact, as well as under diversity. The most
Conclusion: A Mass in Celebration of the Conference 545
Credo TRIBES
A B
rest of the postulated characteristics of the state and so argued in University of Arizona dissertations by Alexander
bring the not directly observable dimensions of ancient Joffe (1993) and Steven Falconer (1987) for the MB and
reality into view (Figure 2). EB respectively, the archaeological world is going to have
In recent years this use of the comparative method has to pay increasing attention to evidence such as that
been refuted. While all the arguments need not be presented by Tom Levy.
rehearsed here, it may be important to note that they entail From this brief discussion of chiefdoms, it can be seen
a complete reevaluation of the use of the comparative that in recontextualizing some categories which have been
method in anthropological archaeology. If, as the argument elevated to intellectual fetishes in social evolutionary
goes (see Yoffee 1993a), there are various evolutionary theory, new insights can emerge. Certainly, we do not
trajectories, not simply a single step-ladder leading to the move forward by labelling Region X a 'chiefdom' at some
state on which all societies can be ranked (Figure 3), then point in time; rather, we need to characterize specific
no formative stage of a state-level society can be modelled modes of production, orders of stratification, and
according to any whole ethnographic example. Chiefdoms, ideological structures. I am not arguing against any use
for example, which assuredly do exist and are extremely of categories and typologies; rather, having got a category,
variable, may not precede the state at all, but rather may be we must immediately unpack it, trace the variability within
part of an alternate evolutionary trajectory to it. In 'new it, and proceed to more and better investigations. Simple
social evolutionary theory', the basis for cross-cultural declarations that x-residues fit an abstract, ideal type and
analysis consists (in part) in comparing - and contrasting - thus can earn a typological name should not be considered
trajectories of social change, not the projection into the a model of advanced thinking by Region X archaeologists
archaeological record of ethnographic analogies jerked out newly ticketed on the good ship Anthropology.
of time, place and historical sequence. Unpacking is also just what is needed in considering the
Tom Levy's chapter, which uses the term chiefdom, I terms 'city', 'city-state', and 'urbanism' which are used in
believe deserves wide distribution among archaeology's many of the chapters dealing with early historical periods
many chiefdom afficionados. Levy explicidy argues that of ancient IsraellPalestine. Now, in a worldwide,
Chalcolithic chiefdoms do not fall into an evolutionary comparative perspective it should be noted that all the
stage that precedes states. This argument is similar to earliest states (Mesopotamia, Indus Valley, China, Andes,
David Anderson's (1990) on the Mississippian of the Maya, Teotihuacan: the exception is Egypt, which is a
American Southeast, in which a cycle (also discussed by regional state) are not states at all, they are city-states
Israel Finkelstein) of chiefdoms is delineated; I reckon that (although being city-states is not the only thing that can be
this cycle may hold for the Puebloan American Southwest said about them). In early Mesopotamia, for example, city-
as well. The point is that elaborated chiefdoms usually states are all autonomous, independent of larger regional
cycle back to less elaborated chiefdoms; this may be the authority (which occasionally does form, after which it
syndrome of non-linear social change Gophna has collapses), they depend on a productive, adjacent
discussed in his chapter. If this estimation of the Ancient hinterland, and they exist within a larger ideological
IsraellPalestine situation is correct, and it has also been boundary that can be called a 'civilization'. This
Conclusion: A Mass in Celebration of the Conference 547
'civilization' is what makes Mesopotamia 'Mesopotamia' 'Heardand of Cities' (Adams 1981), Falconer is justified in
(or the Maya 'Maya'); that is, the Mesopotamian city- calling ancient IsraellPalestine the 'Heardand of Villages'
states may be considered part of 'Mesopotamia', not (Falconer 1987).
because there is any political boundary of Mesopotamia I close this Credo with some really big and inspirational
but because the concept of Mesopotamian civilization is thoughts on the term 'complexity': all human social and
culturally demarcated. Furthermore, in these Mesopota- cultural systems are complex - from hunter-gatherers,
mian city-states, there are no totalitarian Asiatic Modes of who have the most complex array of kinship categories
Production, oriental despotisms, monolithic controllers of and ceremonial life, to states that are riven in complex
production, temple-states, or all-knowing, all-seeing economic and political ways. It seems to me that
bureaucratic apparatuses of any kind. There are rather 'complexity inflation' in archaeology (as in 'complex
various kinds of elites and social orientations; while hunter-gatherers' or 'complex chiefdoms' or in this
craftsmen work for great estates, independent entre- conference Gilead's reference to 'complex Neanderthals')
preneurs contract with those same organizations (van de has resulted from a confusion in which the complexities of
Mieroop 1992; Charpin 1982; Stol 1982; Yoffee 1993b). recovery and analysis in modern scientific archaeology
Social groups and their leaders struggle for dominion or have become a shorthand for the complexity of social
independence within the city-states and the city-states with organization that is being studied. Naturally, we need to
each other. understand what kind of complexity - complex
Two other terms that must be unpacked are 'collapse' subsistence rounds, complex genealogical patterns, or
and 'ruralism' (or 'ruralization'). Although archaeologists complex, stratified societies - we might be dealing with;
who study the evolution of early states have explained but let us eschew the inevitably value-laden oppositions of
regions and regional hierarchies in terms of urban places, 'simple' vs 'complex' when dealing with different kinds of
they have seldom meditated that cities are not simply human complexity. Similarly, in considering 'peer-polity
superimpositions on a traditional and stable countryside. interaction', which was developed by Renfrew and Cherry
To be sure, comments have been made about change in (1986) for the polities of Greece and the Aegean, we can
rural communities but, it seems to me, these comments see that some 'peers' in some systems were not evolving at
have been based largely on modern ethnographic the same pace and in the same direction as others.
analogies, usually drawn from fields such as develop- Nowhere is this clearer than ancient Western Asia in
ment economics, and have not been rooted in empirical which ancient IsraellPalestine is certainly not a 'peer' of its
investigations on the nature of social organization and neighbors. I suspect that LaBianca's attempt to portray an
the reasons for change in the rural communities of the alternate kind of complexity and a different set of peers to
ancient states themselves. understand his data in Jordan may turn out in the end
In the earliest states (and especially in Mesopotamia, quite useful.
due to the pioneering settlement pattern research of
Adams), it can be shown that rural communities are made
Sanctus
rural; they are not relicts of past communities, 'building
blocks' that are parts of a simpler state of nature, as it As can be seen from the above liturgical sections, I have
were, upon which cities, states, or city-states are erected. composed a Mass of Celebration not a Requiem Mass:
'Ruralization' (a term I think I coined in an SAA there is no Lacrimosa - weeping over the state of
symposium in 1986, and which has been discussed in archaeology in Ancient PalestinelIsrael here, no
ancient IsraellPalestine by Falconer and Joffe) is the evil Confutatis - intention to confound the assembled
twin of 'urbanization' - since the countryside is experts, who have have had to endure these remarks
restructured through its relation to cities - and one which they may righdy consider do less than justice to
cannot consider the two independendy. In Palestine/ their papers, and, most of all, there is no Dies Irae: my
Ancient Israel, the argument can be made (and has been view is just the opposite.
made by Falconer and Joffe) that cities are 'collapses' from If these papers show that Palestine/Ancient Israel is not
the rural normalcy in the region. That is, if collapse is not an early state like Mesopotamia (or other early states), and
an end of anything and in fact usually leads to I have argued consequendy that categories like chiefdom,
reformulation (see Yoffee and Cowgill 1988), it is cities city-state and ruralism must be unpacked and historicized,
in Palestine/Ancient Israel that are atypical and thus disembedded from their associations with a now
represent 'collapses' from the normal village-level discredited old social evolutionary theory, the study of
organization of social and political life. 'Ruralization' in Palestine/Ancient Israel seems to me more relevant to
Mesopotamia is thus a different process than the one mainstream academic enterprises, especially Anthropology,
resulting in villages in Palestine/Ancient Israel; in fact, in History, and Near Eastern Studies, than ever before.
urbanization there is the formal counterpart of ruralization Exacdy as Shlomo Bunimovitz said at the conference,
in Mesopotamia. H Adams can dub Mesopotamia the there is little theory that is appropriate for the analysis of
548 Part VI * The Rise of Christianity and Islam in the Holy Land * Norman Yoffee
small-states, village-based states, secondary states or the Benedictus
. on growth of states and city-states.
constraints ' H
co~parison with the earliest states is to be guarded
I do not think I need to remind you that one of the most
agamst, and for the most part resisted, one must insist that traditi?nal q~estions asked in God's Own Country is 'Why
are things different there than in other countries?' The
comparison also entails an appreciation of contrast and it
answer may be that while ancient Israel, Palestine, the
is the specification of contrast that is that rarest of avises in
social evolutionary theory. The future is bright for those Levant, Canaan, or whatever the region is called is
archaeologists of Palestine/Ancient Israel who have the different from the earliest states, and especially different
courage to halt being theory-consumers and to start from its neighbors Egypt and Mesopotamia it is not
becoming theory-providers. ?ecess~ily different from all other societies. B~ using the
impreSSive array of survey data, vast and continuing
I realize that I have said little about some periods and
excavation projects, and unparalleled historical sources
this is not only because I didn't get some papers in time
to think about them or even because I'm utterly that have been assembled by talented, open-minded
scholars (and especially now by younger scholars who are
unqualified to appraise them: the clarity and skill of
Whitcomb, Rosen-Ayalon, and Kark do not need my no longer compelled to fight the battles for and against
impertinences. But in my last nod to Braudel and his 'Biblical Archaeology' that have always seemed so bizarre
to outsiders), new approaches to the past will continue to
disciple Levy, I do wish to resume one point with which
Silberman began the conference: if we are to take flourish - in the Region we can't quite name, but which we
lov~ nonetheless, or which we would love, if it only could
seriously the long perspective of history, we ancient folk
get Its act together. Hosanna in excelsis.
need to look seriously at the excellent scholarship on
Ottoman and Byzantine periods. By way of reference, one
can observe in Adams' Heartland of Cities most clearly Note
what is the shape and scale of ancient Mesopotamia by
1. This chapter is a slightly revised version of my dsicussion
seeing just how different was a really centralized
presented in San Diego and I maintain much of the style of the
administration in the same area in Abbasid and Umayyad oral presentation. It is based on reading of the papers sent to me
times, and especially how such centralization affected the and my notes on papers presented at the conference but which I
environment in ways unthinkable to rulers in the more did not receive. Note that the original title of the conference was
ancient past. 'Archaeology of the Holy Land: New Approaches to the Past'.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Preface Bloch, M. 1966. French Rural History: An Essay on its Original
Bennett, J.W. 1976. The Ecological Transition: Cultural Anthropology Characteristics. London: Roudedge.
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Butzer, K. 1982. Archaeology as Human Ecology: Method and Theory the Age of Phillip II (revised edition, trans: S. Reynolds). London:
Collins.
for a Contextual Approach. London: Cambridge University Press.
Bulliet, R.W. 1992a. Pottery Styles and Social Status in Medieval
Braude~ F. 1972. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in
Khurasan. In Archaeology, Annales, and Ethnohistory (ed. A.B.
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Collins. Bulliet, R.W. 1992b. Annales and Archaeology. In Archaeology, Annales,
Clarke, D.L. 1978. Analytical Archaeology (Second Edition). London: and Ethnohistory (ed. A.B. Knapp). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Methuen & Co. Press, pp. 131-4.
Dever, W.G. 1993. Biblical Archaeology: Death and Rebirth. In Biblical Champion, T.C. (ed.) 1989. Centre and Periphery - Comparative Studies
Archaeology Today, 1990 (eds A. Biran and J. Aviram). Jerusalem: in Archaeology. London: Unwin Hyman.
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INDEX
animal husbandry 247-9
A Pottery Neolithic to Iron Age 250-5
Annales paradigm 4-8
Aaronsohn, Ran 527, 534, 535 change processes 7-8
Abbott, F.F. 459 innovation and technology 6-7
Abel, F.M. 474, 475, 504 major transitions 6
Acheulean lithic entities 99-100 pattern and process 6
Acheulo-Yabrudian culture 98 religion and ideology 7
Acre social organization 7
mosque 513, 520 Annales school 2-4
Ottoman khan 520 center-periphery 8
Adams, George W.J. 533 Applebaum, S. 449-53, 455-8, 462, 465, 468
Adams, Robert McC. 291, 294, 320, 327, 547, 548 Aqaba
Adams, W.Y. 332 Early Islamic period 498
Adas, M. 524 excavation plan 498
Adjeman, Y. 391 kilns 495
advertisements 528, 529, 535 arable agriculture 249-50
aeolian landscapes 47-51 archaeological exploration 1919-39 15-17
agrarian society, Early Israel 391-3 archaeologists, 19th century 14-15
agricultural development, Iron Age I 357-8 archaeology
agricultural specialization, Early Israel 389-91 evolutionary process 78-9
agriculture interdisciplinary x-xiv
Byzantine period 483-4 social change 79
modern period 533-4 space-time approach 86-92
Negev 485-6 architecture
Ahab's palace 420 Byzantine period
carved inlays 426 religious 477-81
Aharoni, M. 385 secular 473-7
Aharoni, Y. 13, 363, 386,387, 389, 392, 416 Iron Age II 422-3
Ahituv, S. 326 Middle Bronze Age 309
Ahlstrom, G.W. 351, 363, 364, 365, 381, 458 Roman period 454-5
Ain Ghazal figurines 191 Arensburg, B.
Akazawa, T. 117, 119 foragers, Upper Paleolithic 136, 137
al- see main part of name Lower Paleolithic 96
Albright, William Foxwell 416, 437, 501 Middle Bronze Age 301
antiquity in the Holy Land 9, 13, 17, 18 Modern Humans, origins of 123
highland frontiers 351, 354, 363, 464 Neolithic Period 219, 220
Israel and Judah, kingdoms of 384, 389, 392 people of the Holy Land 61, 63-8, 71
Late Bronze Age 320, 325, 330, 340, 341, 345, 354 Ariel, D.T. 437
Middle Bronze Age 297, 312, 314 Armstrong, G.T. 478
A1gaze, G. 228 Arnold, D.E. 220
A1on, David 249, 257, 313, 500 Arnon, I. 249
Chalcolithic period 229, 230, 232, 233, 235-7, 239 arrowheads, Nahal Hemar 77
Neolithic 198, 202, 207 Artas, irrigated gardens 533
A1oni, R. 30 artifacts, Roman period 461
alphabet, Middle Bronze Age 312 arts
A1t, A. 323, 340, 351, 361, 362, 383, 401, 501 Byzantine period 482-3
Amiel, A. 49 Early Neolithic 197-8
Amiran, D.H.K. 256,268, 327,416 Iron Age II 423-5
Amiran, R. 241, 269, 275, 277, 279, 286, 310, 455 Middle Bronze Age 309-11
Ammon Artzy, M. 371
aerial view 400 Asaro, P. 334
Rabbath-Amman 403 Ashdod 346
settlement 406-7 goddess 333
statues 410 offering stand 341
Tell el-Umeiri 412 site plan 340
tribalism 407-8 Asher, Robert 2
Amudian culture 98-9 Ashkelon 345-6
Anati, E. 60, 210, 229 aerial view 343
Anbar, M. 301, 311 ramparts 344
Anderson, David 546 site plan 340
Anderson, James D. 9, 240 spools 347
Anderson, W.P. 372, 379, 380, 381, 544 Ashtor, E. 494
animal bones 120-1, 197 Auger, R. 352
animal domestication 187, 195-6 Aurenche, O. 141, 190, 193
606 Index
socio-political organization 241-2 Cowgill, George L. 294, 295, 314, 328, 431, 547
welfare 243 Cowley, A. 432
Chambon, A. 392 craft specialization, Chalcolithic 232-3, 244
Champion, T.e. 8 cranial measurements 70, 71
Chaney, M.L. 351, 363, 386 see also skulls
Chapman, R. 331 Crawford, 459
Charpin, Dominique 547 Cresswell, K.A.C. 499, 517
Chartier, R. 5 Crognier, E. 65
Cherry, John 5, 301, 314, 315, 324, 326, 547 Cross, F.M. 377, 444, 454
Chevaillon, J. 148 Crouwel, J.H. 268
Chiat, M.J. 481 Crowfoot, G.W. 437, 440
Childe, G.V. 141 Crowfoot, J.W. 210, 426, 450, 477, 479
Chitty, D.J. 487 Crowfoot-Payne, J. 190, 194
chronological framework Crusader kingdom 11
general historic xvi Crusader Palestine
prehistoric xiv-xvi Frankish manor house 506
chronological table xvi Frankish village 505
chronological uncertainties 110-14 maisons fortes 505-6
chronology rural burgi 505
pottery 339 St. Anne's church 503
Sea Peoples 335-6 Samaritan sites 508
churches settlement patterns 506-8
Byzantine period 477-9 cult objects
Crusader Palestine 503 Early Neolithic 197-8
cities, Roman period 450-1, 463-4 Persian and Hellenistic Empires 441-4
city planning, Persian and Hellenistic Empires 437-9 cultivation
Claessen, H.J.M. 326 Early Neolithic 195-6
Clairmont, e. 436 Late Neolithic 249-50
Clark, G.A. 110, 251 cults, Middle Bronze Age 313-14
Clark, J.D. 93, 101, 110 cultural entities
Clark, S. 5 Acheulo-Yabrudian 98
Clarke, D.L. xiv,S, 207, 208 Amudian 98-9
Clarke, Edward Daniel 13 late Acheulean 99-100
class distinctions, Early Israel 376 Lower Paleolithic 93-6, 97-100
Claude, D. 474 pre-Aurignacian 98-9
Clermont-Ganneau, Charles 21, 432, 504, 517 Tayacian 97-8
Close, A.E. 79 Yabrudian 98
Clutton-Brock, J. 195, 196, 211, 247,251,258 cultures
coffins, Deir el-Balah 321 Late Bronze Age 320
cognitive-spiritual aspects, Upper Paleolithic 136-7 Lodian (Jericho IX) 210-11
Cohen, A. 519 Pottery Neolithic 214-15
Cohen, M.N. 200 Wadi Raba 211-14
Cohen, R. 259, 290 Yarmukian 209-10
Cohen-Finkelstein, Joelle 521, 523 Cuno, K.M. 527
COHMAP 201 Currid, J.D. 377
Cohn, N. 12 Curtin, P.D. 381
coins
Abbasid 494
Caesarea 471
Capernaum 494
D
Persian and Hellenistic Empires 435-6 Dalley, S. 309
Roman period 458-9, 462 Dan, J. 24, 30, 40, 43, 49, 50
Colledge, S.M. 144 Dan, Y.474,476,477
Collon, D. 310 Daniel, G. 76
colluvial settings 47 Danin, A. 24, 26, 28, 30, 33-8, 126, 168, 544
Commenge-Pellergrin, C. 229, 232 Dar, Shimon 353, 452, 453, 456, 457, 458, 464, 468
commercialization, Chalcolithic 242-3 Darmon, F. 45
communications, modern period 536-7 D'Arvieux, Laurent 11-12, 14
Conder, e.R. 504 Dauvois, M. 108
Conrad, K.I. 491 Davies, G.I. 372
Contenau, G. 432 Davies, M.S. 173, 175, 195, 196
Cook, J. 177 Davies, P.R. 351
Cooke, G.A. 432 Davis, S. 378
Cooley, R.E. 351 Davis, Simon J.M. 120
Coote, R.B. 351, 410 Calcolithic Period 232, 234
Cope, e. 175 Natufian culture 176, 187
Copeland, L. 98, 99, 100, 118, 123, 178 Neolithic, pre pottery 195, 196, 201
copper implements, Nahal Mishmar 227 plough and pasture, southern Levant 251, 253, 257, 258, 259,
copper javelins, Jebel Qa'aqir 288 267
Corbo, V. 476, 487 Davison, R.H. 527
Corrucini, R.S. 63 Dayan, T. 199
Coiiasnon, C. 476 Dayton, J.E. 384
Courty, M.A. 54 de Contenson, H. 198,220,229,241
Index 609
Eisenberg, E. 219, 229, 273, 358 field tower, Qarawat Bene Hassan 453
Eisenmann, V. 93, 97 figurines
Eisenstadt, Shmuel 6, 328 Ain Ghazal 191
Eisenstein, J.D. 345 Azor 246
Eitan, A. 455, 492, 516 Gilat 236
Ekron 346-8 Middle Bronze Age mould 308
public building 348 Netiv Hagdud 198
reconstruction 347 Persian and Hellenistic Empires 442, 443
site plan 340 Pottery Neolithic 218-19
Elad, A. 499, 522 Yarmukian 222, 223
Eldar, L. 229 Filastin, map 490
Eldridge, N. 371 Finkelstein, Israel 5
Elgarvish, J. 438, 439 conclusion 544, 546
Eliav, M. 537 Early Bronze Age 280, 282, 292, 293, 294
'En Besor Israel and Judah, kingdoms of 371, 373, 377, 383, 386-7,
Egyptian building 278 389-90,392
site 278 Late Bronze Age 323, 326, 328
Endo,63 Late BronzeJIron Age, Transjordan 406, 409
Engberg, R.M. 229, 241 Middle Bronze Age 302, 304, 305, 314, 317
environment plough and pasrure, southern Levant 259
Early Bronze Age 280 Sea Peoples, impact of 344, 349, 351, 354-5, 357, 359,
Iron Age I 352-4 360-5
environmental change 255-6 Finkielsztein, G. 438
environments, lacustrine 42-5 Finn, James 531, 533, 538
Enzel, Y. 45 Fischer, C.S. 524, 526
Eph'al, Israel 383, 385, 386 Fisher, Clarence 22
Epipaleolithic Fitzgerald, G.M. 205, 241
chronological framework 144 Flannery, Kent V. 193, 196, 198, 200, 248, 368
Early Fleisch, S.J. 119
cultural sequence 146-8 Fletcher, L. 2, 4
environmental background 146 flint tools; Yarmukian 209
Kebaran complex 152-3 flora 24-8
Masraqan 148-51 Foerster, G. 455, 460, 462, 474, 477
Nebekian 151-2 food animals 248
Nizzanan 153-5, 157 food producers, early see Early Neolithic
Ohalo II 168 food systems, Late BronzeJIron Age Transjordan 402-3
Qalkhan 152 foraging societies, transport cost model 80-1
tools 150, 151, 154, 155, 157 forgeries 21
food resources 144-6 Forster, R. 8
Late 166 Forsyth, G.H. 482
Middle Forsythe, A.B. 65
environmental background 156 fortifications
Geometric Kebaran 156-61 Persian and Hellenistic Empires 439-41
Mushabian 161-4 Roman period 453
Ramonian 164-6 Foucault, M. 9
tools 160, 163, 165 founder crops 248
paradigms and methodology 143-4 Fowler, D.O. 9
stratigraphic correlation of sites 149 Frankel, R. 441, 442, 483
Epstein, C. 219, 229, 232, 238, 250, 258, 265 Franken, H.J. 409, 494
Esse, Douglas L. 253, 259, 265, 293, 356, 371, 377, 382 Frankish
Et-Tabun Cave 50-1 manor house 506
Ettema, M.J. 9 sites 507
Evenari, M. 33 village 505
exploration 11-12 Frayer, D.W. 64
Freedman, D.N. 18, 324
Freidel, D.A. 128, 133, 137, 139
F Freu, J. 336
Frick, F.S. 405
factory, Jaffa 525 Fried, M.H. 7, 294
fakes 21 Friedman, E. 210
Falconer, Steven 290, 291, 293, 306, 409, 418, 546, 547 Friedman, J.D. 334
farmsteads Friedman, Richard E. 542
Hirbet Tanurah 454 Fritz, V. 384, 385, 389
Negev 485-6 Frova, A. 455, 474, 476
Roman period 452-3 fruit trees, Early Bronze Age 250
Farrand, W.R. 49, 50, 51, 113
Febvre, L. 2, 4, 7
Feinbrun-Dothan, N. 24, 26
Feraud, G. 96, 97
G
Ferembach, D. 65, 66, 69 Gaillard,I.M. 135
Ferring, C.R. 132, 135, 148 Gal, Zvi 304, 380, 383
fibres 257 Galilee skull 60-1, 62
field systems, Roman period 453 Galili, U. 67, 207, 218, 219
Index 611
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Wmner of the Biblical Archaeology Book Award 1997 for Best Scholarly Work in
Archaeology.
This comprehensive and highly illustrated study explores the human history in the Holy
Land, from the earliest prehistoric horninids, through the biblical and historical periods, up
to the twentieth century. Chronologically organized, each chapter outlines the major
cultural transitions which occurred in a given archaeological period and provides a review
of the most recent research concerning settlement patterns, innovations and technology,
religion and ideology, and social organization.
'This book is very different from the standard encyclopaedias of excavation or guides to the
monuments, and the University of Leicester [press] is to be congratulated for its courage in
publishing such a guide to current problems, and to current thinking.' The Times
Literary Supplement
'My students particularly liked this book. ..This reviewer would not be surprised if this book
proves to be a milestone in the archaeology of the Holy Land.' Bibliotheca Orientalis
'An authoritative and stimulating volume .. .It will remain a primary source for years to
corne.' Brian Fagan, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara
'It is innovative in the best sense. It will serve very well both as a stimulating textbook and as
a clearly written guide for the general reader.' P. R. S. Moorey, Ashmolean Museum,
University of Oxford