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hesperia yy (2008) SEPARATING FACT

Pages399-430
FROM FICTION IN THE
AIOLIAN MIGRATION

ABSTRACT
Iron Age settlements in the northeastAegean are usuallyattributed to
AioliancolonistswhojourneyedacrosstheAegeanfrommainlandGreece.
This articlereviewstheliteraryaccountsofthemigration and presents
the
relevant evidence,
archaeological witha focuson newmaterial from Troy.No
oneareaplayeda dominant roleincolonizingAiolis,noris sucha widespread
colonizationsupportedby the archaeologicalrecord.But the aggressive
promotionof migration accountsafterthePersianWarsprovedmutually
to bothsidesoftheAegeanandjustifiedthecomposition
beneficial ofthe
Delian League.

Scholarlyassessments in thenortheast
ofhabitation Aegeanduringthe
Iron are
Early Age remarkably most
consistent: settlements areattributed
toAioliancolonistswhohadjourneyed acrosstheAegeanfrom Thessaly,
Boiotia,Akhaia,ora combination Thereis nouniformity
ofallthree.1 in
theancientsourcesthatdealwiththemigration,although Orestesandhis
descendantsarenamedas theleadersin mostaccounts, andarecredited
withfounding coloniesovera broadgeographic area,including Lesbos,
Tenedos, thewestern and southerncoastsoftheTroad,andtheregion
between thebaysofAdramyttion and Smyrna (Fig. 1). In otherwords,
mainland Greecehasrepeatedlybeenviewedas theagentresponsible for

1. TroyIV,pp. 147-148,248-249; appendixgraduallydevelopedintoa Mountjoy,Holt Parker,Gabe Pizzorno,


Berard1959;Cook 1962,pp.25-29; studythatis includedhere
magisterial JohnWallrodt,Mal-
Allison Sterrett,
1973,pp.360-363;Vanschoonwinkel as a companionarticle(Parker2008). colm Wiener, and the anonymous
1991,pp.405-421;Tenger1999, It is our hope thatreadersinterestedin reviewersforHesperia.Most of trie
pp. 121-126;Boardman1999,pp.23- the Aiolian migrationwill read both articlewas writtenin the Burnham
33; Fisher2000,pp. 17-20; Bayne articles,since theyconstitutetwo sides Classics Libraryof the Universityof
2000,pp. 133-135,265-268,315-316; of the same coin, and each is dependent Cincinnati,and I thankJacquie Riley
Hertel2003,pp. 186-191;2007; Le- on the other. and Mike Braunlin,in particular,for
mos2007,pp.722-723. For assistancein the preparationof theirhelp.
WhenI beganwriting thisarticle, this article,I would like to thank Afterthis articlewent to press,a
I recognizedtheneedforan appendix Carolyn Asian,JohnBennet,Andrea new book on a similarsubjectappeared:
on theAiolicdialect,andmycolleague Berlin,Barbara Burrell,JackDavis, Hertel 2008.
Holt Parkeragreedto supplyit.That Pavol Hnila, PeterJablonka,Penelope

© The American School of Classical Studies at Athens


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THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 4OI

the Aiolian settlements in Lesbos and northwestern Asia Minor,which


werebelievedto havebeen foundedaftertheTrojanWar.
This featureofearlyGreekhistory has becomeso widelyacceptedby
scholarsthattheevidenceforit is rarelyassessedanymore. The samehas
beentrueofmyownwork:duringthepast18 years,inwhichI haveserved
as head of Greekand Roman excavationsat Troy,I neverquestionedthe
migration model,and assumedAioliancolonizationin all of mypublica-
tionson thenewexcavations.2 In reexamining theIronAge materialfrom
in
Troy preparation for final publication,however, it becameclearto me
thata reassessment oftheevidencefortheAiolianmigration was essential,
withthearchaeological and literary materialgivenequalweight,andwith
an eyetowardhistoriography, bothancientand modern.
Assessing the evidence forthe migrationrequiresan analysisof
ancientsettlements on both sidesof the Aegean,and it is worthnoting
how infrequently suchanalyseshavebeenundertaken. Even thoughmost
archaeologists would claim that the modern politicaldivisionsbetween
Greece and Turkeydo not influencetheirevaluationsof the historical
evidence,theexistingscholarship speaksotherwise.3This holdstrueeven
forbooksproducedrecently: historianstendto focuson eitherGreeceor
and
Turkey, publications thataccord equaltreatmenttobothareasarerare.4
In thisarticle,I firstreviewtheliterary accountsofthemigration andthen
present therelevant archaeological evidence,focusingon new materialfrom
Troy.I nextsituatetheevidencein itshistoricalcontext,examiningcases
in whichthe promotionof east-westconnectionsservedsome social or
politicalpurpose,and considerthe extentto whichthe migrationstories
areborneout bythematerialrecord.

THE ANCIENT LITERARY SOURCES

The firstappearanceof theterm"Aiolic"maybe in theLinearB textsof


Knossos,whereone finds"a3-wo-re-u-si" as a dativeplural.This maybe
a formof"Aiwoleusi," or "Aiolians,"but thefirstsignis broken,and cer-
taintyis impossible.In laterGreek,"ai6A,o<;" (of uncertainetymology)
means"rapid"and "shining, bright."5 Nothingrelatingto eitherAiolis or
Greekcolonizationin westernAsia Minor appearsin theHomericepics.
Odysseustravelsto Lesbos but establishesno settlement, and the king
of the islandis a non-Greeknamed Makar (Od. 4.342-344; II 24.544;
Diod. Sic. 1.3; 5.57.2).6The firstuse of thewordas a geographicalterm
comesin the Works and Days of Hesiod (lines635-638), wherethepoet
describeshis father's plightin Aiolian Kymeand eventualemigration to
Boiotia.7"Aiolic"was subsequently appliedby Mimnermos to Smyrnaas
well,whichmeansthattherubric's linkto partofthewestcentralcoastof

2. Cf.Snodgrass1987,pp.52-66, 4. E.g., Spencer1995;Mountjoy Schwertheim translates


aa3-wo-re-u-
fortheimpactofThucydides' descrip- 1998;Latacz2004. si"as "foreign butthisis far
warriors,"
tionoftheSiciliancolonieson their 5. DerNeuePauly1,1996,pp.335- fromcertain. I thankHolt Parkerfor
thearchaeological
excavators: results 342,s.v.Aeolis(E. Schwertheim). assistancehere.
weresometimes forcedto conformto CoMIKW KN Wm 1707;AuraJorro 6. See Spencer1995,pp.303-
accounts.
theliterary 1985,s.v.Aioles.A fulllistofancient 304.
3. Spencer1995,p. 272;Janikand literarysourcesregardingtheAiolian 7. West1978,p. 317.
Zawadzka1996,pp. 118-119. migration appears in Berard1959.
402 C. BRIAN ROSE

AsiaMinorwasin placebythe7thcentury.8 Nevertheless, in no partof


Hesioddowefindmention ofthefoundation ofcoloniesinthenortheast
Aegeanbymainland Greeks.
The nextrelevant references occurin theArchaicpoetry ofLesbos,
intheworksofAlkaiosandSappho.The ruling family of Lesbos borethe
namePenthelidai, after Penthilos, theson of Orestes, who was named by
Hellanikos, Strabo,andPausanias, amongothers, as themanwholedthe
Aioliansto Lesbos(Tzetz.ad Lykophr. 1374;Strabo13.1.3;Paus.3.2.1;
Pind.Nem.11.33).9Bythelater7thcentury, then,therulers ofLesbos
appear tohave claimed descent from the house of Atreus as a consequence
ofpost-Trojan Warmigration. At moreorlessthesametime,intheHo-
mericHymntoApollo, Makar,kingofLesbos,is namedas a sonofAiolos
who,in turn,is referred to as a Thessaliankingand listedwithDoros
andXouthosas sonsofHellen{Hymn. Horn. Ap.37).10Aiolostherefore
enters of
intothefamily Hellen; Makar and his Mytilinean descendants
acquiremainland Greekorigins; andThessaly assumes a roleintheAiolian
migration.
The islandofTenedosbeginsto figure in themigration accounts
in the5thcentury: Pindars 11thNemeanOde celebrates Aristagoras,
a citizenofTenedos,whoseSpartanancestor Peisandros joinedOrestes
inleadingan Aiolianforceto theshoresofTenedos(Pind.Nem.11.33).
The implication isthatonegeneration after
theTrojanWar,Tenedos, like
Lesbos,hadbeenseizedbya groupofmenfrom thePeloponnese, which
included theancestor ofAristagoras. Up tothispoint, theauthors dealing
withthemigration hadprovided no specificreasonforitsinauguration,
buta religiousmotiveis supplied by Demon ofAthens(fl.ca. 300 B.C.),
whorecords a prophecy thata plagueincentral Greecewouldendonlyif
Orestes weretofoundcoloniesandrestore shrines inareasthathadbeen
the
damagedduring Trojan War.11
Notalloftheseauthors agreedonwhatorwhereAiolisactually was.
By the 6th century, according to Herodotos, theoriginal regionofAiolis
laybetween Pergamon andSmyrna alongornearthecoast,andwascon-
trolledbya leagueof12citiesheadquartered inthesanctuary ofApolloat
Gryneion, between Elaia and Myrina. Herodotos separated areafrom
this
theTroad/>£r^, thecitiesofwhichhelinkstoLesbosandTenedos(Hdt.
8. ForAiolicSmyrna: West1992,
1.149-151).Bythe4thcentury B.C.,however, thetermhadbeenapplied
p. 87,fr.9. FortheIronAge settlement
tothewestern Troadinaddition totheoriginal cities(Strabo13.1.4,39). at Smyrna, see Cook andNicholls
BothHerodotosandThucydides alsorefer to partsofmainland Greece 1998,pp.43-45; Ozgunel1978.The
ashaving originallybeencalledAiolis- Thessaly, according totheformer, firstfortification wallat thesitedatesto
andthepartofAitoliabetween Pleuron andKalydon, toOzolian the late 9th century.
adjacent 9. Page 1955,pp. 149-150.
Lokris,according to the latter
(Hdt. 7.176.4;Thuc. 3.102.5; see alsoDiod. 10.The reference toAiolosas a
Sic.4.67.2). Thessalian,andas brother to Doros
Oneofthefullest accounts ofthemigration isprovided byStrabo, who andXouthos,appearsin the6th-cen-
includesundertherubric "Aiolis"theentire areafromKyzikos to Kyme, turyCatalogueofWomen,fr.9: see Mer-
including Tenedos and Lesbos, with the firststage of the migration dat- kelbachandWest1967,p. 7. See also
Ulf1996,pp.249-271;Hall 1997,
ing60 yearsaftertheTrojanWar(Strabo9.2.3,5; 13.1.1-4,58; 13.2.1; 42-43; 2002,pp.56-89; Most2006,
13.3.2-3;13.3.5).12The settlersdepart from AulisinBoiotia, liketheforces pp.xxx.
p.
ofAgamemnon, andproceed toThrace, underOrestes' sonPenthilos; then 11. FGrH 382 F20.
toDaskyleion, underhisgrandson Archelaos orEchelas;andfinally tothe 12. Leaf 1923,pp.43-45.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 403

Granikosareaand Lesbos,underhisgreat-grandson Gras,afterwhomthe


GranikosRiveris named.A secondteam,contemporary withtheexpedition
ofPenthilos, departed from Lokris and founded In
Kyme. Strabos account,
then,the colonizationis spreadacrossfourgenerations, fromOrestesto
hisgreat-grandson Gras,andtheroutediffers fromearlieraccountsin that
Lesbos is thelastto be occupied.
These sourcesforthe Aiolian migrationneed to be examinedin
connectionwiththoseforIonian colonizationfurther south,sincethey
function as twosidesofthesamecoin.13StrabodatestheAioliancoloniza-
tionfourgenerations earlierthanthatof theIonians,in whichmainland
GreeksfleeingtheDorians establishedcolonieson thewestcentralcoast
of Asia Minor,as well as on Samos and Chios, ultimately marrying the
nativewomenofCaria (Hdt. 1.146.2-3).14The name"Yaw(a)naya"in the
late-8th-century Assyriantextsis usuallyinterpreted as a reference to the
Ionians,althoughit seemsto applyto all residents ofwesternAsia Minor,
whetherGreekor not.
HomersaysnothingofGreekcoloniesin Ionia,althoughan ancestral
connectionbetweenIonia and Athenswas acknowledged byca. 600 B.C.,
when Solon referred to Atticaas the oldestland in Ionia (citedin Arist.
Ath.Pol 5).15The namesofthefourpre-Kleisthenic tribesareattestedin
inscriptions from several Ionian cities,and the Apatouriafestival, thepri-
marypublic manifestation ofIonian identity, was celebrated in both Ionia
andAthens.WhetherthetribalnamesandApatouriafestival traveled from
13. Roebuck1959,pp.24-31; Cook
eastto westorviceversais notentirely clear,althoughrecentscholarship
1962,pp.23-25,30-35; Huxley1966,
favorstheformer.16 By theend ofthe7thcentury theIonian citiesappear
pp.23-35; Emlyn-Jones 1980,pp. 12-
19; Vanschoonwinkel 1991,pp.367- to haveformeda league(thePanionion)centeredon thesanctuary ofPo-
399;Mclnerney 2001,pp.57-59; seidonat Mykale,acrossfromSamos,thereby complementing theAiolian
Thomas2001,pp.225-226;Hall 2002, League headquartered to the north at Gryneion.17
pp.67-71. DuringthisperiodIonia'sAthenianoriginswereincreasingly empha-
14. Hall 1997,pp.51-56; 2002,
of sized,primarily throughthe genealogicalmanipulationof the familyof
pp.67-71. Forrecentassessment
theDorianinvasion, seeMountjoyand Ion, theeponymousfounder. In thepseudo-HesiodicCatalogueofWomen,
Hankey1988,pp.30-32; Sakellariou writtensometimein thefirsthalfofthe6thcentury, Ion was presentedas
1990;Hall 1997,pp.56-65, 114-128; theson ofXouthosbyKreousa,daughterofErekhtheus, and grandsonof
Isthmia VIII, pp.378-379;Hall 2002, Hellen.18 Hekataios of Miletos,probablywriting in the late 6th century,
pp.73-82. makesIon thebrotherofLokris,eponymousfounderoftheLokrians,and
15. Hall 1997,p. 51; 2002,p. 69.
16. Cassola1957,p. 47; Huxley great-grandson ofOrestes(HekataiosofMiletos1). BythetimeofEurip-
1966,p. 31; Ulf1996,p. 271; Hall ides'Ion in the5th century, Xouthoswas droppedas fatherand replaced
2002,p. 70. Fortheattitude toward byApollo,althoughKreousa,as thelinkto Erekhtheus, remainedintact
IoniansamongeliteAthenians in the (Eur.Ion 57-75, 1589-1594). HerodotosandThucydides,amongothers,
Archaicperiod,see Connor1993.
regarded theAtheniancolonization ofIonia as certain, althoughMessenian
17. Hdt. 1.148;Roebuck1959,
Pylos, Boiotian Thebes,Phokis, and Peloponnesian Akhaia wereall cited
pp.28-31; Kleiner, Hommel,and
Muller-Wiener 1967;Hall 2002,
as potential founders.19*
Thereis clearlyno uniformity in thesedescriptions oftheAiolianand
pp.67-68; Lohmann2004.The Ar-
chaicPanionionhasrecently beeniden- Ionianmigrations, and thetemporaland spatialcomponentsofthestories
tifiedon theslopeson MountQatallar
varywidelyamongtheauthorswho describethem.But bytheend ofthe
andexcavated byHans Lohmann Archaicperiod,a generalbeliefin ancestral linksbetweenmainlandGreece
(2007a;2007b,pp. 129-167). andthestoriesofmigrations fromwestto
18.West1985;Hall 1997,pp.42-
andAsia Minorcertainly existed,
44; Most2006,p. lv. eastwerefirmly in place following thePersianWars.One striking feature
19. Hall 2002,pp.68-69. in all ofthesenarratives is thecontinuedprominence oftheroyalfamily of
404 C. BRIAN ROSE

Mycenaeoverthecourseofsevengenerations: Pelopsallegedlyjourneyed
fromAsia Minorto thePeloponnese,havingbeenraisedbetweenPhrygia
and Lydia;20his grandsonsMenelaos and Agamemnonweretheleaders
in thewaragainstTroy;and thelatter'sson Oresteswas creditedwiththe
subsequentAiolianmigration,as werehis descendants,amongwhomIon
himselfwas occasionallycounted.21

MODERN INTERPRETATIONS
The Aiolian/Ionian migrations haverarely beendoubtedin contemporary
scholarship, althoughinterpretationsof theevidenceareas diverseas the
relevantancientsources,and at one timetheywereaddressedin tandem
withIndo-Europeanmigrations. Alreadyin the 18th century, linguists
had soughtan Indo-EuropeanoriginfortheGreekswhilesimultaneously
embracing theaccountin Genesis(10:2-5) whereinJapheth, sonofNoah,
repopulated the westin the courseof his travels.22
This was the approach
adoptedby Schliemannin his firstbook on Troy,in whichhe assumed
thatnorthwestern Asia Minor had been a way-station in the east-west
migrations, and a similarapproachwas followedbyErnstCurtiusin Die
IoniervorderIonischen Wanderung.23This historical however,
interpretation,
was stilllinkedto Greekand Romanliterary accountsof themigrations,
whichresultedin an historicalreconstruction wherebythe ancestorsof
theIonians traveledfromAnatoliato Greece,and thenreturnedseveral
centuries later,alongwiththeAiolians,to foundcolonieson thewestcoast
ofAsia Minor.24
Schliemannwas hard-pressed to findanyactualevidenceof an Aio-
lian colonization,and in theend he placedit betweenhis Lydian(Sixth)
Settlement, whichhe datedto theLate BronzeAge,andtheArchaicGreek
levels.25Dorpfelds historianAlfredBrucknerrecognizedthe problems
inherent in thisplacement,and madeAioliancolonizationcontemporary
withLydiancontrolof theTroad,and so of EarlyArchaicdate.26Since
therewas no clearevidenceforcontinuoushabitationbetweentheBronze
and IronAges,theissueof a temporalhiatusbeganto be linkedto colo-
nization.Carl Blegen,Dorpfelds successoratTroy,arguedthatthehiatus
extendedfornearly400 years(ca. 1100-700 B.C.),endingonlywiththe
arrivalof Greeksettlers.27
Later scholarsdividedthe migrationamong severalperiodsdue to
theincreasingly frequentdiscoveriesof Mycenaean,Protogeometric, and

20. This explainswhyPelopswas toArkadiaa century later:Stewart theoriesregarding theoriginsofGreek


shownwearinga Phrygian cap in 1997.In thepoetryofPindar,theAigi- culture,see Ulf2004.
Greekart:LIMC IV, 1994,pp.282- netanheroAiakosbecameone ofthe 25. Schliemann 1881,pp. 127-128,
287,s.v.Pelops(I. Triantis). buildersofthewallsofTroy:Ol. 8.31- 209-210,587-588,607; 1884,p. 237.
21. Therewereotherheroicsagas 46; LIMC 1,1981,pp.311-312,s.v. 26. Dorpfeld1902,p. 573.
involvingAsia Minorinwhichthe Aiakos(J.Boardman). 27. Dorpfeld1902,pp.200-201;
growing primacy ofmainlandGreece 22. Smith1886,pp.463-472;Cur- TroyIV,pp. 147-148.Blegenproposed
wasreadily apparent.The heroTele- tius1892,pp.41-46; Cassola 1957, thatduringthisinterval theTrojans
phos,who began lifeas theHirtite pp. 1-2; Hall 2002,pp.36-45. hadretreated to thenearbyhillofBalk
godTelepinu,acquiredGreekparents 23. Schliemann 1881,pp. 131-132; Dag, although no supporting evidence
(HeraklesandAuge)in the6thcentury, Curtius1855. fromBalkDag hasbeendiscovered:
andhisbirthplace shiftedfromMysia 24. Foran assessment ofCurtiuss Asianet al. 2003,pp. 176-177.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 405

Geometricpotteryin thenortheast Aegean.WalterLeaf,writingshortly


beforethe Blegenexcavationscommenced,believedthatthereweretwo
main waves: a Protogeometric settlement, subsequentlydestroyedby a
Thracianinvasion, and a migrationfromLesbos ca. 700 B.C.28This marked
thebeginningofa long-lasting trendin scholarship wherebythepresence
ofMycenaeanor Protogeometric pottery regardedas proofof main-
was
land Greekinhabitants. Fourdecades later,NicholasBayne,forexample,
assumedthattheexistenceofMycenaeanpottery on Lesbos indicatedthe
of
presence Mycenaeanrefugees from the Dorian invasion,at theend of
LH IIIB (ca. 1200 B.C.),withthefirst"Aiolic"expeditionleavingcentral
Greeceat theend ofLH IIIC (12thcentury).29 He also proposedthatan
additionalgroupofcolonistsfromcentralGreecesubsequently foundedthe
southern Aioliccities,aroundthebeginningoftheProtogeometric period
(ca. 1000), withyetanotherwave of GreeksfromLesbos arriving in the
Troad ca. 700 B.C.In otherwords,each majorchangein thestyleof Late
Bronze/Early IronAge pottery was interpreted as evidenceforpopulation
change, with four distinctcolonizationsover the courseof500 years.
The absenceofarchaeological evidenceforcolonizationin northwest-
ernAsia Minor has occasionallybeen noted,as has thelack of changein
theceramicassemblagesat manyofthesitesthatwereallegedlycolonized.
One ofthemostdistinctive typesofpottery used in thenortheast Aegean
during the Iron Age was wheelmade grayware,oftenreferred to as "Aiolic."
28. Leaf 1923,p. 45. In hisscheme, Baynereluctantly admittedthedependenceoftheseIronAge graywares
theProtogeometric settlement would on theirlocal BronzeAge predecessors, buthe linkedcoloniststo thegray
havebeentheone towhichtheLok- warebypushingtheAiolian migration back to the Late Mycenaeanpe-
riansoriginallysenttheirmaidens(see
below,nn.110,111). Leafbelievedthat
riod,using presence Mycenaeanpotteryas proofofthefirstGreek
the of
thecitadelwasthenseizedbyThracian settlements. As a consequence,graywarebecame the productof Greek
invaders,towhomhe linkedthe invention, albeitwithsomelocal influence:
Cimmerians. In orderforthisscheme
towork,VIIb2 Knobbedwareneedsto I feelit unlikelythatthisnewpotterystyle[grayware]couldhave
be datedlaterthanProtogeometric developedand spreadso rapidly, withoutapparently anyexternal
pottery,whichis whathe proposed. impetus, at theend of a period remarkableforthe absenceof any
29. Bayne2000.Bayne'sdissertation . on the Aiolian
substantial changein thepottery. . . While Lesbos,
wascompleted in 1963butremained
until2000. See alsoBerard
settlersdevelopedthegraywarewhichbecametypicalofthem,
unpublished
(1959,p. 21),whobelievedthatthe using a basisnotonlythelocal Lesbianware,butalso thepot-
as
migration hadalready begunbythe terywhichcrossedto Lesbos fromtheneighboring mainland,and,
endoftheBronzeAge. in particular,preserving thegraycolourand metallicappearanceof
30. Bayne2000,pp.266-267. themainlandin preference to theratherdegeneratewareofthe
PenelopeMountjoyhaspointedout Lesbian sites.Later,whenthegraywarewas fullydeveloped,fur-
to methattheMycenaeanpottery in
therpartiesofAiolianscrossedto theAnatoliancoastand founded
questiondatesto LH IIIAl-2, not
LH IIIB2, so Bayne'sargument is un- citiesthere,in placesmakingcontactwithIoniansas at Phocaea
founded. See Mountjoy1999a,p. 1156. and Smyrna.30
31. Hertel1991,1992;see also
Cook 1975,pp.776-782;Graham More recently,DieterHertelhasarguedthatthepresenceofProtogeo-
1983,pp. 1-2. A similarapproachwas metricpottery atTroyreflectsthearrivalofmainlandGreeks,who,in turn,
adoptedbyRoebuck(1959,p. 27) and wereresponsible fortheconquestofthelocalinhabitants attheendofTroy
Huxley(1966,pp.23-25) withref- This
VIIb2 (ca. 1050 B.C.).31 is one of the few to linkthe
reconstructions
erenceto theIonians.Hertel(2007, accountswitha warbetweenGreeksandTrojans,althoughmany
several migration
pp. 117-120)hasidentified assumethatethnicconflict was a by-product ofthecolonization.
of in
signs change Protogeometric gray
warethathe viewsas indicative of To supporttheirreconstructions ofthemigration,archaeologistshave
colonization. oftenturnedto the researchof linguists, who have dividedthe ancient
406 C. BRIAN ROSE

Greek dialectsinto Doric, Ionic, and Aiolic, followingHesiod s three


branches oftheHellenes.Thessalian,Boiotian,andLesbianareplacedunder
theAiolicrubric, and sincethefirsttwoare,in severalrespects, morecon-
servative thanthelast,it has usuallybeen assumedthatThessalian/Boio-
tianis olderthanLesbian,withthe migrationcitedas the explanation.32
This remainsthestandardinterpretation in nearlyall handbookson Greek
historyand archaeology.
The Aiolianmigration is also frequentlydiscussedin tandemwiththe
development and transmission ofthe Homeric epics,especiallywithregard
to linguistics.33
Some wordscan be tracedbackto LinearB, and thereare
also Aiolic formsin an otherwiseIonic dialect.Each of the components
in thisconfiguration has therefore been tied to colonization,usuallyin
the followingsequence:afterthe Dorian invasiontherewas an exodus
of Mycenaeans,togetherwiththeirbards,fromThessalyand Euboia to
Lesbos,which,on thebasis of the Protogeometric potterydiscoveredin
Lesbiancities,is thoughtto haveoccurredca. 1050 B.C.This exoduswould,
accordingto thetheory, have accountedforthe mixtureof LinearB and
Aiolic forms,subsequently influenced bytheIonic dialectonce theepics
traveledfurther southalongthecoastofAsia Minor.Recentworkdealing
withHomericepicshas therefore, bynecessity,reinforced thelegitimacy
of an Aiolianmigration in theEarlyIronAge.34
It is onlycomparatively recently thatscholarshave begunto exam-
ine these migrationstoriesas evolvingsymbolsof ethnicidentityand
civicpropaganda.The firstseriousattemptoccurredin 1958,whenM. V.
Sakellariousexaminationof therelevantliterary sourcesled himto con-
cludethattheIonianmigration was essentially
a creationofAthenianpro-
pagandafollowing thePersianWars.35 The subsequentstudiesofJonathan
Hall andIradMalkinon earlyGreekethnicity haveexpandedthisapproach
considerably bydemonstrating the extentto which accountsofancestryare
tiedto thesystematic construction ofregionalidentities,formulated over
timeand drivenbypoliticalagendas.36 In general,theAiolian migration
has receivedfarless scrutiny thantheIonian,probablydue to thegreater
prominenceof Athensin the lattertradition, norhas the archaeological
recordof "Aiolis"reallybeen examinedin conjunctionwiththe literary
accounts.This I proposeto do here,focusingin particularon Troyand
theTroad,sincethereis now an abundanceof evidenceforLate Bronze/
IronAge habitation,and contactbetweenboth sides of theAegean can
be moreeasilymonitored.

32. See,e.g.,Chadwick1956.Cf. especiallyEuboia,duringtheOriental- pp.580-588),whohasquestioned the


Thuc.3.2,whorefers to theBoiotians izing revolution.He appearsto make validityoftheliterary
accountsrelating
as parents oftheLesbians.Fora thor- theearliestpartofthecolonization to EuboiancolonizationofTorone.
oughanalysis ofthelinguisticargu- contemporary withTroyVIIb2 (1988, 36. Hall 1997,2002,2004;Malkin
ments, see theaccompanying articleby p. 164). 1998,2001.It is worthnotingthatthe
Holt Parkerin thisissue(Parker2008). 34. Fordiscussionofthedialect recentconflicting of
interpretations
33. See,e.g.,Janko1992,pp. 15-19. see Garcia-Ramon1975;Hodot
itself, thesignificanceofLate BronzeAge
West(1988,p. 172) arguesthatthe 1990. Troyhavebeenlinkedto politicaland
treatment ofthegodsin theHomeric 35. Sakellariou1958;1990,pp. 133- culturalchangesin Germansociety:
epics was influencedbyNearEastern 149.A similarapproachhasbeenfol- Haubold2002.
poetry, andtransmitted to Greece, lowedbyJohnPapadopoulos(2005,
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 407

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NORTHEAST


AEGEAN

The Late Bronze Age


DeterminingthepoliticalpositionoftheAiolian/Ionianareasduringthe
Late Bronze Age is now easierdue to the discoveryand decipherment
largenumberof Hittitedocuments,both in the capitalof
of a relatively
Bogazkoy (Hattusa) and in westernAsia Minor.Betweenthe 15thand
13thcenturiesB.C.,thewesterncoastalareasof Asia Minor formedpart
of the kingdomof Arzawa, subdividedinto fourvassal states:Wilusa,
whichoccupiedtheTroad;Mira,whichencompassedIonia;theSeha River
Land, whichlaybetweenthem,fromAdramyttion to Smyrna,including
Lazpa (Lesbos); and Hapalla, which encompassedpartsof Pisidia and
Phrygia.37
The inhabitants ofArzawaweresometimesalliesoftheHittites,but
not consideredof equal statusor as partof the same socialgroup,as the
37. Forthegeography ofwestern Hittitelawsunearthed inBogazkoydemonstrate. This zonewas continually
Asia MinorduringtheHittiteperiod,
a locusof strugglebetweentheHittitesand a kingdomreferred to in the
see Starke1997;Hawkins1998;Latacz
Hittitetextsas Ahhiyawa,oftenidentified as theGreekAkhaia.Ahhiyawa
2002a,2002b;Melchert2003,pp.5-7,
32,35-40.The capitalofArzawawas had a greatkingwhose powerwas analogousto thatof theHittiteking,
Ephesos,orApasain Hittite. and hisrealmclearlylaysomewhereto thewestofAsia Minor,acrossthe
38. Mountjoy1998,pp.47-51; water.38 linkswiththeportcityofMillawanda(Miletos),which
Ahhiyawan
Niemeier2002b;Eastonet al. 2002, under
laywithinMira,wereextremely strong,and Miletoswas certainly
p. 101;Hope Simpson2003; Latacz 1264.39
2004,pp. 121-128;Niemeier2005, Ahhiyawanprotection by
The Hittitetextsrecordthe frequentconflicts and shiftingalliances
pp. 18-20.
39. Hope Simpson2003,pp.216- throughout western Asia Minor during the Late Bronze Age. Ahhiyawan
220; Bryce2005,pp.290-293. attackson westernAnatoliahad certainly begunbytheearly14thcentury,
40. Mountjoy1998,p. 47; Benzi when a commandernamed Attarissiya brought100 chariotsinto Asia
2002,pp.360-361;Bryce2005,pp.58-
59, 129-130.See alsoMorris(1989),
Minor.40 Towardtheend of thatcentury, duringthereignofMursilliII,
whohas arguedthatvisualreferences to Arzawaand Miletos formed an with
alliance AhhiyawaagainsttheHittites,
thesetypesofbattlesmaybe visiblein whichpromptedHittitemilitary intervention in Arzawa.The loyaltiesof
theTherafrescoes. the Seha RiverLand werealso clearlychangeable,and theyalternated at
41. Vanschoonwinkel1991, varioustimesamongArzawa,Ahhiyawa,and theHittites.
pp.399-404;Niemeier1998,1999, The associationofAhhiyawawiththeMycenaeanGreeksis becoming
2002a,2002b,2005;Mee 1998;Bryce The Hittitetextsclearlyindicatethat
increasingly to dispute.41
difficult
2002,p. 259; 2005,pp.57-60,309-310;
Hope Simpson2003. See,however, Ahhiyawa was not located on the Anatolian mainland,butwas reachable
Hajnal(2003,pp.35-41),whoregards byship from there.
Moreover, at leastduring 13thcentury,
the Miletoswas
theassociation but
as notimpossible, undertheprotection ofAhhiyawa, and the Late Bronze Age remains from
to be 95% ofthe
yet proven. thatsiterevealextensive Mycenaeaninfluence: approximately
42. Benzi2002,p. 377; Niemeier
14th-and early-13th-century ceramicsare of Mycenaeantype,although
2002a;2005,pp. 10-16; Lemos2007,
muchwas locallymade.42This fact,coupledwiththediscovery ofMyce-
p. 723.Bycontrast, only2% ofthepot-
from is
Troy Mycenaean, and naean chambertombs,has led Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier to conclude that
tery
waslocallyproduced:
nearlyall ofrit Miletoswas a MycenaeancolonyduringtheLate BronzeAge.43The settle-
Mountjoy1997;1998,pp.34-45; mentson theadjacentislandsdo not appearto havebeen coloniesperse,
Mommsen,Hertel,andMountjoy fromwhatone cantell,althoughtheyalsoevincea highlevelofMycenaean
2001,pp. 181-194,202-203;Benzi As severalscholarshavenoted,ifAhhiyawadoesnotrefer to
acculturation.
2002,p. 371.
43.Niemeier
1998,1999,2001, theMycenaean-affiliated areas,thenwe haveto assumethattheHittites
did not mentionthe Mycenaeansin theirdocuments - whichwould be
2002b,2005.
408 C. BRIAN ROSE

verysurprising considering thenewevidencefromMiletos- and thatthe


kingdomof Ahhiyawato whichthe textsdo referhas thusfarremained
undetectedin thearchaeological record.44
WhetherAhhiyawaconsistedofa groupofAegeanislands,siteson the
Greekmainland, orbothcannotatthispointbe determined. BothMycenae
andThebeshavebeensuggested as potentialcapitals,as has Rhodes,andall
ofthearguments havesomepointsin theirfavor.45 Here too Greeklegend-
aryfigures now formpartofthediscussion,sinceversionsof theirnames
havebeenidentified in severalHittitetexts.In one ofthem,whichdatesto
thereignofHattusiliIII (mid-13thcentury), theAhhiyawan kingmentions
an agreement madewiththeArzawansbyhispredecessor, whosenamehas
been interpreted bysomeas "Kadmos."46 A contemporary letterreferring
to"Tawagalawa,"thebrother oftheAhhiyawanking,hasbeeninterpreted
as a HittiteformoftheLinearB "E-te-wo-ki-le-we," orEteokles,and the
early-14th-century Ahhiyawancommander"Attarissiya" has been linked
to Atreus.47 Butwhateverthegeographicconfiguration ofAhhiyawawas,
thedominantculturemusthavebeen thatoftheMycenaeans.48
There was certainlyconsiderabletraffic acrossthe Aegean during
thisperiod.One of the Linear B tabletsfromPylos,datingto the 13th
century, speaksofwomenseized as slavesfromwesternAsia Minor and
takento Pylos,wheretheywereassignedto textileproduction.49 Another
document, thisone in Hittitefrom Bogazkoy, describes the of the
revolt
ArzawanprincePiyamaraduagainsttheHittitekingHattusiliIII. Large
numbersofprisoners werereportedly seizedin Hittiteterritory and pre-
sumably taken to s
Ahhiyawa,Piyamaradu ally in the revolt, althoughthis
may have involvedtransport only to the Aegean islands.50 In anyevent,
thewesternregionsofAsia Minor clearlyconstituted a liminalzone that
was exposedto bothMycenaeanand Hittitecultureand politicsoverthe
courseof severalcenturies.
We shouldnow turnto Wilusa, the furthest northof the Arzawan
states.Wilusa is mentionedseveraltimesin Hittitetextsof 13th-century
date,anditreportedly laywithinviewofthelandofLazpa. At one pointin
thelate15thcentury, Wilusa hadjoinedwithothervassalstatesinwestern

44. Cline 1994,p. 69; Bryce2005, 2005,p. 19; Latacz2004,pp.238-247. 47. ForEteokles,see Niemeier
p. 58. Someofthesetabletsincludenames 1999,p. 152; Bryce2005,pp.290-293,
45.The dominance oftheMyce- thatprobably refertoAsia Minor: 395; forAtreus,see Niemeier2002b,
naeanroyalfamily in themigration mi-ra-ti-jo (Milesios);to-ro-wo(possi- p. 296;West2003.
accountsis one ofthereasonswhyMy- blyTroos);andsi-mi-te-u (Smintheus, 48. Cline 1996,pp. 145-146;
cenaehasbeenregarded as thecapital theepithetofApolloin hissanctuary at Hawkins1998,pp.2, 30; Mountjoy
ofAhhiyawaandtheseatoftheGreat Chryse,in thesouthern Troad):Benzi 1998,pp.47-51; Hope Simpson
King:Niemeier1998,p. 44; 1999, 2002,pp.365-366.Fora moreskepti- 2003.
pp. 143-144;2002b;Hope Simpson cal analysis,see Hall 2002,pp.50-52. 49. Hiller1975;Chadwick1988,
2003,pp.233-235.Thebeshas also ForRhodes,see Cassola 1957,pp.334- pp.90-93; Efkleidou 2002-2003.For
beenconsidered a viablecandidate, 337; Benzi2002,pp.368-381;see also Hittiteresettlement inMycenaean
sincea cacheofLinearB tabletsdis- Mountjoy1998,pp.50-51 (Rhodes areas,see,in general,Bryce2002,
coveredthererefer to siteson Euboia, together withMiletos). pp.261-262.
thereby suggesting(to some)thatthe 46. Latacz2004,p. 244. Katz (2005, 50. Singer1983,pp.209-213;
latterwassubjectto theformer: Mount- p. 424) hasshown,however, thattheres- Hawkins1998,pp.25-26.
joy 1998,p. 50; Niemeier2002b,p. 295; toration of"Kadmos"cannotbe correct.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 409

Asia Minor (theAssuwa Coalition)againstthe Hittites,but theregions


long alliancewiththeHittitekingwas signaledin an early-13th-century
textfromBogazkoythatmentionsAlaksandu,rulerofWilusa.51A slightly
laterletterbetweentheHittiteand Ahhiyawankingsappearsto indicate
thatWilusawas a causeofconflict betweenthem,althoughtheexactnature
oftheanimosity is unclear.52The finalreferenceoccursin a letterwritten
duringthereignofTudhaliyasIV (1227-1209), whereinWalmu,rulerof
Wilusa,has been deposedand has soughtshelterin anotherregion,prob-
ablyMillawanda.53
Thereis nowagreement amongmostHittitologists that"Wilusa"refers
to theTroad,ofwhichTroy/Ilion was thecenterofpower,whereas"Lazpa"
denotesthenearbyislandofLesbos.54 The causeoftheAhhiyawan-Hittite
contentionoverWilusa mayhavebeen the sites strategic positionat the
entranceto theDardanelles,adjacentto theeasiestcrossingpointbetween
continental Europeand Asia,whichwouldhavemadeit an especiallyat-
tractiveally.55
Untilrecently, ithas beengenerally assumedthattraffic betweenTroy
andMycenaeanGreecewas extensive during theLate Bronze Age,largely
due to the existenceof so much Mycenaeanpotteryin the later-2nd-
millennium levelsofTroy.But thepotteryhas recently been subjectedto
neutronactivation analysis(NAA) and reexamined byPenelopeMountjoy,
who has determined thata largeamountofitis locallyproduced,imitation
Mycenaeanwares.56 Troys decisionto imitateMycenaeandecorationso
extensively shapesassociatedwithdiningsuggeststhatthe residents
on
attachedan elevatedstatusto thedecoration. Whethertheimitation was a
by-product of directinteractionbetween theTrojansand theMycenaeans,
or was receivedvia contactwithothercitieson thewesternAsia Minor
coast, cannot currently be determined.Nor is thereevidencethat the
destruction ofTroyVila shortlyafter1200 B.C.was causedby a forceof
Mycenaeans,althoughthecitywas severely damagedin theattack,and in
someareasthedestruction depositis nearly1.5 m high.
The nextgenerally recognized phaseofhabitation, TroyVllbl, is notas
clear-cutas earlierpublicationsindicate.Blegenbelievedthatthedamaged
wallsandhousesofthecitadelwererepaired, andthatHandmadeBurnished
warenow began to entertheceramicrecord.57 Fromwhatwe can judge,

51. Latacz2004,pp.213-249, datestoTroyVIIb2, andthusovera conceptionofthissystem cannotbe


278-287. century afteritsproduction. butthecitadelwall,ditch,
ascertained,
52. Bryce2005,pp.357-365; 55.The oldestpartofthecitadel andCoalitionseemtobe roughly
Latacz2004,pp.213-249,278-287. wallofTroyVI is nowdatedto the contemporary. ofthe
Foran overview
53. Bryce1985. 15thcentury B.C.(P.Jablonka,
pers. constructionphasesofthecitadelwall,
54. See summary in Hajnal2003, comm.),andthecutting ofthebedrock see KlinkottandBecks2003. For
pp.29-32; Latacz2004,pp.75-100. ditchin theLowerCityappearsto date Wilusa,see also Korfmann2001;
Recentdiscoveriesat thesiteincludea to thesameperiod(Jablonka1996; Latacz2002a,2002b.
13th-century bronzesealwithHittite Jablonka and Rose2004,p. 617). Both 56. Mountjoy1997;1998,pp.37-
Luwianscriptanda bronzefigurine citadelwallandditchmaytherefore 45; Mommsen,Hertel,andMountjoy
ofHittitetype:EastonandHawkins havebeenintendedas components ofa 2001,pp. 181-194,202-203;Mountjoy
1996;Starke1997;Mellinkand Stra- moresophisticated defensive
system. andMommsen2006,pp. 12Q-121.
han1998;Basedow2006,p. 88.The Whethertheformation ordefeatofthe 57. TroyIV,pp. 141-143,158-159.
context inwhichthesealwas found AssuwaCoalitionplayeda rolein the
4IO C. BRIAN ROSE

however, onlya fewofthehouseswererebuiltaftertheattack;manywere


filledwithtrash,andtherewas probablya decreaseinpopulation.Few pure
Vllbl depositscan be distinguished in thearchaeological record,and it is
byno meanscertainthathandmadecoarsewaresbeganto be a featureof
Trojanlife.58In anyevent,thereis no signofculturalchange.
Troy VIIb2 (ca. 1130-1050), however,is a different case. In these
levelsBlegen recordedstrikingchangesin the assemblages,includinga
preference forstoneorthostats in houseconstruction, and moldsfortools
andweaponsthatcan be paralleledin southeastern Europe.Therearealso
changes in the ceramic record:
it seems likelythathandmade coarseware
was introduced onlyat thistime,andwithitcame Knobbedware,another
handmadewarewithprojecting knobson a darkburnishedsurface.59 The
shapes and decoration of Knobbed ware vesselsfind best
their parallelsin
theeasternBalkans,like theweapon/toolmolds.Blegen,therefore, con-
cludedthattheysignaleda newelement thelocal population,whilehe
in
notedthatthereappearedto havebeen no attack,and mostof thewares
and shapesused in Vllbl continued.60
Indeed,the handmadeKnobbedwareis foundin domesticcontexts
withlocalwheelmadeGrayandTan ware,andtheshapesinbothcategories
are functionallysimilar;in otherwords,therearewheelmadeand hand-
madecupsandpitchers, althoughtheformsarenotidentical.61 Handmade
Burnishedwareis foundat a largenumberofMediterranean sitesin the
12thcenturyB.C.,and itsappearancehas been ascribedto themovement
ofslaves,merchants, mercenaries, and guestworkers.62 The percentageof
thesehandmadewaresin VIIb2 assemblagesis not consistentovertime:
theymake up betweena quarterand a thirdof the samplein Blegens
trenches,and between50% and 60% in recentexcavationsofVIIb2.63By
the Protogeometric period( VIIb3), the percentageof handmadewares
reachesa levelas highas 70% in someareas.64
It has usuallybeen assumedthatTrojanhandmadewarewas locally
producedin VIIb2 bymigrants who arrivedtherefromThrace,and recent
neutronactivationanalysishas verifieditslocal origins.65 But withinthe

58. 1 thankPavolHnila forthisin- 1990;Small1990;Vanschoonwinkel Asianhasinformed methattheper-


formation. 1991,pp.233-242; Sams 1992;Ste- centageofHandmadeBurnished
59. TroyIV,pp. 141-148;Koppen- fanovich, Meyer,andBankoff 1996; warein Protogeometric levelsin the
hofer1997,pp.316-347;Becks2003, Genz 1997;Hall 1997,p. 120; Lemos WestSanctuary is approximately 30%,
pp.45-48. FortheMycenaeanpottery 2002,pp. 84-97. Rautman(1998) ex- whereasin trenchD9, on thesouthern
in theselevels,seeMountjoy1999b, aminestheissuefromtheperspective sideofthecitadel,thepercentage is
pp.332-342. ofLate RomanCyprus.Handmade about70%.
60. TroyIV,pp. 141-148.See also Burnished warehasbeendiscovered in 65. Guzowska(Guzowskaet al.
Sams1992;Koppenhofer 2002; Chiai levelsthatpredatethecollapseofthe 2003,pp.241-248) has arguedthat
2006.At leastone oftheVllbl houses palaces:Small1990,p. 8; Vanschoon- handmadecoarsewarewasprobably
wasdestroyed byfire(Mountjoy1999b, winkel1991,pp.234-239. producedinThraceandimported to
p. 324),butthereis no signofa sys- 63. Forthisinformation I thank Troy,butNAA byFarkasPinterhas
tematicdestruction. PavolHnila,whois publishing the demonstrated thatitwas all locally
61. Guzowskaet al. 2003,p. 239. TroyVII handmadecoarseware.This produced.See Pinter2005,p. 177:
Usageofthetwocategories was represents a modificationofGuzowska "I was notableto identifyanyvessel
presumably determinedbydietor et al. 2003. fragment [ofhandmadecoarseware]
ritual. 64. TroyIV,p. 143; Koppenhofer inTroiawhichcouldcertainly be of
62. Rutter1975;Deger-Jalkotzy 1997,pp.305-306;Asian2002,p. 84; foreign origin."
1977,pp.40-48; Bloedow1985;Rutter Guzowskaet al. 2003,p. 236. Carolyn
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 411

areaofnorthwestern Asia Minor,thesewaresweretraveling onlyto Troy


and to Daskyleion:the recentsurveysof MehmetOzdogan have shown
that Knobbedware is notablyabsentfromothersiteson the Gallipoli
peninsula,as well as thesouthernand easternMarmararegion.66
The otherVIIb2 featuretraditionally regardedas a sign of foreign
occupation, orthostat construction,is also not as straightforward as one
No
mightexpect. parallels in the Balkans have been identified,
although
Magda Pieni^zek-Sikorahas suggestedthatseveralsitesin thenorthwest
Ponticarea maysupplyrelevantcomparanda.67 In his finalpublication,
Blegen noted that orthostats were used in earlier constructionat Troy,
althoughnotas extensively in we
as wouldbe thecase VIIb2, and should
not ruleout a local development.68 The situationwould undoubtedly be
clearerif we could assess changesin mortuarycustomsamong phases
Vila, Vllbl, and VIIb2, butno cemeteries ofthoseperiodshaveyetbeen
identified.
Nevertheless, a fewconclusionsdo emergefromtheevidencethatcan
be assembled.The collapseoftheHittiteempireseemsto haveprompted
theopeningofa commercial corridorstretching fromsoutheastern Europe
to centralAnatolia,thereby facilitatingcontactbetweenThraceandTroy.69
The Handmade Burnished/Knobbed waremayhavebeen one of theby-
products ofthisnew network, whichincreased in scaleduringphasesVIIb2
and3 (ca. 1130-900 B.C.)andmayultimately haveinvolveda demographic
change.70 Migrantsdo tendto settlein regionswithwhichtheyarealready
familiar, tradelinkswiththeirhomelands,so such
oftendue to preexisting
a reconstruction wouldmakesense.71
It is worthnotingthatthedemographic shiftpositedforTroyduring
the12thcentury appearsto haveoccurred alsoatGordion.ToquoteRobert
Henricksonand MaryVbigt:
breakto indicatea significant
Thereis no stratigraphic hiatusin
settlementat GordionafterthefalloftheHittites,so thattime
alone cannotaccountfortheobservedchangesin architecture,
domesticfeatures,ceramics,and animalremainsbetweentheLate
Bronzeand theEarlyIronAge. These ceramicdata do notsupport
fromtheLate BronzeAge intotheEarlyIron
a gradualtransition
Age. Instead, archaeologicalevidencestrongly
the suggestsa popu-
lationchangeat thistime,ratherthansimply a shiftin politicaland
economicorganization.72

66. Ozdogan1993,pp. 160-162. 68. TroyIV,p. 142; see alsoDorp-


Forvariants ofKnobbedwareat Das- feld1902,p. 194.
kyleion, see Bakir-Akbasoglu1997, 69. Sams1992,p. 59; Yakar2003,
p. 231. HandmadeBurnished ware p. 16.
begins to be foundat Gordion in 70. Anthony 1990,pp.900-903;
Phrygiaaround1000 B.C.,andalsoat 1997,pp.24-25; Graham1990.
KamanKalehuyuk (Kir§ehir),
although 71. MacGaffey 2000,pp.72-76.
theshapesanddecoration ofthepot- 72. Henrickson andVbigt1998,
teryat thelattersitesarenotduplicated p. 101. See also Sams 1992;Vbigtand
atTroy:Omura1991; Gordion IV, • Henrickson 2000,p. 46; Vassileva
pp.20-22. 2005.
67. Pieniazek-Sikora2003.
412 C. BRIAN ROSE

The Protogeometric and Geometric Periods

The end of theVIIb2 phase at Troymayhavebeen causedby an earth-


quake,judgingbythetumbledstonescoveringnearlyall oftheoccupation
areas,afterwhichseveralof the houseswererebuilt.73 It is in thislevel,
now christenedVIIb3, thatpaintedProtogeometric sherdsbegin to be
found,althoughotherwisethereis no substantive changein theceramic
assemblages.Recent examination by Carolyn Asian has determined that
themajority oftherimfragments areHandmade Burnishedware(either
"Barbarian" or Knobbedware,bothofwhichcontinueto be produced),or
wheelmadegrayware(17%),whichin shape,fabric, anddecoration is nearly
indistinguishablefrom thegray ware of Late Bronze Age date.74The earliest
paintedProtogeometric sherds(groupI), whichbelongto neckamphoras,
compriseonly 3% of the assemblagesand seem to have been produced
somewherein coastalLokrisor southeastThessaly.75 Neck amphorasof
thesametype,also of 10th-century B.C.date,havebeen foundin Euboia,
Phokis,andMacedonia,thusleadingRichardCatlingtoproposethatthese
areasonce formedpartof a Mycenaeantraderoutethatcontinuedinto
theProtogeometric period.76An EarlyProtogeometric cup fromTroyis a
gray-ware ofa in
imitation typefound theThessalian-Euboian area,which
also suggestscontactbetweenthetworegions,as does theappearanceof
wheelmadegraywaresin Protogeometric levelsat Lefkandithatfeature
thesamedecorativeschemesas thoseoriginating inTroy.77
The presenceofthesesherdsin VIIb3 levelsatTroyhas,notsurpris-
beenlinkedtoAiolianmigration -
ingly, byLeaf,whointerpreted
originally
themas an indicationofthefirstoftwowavesofGreekcolonization, and
mostrecently byHertel, who believed that theysignaled the takeover of
Troy and the surrounding areasbyAiolian settlers.78 But theceramicsin
theselevelsdo notsupportsuchan interpretation: a surveyofthepainted
vesselsrevealsthatonlyone shape,theneckamphora,is represented. It is
morelikelythattheamphoras,whichheldwine or oil,werecomponents
of an exchangesystemthatinvolvedboth sides of the Aegean. Mutual
influenceis likely,but thereis no evidenceforthe movementof people
fromone regionto another.79
The following phase,whichone shouldprobablycall Late Protogeo-
metric/Early Geometricin theabsenceofa Trojannumericaldesignation,
datesto thelate 10th/9th century and is harderto characterize.80Activity

73. Lenz et al. 1998,p. 210,n. 46; gestedbyCatling(1998,p. 164). For shape,anddecoration
fabric, from
Mountjoy1999b,pp.333-334;Asian OpountianLokrisduringtheProto- thoseatTroy.
2002,pp. 83-84. geometric period,see Fossey1990, 77. LefkandiII.l, pp.39,55-56,
74. Bayne2000,pp.226-228, pp. 106-107. 73-74,pl.5:j; Catling1998,p. 178.
312-313;Asian2002,pp.83-84. 76. Catling1998;see alsoMomm- 78. See above,nn.28 and31.
75. Catling1998,pp. 153-166; sen,Hertel,andMountjoy2001, 79. Fora similarapproachwith
Asian2002,pp. 83-84,90-92.These pp. 194,196,203; Lemos2002, referenceto Greeksin theLevant,see
amphoras suggesttheexistence ofa pp.211-212.Papadopoulos(2005, Waldbaum1997.
commercial linkbetween Troy the
and p. 585) hascastsomedoubton Cat- 80. Asian2002,pp.84-85.In gen-
generalareaofLokrisas farbackas the lingsproposedlinksbetweenMacedo- eral,themostvaluableassessments of
10thcentury B.C.,andtherootsofthe nia andTroyduringtheProtogeomet- settlement atTroyduringtheIron
customoftheLokrianmaidensmay ricperiod,pointing outthattheneck- Age arethoseofCatling1998 and
lie in thatearlytradenetwork, as sug- handledamphoras atToronedifferin Asian2002. See also Korfmann 2002;
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 413

clearlycontinuedat thesite,butwe havesecureevidenceforitin onlytwo


areas:a votivedepositin theWest Sanctuary, and a dumpin quadrantD9,
on thesouthside ofthemound,intowhichsherdsand stoneshad clearly
fallenor been thrownfromthe citadel.The vesselsin theWest Sanctu-
ary deposit are unique withincontemporary votiveassemblages,both
eastand west,althoughtheformsand decoration, suchas thefenestrated
base of a thymiaterion, verticalhandlestoppedbycylindrical knobs,and
crosshatched triangles, appearto havebeenderivedfromLate BronzeAge
ceramictraditions at Troy.81 As Asian has noted,"theTrojanshapesand
decoration haveparallelsat nearbysitessuchas AssosandLesbos,although
the differences in fabricand shape popularitysuggestan independent
traditionatTroy."82
The percentageof handmadecoarsewareand wheelmadegrayware
in thisphaseis essentially thesameas in VIIb3, althoughProtogeometric
potterynowmakesup 8% oftheassemblage.Most ofit represents a later
of
development group I, describedabove.83 One sherd,however, belongsto
group II of Protogeometric amphoras, which featurea shorter neck,a larger,
morebulbousbody,and a changein fabricfromthatofgroupI. Judging
bythedistribution patternsofsherdsin thisgroup,Catlinghas suggested
thatthe centerof productionshiftedfromtheThessalian-Euboianarea
to south-central Macedonia.84There are additionalpaintedwaresin the
Late Protogeometric/Early Geometricdepositsat Troywhoseshapeand
decorationare comparableto potteryfromLefkandi,Gordion,Rhodes,
andThasos,butthereareno exactparallels.
In theLate Geometricperiod(8thcentury B.C.),we begintofindmore
evidenceforoccupation:a housewithhearthand ovenwas constructed in
frontoftheTroyVI fortification wallon thesouthsideofthemound,and
a buildingprobablyintendedforherocultwas setup in theWest Sanctu-
ary,also in theshadowoftheTroyVI wall.85 The construction dateofthe
building is difficultto pinpoint, butit appears to have been in placebythe
end oftheBronzeAge andwas subsequently modifiedin the8thcentury,
withbenchesinsideandoutas wellas a stonebasethatmayhavesupported
an image.86 Therewas also an interior apsidalstructure filledwithburned

Eder2004;Basedow2006.Foran over- selectionoftheThessalian-Euboian to a citadeldestroyedorabandonedat


viewofMediterranean tradeduring areaas theproduction centeris based theendoftheBronzeAge can alsobe
thisperiod,see Boardman1990;Sher- on thedistributionpatterns ofthe foundat Knossos,Mycenae,andTi-
rattand Sherratt1993,pp.364-366. sherds,andsimilaritiesin fabricbe- ryns, all ofwhichreceivednewcult
81. TroyIV,figs.217,no.D45; 237, tweengroupII pottery in thetwore- buildings in theEarlyIronAge,even
nos.23-26; 276(a); 279,no.22:a-c. gions.Snodgrass (1994) hasproposeda though citadelswereabandoned:
the
82. Asian2002,p. 92; see alsoBayne gradualcolonizationfromEuboiato Foley1988,pp. 145-147;Klein1997,
2000,pp.230-234;Hertel2007, Macedoniaat thistime,butdoubthas p. 297 (Mycenae);Wallace2003,
pp. 107-110. recentlybeencaston thisbyPapado- pp.267-268 (Knossos).See alsoCook
83.The fullydevelopedgroupII poulos (2005,pp.580-588). 1953aand 1953b(Agamemnoneion at
amphoras, whichdate,in general, to 85. Rose 1995,pp.89-93; 1997, Mycenae).In general, seeAntonaccio
800-675B.C.,certainly traveled toTroy pp. 76-86; 1998,pp.73-76;Asian 1994,pp. 86-90; Hall 1997,pp. 138-
andAntissa,on thenorthcoastof 2002,pp.85-86; Basedow2006,pp. 88, 140; andColdstream 2000,p. 296.The
Lesbos,as wellas to coastalsitesin the 91,fig.3. FortheBronzeAge phasesof IronAge andArchaicarchitecture and
Chalkidike,Thessaly, andEuboia: thehouse,see Becks,Rigter, andHnila stratigraphy in theWestSanctuaryat
Catling1998,pp. 166-171. 2006. Troywillbe published byMaureen
84. Catling1998,pp. 166-171.The 86.The laterapplication ofsanctity Basedow.
414 C. BRIAN ROSE

bones and ash,a coarse-warepot containingmoreburnedanimalbones


(fallowdeerand bovine),and severalbronzefibulas.87
ShortlyaftertheWest Sanctuarystructure was modified, ca. 700 B.C.,
a seriesofstone-pavedcircleswereconstructed ca. 20 m to theeast,along
theTroyVI fortification wall.Blegenfound28 suchcirclesin all,withan
average diameter of 2 m, althoughnot all of themwerecontemporary.88
Some weresurrounded by orthostats and each was clearlythelocus of a
judgingbythelayerof blackearthon top.The ceramicassemblages
fire,
associatedwiththesecirclessuggestfeasting (cups,dinoi,kraters, etc.),and
thesetoo mayhavebeen associatedwithherocult.89
The amountof paintedwares now increasesto 37%, with parallel
typesfoundin Samothrace, Samos,Lefkandi,andAthens,althoughsome
of thesewaresappearto have been locallyproduced,judgingby recent
neutronactivationanalyses.90 Includedin thiscategoryis an earlyversion
ofG2/3finewarefoundatothernortheast Aegeansites,including Thasos,
Samothrace, and Lemnos,and commonlydecoratedwithverticalzigzags,
steppatterns, and hookedspirals.91 Almosthalfof the rimfragments in
theEarlyArchaicassemblagesarewheelmadegrayware,higherin quality
thanwhathad been producedin thepast,althoughclearlyderivedfrom
earlierlocal forms.
I have focusedprimarily on Troyin the previoussection,since the
Late Bronze/IronAge evidenceis relatively abundantyetstillnot well
known.ApartfromTroy,Lesbos is theonlyotherregionin theareawhere
a discernible amountofIronAge materialhasbeenfound,andwithwhich
theTrojan archaeologicalrecordcan be compared.Bronze Age Lesbos
clearlylaywithintheculturalorbitoftheTroad and westernAsia Minor,
and thisappearsto be truefortheIronAge as well.Duringthe 10thand
9th centuriesthereis a littleevidenceforhabitationon Lesbos: apsidal
buildingshavebeenexcavatedat Mytileneand Antissa,and occupationis
attestedat Methymnaand Pyrrhaas well,althoughMytileneis theonly
sitethathasyieldedpaintedProtogeometric ceramics.92No pottery ofthe
TrojangroupI hasbeendiscovered, buttherearerepresentative sherdsfrom
groupII, and somethatcan be placedin a transitional phasebetweenthe
twogroups.On Lesbos,as atTroy,no substantive changecanbe seenin the
gray-ware vesselsfromtheBronzeto theIronAge; in fact,theIronAge
pottery of Lesbos,eventhroughthe8thcentury, has farmoreparallelsin
theeasternAegean and in Anatoliathanin mainlandGreece.93
In assessingtheextentofeast-westcontactinthenortheastern Aegean,
we would probablybe on firmer groundif the evidenceforpre-Archaic
burialcustomsin theregionweremoresubstantial. Untiltheearly1990s,

87. Forthedevelopment oftheapsi- potentialmodels. 1996;Bayne2000,pp.229-230;Asian


dal planduringtheProtogeometric 89. TroyIV,pp.274-279;Rose 2002,pp.92-93.ForNAA,seeMomm-
period,see Lemos2002,pp. 149-150. 1997,p. 89; Basedow2006,pp.89-90. sen,Hertel,andMountjoy2001,
Comparethesituation in the7th-cen- Feastingalsooccurred in thevicinity
of pp. 196,203.
tury"Temple A" at Prinias,withinter- similarstonecirclesatMycenae. 92. Lamb 1932;Spencer1995,
nalhearth:Carter1997,pp.87-89. 90. Asian2002,pp. 85-86. For pp.277-287;Bayne2000,pp.200-217,
88. TroyIV,pp.274-275.Hertel theproduction siteofG2/3ware,now 314; Utili2002; Lemos2002,pp. 148,
(2007,p. 118,nn.94,96) interprets the acknowledged to be Troy,seeMomm- 240. One oftheapsidalbuildings
layat
apsidalstructureandstonecirclesas sen,Hertel,andMountjoy2001, thefootoftheacropolisofAntissa,the
indicativeofcolonization, butsup- pp. 196,203. otherat Pyrrha.
pliesno mainlandGreekexamplesas 91. TroyIV,pp.253-255;Fisher 93. Spencer1995,pp.303-305.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 415

graveshad been excavatedonlyat Troyand on Lesbos, but the recently


excavated IronAge cemetery onTenedosprovides welcomenewdata.94 The
one relevantgraveatTroy,datingprobablyto theLate Geometricperiod,
is thepoorestof thegroup,witha contracted skeletoncoveredbya large
pithos sherd.95Adult Geometric on
burials Lesbos tendto be inhumations
in cistsor largejars,althoughin theArchaicperiodclaysarcophagibegin
to be used on Lesbos,as at westernAsia Minorcoastalsitesfurther to the
south,withearthentumuliandringwallsoftensetabovethem.96 The 8th-
to 7th-century B.C.graveson Tenedosarestone-linedpitsfeaturing both
cremationand inhumation, withchildreninhumedin amphoras.97
The materialrecovered fromall ofthesegraves,primarily pottery and
fibulas,can be paralleledmosteasilyin westernAsia Minor and on the
easternAegeanislands,especiallyLemnos and Rhodes.The fibulasin the
Lesbos tombs,in particular, parallelswiththose
findtheircloseststylistic
fromAnatolia(Gordion,Alishar,Cilicia), and severalof the tombgifts
fromTenedosmaintaina distinct Anatolianiconography as lateas the6th
century B.C.98None of this is reminiscent
particularly of contemporary
burialpracticesin mainlandGreece,althoughwe are,of course,dealing
witha limitednumberof settlements, and varyinglevelsofwealthat the
sitesin question.

The Archaic Period

Duringthelater8thand 7thcenturiesB.C.,a considerable numberofnew


settlements wereestablishedin the Black Sea as well as in westernand
northernAsia Minor.Judgingby the potteryfromKyme,fromwhich
Hesiod's fatherhad reportedly come,a settlement therewas in operation
bythemiddleofthe8thcentury, whilein thecourseofthe7thand early
yearsof the6th century,Miletosfounded coloniesat Kyzikos,Prokonnesos,
Abydos, and Lampsakos, within the sphereof theTroad,and at least 10
coloniesin the Black Sea, includingPantikapaion,Histria,Sinope,and
Olbia. By the end of the 7thcentury, Athenshad establishedcoloniesat
Sigeion and Elaious, nearthe mouth of the Hellespont,and Methymna
at Assos, on the southwesternside of theTroad.99

94. Arslanand Sevin92003. early-7th-centurydate,areparalleledin although thereis no evidencethathab-


95. Asian2002,pp.86-87. theAegeanislandsandwestern coastof itationat thesiteoccurred beforethe
96. KurtzandBoardman1971, Asia Minor:Sapouna-Sakellarakis 7thcentury (Pasinli1976),anditwas
1978,pp.45-47,typelib; pp.57-59, notone ofthecitiesincludedin the
pp. 176-177;Philipp1981,p. 152;
Spencer1995,pp.294-295. typeIllb; Caner1983,pp.41-42,type AiolianLeaguebyHerodotos(1.149).
97. Spencer1995,pp.293-296; IVd; pp.44-45,typeVa; Rose 1995, The earliestgraywarefromAssosdates
Arslanand Sevinc2003. p. 91; Koppenhofer 1997,pp.310-312. to thesecondhalfofthe7thcentury:
98. Spencer1995,p. 293; Arslan 99. Ehrhardt1983;Osborne1996, Gebauer1992,p. 71; Utili1999,
andSevinc2003;Arslan2003.This is pp. 121-125;DerNeue PaulyVI, pp.78-82; Bayne2000,pp.309-310.
apparent in thecaseofthree 1999,pp.646-666,s.v.Kolonisation Gebauers reference to a 9th-century
especially
semicircularsheetsofhammered gold (W. Eder).Forthepottery fromKyme, sherd(1992,p. 87,no.54) appearstobe
of6th-century datewhosestyleand see Frasca1998;Bayne2000,p. 310; an error.SiteswithintheIda Moun-
iconography in
areeasilyparalleled Hertel2007,p. 104; Lemos2007, tains,suchas KebrenandNeandria,
centralandwestern Anatolia:Arslan p. 717 ("nomaterialearlierthanlate alsoappearto havebeensettledforthe
2003.A similarrangeofimports is Geometric"). Elaia,nearPergamon, timein the7thcentury:
first Leaf 1923,
evincedin theWestSanctuary ofTroy, was reportedlyfoundedbytheAthe- pp.223-240;Bayne 2000, pp.310-311.
wherethevotivefibulas, oflate-8th-to niansat thetimeoftheTrojanWar,
416 C. BRIAN ROSE

To whatextentdid thesettlements in northwestern Asia Minor con-


structan identity forthemselves, distinctfromthatof otherregions,and
whatroledid mainlandGreeceplayin thatidentity? The earliestsignofa
regionalconsciousnessis tiedto theformation of theAiolian and Ionian
leagues,each ofwhich originally included 12 constituent cities.The dateat
whichtheseleagueswereestablishedis unclear:thesanctuary ofApollo at
Gryneion, which served as the Aiolian League headquarters, notbeen
s has
excavated,althoughGeometricpotteryhas been foundon thesurface.100
Excavationsin the Panionionat Mykale,however,have revealeda
naiskosoflate-7th-century B.C.date,subsequently replaced(ca. 560-550
B.C.) by a much largertemple with an assemblyhall, 100 Atticfeetin
length,whichwas setwithina fortified precinctofca. 7 ha.101 The leagues'
foundations and earlydevelopment wereprobablystimulated bya variety
offactors, butamongthemwouldhavebeentheextraordinary ethnicand
linguisticdiversityof western Asia MinorduringtheArchaicperiod,which
wouldhaveincludedLydian,Phrygian, Aramaic,and perhapsa derivative
ofLuwian,in additionto Greek.102 ConflictwithLydia,whichcontrolled
bothAiolianand Ionian areasduringthe7thand early6thcenturiesB.C.,
was no doubtalso a contributing factor,as was,perhaps,thebattlebetween
thetwoleaguesoverSmyrna(Hdt. 1.149-150).103
Thereis no evidenceduringtheArchaicperiodthatstoriesofmain-
land Greekcolonizationformedan integralcomponentof eitherleagues
identityThe physicalenvironment of the Aiolian cities,in fact,would
havearguedagainstsuchan association:towardtheendofthe7thcentury,
publicbuildingsin northwestern Asia Minorbeganto feature a distinctive
style,usually called Aiolic, that was characterized by capitalswithverti-
callyrising volutes set above a leafechinus.104 The earliestexamplescome
fromSmyrnaand Larisa,but by the 6th centurythe stylehad spreadto
Neandria,Lesbos,Troy,and Ainos.105 Based on thesurviving evidence,it
looksas ifIonia followedthesamecourseseveraldecadeslater,whenthe
Ionic orderbegan to characterize templesin the region,beginningwith
Samos and Ephesos.106
One canfindexamplesofAiolicandIonicarchitectural stylesinAthens
and the PeloponneseduringtheArchaicperiod,althoughtheyare later

100. Ragone1990;Ozkan 1994. werestruck on LesbosandTenedos andtrianglessetin alternating rows,


101.Lohmann2007a;2007b, in the6thcentury B.C.:BMC Troasy whichone alsofindsat Gordion(Gor-
pp. 129-167. pp. Ixiii.
xlv, There hasbeenspecu- dionIV,p. 129),althoughtheformsat
102.Our earliestsignofwritten lationthattheentireregionofnorth- eachsitearedifferent,as is thedecora-
GreekinAiolisdoesnotappearuntil western Asia MinorwasunderPhry- tion,andthereappearstobe no direct
thelastquarterofthe7thcentury, in giancontrolduringthe8thcentury, linkbetweenthem.
theformofgraffiti on sherds;stone primarily due to thenumberoflegends 103.FortheLydians,see Pedley
andcoinswereproduced
inscriptions thatmentiona linkbetweenthetwo: 1972,pp. 18-25;Tenger1999,
bythemiddleofthefollowing century: thePhrygian kingMidas reportedly pp. 127-130;Gurtekin-Demir 2002.
Jeffery1990,pp.359-362;Blumel married thedaughter ofthekingof 104.Cook 1962,pp. 84-86; Betan-
1996,pp. 10-11.In Ionia,theonlysite Kyme (Arist. fr.
611; Poll.9.83),and court1977,pp.58-112;Wiegartz1994.
thathasyieldedGreekgraffiti of7th- Ilos,sonofDardanos,entereda wrest- 105.Cook andNichols1998,pp.93-
century dateis Smyrna,andonlytwo lingmatchhostedbythekingofPhry- 96,200-203 (Smyrna); Betancourt
exampleshavebeenuncovered: Jeffery gia,ultimately winninga cowthatled 1977,pp. 73-88 (Larisa,Lesbos);Wie-
1990,p. 345,no.69 (endof7thcen- himto thehillofHisarlik(Apollod. gartz1994 (Neandria);Rose 1995,
p. 473,no.68a (ca. 650 B.C.).
tury?); 3.12.3).A fewGeometric sherdsat pp.86-88 (Troy);Basaran2000 (Ainos).
The earliestcoinswithGreeklegends Troyaredecorated withstampedcircles 106.Barletta2001,pp.84-124.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION \Y]

in datethantheAsia Minorexamples andconfined primarily to votive


columnsand theminorartsrather thanbuildings. In otherwords,the
ancestrallinksbetween mainland GreeceandLesbosfeatured inArchaic
poetry wouldnothavebeenapparent inthemonumental architecture of
eitherarea,atleastpriortothe5thcentury.
Ifwe turnthesituation around, whatkindofidentity wasprojected
bycities that claimed to have been colonizers, and what role didAiolis
andtheTroadplayin thatself-presentation? Suchcivicadvertisements
havetobeviewedinthecontext of7th-century B.C.powerpolitics, which
weredirectly tiedto colonization. The plethora ofMilesiancoloniesin
theHellespont, thesouthern shoreofthePropontis, andthenorthern
and southern coastsof theBlackSea havealreadybeennoted.These
constituted components of a commercial network, and theMegarian
settlements in or aroundtheBosporos - at Khalkedon, and
Selymbria,
- were tothose establish-
Byzantion undoubtedly competitive responses
ments.107As thiscompetition amongthecolonizers gathered momentum,
one oftheby-products was theconstruction ofincreasingly distinctive
identities,in which charter myths articulated the city-states' heri-
heroic
tageandjustified theirterritorial expansion.108 Withinthegeographical
sphere of the Troad, such myths generally involved theTrojanWarand,
by extension, the settlement of Ilion itself,which had probably been
identified as thesiteoflegendary the
Troyby beginning of the Archaic
period.109
An excellent casein pointis supplied bythecustomoftheLokrian
maidens, which proved mutually beneficial to bothOpountian Lokrisand
Ilion.Beginning inthe7thcentury, theLokrian aristocracy twomaid-
sent
enseachyeartoliveinandcleanthesanctuary ofAthena Ilias,inatonement
fortheirancestor s
Ajax rape of Kassandra at the end of theTrojanWar.110
One ofthemostintriguing features ofthecustom wasthattheLokrian
maidens couldbe attacked, evenkilled, bytheTrojansiftheywerecaught
outsidetheconfines ofthesanctuary.111 In lightofthefactthatIlionwas
a
hardlymilitary force atthistime (nor at anytimeinthefuture), onehas
toaskwhytheLokrians wouldallowtwooftheir aristocratic children tobe
subjected tosuch mistreatment annually on the opposite side ofthe Aegean.
The onlysensible explanation is thatLokriswaspromoting a linktothe
Homerictradition thatTroynowembodied, andtotheirlocalhero,Ajax,
bymaking the custom a fixedcomponent oftheir civicidentity.112 Thelater

Ehr-
107.Milesiancolonization: ofthetribute,butdisagreeon thedate customoftheLokrianmaidens, see
hardt1983;Gorman2001,pp.47- whenitoriginated, withsomeplacing Wilhelm1911;Leaf 1923,pp. 191-
85. itshortlyaftertheTrojanWar,and 193;Walbank1967,pp.335-336;
108.Cook 1953a,1953b;Cold- othersto theperiodofPersiandom- Graf1978;Hughes1991,pp. 166-184;
stream1976;Whitley1988;Malkin ination.According to Polybius(12.5.7), Redfield2003,pp.85-150.
1994;Antonaccio1995. whoseaccountis usuallyregarded as 112.According to Philostratos
109.Rose2003. themostauthoritative, thecustomhad {Her.53.8-21),theThessalianstraveled
110.The customprobably lastedfor begunbefore673,whenthecolonyof annuallytoTroyto makesacrifices at
witha breakonlyin
nearly600 years, LokriEpizephyroi in southernItaly thetombofAchilles.This shouldprob-
Hellenistic
theLate Classical/Early was founded(see alsoLycoph.Alex. de-
ablybe viewedas a status-building
period.The largenumberofancient 1141-1173;Aen.Tact.31.24; Strabo vicein thesamespiritas thecustomof
whocomment
historians on thiscus- 13.1.40). theLokrianmaidens.
tomagreeingeneralon thebasicform 111.Formodernassessments ofthe
418 C. BRIAN ROSE

construction in Lokrisof a templeto AthenaIlias endowedthe custom


witha kindof bilateralsymmetry, and it conferred upon the Lokriansa
levelofprestigefarmorepotentthanwealth.113
The construction of similarchartermythspromotinga Trojancon-
nectionis especiallyapparentduringthe secondhalfof the 7th century,
whenAthensfoundedits firstcolonyin theeasternAegean.The colony
in questionwas Sigeion,onlya fewkilometers northwest ofTroyon the
Aegean coast.114 This was an area underLesbian controlduringthe 7th
century,butitwas won byAthensca. 625 B.C.followinga battlein which
Alkaioslosthis armor.115 Herodotosreportson thecompetingterritorial
claimsof Athensand Lesbos, in whicheach regions involvement with
the Homerictraditionplayeda significant role.By thispoint,the rulers
of Lesbos had alreadytracedtheirdescentfromtheroyalfamilyof My-
cenae,and Orestesin particular.116
Athens,in turn,arguedthatanyofthe
mainlandGreekcitiesprovidingaid to Menelaos duringtheTrojanWar
had as muchrightto theterritory as Lesbos (Hdt. 5.95).
EventhoughIlionwas nota wealthysettlement in thelate7thcentury,
thelegendaryidentity withwhichthesitehad been stampedwas in itself
a sourceofpower,and itslinkto thefoundation of Sigeionshouldnotbe
underestimated. ScholarshaveoftenquestionedwhyAthenswould have
chosenthe site of Sigeion forits firstcolonyin theTroad,since it was
situatedon the Aegean ratherthanthe Dardanelles,and was therefore
notin a positionto controltraffic intothePropontisand Black Sea. But
such a choice makesperfectsensein lightof Athens'attemptto co-opt
a heritageto whichshe had onlya questionableconnection.Sigeionwas
theclosestsiteto Troywithan excellentharbor,and it was adjacentto a
seriesoftumuliidentified as burialsofHomericheroes,includingAchilles,
Patroklos, andAjax.117Establishing a colonythereallowedAthens,through
hercolonists,to exercisegreatercontrolofTroyand itslegendary associa-
tionsthananyothercity.The samepointwas madebythelaterAthenian
colonyat Elaious,oppositeIlion at thenorthern side of theDardanelles,
in thatitwas situatednextto theTomb ofProtesilaos.118
The foundation ofthisparticular colonyshouldalsobe viewedin con-
junction with contemporary in
politics and aroundAttica.Towardtheend
ofthe7thcentury, AthensandMegaradisputedtheownership ofSalamis,
and in thecourseof the argumentbothcitiesexploitedtheirconnection
toTelamonianAjax,kingofSalamis.119 The foundation ofSigeionshould
probably be considereda complementary development, in thatitbrought

113.Forthetempleto AthenaIlias in the3rdcentury B.C. Boardman1999,pp.264-265.Aigner


at PhyskeisinWestLokris,see Lerat 114.The siteofSigeionhas recently (1978) connects thePeisistratid
retak-
1952,pp. 156-158.Forthetumulus beensurveyed: BiegandAsian2006. ingofSigeionwiththeincorporation
ofAchilles,nowusuallyidentified
as 115.Page 1955,pp. 152-161. oftheHomericepicsin theAthenian
near
Sivritepe, Be§ikBay, see Cook 116.Page 1955,pp. 131,149-152, Panathenaia. Forthetumulus of
1973,pp. 173-174;Rose2000,pp.65- 170-171. Achilles,see n. 113,above.
66; Korfmann 2000,pp.41-43; Hertel 117.Leaf 1923,pp. 186-188;Cook 118.Leaf 1923,p. 163.The elder
2003,pp. 161-175,200-203;Burgess 1973,pp. 178-188;Graham1983, Miltiadesestablished a tyrannyin the
2007.Excavation has shownitto pp.32-34,192-194;Isaac 1986, Chersonese(Hdt. 6.36-38),butthis
havebeena smallLate Neolithic pp. 162-166;Viviers1987;Stahl1987, was nota colonyperse.
tumulus thatwas monumentalized pp.221-223;Garnsey1988,p. 118; 119. Shapiro1989,pp. 154-156.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 419

Athensinto a geographicspherestakedout by Megara severaldecades


earlierwith her colonieson the Bosporos.120Athens'outreachto Asia
Minor would also have complemented the city'sclaimsof kinshipwith
theIonians,alreadyin operationbythetimeof Solon.

The Classical and Hellenistic Periods

Duringand afterthePersianWars,bothsidesoftheAegeanhad a vested


interest in acknowledging themigration accountsandusingthemto foster
a commonHellenic identity. In so doing,mainlandGreek citiesforti-
fiedtheirancestralconnectionto westernAsia Minor,and Aiolian cities
strengthened theirlinksto theprincipalopponentsof the Persians,who
stillcontrolled mostofthisareafromtheirprovincial capitalat Daskyleion,
neartheeasternedge oftheTroad.121
It is duringthisperiodthatthe actualaccountsof the Aiolian mi-
- in Pindar,Herodotos,and
grationbegin to appear most prominently
Thucydides, as wellas Hellanikos of Lesbos (see p. 402,above).Bytheend
of the 5th century, we findan establishedtraditioninvolvingmovement
frommainlandGreeceto northwestern Asia Minor aftertheTrojanWar,
albeitwithvariationsin time,routesof passage,and cast of characters.
Most oftheauthorsshapedtheirmigration narratives in accordancewith
theirownpoliticalagenda:thus,Pindar'sode has Orestestraveldirectly to
Tenedos,sincetheode thatdescribesthemigration was intendedto honor
aTenedian;HellanikosofLesbos,on theotherhand,giveshisownisland
prideofplace in themigration.
Not surprisingly, thepivotalroleplayedbyAthensin boththeIonian
and Aiolian migrations became increasingly prominentas the 5th cen-
The
turyprogressed. parentage of Ion was continually reshapeduntilhe
emerged as a descendant ofApollo and Erekhtheus,122 and towardtheend
oftheEumenides, Athenaessentially transfersherterritories in theTroad
to Athens(Aesch.Eum. 397-402). A scholiastof EuripidesAndromache
reports thatAkamas,sonofTheseus,founded12 citiesintheTroad,includ-
ing Skepsis,Chryse(Smintheion),and Daskyleion,althoughhe allowed
Askaniosand Skamandrios, the sons ofAeneas and Hector,respectively,
to claimthecreditforit.123 Athens'aggressive promotionoftheserevised
traditionsis not at all surprising, sinceitjustifiedthe cities'inclusionin
theDelian League,and ensuredthefinancial andcommercial benefits
that
stemmedfromthat inclusion.

120.Hind 1998.A settlement was alsoreinforced


festival thisconnection:
established aboveBe§ik
at Achilleion, Barren1964,p. 47.
Bay,ca. 570-560,whenitwaspresum- 122.Hall 1997,pp.55-56.
ablycontrolled byLesbos;butitlasted 123.ForAkamas:Vanschoonwinkel
onlyuntil530,endingforno particular 1991,pp.306-308.The reports are
reasonthatwe can discern, sincethe basedon thewritingsofDionysosof
finaldepositsdo notcoincidewiththe Chalkis,whowas activesometime in
takeover byPeisistratos
(Kossatz1988). the4thor2ndcentury B.C.:Erskine
121.The Ionians* annualcontribu- 2001,pp. 107-108.
tionofoxentoAthens'Panathenaic
420 C. BRIAN ROSE

By the Hellenisticperiod,mainlandGreece and northwestern Asia


Minor even began to resembleeach otherarchitecturally: nearly of
all
the templesin the Troad were Doric, and the same was probablytrue
forthe Aiolian area to the south,althoughfewerpre-Imperialtemples
survivethere.124A new leagueformedof 12 Troad citieswas centeredon
the sanctuaryof AthenaIlias, whichappearsto have featuredthe same
themeson itsmetopesas theAthenianParthenon, and theprimary visual
manifestation of theiridentity was a Panthenaicfestival,clearlymodeled
on theone inAthens.125 Panathenaiawerealsoestablished atPriene,Sardis,
and Pergamon,and the libraryat Pergamonevenfeatureda copyof the
AthenaParthenos.126 AlthoughthePanionion,theAiolianleague,andthe
Troadleaguehad initially been establishedto createa distinctive
identity
fortheiraffiliatedcities,subsequentpoliticaland military developments
pulledtheconfigurations of thoseidentitiesclosertogether,withAthens
as a commondenominator.

CONCLUSIONS
Two different but interrelated setsof conclusionsarisefromthisanalysis
oftheAiolianmigration - one and one relatedto intellec-
archaeological,
tualhistory.An examination ofbothsidesoftheAegean duringtheLate
BronzeAge demonstrates thecommercialand politicallinksbetweenthe
twoareas,withMiletosperhapsfunctioning as a Mycenaeancolonyin the
13thcentury. Whetheror notwe associatetheAhhiyawansin theHittite
textswiththeMycenaeanGreeks,it is clearthatAiolis/Ioniafunctioned
as a peripheral
regioncontestedbyforcesassociatedwithboththeHittites
and theAegean.
The 12th-century depositsat bothTroyand Gordionindicatesub-
stantialinteractionwithThrace,althoughwhetherthiswas theresultof
increasedcommerceortheinfluxofa newpopulationgroupis notcertain. 124.FortheTroadtemples, see
A tradingnetwork involving TroyandThessaly/Lokris was in placebythe Rose2003,p. 76,n. 182.The notable
10thcentury, and thecustomof theLokrianmaidensmayhaveemerged exceptionis theIonicSmintheion. In
as a by-product ofthisrelationship once thesiteofIlion had been linked Aiolisperse,theonlyHellenistic tem-
plesthatsurvive arethoseinAigaiand
to the Homerictradition.By the 7th century, Lesbos had establisheda
Pergamon, both ofwhichareDoric.
claim to partof theTroad,as had Lydia,althoughthe vast majorityof ForPergamon, see Koenigs1991,
coloniesin Aiolis were Milesian,none of which dates earlierthan the pp.61-64,69-71; forAigai,see Bohn
mid-7thcentury. 1889,pp.36,38,40; Koenigs1991,
At no timeduringtheearly1stmillennium do we haveevidencefor pp.85-86.
125. Rose2003,pp.48-55,60-63.
attacks,forthe arrivalof a new populationgroup,or foranysubstantive
126.ForthePanathenaia at Perga-
changeinceramicproduction.127 WiththeexceptionoftheProtogeometric
mon,see Hansen1971,pp.71,448; for
amphoras, produced in central Greece (10th/9th century)and Macedonia theAthenaParthenos: Weber1993.
the
(8thcentury), ceramicassemblagesat thesesitesremainedremarkably ForthePanathenaia at Sardisand
consistent,withveryfewimportsuntilthe6thcenturyB.C.,whenGreek Priene,see Paus.1.4.6;Welles1934,
also beginsto appearin inscriptions. pp. 110-114,no.23 (EumenesII);
Hansen1971,pp.7, 124,448,458.
ThroughouttheIronAge andArchaicperiod,therewouldhavebeen 127.Cf.MountjoyandHankey
centuriesof interaction betweenGreek-speakingcommunitiesand the to the
1988,pp.30-32,withreference
settlements of westernAsia Minor,in which trade,intermarriage, and "DorianInvasion."
territorial
conflict a
played part;128 but the culturein most,perhaps of
all, 128. See Hdt. 1.146.2-3.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 421

theAiolian/Ioniancitieswould have been a continually changingblend


ofLuwian,Lydian,Phrygian, and Greek.One witnessesthesamekindof
gradualculturalinteraction in the westernand southernMediterranean
duringtheRomanRepublic,wherePunic,Nuragic,and Berbertraditions,
amongothers,coexistedwiththoseof Rome.129
In confronting thislackofevidenceforwidespreadGreekcolonization
in northwestern Asia MinorduringtheIronAge,we needto askwhether
suchcolonizationcan actuallybe detectedin thearchaeological record, and
ifso,whatevidencewe shouldexpectto find.In somecasesthereareclearly
perceptible changesin materialculturefollowingthe arrivalof colonists:
thePariansonThasos,theCorinthiansat Syracuse, orthePhoenicianson
Sardiniawouldbe cases in point.130
But ithas also been arguedthatmigrations can occurwithoutleaving
tracesin the archaeologicalrecord.131 Among the ancientexamplesfre-
quentlycitedaretheCelts in central Asia Minor and theSlavsin Greece
duringtheEarlyByzantineperiod,althoughneithersupportsthepoint.132
The archaeological recordat Gordion,to whichtheCelts migratedin the
3rdcentury reveals
B.C., tracesofnewoccupationin thearchitecture, mate-
rialculture(grindingstones,loomweights, and
Celticgraffito), mortuary
customs.The evidencefortheSlavicinvasionis saidto be exclusively liter-
ary,attested onlyby the Slavic names of the towns in which they settled;
butthemajority ofthesetownshavenotyetbeen excavated,and it seems
likelythattracesof Slavic culturemaystillappearin the archaeological
record,as was thecase at Gordionfollowing a morejudiciousexamination
of the Celtic record.Absenceof evidenceis not evidenceof absence,but
themissingtracesof mainlandGreekcolonizationin theIronAge levels
ofAiolisarestriking in lightoftheancienthistorical tradition, and should
no longerbe ignored.133
If we examineagaintheancientliterary accountsofthemigration in
conjunction with the archaeological evidence from Aiolis and Ionia, there
areseveralpointsofcorrespondence. The accounts,takenas a whole,stress
therolesplayedin themigrations byMycenae,Thessaly,Euboia, Lokris,
Thrace, and Lesbos.As the archaeological recorddemonstrates, all ofthese
regions interactedcommercially and/or politicallywith western Asia Minor
at variouspointsduringthe Bronze and Iron Ages,whichprobablyex-
plainswhyso manydifferent groupswerefeatured in theliterary accounts.
But no one area playeda dominantrolein colonizingAiolis,noris such
a widespreadcolonizationsupportedbythematerialrecord.It does seem

129.Woolf1998;KeayandTerre- 1983,pp. 19-20. fromtheBronzeto theIronAge (Spen-


nato2001.ForGreekcolonization on 131.Blackman1973;Hodder1978, cer1995,p. 305): "In short,theliterary
see alsoAntonaccio2001.The
Sicily, p. 5; Hall 1997,p. 129;2002,p. 43. sourcesfortheArchaicperioddo in-
recentlyformulated modelsofRoman- 132. Celtsat Gordion:DeVries deedrevealLesbosto be a flourishing
izationcould,in fact,be profitably
ap- 1990,pp.401-405;Darbyshire, Mit- islandin theEast Aegeanwithan Aio-
pliedto scholarly assessmentsofthe chell,andVardar2000;Voigt2003. lianGreekelementin thepopulation
earlymigrations. Slavs:Barford 2001,pp.61-62. andculture, butitis an elementwhich
130.Graham1978;1983,pp.71-97 133. One ofthefewscholarsto onewouldhardlyhavebelievedexisted
(Thasos);Wescoat1989 (Syracuse); highlight thedisconnectbetweenthe sourceshad not
at all iftheliterary
Dommelen1998,2001(Sardinia).The literaryandarchaeological recordwas survived andonewas makinga judg-
samesituation is in evidenceat Gela, NigelSpencer, whoexaminedoccupa- mentfromthematerial recordalone."
founded byRhodesandCrete:Graham tionon Lesbosduringthetransition
422 C. BRIAN ROSE

certain,however, thatsuchstoriesacquiredconsiderablemomentumfol-
lowing the PersianWars,whenthepromotionof theseaccountsjustified
thecompositionof theDelian League and provedmutuallybeneficialto
bothsidesoftheAegean.
With sucha clearcorpusof evidencearguingagainstan Aiolian mi-
gration,it strikesone as somewhatsurprising thatit has been so readily
in
embraced scholarship, butheretoo one needsto examinethepolitical
context.Archaeologists beganto workin northwestern Turkeyduringthe
secondhalfof the 19thcentury, and the colonialistoutlookof the time,
coupledwiththewaningof the Ottomanempire,createdan intellectual
climatewhereinstoriesofthewestcolonizingtheeastwereeasyto accept
at facevalue,as was theassumptionthatculturaladvanceson theeastern
side of theAegean,aftertheBronzeAge, musthavebeen dependenton
someagencyfromthewest.134 One can finda similarbias in earlysurveys
of the IronAge and Archaicperiod,where"Orientalizing" influenceon
Greecewas eitherdenied,disputed,or undervalued.135
Our attemptsto analyzetheseand othermigrations will undoubt-
be
edlyalways shapedby the largerpoliticalenvironment in whichwe
live,and this was certainly trueforthe secondhalfof the 20th century:
Sakellarious presentation of the Ionian migrationas post-PersianWar
Athenianpropagandawas no doubtpartiallya responseto theEuropean
fascistmovements ofWorldWarII, notunlikethescholarship ofhisItalian
contemporary, R. BianchiBandinelli.136 More recentmonographson the
construction ofethnicity havesimilarly been stimulated bythecollapseof
the SovietUnion,whichpromptedthe rearrangement of a multitudeof
geographicalboundariesand nationalidentities, manyof whichare still
in formation.137
We mayneverhaveenoughevidencetojudge theexistenceor extent
ofculturalconvergence in theTroadduringtheIronAge,butmoreprog-
134.Gosden2001; LyonsandPapa-
resscan be madeifarchaeologists workingin GreeceandTurkeyincrease dopoulos2002; Hall 2004,pp.41-42.
theirlevelofcollaboration. Analysesof ancientsettlements on bothsides 135.Boardman1990,pp. 185-186;
of theAegean are surprisingly rare,and theyhave becomeeven rarerin Burkert1992,pp. 1-8.This attitude
has
thewakeofthe1974 separationofCyprusintoGreekandTurkishzones. beentracedbackto theHomericperiod
withreference
to thePhoenicians:
Dismantlingthesepoliticalbarriersto intellectualdiscourseis essential Winter1995.
to achievinga morebalanceddiagramof culturalinteraction in theearly 136.Barbanera 2003.
Aegean,as is the acknowledgment thatculturalchangerarelyproceeds 137.Cf.Hall 1997,p. 1; Mclnerney
alonga one-waystreet. 2001,pp.51-52.
THE AIOLIAN MIGRATION 423

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C. Brian Rose
University of Pennsylvania
university museum of archaeology and anthropology
3260 south street
philadelphia, pennsylvania i9io4

roseb@sas.upenn.edu

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