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China provides the training and material assistance to the Royal Cambodian Armed
Forces for it to defend Cambodia’s borders and, if called upon, to guarantee internal
security. By accepting Chinese aid Cambodia’s leaders are ingratiating themselves with
the leadership in Beijing.
Q3. What does the Kingdom’s close military ties with China mean for Cambodia’s
immediate neighbors like Vietnam and Thailand?
ANSWER: Both Thailand and Vietnam have their own relations with China’s military.
Thailand has a long history of purchasing Chinese weapons. Since the 2014 coup, the
U.S. has refrained from selling military weapons until quite recently. The only negative
aspect is that China also supplies Cambodia with weapons that would be used if there
is another flare up on the Thai-Cambodia border. The Thai military is quite capable of
holding its own in a conflict with Cambodia.
Vietnam presents a different picture. It is a military powerhouse compared to
Cambodia. Vietnam has a large land army that is well equipped. Since 2015, Vietnam
has given priority to modernizing its land army. As part of this process Vietnam will be
acquiring sixty-four T-90 main battle tanks from Russia. It should be recalled that
Chinese military assistance, including advisers, to the Khmer Rouge did not DETER
Vietnam from invading Cambodia in late 1978.
China and Vietnam have a workable military-to-military relationship. Over the last four
years they have held alternating friendly border defence exchanges that include
annual meetings between their defense ministers. Vietnamese officers attend political
school in China and there is a regular exchange program involving junior officers.
Vietnam does not purchase weapons from China. Russia is its main supplier.
Both China and Russia will have to decide how to react in the event, respectively, of a
clash between Cambodia and Thailand and between China and Vietnam.
Q4. What are the implications of Cambodia-China military ties for the changing
regional security order? (while China’s militarization of the South China Sea
coontinues).
ANSWER: Cambodia-China military ties are not unique to Southeast Asia. Although
China has military ties will all ASEAN members this varies in scope and depth with each
individual country. China’s military, however, does have an established relationship
with ASEAN and ASEAN multilateral bodies such as the ASEAN Defense Ministers
Meeting Plus (ADMM Plus). China is using military diplomacy to compete for influence
against other ASEAN dialogue partners, such as the United States. China hosts direct
ASEAN-China military meetings and China participates in ADMM-Plus low-level
military exercises.
China’s militarization of the South China Sea directly involves only four regional states
- the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and Vietnam. China’s militarization also impacts on
Indonesia whose official policy is to deny it is a party to the conflict.
Since the election of Beijing-friendly Duterte as president of the Philippines, military
relations between Manila and Washington have been pared back. Duterte has ordered
his military to consider procurements from China (and Russia as well). No
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demonstrable progress has been made as the U.S. remains the main source of
weaponry for the Philippines, with South Korea becoming increasingly important.
Malaysia keeps it territorial dispute well under control politically but continues to
modernize its armed forces and welcome a U.S. presence.
Brunei is a party to maritime disputes with China only if one connects two of China’s
nine-dash lines so that they cut across Brunei’s Exclusive Economic Zone. Brunei has
consistently distanced itself from the South China Sea dispute.
China’s militarization of the South China Sea has been a major driver of Vietnam’s
military modernization. Over the last five years Vietnam has become the tenth largest
importer of arms in the world. It has built up a deterrent force of modern multi-role
jet aircraft, coastal anti-ship missile batteries, a modest naval strike force with the
acquisition of missile fast attack craft, missile frigates and six Kilo-class conventional
submarines. All of thee forces are armed with missiles.
Indonesia is concerned about China’s so-called historical claims to the waters around
the Natuna islands. Indonesia has been quite proactive in detaining foreign fishing
vessels, including fishing boats from China. Indonesia has also begun to beef up its
military presence so it can respond quickly to incidents and foreign intrusions (read
China) into its waters.
In sum, in Cambodia’s view, China’s militarization of the South China Sea
demonstrates that China will soon be the dominant military power in the region and
all other countries will have to adjust to this fact. In Cambodia’s calculation, it is
accruing favor in Beijing because of its support for China’s foreign policy, especially in
the South China Sea. And Cambodia one day might have to call in a favor from China
in the event of conflict with another country, either regional or extra regional. The
leaders in Phnom Penh find comfort in tensions between Vietnam and China because
they distract Hanoi’s attention on Cambodia to a certain extent.
Suggested citation: Carlyle A. Thayer, “China’s Military Ambitions: Cambodia and the
Region,” Thayer Consultancy Background Brief, February 8, 2018. All background
briefs are posted on Scribd.com (search for Thayer). To remove yourself from the
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Thayer Consultancy provides political analysis of current regional security issues and
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