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One of the most striking features of the ancient Greek lexicon is that
numerous nouns in -εύς are attested both in personal names such as
Ἀχιλλεύς or Ὀδυσσεύς and in common nouns like βασιλεύς ‘king’, ἱερεύς
‘priest’; the latter type denotes, in historical times, mostly humans in
professional or habitual roles, and the nouns in -εύς are thus commonly
classed as agent nouns. Attested from, as we now know, the Mycenaean
period onwards, the history and prehistory of the formations in -εύς have
occupied scholars’ minds ever since the inception of the systematic study
of the history of the Greek language in the nineteenth century, and it can
be said without exaggeration that the nouns in -εύς were and still are the
cause célèbre of Greek word formation. This is due chiefly to the fact that
while such nouns abound in Greek, cognates outside Greek are at best
uncertain, and the origin of – from a Greek point of view – the nominal
suffix -ευ- remains easily the most hotly contested topic in Greek word
formation. In this chapter I shall attempt first of all to provide a very brief
overview of the various positions, how they have been arrived at and what
the problems are. The argumentation and criticism here will be kept short
since a more detailed discussion of the problems will appear elsewhere.
From there we shall proceed to examine the earliest – that is, Late Bronze
Age – Greek evidence, which, taken in its archaeological context, can pro-
vide considerable arguments when it comes to assessing this problem.
1. The earliest attempts at explaining the suffix -ευ- are practically as
old as the discipline of comparative Greek and Indo-European philol-
ogy itself and are deeply steeped in the positive and constructive spirit
of nineteenth-century German romanticism. These unfailingly attempt to
find cognates in other Indo-European languages and therefore to project
the existence of the suffix tout court back into the Indo-European parent
language itself. An excellent overview of these early works is provided
by Meyer (1877), yet his learned article ultimately shows above all just
how tenuous these links are, and none of them can still be regarded as
relevant to the discussion. Seeing the difficulty in finding exact cognates
consideration. The most frequently cited one5 is the connection with the
nouns in *-aus in the Iranian languages, surfacing as -auš in Old Persian
and Avestan; compare Old Persian dahạyāuš ‘land’, Old Avestan hiθāuš
‘companion’. Iranian *-āus could (though need not) go back to an earlier
*-ēus which clearly underlies the Greek formations. These nouns form
a subclass of the u-stem nouns in Iranian, the more common nomina-
tive ending in -uš which is, of course, directly comparable to the Greek
nouns in -υς, such as πῆχυς = Avestan bāzuš ‘forearm’, both going back
to Proto-Indo-European (PIE) *bheh2ĝhus. In fact, this connection stands
little chance of being correct. For a start, there is not a single word equa-
tion between Greek nouns in -εύς and Iranian formations in -auš, while
the regular u-stem nom. sg. in *-us is very well attested, as in the example
just given. Secondly, the inflection seems to oscillate somewhat within
Iranian: Old Persian dahạyauš ‘land’ shows, alongside the expected acc.
dahạyāvam, an alternative form in visa-dahạyum ‘holding all lands’.
Likewise, alongside bāzuš, -bāzauš also occurs, but only as the second ele-
ment of a compound. Given that compounds of non-o-stem nouns typi-
cally inflect with a change in the ablaut pattern (compare Greek πατήρ
‘father’: εὐ-πάτωρ ‘having a good father’), this may also be the case here.
This is clearly not the place to reason why Avestan displays this type of
ablaut alternation,6 but in my view this type of compound declension
is much more likely to have arisen secondarily and cannot be projected
back to PIE times. But even if it were, it would shed no light on Greek,
as the Greek nouns in -εύς usually are not compounds, and Iranian
cannot illuminate them. Thirdly, this type is restricted to Iranian, with
no trace or cognate to be seen in the closely related Indian languages,
save the isolated i-stem noun sakhāy- ‘friend, companion’, in Sanskrit. It
must be doubtful whether this type existed even in Proto-Indo-Iranian,
let alone Proto-Indo-European. Fourthly, even if the declensional type in
-auš started life in simple nouns, the long vowel in Avestan is much more
likely to result, ultimately, from *-o- than from *-ē-. Finally, the Greek
nouns in -εύς are in essence agent nouns or personal names, while the
Avestan forms are restricted to the appellative vocabulary and have no
definable semantic characteristics. It is clear that the nouns in -auš are an
inner-Iranian problem, and that Greek nouns like βασιλεύς have nothing
to do with them.7
The other putative cognate of Greek -εύς has been seen in the Phrygian
-av-8 that is attested in what is commonly thought to be papponyms in
-avos (proitavos, akenanogavọṣ), which have been analysed as gen. sg.9
or as adjectival nom. sg.10 of Phrygian stems in -āv- < *-ēu̯ -. The Phrygian
forms are very doubtful, to say the least, but even if genuine they do not
show that the suffix or even the morphological material involved in its for-
mation is inherited. It is entirely possible that these two languages, which
are in very close geographical proximity, have borrowed the suffix from a
third language (note that in Phrygian this suffix is attested, at least to date,
only in personal names which need not be of Phrygian origin themselves),
or indeed that one (more likely to be Phrygian) borrowed it directly from
Notes
1. See Boßhardt 1942: 1ff. for a critical appreciation of the various theories of
that time.
2. Debrunner 1916: 741f.
3. See Kretschmer 1894: 146f. for the forms attested on Greek vase inscriptions,
and further von Kamptz 1982: 355f.
4. Ehrlich 1901; Boßhardt 1942; Perpillou 1973; Santiago Alvarez 1987.
5. See e.g. Kuiper 1942: 37ff.; Leroy 1951: 232; Beekes 1985: 85ff.; Adrados
1996: 56.
6. See Cantera 2007 for a very balanced discussion, and further de Vaan 2000
for the problems regarding the phonological interpretation of the sequence
-āum in Avestan.
7. It has been argued (Kuiper 1942: 37, 47ff., and more recently Hajnal 2005:
202) that Greek νέκῡς ‘dead body’ with its long suffix vowel is a replacement
for an older *νεκευς (< PIE *neḱēu̯ s) and that this is to be compared to Avestan
acc. nasāum ‘dead body’. However, it seems clear that the υ in Greek was
originally short, see EDG II 1004 s.v. νεκρός; the lengthening probably started
life in the acc. pl. νέκῡς < *νέκυνς (in Homer attested alongside the more recent
form νέκυας) and spread from there throughout the paradigm. Furthermore,
from a semantic point of view there is nothing that would link *neḱēu̯ s with
the Greek nouns in -εύς.
8. For this point of view see most recently Hajnal 2005: 200.
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