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INTERREGIONAL TRADE AND THE
FORMATION OF PREHISTORIC GATEWAY
COMMUNITIES
KENNETH G. HIRTH
Interregional exchange of commodities appears to have been important in the formation of complex societies.
The transition from reciprocal to redistribution economies involved an institutionalization of long distance
exchange. Large and important settlements called gateway communities emerged along natural trade routes at
key locales for controlling the movement of commodities. A model is constructed that relates long distance trade
and regional economics to the emergence of market centers in Formative Mesoamerica. The gateway commun-
ity model depicts early interregional trade more efficiently than central place formulations. This model is
examined in light of data collected from Chalcatzingo in Morelos, Mexico, a community that maintained an
important position in both local and long distance trade during the first half of the Mesoamerican Formative.
EMERGENCE OF STRATIFICATION
The emergence of stratified societies with perpetual leadership appears to have been
closely related to control over the production and redistribution of resources. In
Mesoamerica, we find an early stimulus for trade in the differential distribution of key
resources (Rathje 1971) and the unpredictability of maize yields (Flannery and
Schoenwetter 1970). In areas such as the Central Mexican highlands, the juxtaposition of a
number of distinct ecological zones stimulated regional symbiosis that provided a strong
economic basis for later state level society (Sanders 1956).
The process of stratification appears to have begun by the second millenium B.C., and is
in part an outcome of independently emerging economic systems in different subareas of
Mesoamerica. Early exchange networks are evident throughout the Gulf Coast by 1500
B.C., along the Pacific coast of Chiapas at about 1600 B.C., and in the Valley of Oaxaca
and the Central Mexican highlands by 1400 B.C. Initially these early exchange networks
dealt with the movement of local goods throughout each of their specific subregions.
These networks were relatively isolated cells of economic activity, with most of the
exchanges governed by reciprocity. After 1400 B.C. we see interregional trade in which
large quantities of both raw and finished utilitarian and nonutilitarian materials were
moved over very long distances. Included in these exchanges were such scarce resources
as obsidian, shell, hematite, mica, jade, turquoise, and serpentine.
The long distance movement of goods is documented for the neolithic and archaic
cultures of both the Old and New Worlds (Gabel 1967). An increase in long distance trade
occurs, however, with the appearance of incipient chiefdom societies, thus suggesting
that trade is an important factor in the process of social stratification. The raw materials
used in enhancing and reinforcing the statuses of ranked societies were obtained through
trade. During the Early Formative (Table 1), status goods were probably exchanged
through a ritual network that linked high status members of different lineages (Flannery
1968). As the number of ranked individuals in the early societies increased, there was a
rise in demand for the exotic goods that served as indicators of rank. During the Early
Formative commodities probably moved via reciprocal exchange between trading
partners located in different regions. A problem with such a system is that the supply of
goods is unpredictable. In emergent chiefdom societies where part of the headman's
responsibility is the accumulation, storage, and redistribution of resources, fluctuation in
the flow of important commodities could lead to his overthrow (Pires-Ferreira and
35
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36 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 43, No. 1, 1978
P
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600 I A C LA
D F S PASTORA
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A C H
T H A B
I A S MANANTIAL
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Flannery 1976:291). Consequently the need for a dependable flow of goods may have been
an important stimulus to the institutionalization of trade within society.
Institutionalization of trade also helped to reinforce regional redistribution systems
because the newly acquired goods were allocated locally through the old networks.
Subsistence commodities no doubt moved between regions along with the more exotic
goods. As the collection, preparation, and movement of goods between regions became
more complex, greater sophistication was required to direct economic activities. It was at
this point that long distance exchange began to figure prominently in the process of
cultural evolution. The intensification of interregional exchange stimulated the emergence
of new forms of socioeconomic organization. Trade specialists appeared and certain
communities located along key trade routes prospered with increased interregional
exchange.
The Olmec culture of southern Veracruz and Tabasco was heavily involved in long
distance trade during the Early and Middle Formative. Artifacts fashioned in the Olmec
style such as figurines, plaques, and pendants made of jade and serpentine were traded
widely throughout Mesoamerica (Grove 1974a). In the Central Mexican highlands the
concentration of Olmec style art in the states of Morelos and Guerrero suggests contact
with the Gulf Coast. Source analyses of obsidian and hematite samples, primarily from the
site of San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan, Veracruz points to a number of important commercial
trade areas during the Early Formative (Pires-Ferreira 1975, 1976). Approximately 63% of
all analyzed obsidian came from the highland source of Guadalupe Victoria at
'Citlaltepetl' or Pico de Orizaba, Puebla; an additional 28% came from a variety of
Guatemala sources. Long distance trade with Oaxaca is documented by the occurrence of
Oaxacan magnetite and hematite in the Gulf Coast and a few documented sites in Central
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Hirth] GATEWAY COMMUNITIES 37
Mexico. Sea shells were also widely traded. One Gulf Coast variety, Barynaias, is found
at San Jose Mogote, Oaxaca and at San Pablo, Morelos (Grove 1974b:46).
The occurrence of Gulf Coast iconography throughout Central Mexico implies the
existence of an 'Olmec corridor" and an established trade route with the highlands
(Jimenez Moreno 1966; Grove 1968a). Coe (1968) has suggested that the Olmec established
an integrated trade network to obtain the jade, jadeite, and serpentine used in the
manufacture of cult and status paraphernalia. Rathje (1971, 1972) claims that the demand
in the Maya area for essential utilitarian resources stimulated highland-lowland
interaction. These resources included salt and volcanic rock for the manufacture of stone
cutting and grinding tools. Whatever the reasons, the exchange of status goods helped to
stimulate the appearance of more complex forms of social organization and the
appearance and growth of specialized sites referred to as gateway communities.
Whenever trade is important to the growth of a region, the most influential communities
will tend to develop and be situated at strategic locales for controlling the flow of
merchandise. These communities flourish at the passage points into and out of distinct
natural or cultural regions and serve as "gateways" which link their regions to external
trade routes (Burghardt 1971). These networks are structurally similar to 'dendritic'
market networks (Johnson 1970; Smith 1976; Kelley 1976).
This study examines the relationship between increased interregional trade and the
growth of gateway communities using as examples the Early and Middle Formative phases
of Central Mexican prehistory (1200-500 B.C.). The intent is to examine the structural
relationships that exist between interacting groups during the growth of interregional
exchange systems. No pretense is made to identify how the economics of the exchanges
operated.
GATEWAY COMMUNITIES
The dendritic settlement pattern is the most efficient structure to connect the gateway
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38 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 43, No. 1, 1978
community with its hinterland. Since the movement of goods in primitive economic sys-
tems incurs high and inflexible transportation costs, site location is important to hold
transportation cost to a minimum.
Dendritic market networks are hierarchically organized (Johnson 1970, Vance 1970)
with all markets ultimately oriented to a gateway community. They contrast with typical
central place systems which, in addition to their vertical organization, maintain strong
connections horizontally between centers of equivalent rank (Fig. 2). Smith has studied the
movement of commodities through dendritic systems and finds that their markets:
form a linear arrangement that is inclusively vertical . . . Collecting points at different levels of the system link
to several smaller places, but to only one major high-level center. (Commodity) flows are direct, linking levels
of hierarchies, but not the local systems that surround each level of the hierarchy which eliminates competi-
tion among high-level markets for a producing hinterland. Thus while many places are connected, they
connect to only one price-setting ,iiar-ket ( 1976:319).
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Hirth] GATEWAY COMMUNITIES 39
o 0 Hierarchy
B. The Gateway
gateway 1
C. The Multiple
\gateway 2 (core
trea Gateway Case
qateway 3
The site of Chalcatzingo is located 120 km southwest of Mexico City in the eastern
quarter of the modern state of Morelos. To date it is the only site in Central Mexico with
Middle Formative civic-ceremonial architecture and bas-relief carvings (Grove et al.
1976). The reliefs are well known because they contain Gulf Coast Olmec iconography
(Grove 1968b). Recent research indicates that there was little Gulf Coast contact prior to
1000 B.C.
The earliest developments at Chalcatzingo occur between 1600 and 1000 B.C. Around
1150 B.C. Chalcatzingo was included within the expanding radius of the Early Forma-
tive Tlatilco culture. Tlatilco populations were densest in regions where high annual mean
temperature permitted year-round farming and where there was prime agricultural land
and a high subsurface watertable (Tolstoy 1975). During this phase Chalcatzingo was a
small village community probably not exceeding several hundred inhabitants. The sur-
rounding Amatzinac Valley was lightly populated and only four sites have been identified
throughout a 550-km2 area. The region appears to have been on the marginal edge of
strong Tlatilco interaction; Chalcatzingo has Tlatilco-style vessels but they are much more
abundant along the Rio Cuautla, 25 km to the west (Grove et al. 1976).
The greatest number of Tlatilco sites reported thus far are from the Valley of Mexico
(Tolstoy 1975). The majority of these are found in the southern half of the valley near the
main route of communication leading south into Morelos. Grove (1971) suggests that the
greatest Early Formative population densities in Central Mexico may be found in central
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40 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 43, No. 1,1978
and southern Morelos where communities were spaced at regular intervals every one to
two km along major rivers (Fig. 3). The important site of Las Bocas, Puebla had only
limited contact with the Tiatilco culture. The presence, however, of an extremely rare
ceramic of Pueblan origin at both Las Bocas and Chalcatzingo suggests that Chalcatzingo
was in contact with both culture areas simultaneously (Cyphers 1975).
Intermediate and long distance exchange intensified in many areas of Mesoamerica at
the start of the Middle Formative. In the face of increased competition for relatively
scarce resources, settlement prospered in areas of balanced regional subsistence
economies, often at equitable locations along natural trade corridors. Prior interaction with
the Tlatilco culture gave Chalcatzingo access to an established trade network extending as
far west as the Balsas depression of central Guerrero that could be used to procure scarce
highland resources in demand by culture groups to the south and east. Its location on the
marginal edge of its acquisition network at the convergence of natural corridors of com-
munication which linked southern Puebla with central Morelos placed Chalcatzingo in an
opportune position for controlling east-west trade throughout southwestern Central
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Hirth] GATEWAY COMMUNITIES 41
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42 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 43, No. 1, 1978
dams for controlling rainfall run-off and its first bas-relief carvings (Grove et al. 1976).
Evidence for contact with the Gulf Coast during phase C is found in the erection of at least
one platform stela, the rededication of a large stone altar and a variety of typically Olmec
artifacts in burials. Burial offerings include jade artifacts in the form of tubular and gad-
rooned beads, jaguar toothed pendants, and a serpentine were-jaguar figure, concave
hematite mirrors, and sting-ray spines (Cyphers 1975:113-114). While phase C ceramics
are dissimilar to contemporary Gulf Coast ceramics there was an increase in shared form
and design attributes with the Valleys of Tehuacan and Oaxaca.
Economic prosperity helped support the most complex regional settlement system
presently reported from Central Mexico (Hirth 1974a; Grove et al. 1976). The Rio
Amatzinac Valley was characterized by: (1) regional economic integration with a
centralized point of redistribution and specialized production activities; (2) dense
population and its sociopolitical integration as a regional chiefdom; and (3) population
nucleation and hamlet clustering in and around Chalcatzingo (Hirth 1974a, 1974b).
All long distance trade with the Gulf Coast may have been conducted through a series of
scattered gateway communities. Chalcatzingo, Chalchuapa-Las Victorias, San Miguel
Amuco, Padre Piedra, Pijijiapan, Xoc, Techaya, Oxtotitlan, and Juxlahuaca all have
monumental art which incorporated Olmec iconography. All of these sites, including the
Valley of Oaxaca, are located along important natural trade routes and/or in prime locals
for controlling the movement of trade into and out of highly productive regions. Pijijiapan
is located within the rich cacao-producing areas of the Pacific coast while Chalchuapa is
located directly east of an important natural corridor where "entry from the Pacific coast
could have been easily controlled" (Sharer 1974:170). The advantages of this type of
system are clear. Gateway communities have acceptance in local commercial networks.
Overall transportation costs are minimized since only a few trade connections are
maintained and costs involved in assembling commodities are absorbed by indigenous
merchants.
Gateway communities provide secure lines of supply since their own prosperity is
dependent upon the maintenance of external trade route connections and the continuity of
economic relationships throughout their hinterlands. Because of a low level of transporta-
tion technology, gateway systems tend to be brittle and resistant to economic change.
Competition with other centers may arise when the hinterland of a gateway community
extends over a large geographic area. Central places may appear which can function as
alternative gateways for areas further into the hinterland and can weaken the vertical
movement of commodities. Competition from hinterland central places may generate one
of a number of predictable changes:
(1) The gateway community will lose portions of its original hinterland and will undergo
an economic decline regressing to a level concomitant with that of its new com-
petitors.
(2) The former gateway community will undergo slight economic decline but will retain
some control over its former hinterland.
(3) There may be an intensification of economic interaction within unaffected portions of
its hinterland and new areas may be brought under the gateway's control.
(4) It may force a shift in its major emphasis from the control of interregional trade to the
tighter integration of economic activity within its own physiographic region. There
would be an increase in central place activities to insure the survival of the existing
social organization.
(5) It may evoke more complex forms of sociopolitical authority with which to combat
increased economic competition.
It is this last response that carries the greatest potential stimulus for cultural evolution. An
increase in political authority and militarism on the part of the gateway community could
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Hirth] GATEWAY COMMUNITIES 43
CONCLUSIONS
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44 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 43, No. 1,1978
been called gateway communities in this study and are characterized by a complex level of
sociopolitical integration and a strong commitment to interregional commerce.
Gateway communities first appeared throughout the Central Mexican highlands during
the Middle Formative. They grew as the dominant communities in interregional exchange
networks as a result of their control over the production or movement of scarce resources.
Some of these sites have been classified as Olmec trading colonies because Gulf Coast
iconography is occasionally found in their monumental art. The highly controversial "01-
mec trade route" may have been a system of integrated gateway communities involved in
the procurement and movement of scarce resources into the Gulf Coast. No direct politi-
cal control is necessarily implied in this arrangement, either on the part of the Olmec over
their regional gateways or the gateway communities over their respective hinterlands; the
structuring of ties may have been along ritualistic and economic lines alone. Indirect
evidence suggests the existence of merchant specialists at Chalcatzingo. Several of the
large structures excavated in the ceremonial zone may have been specialized trade-related
warehouse facilities as well as serving ritual, ceremonial, and workshop purposes (Grove
et al. 1976:1205).
Major factors in the formalization of Middle Formative gateway communities appear to
have been an overall increase in regional population, internal social stratification, and the
demand for increased resources. Chalcatzingo illustrates the formation of such a market
center in the Central Mexican highlands. Located at the intersection of natural communi-
cation corridors connecting Morelos, Guerrero, Puebla, and the Valley of Mexico, Chal-
catzingo exploited the established Early Formative trade connections that linked the
populations of Central Morelos with those of the Valley of Puebla. Contact with areas of
Tlatilco culture to the west gave Chalcatzingo access to an extensive resource procure-
ment network. Contact with areas of Puebla to the east connected it with the long distance
trade routes running south and southeast. Although its monumental art is strong evidence
for Gulf Coast contact, it should be stressed that Olmec elements, both at Chalcatzingo
and other sites outside the Gulf Coast, are normally only a very small percentage of the
total cultural assemblage. As a result of a variety of factors, Chalcatzingo flourished as an
important node in the interregional movement of scarce resources in the Mexican Alti-
plano prior to 500 B.C. Most important of these appear to have been its control of interre-
gional trade moving throughout the southcentral highlands and its maintenance of long
distance trade contacts with the Gulf Coast and Valley of Oaxaca.
Acknowledgments. I wish to thank those of my colleagues who helped during the initial stages of formulating a
problem. I am indebted to the Proyecto Chalcatzingo and the National Science Foundation grant GS-31017 for
providing the opportunity and funding to begin my research. A special thanks to Jorge Angulo (INAH), David
Grove (Illinois-Urbana), and Carol Smith (Duke) for their reading of, and comments on an earlier draft of this
manuscript, presented at the 41st annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, St. Louis. I would
also like to thank the editor and anonymous reviewers of American Antiquity who have helped me to remedy a
portion of my scholastic myopia.
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