Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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Abstract
Between 1900 and 1970, American archaeologists perceived themselves as second-class anthropologists because the
archaeological record suggested little not already known ethnographically, archaeology served anthropology by testing
ethnologically derived models of cultural evolution, the archaeological record was ethnologically incomplete as a result of
poor preservation, and archaeologists used but did not write anthropological theory. Ethnologists of the period agreed with
these points and regularly reminded archaeologists of their limited role in anthropology. A few archaeologists claimed in
the 1950s that archaeology could contribute to anthropological theory but they were ignored. The claim was reiterated by
new archaeologists of the 1960s, and by the 1970s worries about the poor preservation of the archaeological record had
softened. However, most archaeologists after 1970 (and before 1990) used anthropological theory and did not write new
theory on the basis of archaeological data. The root cause of American archaeology’s ninety-year absence from anthropol-
ogy’s high table of theory seems to be the discipline-wide retention of the ninety-year old belief that archaeology is prehis-
toric ethnology and the (unnecessary and constraining) corollary that archaeologists must use anthropological theory to
explain the archaeological record.
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doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2006.11.003
134 R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149
thing to note is verb tense. Maynard Smith (1984, p. The high table and theory
402) was welcoming paleontologists to the “high
table” of biological evolution (where the elite doy- Some time ago Hodder (1981, p. 10) stated that
ens—the neontologists—of the discipline sit) from “a mature archaeology means an archaeology
which, in his view, the paleontologists “have too involved in, and contributing to, wider debate in the
long been missing.” social sciences.” He suggested that to make such
Historian Sepkoski (2005) presented a history of contributions archaeology has to keep pace with
how paleontologists came to claim their place at the and be fully integrated into the social sciences in
high table. He reiterated that prior to the 1970s pale- general. Hodder’s is one way to deWne a high table
ontology was perceived as little more than the and to specify how to gain access to it. This deWni-
unglamorous user and conWrmer of evolutionary tion is potentially unhelpful in the present context,
theory by both neontologists and (most) paleontolo- however, because contributions may merely include
gists. One point he did not raise was paleontology’s archaeological conWrmation of models and theories
diYculty in gaining access to the high table as a that originate in nonarchaeological contexts.
result of its academic home being in geology rather Prior to the 1980s, paleontology’s access to the
than in biology (Eldredge and Gould, 1977; Now- high table was, in paleontologist Eldredge’s (1995)
lan, 1986; Youngquist, 1967). This demanded an view, restricted. Paleontologist Simpson (1944, p. xv)
intense struggle by paleontologists who sought to noted in the context of the neoDarwinian evolution-
demonstrate their worth to a discipline in which ary synthesis that geneticists had previously
they felt they should have been housed originally. observed that “paleontology had no further contri-
American archaeology, too, for the Wrst 80 or so butions to make to biology, that its only point had
years of its existence as a professional form of been the completed demonstration of the truth of
inquiry, was not allowed at the high table of anthro- evolution, and that it was a subject too purely
pology despite its academic home being within that descriptive to merit the name ‘science’.” Simpson
discipline (consider Boas’s and Phillips’s remarks in (1944) thought otherwise, and introduced what he
the epigraph). That situation began to change in the called “quantum evolution,” a unique tempo and
1960s as some American archaeologists developed a mode of evolution that was clearly visible to paleon-
program they thought would earn them a seat at the tologists from the coarse-grained temporal resolu-
high table. tion they had but which neontologists and
In this paper, I review the history of American geneticists thought was nonsense given the Wne-scale
archaeology, relative to cultural anthropology temporal resolution they enjoyed as they tracked
(hereafter, ethnology), and track the history of each genetic change in living fruit Xies. Simpson backed
subWeld’s relationship to the Weld of anthropology down (he was later replaced by Niles Eldredge, Ste-
as perceived by practitioners of each. Along the phen Jay Gould, Stephen Stanley, Elizabeth Vrba,
way I examine whether or not cultural anthropolo- and others [Eldredge, 1999; Sepkoski, 2005]), for it
gists (hereafter, ethnologists) believed archaeolo- was clear that paleontology was not welcome at the
gists should be excluded from anthropology’s high high table in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s (Cain,
table. I begin with a brief deWnition of a disciplin- 1992; Laporte, 1991). Neontologists believed that
ary high table. Then, I explore whether pre-1970 they knew all that there was to know about evolu-
archaeologists themselves thought they deserved a tion, and most paleontologists of the era accepted
seat at anthropology’s high table before reviewing their appointed role as mere conWrmers of evolu-
what ethnologists thought about high seats prior tionary theory. Paleontologists were simply users of
to 1970. I conclude with a review of what ethnolo- evolutionary theory rather than writers of or con-
gists and archaeologists thought about the latter’s tributors to that theory.
potential for a seat at the high table after 1970. I The preceding sketch, along with Maynard
show that between about 1970 and 1990 many Smith’s (1984) remarks, suggest that access to a dis-
archaeologists echoed their predecessors; they used cipline’s high table requires that a subdiscipline
anthropological theory rather than build unique must contribute theory to its parental discipline’s
anthropological theory on the basis of archaeolog- mix. Maynard Smith was welcoming paleontologists
ical data, despite their explicit recognition that to the high table because the second generation of
they have unique data upon which unprecedented Simpsonites (Eldredge, Gould, etc.) had proposed a
theory might be built. unique theory of evolutionary tempo and mode, one
R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149 135
seat, prompts me to start the discussion of anthro- anthropology rather than in archaeology. And the
pology’s high table within archaeology itself. Did discipline has often demanded that archaeologists
archaeologists think they deserved a seat at the high learn basic cultural anthropology as well as the eth-
table, like Simpson thought paleontology did, or did nography of their research areas because they are
archaeologists believe they had reservations only for anthropologists Wrst, though they are anthropolo-
the kids’ table? gists who study static “material culture” rather than
dynamic human behavior.
Beginning in archaeology Once the temporal bottom of the American
archaeological record dropped out with the discov-
Many (but not all) individuals who were doing ery of late Pleistocene cultural materials at Folsom,
anthropology at the end of the nineteenth century New Mexico, archaeologists could have made their
thought there was no great time depth to the Ameri- claim to the majority of the time period of human
can archaeological record prior to the discovery of existence in the hemisphere. They could have told
the Folsom, New Mexico, site in 1927 (Meltzer, their ethnologist brethren that archaeologists
1985). Thus, the general notion was that the cultures uniquely command the necessary skills and methods
represented by the archaeological record would be for studying the prehistoric past. No such claim, so
virtually the same as those documented by ethnolo- far as I know, was immediately made by an archae-
gists, so there was little reason to pursue archaeolog- ologist, though it would be made with increasing fre-
ical research, except to Wll in gaps in the quency starting in the 1950s. Instead, archaeologists
ethnographic record. As Boas (1902, p. 1) noted, “it interpreted the artifacts and sites they studied in
seems probable that the remains found in most of rather general historical terms (e.g., Kidder, 1924).
the archaeological sites of America were left by a In addition, the fact that archaeology was but a sub-
people similar in culture to the present Indians.” Weld of anthropology was repeated by anthropolo-
And a few years later Kroeber (1909, p. 3) remarked gists and archaeologists for decades (e.g., Smith,
that the culture “revealed by [archaeology] is in its 1910; Smith, 1911, p. 448; Dixon, 1913, p. 558; Phil-
essentials the same as that found in the same region lips, 1955, 246–247; Willey and Phillips, 1958, p. 2;
by the more recent explorer and settler.” Archaeo- Braidwood, 1959, p. 79; Jennings and Norbeck,
logical research would contribute little to what 1964, p. 4). Ethnologists and archaeologists alike
could be learned about American Indian cultures identiWed anthropology (or ethnology) as the gold
more thoroughly and more eYciently by ethno- standard to which archaeology should aspire (Ben-
graphic research. To use a baseball metaphor— nett, 1943; Steward and Setzler, 1938; Taylor, 1948).
strike one (against archaeology). Further, during the Wrst half of the twentieth cen-
The second important point about the origins of tury many ethnologists and archaeologists examined
modern archaeology in the Americas is that it was the relationship between ethnology and archaeology
conceived to be part of a four-subWeld discipline. (e.g., Bullen, 1947; Parsons, 1940; Strong, 1936). Eth-
This conception was shared by individuals who nological and archaeological methods were distinct,
founded and professionalized anthropology, includ- their data were distinct, but problems and solutions
ing Frederic Ward Putnam (Browman, 2002), Franz were similar—they were anthropological. Archaeol-
Boas (Darnell, 2001), Alfred Kroeber (Jacknis, 2002) ogy was, in terms of research questions and explana-
and Clark Wissler (Freed and Freed, 1983). tions, prehistoric ethnology. Archaeology was a
Although there is some evidence that the “four-sub- service discipline relative to anthropology. “Archae-
Weld” discipline is a myth (Borofsky, 2002), intro- ology contributes to the understanding of factors
ductory (“Anthropology 1”) textbooks continue to that cause civilizations to come into being, to Xour-
present the discipline as comprising four kinds of ish, and then to collapse,” and anthropology’s gen-
inquiry, each demanding its own methods. There are eral task is to “understand all facets of [human] life”
fewer than a half-dozen departments of archaeology (Martin et al., 1947, p. 4). Archaeology contributed
in North America. Archaeologists are known pro- to anthropology, but its contributions were to Xesh
fessionally as archaeologists and they belong to the out models and theories based on ethnological
Society for American Archaeology. Yet the vast research and data. “The Wndings of archaeology
majority of advanced degrees awarded to individu- have usually been employed for supplementary and
als who do archaeological research as a signiWcant conWrmatory rather than critical purposes [in
portion of their graduate training are degrees in anthropology]” (Strong, 1936, p. 359).
R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149 137
Archaeologists also regularly bemoaned their Deetz, 1968, p. 285; Trigger, 1968, p. 10; Anderson,
inability to do real anthropology by identifying how 1969, p. 138; Bayard, 1969, p. 377).
archaeological data were ethnologically incomplete. Several of those who repeated the preservation
GriYn (1943, p. 340) said almost all that could be mantra noted that archaeological investigation of
said on this topic: cultures with written records had the advantage that
those written records assisted with the interpretation
It is axiomatic in archaeology that the remains
of artifacts. Part of the popularity of the direct his-
recovered from an aboriginal site are in no wise
torical approach resided in it providing historical
suYcient to reconstruct the living culture of the
evidence that was directly—some said, metaphori-
people who left the remains. The artifacts and
cally, “genetically”—linked to archaeological mate-
tangible associations have merely retained the
rial, thereby warranting and strengthening
artiWcial form given them by their makers, and
inferences of ethnic identity and behavioral function
interpretations made by archaeologists are infer-
of that material (Lyman and O’Brien, 2001). In the
ences based upon similar materials used in an
Old World, too, the preservation mantra was
analogous but not identical cultural group. An
repeated (e.g., Thompson, 1939, p. 209; Childe, 1946,
archaeologist may recover the material but not
p. 250; MacWhite, 1956, p. 3; Clark, 1957, p. 219;
the substance of aboriginal artifacts. The exact
Piggott, 1959, pp. 7–12). And there, too, the value of
meaning of any particular object for the living
written documents for assisting with the interpreta-
group or individual is forever lost, and the real
tion of archaeological materials was highlighted
signiWcance or lack of importance of any object
(Hawkes, 1954).
in an ethnological sense has disappeared by the
Some American archaeologists worried that
time it becomes a part of an archaeologist’s cata-
archaeology could contribute little to anthropologi-
logue of Wnds. The objects of material culture
cal theory. One explicit statement on what archaeol-
employed by a preliterate community are but a
ogy had to oVer anthropology was by archaeologist
small part of the culture of the group, and of
Creighton Gabel (1964, pp. 1–2) who remarked that
these objects only a small proportion survives the
the “ethnologist’s explanation of the processes of
processes of decay.
culture as seen in many diVerent areas of the world
I said GriYn said almost all that could be said; provides the archaeologist with working theories
what he did not say was that archaeologists typi- that help him interpret in the most comprehensive
cally sample a site, and so even if preservation was fashion his sparse material evidence of cultural
perfect, they (typically) do not collect everything. development and change.” Archaeology was a user,
Such issues of sample representativeness had been a consumer of anthropological theory, not a pro-
recognized much earlier (Smith, 1911). Data qual- ducer of such theory.
ity, including representativeness, comprises strike Most archaeologists themselves thought that
two. archaeology did not warrant a place at the high
American archaeologists recognized early on that table of anthropology prior to 1970. Archaeology
conceiving of the archaeological record as an ethno- was but a handmaid to anthropology; it was not
logical record forced the archaeologist to admit that supposed to contribute grand theories, or even con-
the archaeological record was of poor quality. tribute unique parts to theories of cultural develop-
“Archeological material, being necessarily fragmen- ment or to discover cultural processes of large
tary, readily lends itself to misleading [ethnological] spatio-temporal scale that were invisible to ethnog-
reconstruction” (Smith, 1911, p. 445). They repeated raphers. Strike three; game over for archaeologists,
the “archaeological data are not worthy” lament, or they must go sit at the kiddy table, and take their
the preservation mantra, over and over again trowels with them. Ethnologists alone—sniV—sit at
throughout the early and middle twentieth century the high table.
(e.g., Nelson, 1938; Wormington, 1947, p. 18; Taylor,
1948, p. 111; Ehrich, 1950, p. 469; Smith, 1955, p. 7; The perspective of ethnologists
Spaulding, 1955, p. 12; GriYn, 1956, pp. 25–26;
Thompson, 1956, p. 35; King, 1958, p. 134; Willey, Archaeologist Willey (1984, p. 10) reported that
1960, pp. 112–113; Rouse, 1965, p. 5; Wauchope, in the 1940s, as he worked toward completion of his
1966, p. 19; Braidwood, 1967, p. 31; Chang, 1967, pp. doctoral dissertation, he realized that he “had
12–13; Adams, 1968, p. 1190; Ascher, 1968, p. 43; always been somewhat awed by my ethnological and
138 R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149
social anthropological professors and colleagues. and the farther back one goes in time, the greater is
These were the people who controlled the core of the enveloping darkness.” Herskovits (1948, p. 116)
theory, and, unwittingly or not, they let us feel that characterized archaeology by stating “The intangi-
archaeology was something second rate.” In his bles that are so large a proportion of human civiliza-
view, “by and large, archaeologists did not have a tion can never be recovered. The ideas of early man
high intellectual rating on the American scene” about the tools that are dug up, or how he used
(Willey, 1984, p. 10). He identiWed Kluckhohn (1940) them, must remain a secret, like his social and politi-
as someone who “scolded” archaeologists, but cal institutions, his concept of the universe, the
Kluckhohn was dismayed not just with eVorts of songs he sang, the dances he danced, the speech-
archaeologists to be anthropologists, but with both forms he employed.” Hoebel (1949, p. 436) said
archaeologists and anthropologists for failing to archaeology “is always limited in the results it can
explicitly develop and use theories of human behav- produce. It is doomed always to be the lesser part of
ior and of culture in their research (Kluckhohn, anthropologyƒ . when the archeologist uncovers a
1939). Did ethnologists consider themselves to be prehistoric culture, it is not really the culture that he
the sole occupants of seats around the high table? unearths but merely the surviving products of that
Did they, as Willey alleged, identify the second-class culture, tangible remains of the intangible reality.”
status of archaeologists within the more comprehen- Other ethnologists and anthropologists were equally
sive anthropological Weld? It is easy to show that pointed (e.g., Kluckhohn, 1949, p. 50; Beals and Hoi-
anthropologists indeed did think of archaeologists jer, 1959, p. 11).
as representing a scholastically lower class. Perhaps the harshest statement by an ethnolo-
Kroeber (1930, p. 163) stated early on that the gist regarding the role of archaeology in anthro-
“ultimate purpose of archaeology is the same as that pology was that by Elman Service. Although he
of history, the authenticated presentation of a series criticized ethnologists for ignoring previously col-
of human events.” At the time, American archaeol- lected data and leaving “historical reconstruction”
ogy’s goal was the same as that of American ethnol- to archaeologists, the majority of his venom was
ogy—writing historical ethnographies (e.g., reserved for archaeologists. Service (1964, p. 364)
Goldenweiser, 1925; Radin, 1933). Given a common wrote that the “work of the archaeologist (as an
goal, could archaeology contribute to anthropologi- archaeologist, not as an archaeologist turned gen-
cal theory (Fig. 1)? An early statement by Julian eral anthropologist or philosopher) is to dig up
Steward suggests the answer was no. Steward remains of peoples and their cultures, to map, mea-
encouraged collaboration between archaeologists sure, describe, count, and so on, and in his report
and ethnologists but implied that archaeology was to make an interpretation of what life was like
something of a second-class enterprise relative to ‘then’.” The implication that archaeology is merely
ethnology. In Steward’s view, use of the direct his- method is one to which we will return. Service
torical approach “will serve to remind both archae- (1964, p. 366) also berated archaeologists for not
ologists and ethnologists that they have in common consulting with ethnologists about what was going
not only the general problem of how culture has on in anthropological theory, and contended that
developed but a large number of very speciWc prob- “greater sophistication among more archaeologists
lems. If archaeology feels that applying itself to cul- about the actual nature of culture is what is neces-
tural rather than to ‘natural history’ problems seems sary now, and this sophistication can be achieved
to relegate it to the position of the tail on an ethno- by a better acquaintance with some ethnological
logical kite, it must remember that it is an extraordi- Wndings.” Finally, while genuXecting toward
narily long tail” (Steward, 1942, p. 341). Strong’s (1936) use of archaeological data to over-
Archaeology was not the kite; it was but the tail on turn a long-held model of cultural evolution, Ser-
the kite, long or not. Ethnologists who dabbled in vice (1964, p. 364) was at pains to demonstrate that
archaeology seem to have been less willing than there were “ways in which archaeological theory
Steward to acknowledge any value that archaeologi- and method could proWt from greater attention to
cal research might have for building anthropological ethnological fact.” This message was repeated a
theory. few years later by ethnologist Heider (1967). As an
Kroeber (1948, pp. 624–625) noted that our archaeologist, reading these two articles back to
knowledge “of the social and religious life of the ear- back made me feel like a not-so-wise teenager
liest man is naturally Wlled with the greatest gaps, being scolded by his much wiser parents.
R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149 139
Prior to 1970, ethnologists thought that archaeol- psychological phenomenon. From this point of
ogists had little to contribute to anthropological the- view, archeological results were stigmatized as being
ory. Service (1964) argued that archaeologists were hopelessly deWcient and relegated to secondary
but technicians and only anthropologists (even if importance.” Meggers went on to state that the
they dug rectangular holes) could explain human “results of recent years indicate that archeologists
behavior and build anthropological theory. Yet, the are no longer convinced that they are inevitably
ethnologists’ belief that archaeology could not con- doomed to being second-class anthropologists” (p.
tribute to anthropological theory for various rea- 128). In her view, “American archaeology [had]
sons was not solely dependent on clever semantics, come of age” (p. 129). Here was an explicit claim for
such as deWning archaeology as only method. As we a seat at the high table, but it was one to which few
will see, the “archaeology as method” mantra was anthropologists or archaeologists listened. In my
stated by archaeologists themselves. It is beyond my view, Meggers can be equated with George Gaylord
scope here to determine if ethnologists originally Simpson, and like with the history of paleontology,
thought archaeology could contribute little, or if whereas few acknowledged Meggers’s claim, the
they merely repeated what archaeologists told them. next claimant for a seat at anthropology’s high table
My suspicion is that ethnologists thought little of would not fade quietly into the background.
archaeology from the get-go; witness Boas’s com- In a series of papers published in the 1960s,
ment in the epigraph. Whatever the case, in the mid- Lewis Binford argued that archaeology indeed did
dle of the twentieth century, some archaeologists deserve a seat at the high table of anthropology,
began to argue that they could indeed contribute to and he outlined ways in which a reservation there
general anthropological theory. could be earned (e.g., Binford, 1962, 1963, 1964,
1965, 1968). His most explicit statement indicated
Archaeologists’ argument for a seat at the high table that a seat at the high table was not something
archaeologists deserved, yet. This was so because
Despite the proclamations of many archaeolo- the goals of anthropology were to “explicate and
gists themselves that they did not warrant a seat at explain the total range of physical and cultural
the high table of anthropology, and despite the similarities and diVerences characteristic of the
Wnger wagging of many ethnologists, a few archaeol- entire spatial–temporal span of man’s existence”
ogists thought otherwise. One was King (1958, p. (Binford, 1962, p. 217), but archaeology had not
134), who noted that the “restricted nature of yet attained the explanation goal. A seat at the
archaeological data, although at times awkward for high table could, however, be earned because it
archaeologists, may nevertheless be their salvation.” was archaeology’s “responsibility to further the
What King had in mind was the fact that archaeolo- aims of [anthropology]” (Binford, 1962, p. 217).
gists had data from which hypotheses could be gen- Explicate meant to make known as in describing
erated; those hypotheses could in turn be tested with the archaeological record; explain meant to dem-
“other social science data” (King, 1958, p. 134). This onstrate the “constant articulation of variables
was, I suspect in the view of many archaeologists within a [cultural] system and [to measure] con-
and ethnologists, a weak argument to prepare a seat comitant variability among the variables within
for archaeology at the high table. Interestingly, eth- the system. Processual change in one variable can
nologist Spicer (1957), when commenting on the then be shown to relate in a predictable and quan-
same series of archaeologist-authored papers as tiWable way to changes in other variables, the lat-
King (1958), thought that some of those papers ter changing in turn relative to changes in the
made major contributions to anthropology. King structure of the system as a whole” (p. 217). Given
(1958, p. 132) explicitly stated that one of the papers our knowledge of the “structural and functional
had “achieved [its] purpose of deriving anthropolog- characteristics of [modern] cultural systems,” we
ical theory from archaeological data.” Access to the could explain “diVerences and similarities between
high table was, perhaps, possible. archaeological complexes” (p. 218). This, and only
Meggers (1955, p. 28) noted that by the time this, would allow archaeologists to “make major
archaeology had evolved from antiquarian pursuits contributions in the area of explanation and pro-
to developing anthropological models and testing vide a basis for the further advancement of
hypotheses concerning cultural development (the anthropological theory” (p. 218) and earn them a
1940s), “culture was being redeWned as essentially a seat at the high table.
140 R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149
Binford (1962, p. 218) suggested that “we cannot provided a rallying cry for archaeologists who
excavate a kinship terminology or a philosophy, but sought a seat at the high table. For example, a vol-
we can and do excavate the material items which ume edited by Meggers (1968), the original Simpso-
functioned together with these more behavioral ele- nite, entitled Anthropological Archaeology in the
ments within the appropriate cultural sub-systems. Americas, appeared in 1968. (The term “paleoan-
The formal structure of artifact assemblages thropology” [Longacre, 1968] also was used but did
together with the between element contextual rela- not gain popularity.) Anthropological archaeology
tionships should and do present a systematic and has as its goal “the understanding of past cultures,
understandable picture of the total extinct cultural and the explanation of diVerences and similarities
system.” Two years later he rephrased this: “The found among them” (Watson et al., 1971, p. ix). The
loss, breakage, and abandonment of implements and implication was clear: Archaeologists could do
facilities at diVerent locations, where groups of vari- anthropology, rather than just dig up artifacts. “The
able structure performed diVerent tasks, leaves a primary goal of prehistoric archeology is to make
‘fossil’ record of the actual operation of an extinct contributions to the larger science of anthropology”
society” (Binford, 1964, p. 425). This was followed (Longacre, 1968, p. 389). “Archeology must remain
by Binford’s (1968, p. 23) claim that the “practical as closely and intimately bound up with general eth-
limitations on our knowledge of the past are not nology as possible and constantly contribute to
inherent in the archaeological record; the limitations understandings of social man” (Deetz, 1970, p. 115).
lie in our methodological naivete, in our lack of Binford presented an argument that recruited
principles determining the relevance of archaeologi- bright young archaeologists who believed they could
cal remains to propositions regarding processes and earn a seat at the high table. One recruit, SchiVer
events of the past.” In Binford’s (1968, p. 22) view, (1995, p. 3), reports that “by dismissing much of
“data relevant to most, if not all, the components of archaeology as traditionally practiced, Binford was
past socio-cultural systems are preserved in the wiping the slate clean, saying in eVect that a young
archeological record. Our task, then, is to devise person entering archaeology could write on that
means for extracting this information from our slate something signiWcant. A great teacher, Binford
data.” Archaeology is prehistoric ethnology despite inspired me to join his crusade to transform archae-
preservation issues. ology into a science.” Further, SchiVer (2000, p. 13)
Binford’s counter to the preservation mantra of later remarked that “I have long been an optimist
traditional archaeologists was picked up and that archaeology has unique theoretical contribu-
repeated by his students. Longacre (1970, p. 131), for tions to make to the social sciences.” Similarly,
example, wrote Longacre (2000, p. 294) found Binford’s addition to
the faculty at the University of Chicago where
If one adopts the view that culture is a systemic
Longacre was beginning his doctoral research “elec-
whole composed of interrelated subsystems, then
trifying to the archaeology graduate students.”
it is reasonable to assume that all material items
Longacre reports that Binford was “very supportive
function in a most intimate way within the vari-
of [Longacre’s and James Hill’s] initial attempts at
ous subsystems of a cultural system. It follows,
ceramic sociology but added new directions” (p.
therefore, that the material remains in an archeo-
294). SchiVer, Longacre, and other graduate stu-
logical site should be highly structured or pat-
dents of the 1960s learned what was required to earn
terned directly as a result of the ways in which the
a seat at the high table of anthropology—write new
extinct society was organized and the ways in
anthropological theory.
which the people behaved. Thus, the structured
That the preservation mantra was (only) partially
array of archeological data will have a direct rela-
negated by Binford is easy to show. Longacre (1968,
tionship to the unobservable organization and
p. 387) observed:
behavior of the extinct society.
What Binford meant by his statements regarding The very nature of the data imposes severe lim-
the preservation mantra would later be said by him itations upon the archeologist. The challenge of
to have been misinterpreted by others (Binford, these limits has been responsible for the devel-
1981), but at the time, the statements quoted in the opment of a multitude of ingenious techniques.
preceding paragraphs did two things. First, they par- Every archeologist must be constantly aware of
tially negated the preservation mantra. Second, they the boundaries that his data impose, but he
R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149 141
generalization and producing a corpus of work the discipline; it is, however, a form of constraint. As
remarkable for its intellectual conservatism. Interest Sullivan (1992, p. 248) noted, there is a “consider-
in the higher levels has, if anything, dwindled.” The able gap between archaeological data and the
focus on the middle level may have been perceived descriptive lexicons of archaeology and sociocul-
as a necessary prerequisite to the building of laws tural anthropology.” Translation of archaeological
about culture and human behavior, as it was sug- data into ethnological data limits explanatory the-
gested in the middle 1970s that “archaeologists have ory to that of anthropology and other social-behav-
not yet developed any major theories” and these ioral sciences. Several individuals have identiWed this
were dependent in part on laws (Read and LeBlanc, constraint (e.g., Deetz, 1970; Lamberg-Karlovsky,
1978, p. 310). The focus on middle-range issues led 1970; Meltzer, 1979; Sullivan, 1992; Wobst, 1978).
to a softer version of the preservation mantra—a Trigger (1973, p. 109) stated that he was “con-
notion that, as I suggested earlier, Binford only par- vinced that one of the weaknesses of much of the
tially killed. It is worth exploring the softer version current theorizing in archeology can be traced to the
because of where it leads. I consider this softer ver- tendency of some archeologists to treat their disci-
sion to be the new archaeology’s Wrst banner, by pline as simply the ‘past tense of ethnology’ or a
which I mean that it was something big and Xashy, kind of ‘paleoanthropology,’ rather than deWning its
meant to gain attention. The second banner was the goals in terms of the potentialities of its data and
familiar one of archaeology conceived as anthropol- asking the kinds of questions with which the data of
ogy. I consider these two banners in turn. archeology are best equipped to deal.” Trigger then
argued that archaeologists can do little else for two
A softer preservation mantra reasons. First, “archeologists should be able to
explain the archeological record in terms of pro-
Wobst (1989, p. 139) perceived a “glaring” and cesses such as innovation, diVusion, and adaptation,
“explicit absence of higher-level [explanatory] the- which can be studied fully and completely in any
ory” in archaeology. So, too, did others, some of contemporary society” (p. 109). But it was paleon-
them blaming the absence on the nearly universal tologists’ use of neontologically based evolutionary
reliance on anthropological theory, some blaming theory that denied them a seat at the high table; only
other things (e.g., Binford, 1977; Dunnell, 1978; when they identiWed unique processes of evolution-
Meltzer, 1979; Moore and Keene, 1983; O’Connell, ary tempo and mode (based on the coarse temporal
1995; SchiVer, 1996; Simms, 1992). Why should such resolution of the paleontological record) did May-
a lacuna exist? Clark (1987, p. 31) argued that nard Smith (1984) welcome them to the high table.
“What we [archaeologists] have now, and have The second reason archaeologists can do little more
always had, in place of archaeological theory is a than prehistoric ethnology is found in Trigger’s
partial and eclectic, at times even idiosyncratic (1973, p. 109) rephrasing of the preservation mantra:
dependence upon selected aspects of social anthro- “Archeological evidence is a far more intractable
pology, and other social and natural sciences, that source of information about many, if not all, areas
deWne and validate problems for diVerent segments of human behavior than are studies of contempo-
of the discipline.” The dependence, I suggest, results rary man.”
from the notion that archaeology is prehistoric eth- The softened, less pessimistic version of the pres-
nology (see also Sullivan, 1992, p. 248). ervation mantra is in part a result of ethnoarchaeo-
It seems as if the belief that archaeology is logical research. A particularly telling example of
anthropology or it is nothing is thought to have a the softening is found in two editions of a popular
requisite corollary that reads something like the introductory textbook. In the Wrst edition, Hole and
archaeological record can only be explained with Heizer (1969, p. 30) state “By virtue of their incom-
anthropological theory. Of course, it has long been pleteness, prehistoric data are unlikely to lead to the
recognized that the corollary is unnecessary (e.g., generation of new theories except where they come
Gumerman and Phillips, 1978). Yet, the corollary into conXict with models of what ‘should’ be that
remains in the sense that the archaeological record have been derived from other Welds in the social sci-
cannot, in a sense, speak for itself; it must be viewed ences.” Eight years later, Hole and Heizer (1977, pp.
through the tint of lenses provided by anthropologi- 82–83) were not so harsh: “It is commonplace to
cal theory, or so it seems to be thought by many. The assert that archeological remains represent only a
dependence on anthropological theory is not fatal to portion of the things used by people in a culture, and
R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149 143
that even if we were to include all things, we would something an ethnologist would recognize. Second,
still omit a great deal of the essence of a culture. archaeologists are in sole possession of the trans-
Under these circumstances archeology cannot be all mogriWer, resulting in turn in the archaeology as
that anthropology is nor can it routinely employ method mantra. I explore each of these issues brieXy.
concepts of anthropology. Prehistorians must adapt Gumerman and Phillips (1978) attribute the tra-
these concepts to their particular data.” Archaeol- dition of borrowing from anthropology to the belief
ogy is anthropological, if not as thoroughly ethno- that archaeology is anthropology or it is nothing.
logical as an ethnologist might hope for. Statements They agree with Taylor (1948), Bayard (1969),
by others also reveal a softer version of the preserva- Rouse (1972), and Woodbury (1973) that archaeol-
tion mantra (e.g., Deetz, 1988, p. 16; Spaulding, ogy is but method, “independent of any speciWc the-
1988, p. 267; Upham, 1988; Cowgill, 1989, pp. 74–75; ory in a behavioral science” (Gumerman and
Cordell and Yannie, 1991, p. 100; Jochim, 1991, p. Phillips, 1978, p. 188). Others have more recently
308; Kelly, 1992, p. 255; SchiVer, 1992, p. 236). The reiterated this opinion (e.g., Deetz, 1988; Moore and
softer version of the preservation mantra was, in my Keene, 1983; Rothschild, 1992; Spaulding, 1968,
view, the only issue that archaeologists after 1970 1973, 1988), Gumerman and Phillips (1978) suggest
felt might facilitate their access to the high table. It archaeology can build its own theory, but not all
reXected the fact that the archaeological record was archaeologists agree.
now no longer strictly conceived as an incomplete Moore and Keene (1983, p. 4) believe that the
ethnographic record, but that it was a record that, emergence of the new archaeology resulted in gen-
with suYcient tenacity, middle-range knowledge, eral, discipline-wide acceptance of the axiom that
and cleverness, could be interpreted in ethnological the variability evident in the archaeological record
terms. “is the subject matter of general anthropological
The second variable that contributed to archaeol- theory.” The result was that archaeologists “pirated
ogy’s poor self image was repetition of the “archae- methods from the entire range of social and natural
ology is anthropology” mantra, as implied by the sciences” resulting in archaeology being largely a
quote from Hole and Heizer (1977, pp. 82–83) body of methods rather than the study of prehistory
above. Because archaeology is anthropology, or cultural process (Moore and Keene, 1983, pp. 4–
anthropological theory must guide archaeological 5). Anthropological theory suYced as a source of
research. This notion becomes the second banner of explanations. Consider the two editions of what is
the new archaeologists, though by the 1960s it was arguably one of the seminal textbooks of the new
an old banner. How or why archaeologists thought archaeology of the 1960s and 1970s.
that use of anthropological theory would gain them Watson et al. (1971, p. 164) suggest that the
access to the high table is unclear, apparently even unique contribution of archaeology to theory will
to those archaeologists who wanted a seat there. concern prehistoric cultural evolution and be “inde-
Exacerbating the problem was the fact that this ban- pendent of those in other sciences that derive from
ner had a ribbon associated with it stating that diVerent subject matter.” On this basis they argue
archaeology is but method. that “thus, there is in a sense an ‘archeological the-
ory,’ although it might be better characterized as
Archaeology as anthropology, and as method evolutionary anthropology.” Thirteen years later,
they were more hesitant to argue that there was dis-
Deetz (1988, p. 19) argues that there is no archae- tinctly archaeological theory. “Archeologists as
ological theory, but only anthropological theory. He anthropologists and social scientists explain how the
(p. 21) also states that “at the level of theoretical for- archeological record was emplaced, and also they
mulation, archaeologists are operating as ethnolo- use archeological data to derive and test generaliza-
gists,” thus echoing (without acknowledgment) tions and to construct theories about cultural pro-
Service’s (1964) archaeology as method mantra. cesses that are represented in the archeological
Deetz is actually paraphrasing Taylor (1948). In record” (Watson et al., 1984, p. 249). Only archaeo-
Spaulding’s (1988, pp. 268–269) view, archaeology is logical data “can be used to help devise and test pos-
“prehistoric ethnography as a part of scientiWc cul- sible laws and theories about various aspects of
tural anthropology.” Two beliefs result from this prehistoric cultural change because archeological
perspective. First, archaeologists believe that the data contain the only records of long term informa-
archaeological record must be transmogriWed into tion about the technology, social and political
144 R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149
organization, art forms, and so on of past nonliter- and behaviors. Ethnologists were concerned that
ate human societies” (p. 249). But, they lessen this archaeologists did not know the complexities of
unique value when they state a soft version of the those behaviors, nor did archaeologists know how
preservation mantra: “In many cases, the archeolog- to build anthropological theory based on observa-
ical record may not provide the best data for testing tions of those behaviors. Later ethnologists
possible generalizations or explanations, even if the expressed other concerns.
methods of testing have been worked out. Some Hoebel (1972, p. 131) reiterated his opinion of
problems may be solved more readily with the use of 1949: “Prehistoric culturesƒmay be reconstructed in
ethnographic, sociological, or historical data” (Wat- only their thinnest outlines. So much rests on infer-
son et al., 1984, p. 250). ence from limited facts that enthusiastic opinion and
The preceding makes clear that in the 1970s and intellectual prejudice frequently run far beyond the
1980s even archaeologists who were strong advo- reasonable limits of the evidence.” Ethnologist Leach
cates of anthropological archaeology were hesitant (1973, p. 767) remarked that the “data of archaeology
to claim a seat at the high table of anthropology. are the residues of ancient social systems and the most
They may have been hesitant because, as Meggers that the archaeologists can hope for is he may be able
(1955) suggested, culture was being redeWned by eth- to establish, with reasonable conWdence, the work
nologists as something (cognitive) that archaeolo- pattern that produced these residuesƒsocial organi-
gists believed they could not access. This seems zation as the social anthropologists knows that term,
unlikely, however, given the emergence in the 1980s must forever remain a mystery.”
that that something might be accessible (see the When he argued that ethnology was an historical
review in Watson, 1995). I Wnd it much more likely science, ethnologist Aberle (1987, p. 556) remarked
that the hesitancy originated in the (constraining) that the “past is preserved in the present, but it is
belief that archaeology is prehistoric ethnography, imperfectly preserved, both because of entropic
which in turn demanded two things. First, the static transformations of the structures of the past and
archaeological record had to be converted into because of loss of information.” It is easy to imagine
dynamic ethnography, which demanded an archaeo- what he would say of archaeology. Social anthropol-
logical conversion kit (middle-range theory). Sec- ogist Frederick Gearing “found it diYcult to imag-
ond, anthropological theory was suYcient and ine that some archaeologists still believed that
necessary to explain the converted archaeological material culture can be mapped isomorphically with
record, reducing archaeology to mere method. the social and ideological dimensions of culture, as
even a radical change in the former may not cause
The opinions of ethnologists changes in ideology or social interaction” (Zubrow,
1989, p. 48). Finally, cultural anthropology doyen
After 1960 ethnologists were not as vocal as they Harris (1997, p. 121) remarked “Archaeology is to
were four to six decades earlier about the second- anthropology as paleontology is to biology. Without
class nature of archaeology. Yet, it is easy to archaeology, anthropologists could neither describe
illustrate what ethnologists thought of the new nor explain the course of cultural evolution. As a
archaeologists’ claims that archaeology could con- result of the great sweep of time and space studied
tribute anthropological theory. Ethnologists of the by archaeologists, anthropology enjoys a unique
late 1960s cited the preservation mantra (DeVore, position among the social sciences because it can
1968; Lee, 1968) as a weakness of anthropological observe the operation of long-range trends and can
archaeology, and they variously suggested that formulate and test causal theories of cultural evolu-
archaeologists wishing to be anthropological had to tion.” Archaeology served anthropology by using its
be more thoroughly educated and experienced eth- unique data to conWrm or refute speculative evolu-
nologists (Aberle, 1968; Fried, 1968; Lee, 1968). The tionary models derived from ethnological data; it
latter would, it was thought, facilitate the derivation did not contribute unique theory, only anthropolo-
of cultural and human behavioral meaning from the gists “formulate” theory.
archaeological record. When archaeologists began
to do ethnography, they did so not because of the Conclusion
recommendation of ethnologists, but rather because
they wanted to learn how the archaeological record Archaeologist Gosden (1999, p. xi) suggests
was formed and about the linkages between artifacts “archaeology has been an importer of anthropological
R.L. Lyman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26 (2007) 133–149 145
ideas and suVered a balance of trade problem due to mentioned today is virtually identical to that men-
the lack of export of archaeological results and theo- tioned prior to 1950 (Lyman, 2007). To gain access
ries. Things are changing, however.” According to to the high table, we should follow a suggestion
Gosden the change is occurring because anthropolo- made more than three decades ago. Plog (1973)
gists are realizing that the two subWelds concern argued that frequency seriation had not been fully
diVerent time spans. “Anthropologists are increas- used to explore tempos and modes of cultural
ingly aware that the traditional 18 months of Weld- change. I agree and suggest that using frequency
work provides a snapshot of society, which it is seriation as a form of time-series analysis (Lyman
diYcult to understand in isolation. The need for his- and Harpole, 2002) would reveal much about the
torical context is especially acute in areas of the particulars of the tempo and mode of change, per-
world with short written histories” (Gosden, 1999, p. haps even tempos and modes that are only visible
11). A realistic conception of the requisite time span archaeologically.
for observing human behavior ethnographically or I am not suggesting that archaeologists abandon
archaeologically depends on the question being use of ethnologically documented cultural processes
asked (Brooks, 1982; Lyman, 2007). Gosden has hit as explanatory tools, nor am I suggesting that
upon one of two key points, but the one he has hit archaeologists abandon traditional ethnological and
upon is the one others identiWed previously. anthropological theories. What I am suggesting is
It is only partially because archaeologists have that a little explored arena that is likely to contain
access to a much more temporally extensive record evidence of unique processes—particularly, tempos
than ethnologists that they can build unique theory, and modes of change, to borrow Simpson’s (1944)
a point made by many cited here. It is also partially wording—is the temporally coarse-grained archaeo-
the scale of temporal resolution to which they have logical record itself. It is there that ethnologically
access that gives archaeology the potential to make imperceptible large-scale processes may be revealed.
unique contributions, a point few I have cited And, if the history of paleontology is any guide, it is
explicitly make. The scale of temporal resolution is precisely those sorts of revelations that will gain
much coarser in archaeology than the day-to-day, archaeologists a seat at the high table of anthropol-
season-to-season, year-to-year resolution aVorded ogy. To gain those insights, archaeologists must
ethnology. A coarse scale of temporal resolution is occasionally discard the tint of the archaeology is
precisely what provided paleontology with the prehistoric ethnology mantra and consider the
admission fee to the high table of evolutionary the- archaeological record as potentially revealing some-
ory. In particular, the unique tempo and mode of thing invisible to an ethnologist. It may reveal noth-
evolution as manifest in punctuated equilibrium was ing, but how will we know unless we look?
perceptible only with a relatively coarse, millennium-
to-millennium, temporal resolution. That is why Acknowledgments
neontologists reacted negatively to punctuated
equilibrium; they were not used to conceiving or Christine VanPool and Todd VanPool made sug-
perceiving processes at that low power of temporal gestions on an early draft that resulted in a clearer
resolution. It was because the data of the paleonto- discussion. Three unsympathetic and unmerciful
logical record did not Wt the neontologist theory but anonymous reviewers insisted that I Wne-tune sev-
instead suggested unique tempos and modes of eral key points; they may not be satisWed with the
evolutionary processes that Eldredge, Gould, Stan- result.
ley, and others wrote new evolutionary theory and
were eventually welcomed to the high table.
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