Professional Documents
Culture Documents
by
Karthigesu Indrapala
E5!
Abstract • • • . • • • • • 2
Acknowledgements . • • • • • • • }
Abbreviations • • • • • • • • 5
Introduction • • • • • • • • 6
Chapter I The Beginnings of Dravidian Settlements 2.5
Chapter II Settlements in the Period of Col.a
Occupation • • • • •
Chapter III Settlements in the Late Eleventh and
the Twelfth Century • • • l.33
Chapter IV Settlements in the Thirteenth Century
I - The Jaffna District • • • 236
Chapter V Settlements in the Thirteenth Century
II - Vanni Districts • • • �06
Chapter VI The Beginnings of the Xi.Dgdom of
Jaffna - I • • • • • :,99
Chapter VII The Beginnings o! the Kingdom of
Jaffna.JII • • • • • 477
Conclusion • • • • • • • • 542
A Select Bibliograph7 • • • • • • • 549
Map • • • • • end pocket •
5
ABBREVIATIONS
A.B.I.A. - Annual Biblio ra h of Indian Archaeolo , Leyden.
A.I. - Ancient India Bulletin of the Arch. Survey of India).
I:s.c.A.R. - .Anchaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Report.
C.A.L.R. - Ceylon Antiquary an Literary Register, Colombo.
C.J.Sc. (G) - Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G, Colombo.
Ccm. - Cekaraca-cekara-malai
c.if.J. - Ceylmn Historical Journal, Colombo.
Cv. - Culava�a
1?:£• - D!:pava�
E.C. - Epigraphia Carnatica
!.:.!• - Epigraphia Indica
Elu-av. - _lu-attanagal�va��
�- - Epigr p ia Zeyalanica
Gk. - Greek
Hvv. - Hatthavanagalla-vi ara-Val]l§a
I.A. - In ian Antiquary
J.A.S. - Journ 1 of ian tudies
J.R.A.S.(C.B.)Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch)
N.S. - New Series
Kk. - Ko�car-kalveft�
Km. - Kailayarnalai
L. - Latin
M.E.R. - Madras Epi raphical Reports (Annual Report on epigraphy
Southern Circle,}.adras Government.
Mm. - MaJt�lanpu-man iyam
:V.rv. - Mahav�a
N.I.A. - New In ian Antiauary
Nks. - Nikaya-s�rahaya
Port. - Portuguese
Pv. - Pujavali11a
Rv. - RaJavaliya
S.I.I. • South In ian Inscriptions
Sinh. - Sinhalese
�-
Skt. - Sanskrit
T.A.S. - Tra�a,core Arc ae lo�ical Series
- �i�a- il-ca-pura�am
...E.• - Tiriko.acala-pura�....!!!
u.c • • c. • University of Ceylon History of Ceylon
u.c.R. - University of Ceylon Review
.Yl!• - Vaiy-paf�
vv. - verses
Yvm. - !jlppa�a-v ipava-malai
6
IMRODUCT ION
part of the island. In 1620, the last of the Tamil rulers was
executed by the Portuguese conquerors who brought the Tamil areas
deal with the history of the Tamils who were settled outside the
Jaffna kingdom or with the ear1y Tamil sett1ements. This is
chiefly due to the fact that they are narratives based on the
Jaffna chronicles, which deal with the history of the Tamil kingdom
only.
Mudaliyar C.Rasanayagam's Ancient Jaffna, published
in 1926, marks the first attempt at a critical history of Jaffna.
stated that the earlier part of the chapter was deleted by the
f(l�·,(vo.�,.�o. P\,\\"'a",
1 !!lPPa�a-vaipava-malai, ed. K. Capanatan, Colombo 1953 ;
}..
Eng. tr. C.Brito, Colombo 1879.
2. �f-eakkatappu-manmiyam 1 ed. F.X.C.Nataraca, Colombo 1962.
19
also been useful in this respect.
Besides these chronicles, a few other Tamil works
of Ceylon containing valuable historical information have also
remained extant. Among these, the Tak�1aa-kailaca-pur'a$2;
Tiri-k'o@cala-pura�am; Kogecar-kalvert�� Cekaraca-cekara-malai4
and the Cekaraca-cekaram have been of some use in �ur work.
The first three are chronicles of the temple of Ko��varam, in
""
Trincomalee. The exact date of these works cannot be d/ermined.
The Tak�,!�a-kailaca-pura��, written in the reign �f a king of
Jaffna who bore the consecration name Cekaraca-ce�an� is
probably a work of the fifteenth or sixteenth century. The
!2,�car-kalvet�� and the Tiri-ko�cala-pura�am are .later works.
The Cekaraca-cekara-malai is an astrological work composed in
the time of an lryacakravartin named Varotayaa who had the
consecration name Cekaraca-cekara.A� According to t�e Y-aJ.ppa��
vaipava-malai, this ruler was the father of Martta.p.faa whom
Paranavitana has identified with Martti�4am Peru�un of the
1. Cila�pati.karam, p.636.
2. �#,inlekalai, llVIII, 1. 107.
which was known by that name in the pre-cb.ristian and early Christian
Mahav�a refer to the two Tamil usurpers , Sena and Guttaka , who
dealing with horses� Sena and Guttaka were followed by t he Tamil poli•
l. Mv. , 21: 13 ff. , 33 :39 ff. ; B!.• , 18 :49 , 20 : 16-18 . The relations
between South India and Ceylon during this perio• have been
dealt with in great detail b1 W. M.K.Wijetunge in his thesis,
The Rise and Decline of c�ia Eower in Ceylon, submitted to
the University of London in 1962.
2 . !!!• , 34: 19 , 26 ; .!?:!• , 20 : 27, 29.
, . !!!• , 35: 26 , 27.
4. �- , 35: 48.
5. u.c.H.C., I , pt.l, P• 176 .
38
evidence of the Pali chronicles shows that from about the
second century B. C. the Tamils of South India had established
contacts with the island. The earliest literature of the Tamils,
belonging to about the second and thlid centuries A.D. , does
not contain information on thia point. But there is a solitary
reference in one work, the Paf�!nappalai, to trade relations
with Ceylon. It mentions the sessels laden with food-stuffs
from !lam (Ceylon) among those that called at the port of
Kaveri-pat t iaam, in the Cola country! In the .§dgam anthology,
there are some poems attributed to Plit�-tev�ar, a Tamil poet
2
from Ceylon. But it is from the seventh century that we get any
direct reference to Veylon in the literature of the Tamils.
The evidence of the literary sources is confirmed
by a few inscriptions as well. There are three pre-Christian
Brahml inscriptions in Ceylon which attest to the presence of
Tamils in Ceylon. One of these, from AnuradhapurBJil popularly
known as the Tamil Householders • Terrace inscription, records
the building of a prasada (terrace), probably used as an assembly
hall, by some Tamils� On one of the sides of the terrace are
found inscribed the following names : Kubira, T�a, Kubira Sujata,
,
�aga, Na!ata and Karava the navika (ship's captain). The last-
1. Mv . , 34:20.
2. S.Paranavitana, 'Examples of Andhra art recently found in Ceyl.on ' 1
A.B. I.A. , XI, PP• 15-l.8.
3. A.s.c. A.R. for 1952 , p.24 ; A.S.C.A.R for 1954, P.5 : A.S. C.A. R.
for 1956 , P• 4 ; A. S.C.A • • for 1957 , P• 24; A.S.C.A.R. for 1955 ,
PP• 10,l.l,29 .
4. '.Evi dence of earliest lillhalese art•, Ceylon Observer, 4 . 2 .1 95o ,p.6,
41
It is clear from the evidence that has been briefly
adduced above that before the third century A.D . close contacts
had been established between Ceylon and the Tamil and Telugu
countries. But this evidence does not necessarily suggest that
there were settlements of Dravidians in the island at this time.
The question to which we have to seek an answer is whether these
early contacts between South India and Ceylon led to the rise
of permanent and widespread settlements of the Dravidians in
the ia1and.
The evidence outline4 above reveals that commercial
interests, political adventure and the prospect of military
employment had led Tamils and possibly some Telugus to go to
Ceylon in the early centuries of the island ' s history. Tamil
traders possibly established temporary settlements in the ports
and main towns. But there is no reliable evidence in our literary
or epigraphic sources to c&nc1ude that there were notable settle
ments of Dravidians in the island before the third century A. D .
The Mahav�a and the" late chronicle RaJavaliya contain some
references to the migration of people from the Tamil countr,-
to Ceylon before the third century A.D . In the account of Vijaya,
the Mahava$sa refers to the arrival of a princess , seven hundred
maidens and ' craftsmen and a thousand families' from the ��ya
country� This statement does not inspire any confidence in us.
1 • .!:!!_. , f 1 55 ff.
42
It is as unreliable as the many other elements that have grown,
in the course of the centuries, around the traditio� of the
original Indo-.Aryan settlements in Ceylon. It is significant
to note that the earlier chronicle, Dipava�a, has no semblance
of this t a1e in its account of Vijaya. It seems to have been
included l ater in order to enhance the prestige o! the founders
of the Sinhalese kingdom.
The RaJ°avaliya would have us believe that Gajabahu I
(114-136) settled twelve thousand Tamil prisoners in the districts
of A.lutldiruva, Sarasiyapattuva, Yafinuvara, U�unuvara, Tu.mpane ,
Revahl!t a, Pansiyapattuva, Ego�atiha and Mego�atiha in the central
highlands! The cycle of Gajabahu legends in the literature and
tradition of the Sinhalese has been discussed by scholars in
some detail and it is now agreed that, although there seems to
be some kernel of truth in the accounts regarding Gajabahu's
visit to South India, many of the details are highly incredible
and improbable� That Gajabahu visited South India is confirmed
by the CilappatikarruJ A.round the tradition connected with this
event, several legends seem to h ave grown in the course of the
centuries. The account of the Tamil settlements ill the RaJavaliya
1 . gy. , P • 35.
2. U.C.H.C . , I, pt.l, PP• 182-185 ; W.M.K.Wijetunge, .2!?.• ill•
3. Cilappatikaram, PP• 18, 636 .
43
may form part of the later details added to the original tradition.
It is also possible that it is based on some minor Tamil settle
ments that were established in the island in the second centuryy
or later. The second century A.D. appears to have been a period
of expansion for the Cola country. The several accounts of Karikala
Cola ' s activities reveal that Tamil settlements were established
in the newly-cleared territories north of the Cola country,
namely in To��aimal}-�a1am: It is possible that the expanding
population of the Cola country went in search of new lands and
some of them settled in the western regions of Ceylon, where
even now the few Tamil-speaking Sinhalese claim descent from
those who are supposed to have been settled by Ga jabahu . These
events, or more probably later Tamil settlements, may have
given rise to the legend of the twelve thousand prisoners in
later times. With the evidence that we have now, it is not possible
to ?erify the account in the Ra'.Javaliya. As it stands, however,
it is difficult to accept it as reliable.
Although the literary and epigraphic sources are
not helpful in our inquiry regarding the Dravidian settlements
of the earliest period , the evidence of archaeology has been of
much value. The earliest and perhaps the most definte evidence
1. C.J.Sc. (G ), I, pt . 2, PP• 51-52 ; A.S .C. A.R . for 1957, PP• 11-17,
30-31.
z. K.R. Sriniva.s+,nd N.R.Banerjee, • survey of South Indian Mega1itha ',
Ancient India, 9, PP• 113-114.
3. C.J.Se . (G), I, pt. 2, P• 51.
45
by no means extensive, excavation was carried out there. In 1956
more than a dozen jars were discovered and in and around these
were smaller pots which contained skulls and other human bones,
1. !,__
�atthapakasini 1 II, (P.T. s. ), P• 685.
2. Tiru-!rana-campantar Tevara Tiruppatikatka.t, PP• 810-812.
3. �., PP• 518-520.
57
and established permanent settlements. Probably they, or most
of them, stayed behind permanently. The situation created by the
increasing numbers of Kera.la and Tamil mercenaries in the seventh
century and later is comparable with that caused by the Teutonic
federates in Britain and on the Rhine and the Danube frontiers
of the Roman empire in the fifth century A. D.; The British
parallel is striking in this respect. We find that a British
king employed Saxon mercenaries from the mainland to repel the
invasions of his ememies and granted land in the eastern parts
o f his kingdom for their settlement . Eventually the federates
created trouble over payment, plundered the c ountry and asserted
their power� Although the situation in Ceylon was not similar
in magnitude, it is in a similar manner that the South Indian
mercenaries appear to have behaved on several occasions between
the seventh and the tenth century. The ctilav�...! refers to
and villages which were not necessarily set apart for the maintenance
of Tamil soldiers but were places where Tamils were living!
There is also some indirect evidence in the Clilava� which points
1. £.!. , .5.5 : .5 -6 .
2. �- . 55 : 12.
3 . hl• , III, P• 273 .
4. Swe infra, P• 71 •
60
to the existence of minor Tamil settlements in Rajaraftha in
the seventh and ninth centuries• That Tamils were living scattered
here and there is hinted at in a reference in. the account of
Hatthadafb_a (684). It is stated that when Hatthadatha went to
Ceylon with an army of mercenriea from South India and marched
towards Anuradhapura , presumably from Mahatittha, • all the Damil'.as
who dwelt here arose and joined him on the way as he approached • :
Evidently this is a reference to the Tamils who lived ill the areas
between the port and the capital. Another reference is �ound
in the account of the Pai.,.ha invasion during the reign iof Sena I
(833-853) . When the Pa��ya ruler �rI �a Sr! Vallabha li..nvaded
the island and encamped at ¥..ahatalitagama, 'the many Damifa,s who
dwelt (scattered) here and there, went over to his side • � Probably
there were minor settlements of mercenary and other DraTidiana
in some parts of Rajara�fha from about the seventh century. A
reference in the Culava� seems to imply that many of t he Tamils
in the island in the eighth century we7e soldiers. Whi1e recounting
the meritorious deeds of Mahinda II (777- 7 97) , the chronicle
states that he gave horses to the Dami+as ' as they wou1d not take
cattle ' � This probably refers to the Tamils in the capital city,
1. Q:!. , 45 : 19.
2 . llii, , 5'0 : 1'5 .
3. �- , 48:145.
61
for, it is unlikely that Mahinda II distributed horses t o the
Tamils liTing in all parts of the kingdom. That these TII.Dlils
refused c att1e and acdepted horses may mean that the1 were not
a settled peasantry but mercenaries who had more use for h orses
than for cattle. But this, however , is a flimsy evidence and
the Tamils who reveived horses were probably a few mercenary
leaders.
It is in the niJrlih and tenth centuries that we again
get any definite epigraphic and archaeological evidenc e , though
meagre, pointing to Dravidian settleants. For the first time
in these c enturies, Tamil inscriptions come to light and Sinhalese
inscriptions refer to Tamil lands and villages. The ear1ie st of
the ruins of Siva temples are also datable to the same period.
,
Several Saiva ruins, aptly termed the Tanui.1 Ru.ins,
have been discovered in a section of the norhhern quarter of
1
Anuradhapura. These ruins consist of temples and residenc e s for
priests, with some lesser buildings scattered here and there .
,
Some of these are SivaliAga temples while some others ar e dedicated
to Ea+i , the mother goddess. Several stone lingas, too , have
been unearthed in this area . ill the shrines are of om.e design,
which is simple and reminiscent of the style of early �ravidian
temples. These have a vestibule (antara1�), a migdle-room (ardha
maJi�apa) and a sanctum (garbha-grha), and were all built o f brick
i . A.S.C.A.R. for
I
18 23 1 P• .5 .
2. U . C.H . C . , I, pt . 1, P • 386.
3 . S.I. I . , IV, Nos. 1403, 14-04.
4. M. E.R. for 1913. P• 103.
.5 . ll!.!!·
63
that Siri Sd.>ghabodhi and Silamegha were borne a1ternately by
Sinhalese kings as consecration names in much the same way as
Rajake�ari and Parake�ari were used by the Cola rulers. The
, -
name Sri Satghabodhi was used by several rulers �rom the time
of Ag�abodhi II; and it is not easy to identify the ruler of
our inscriptiollSwith any one of them. But it is �ossible to
date the inscriptions on other grounds. The occUtrrence of the
terms kumarak!W� and �la.kk'acu in these inscript ions is of some
help in this respect. The term kumarak!MJ.�, refel:"ring to a group
or a corporation in the position of a board of managers or
trustees of single shrines� does not occur in aJJJ of the Tamil
inscriptions of South India before the ninth centur� It appears
1. u . c . H . C . , I, pt. 1, P • 365.
2. See infra, tr- C.S-- C.C. .
3. K.Kanapathi Pillai, A Study of the Language mf the Tamil
Inscriptions of the Seventh and Eighth Centuries A.D., thesis
submitted to the University of London, 1936. ETen the two early
:L_ru;t,!! of South India, namely the !lu.iikavam and the a�tag�.!
find mention in the inscriptions only from the time of
Nandivarman III (844-866) and Aparajita (879-897) respectively,
l . A. S . C. A. R. for 1892, P • 5.
2. A.s.c .A.R. for 182Q, P • 2.
3. .!.E.,g . , P • 3
4 . A. S. C. A.R. for 1898, P • 3 .
69
a small Hindu temple similar to those in the Tamil Ruins was
also excavated! In Vihara No.l at Pankuliya, there are three -
inscriptions in Tamil and Grantha scripts.2 Some of these remains
may belong to later times but generally several. of them seem
to belong to the period before the C'?Sla occupation. The consensus
of evidence from all these finds should lead us to conclude
that there was a Dravidian settlement in the northern part of
Anuradhapura.
By the time of Kassapa IV (898-914) we get in the
Sinhalese inscriptions definite references to Tamil villages
and lands. There are three significant terms which occur in this
connection in these inscriptions. They are Demel-k11bMlla,
Deme¾�t-vMlademin and �1-gam-bim, which have been translated
as 'Tamil allotment', ' Tamil lands' and 'Tamil villages and lands '
respectively� As pointed out earlier, Paranavitana has interpreted
1. �- , 75 : 20, ,9, 74 .
2• .!!!· , IV, P• 208 ; u.c.H.C. , I, pt. 2, P• 488.
73
inscriptions of that time. This term occurs always with the
term �te-kul!• Wickramasinghe translated the terms as 'Tamil
coolies' and 'Sinhalese coolies ' respectively,1 but Paranavitana
has rightly rendered them as two types of imposts levied from
Tamils and Sinhalese respectively� It seems clear from the context
that these refer to some kind of tax and not to people. It is
a very probable conjecture that the foreign settlers had to pay
imposts different from those paid by the Sinhalese. It is not
always that these two terms occur when a reference is made to
imposts. For example, in the case of the immunities granted in
respect of the village of Ki�igama, mentioned earlier, the term
kut1 (impost) occurs without the epithet .E!!!'!!.1.! (Tamil) or
He1e (Sinhalese)� We have seen earlier that there was another
village called Deme:J.-kivigam, which was probably a Tamil allotment
in Ki�igama� Since Demel-�igam was treated as a separate
village, there was apparently no need to qualify the term ku+!
with Demele and Hefe in respect of the immunities granted to
Kip.gama. This may suggest that the two distinct types of kug
were mentioned in the immunity grants only in regard to villages
where both Tamils and Sinhalese were living. On the basis of this
1. !,& , IV , P • 36 .
2. C.W. Nicholas, .21?.• cit ., P• 34.
3. !:!• ' III, P • 139.
4. C. W. Nicholas, P • 184.
5. �- , II, P• 38 .' C • fl. Nicholas, P • 168.
6 . E . Z . , II, P • 56.
82
� with the Ki;igam of the above inscription, for, the mofern
Ki�igama seems to fall outside the limits of the ancient Eastern
Province. The village named Kereligama in the Kukurumaha.J1-dama.na
Pillar inscription was in the district of Valapu , in the Western
Province of the Anuradhapura kingdom: It h aa not been possible
to identify this village exactly. Since the provenance �f the
inscription is Mallima�u, in the Vilpattu National Park, which
lies in the area of the ancient Western Province, we have to seek
the ancient Kereligama. somew)Jere in that region. The lripinniy�va
and Ra.mblva inscriptions of the time of Sena II (853-887) refer
to the impost, �te-kuli, in connection with the vill.s.ges of
Posonavullp and Gllli.nduru-go��ala, which have been identified
., -
- and RambKva
as ��ripinniyUva 2 The Viharegama. Pillar
respectively.
inscription of Kassapa IV also refers to �le-kuli in conne�tion
with another Tillage, the name of which is not preserved� Another
inscription of Kassapa IV, mentioning Demele-kulI comes from
Slgiri;ra!
The nature of these possible Tamil settlements and
the strength of the Tamil population in the island can.not be
determined with the help of the meagre evidence available to us.
1 . Kalinkattu-par�,!, v. 64.
87
rule. Four or its chapters have been devoted to the events of
this period and these have been written not very long after
the time of the foreign occupation.1 But despite this distinct
value , it is of little use in our inquiry. The author of this
section of the Pali chronicle , while relating the untold damages
wrought by the CcSlas and denouncing their wickedness , does not
interest himself in the affairs of the C15la administration or
in those of the Tamils and Sinhalese in the C?Sla domains. The
subject of his history is the resistance organized by some
Rohqa princes. Of these princes , Vijayabahu , the final liberator
of the country from the C15la yoke , is chosen as the hero of this
section of the chronicle. The conquest of the island and the
desecration of the monasteries by the invaders are dismissed
in a dozen verses in the chapter en,itled 'The Pillage of La�ka'�
After these, any reference to the CcS;Las is made only in connection
with the resistance that was carried on against them. Repeated
references are made to the hordes of Tamil invaders who were
taken to the island to suppress rebellions� In short , it is an
account of the miseries wrought by the CcSlas and of the bitter
1 • .2:!• , 55-58 .
2 • .!ill·, 55: 13-25.
3. �-, 55:25 ; 58 : 14 ; 58 : 25 .
88
struggle that went on between the patriotic Sinhalese rebels and
the ruthless fmleign invaders. The traditions concerning the
areas uhder foreign rule may have been considered irrelevant
to the purpose of the author. But it is more likely that the
author was depending on records which were preserved in the
south of the island and which, therefore, did not contain any
information regarding the goings-on in the districts contrdlled
by the Cc5las • All that we can positively gather from the P-a1i
chronicle is that Tamil armies were sent to Ceylon at frequent
intervals and that they were stationed in different parts of
Ceylon. Whether there were Dravidians , other than these soldiers,
who went over to the island at this time is a question that
cannot be answered with the the help of the C1Ilava�a.
In the CUlava�a account of the final c ampaign of
Vija;yabahu against the Cc5las , some of their strongholds in
Dakkhill,adesa and in the eastern part of the island are named.
It was after the subjugation of these places that the Sinha1ese
commanders sent word to Vijayabahu to join them at Polonnaruva:
The strongholds in Dakkill,adesa are given as Muhunnaru (Nuvarakllle),
Badalatthala (Batalago�a ), Vapin agara (Venaru), Tilagulla (Tal agalllF
llla), Maha.galla (Magalla or Nikav1lra{i), Ma��agalla (Mahama�agalla)
1. �- . 58: 46 .
89
and Buddhagama ( MMnikde�a)� Of thtise in the east on1y Chagama
(S-alamam) is mentioned by name� It is not known from the
C't!lava�a whether there were any Tamil settlements in these
C't5la strongholds. Evidently there were many �la troops stationed
at these places and possibly some of them settled down there.
Although the evidence of the CUlav�...! is rather flimsy for
1, �• • P • 20.
2. See infra, P• f D� -
92
large number of Tamil inscriptions , more than three dozen
compared with only three for the period before the tenth century ,
were set up in different parts of norhhern Ceylon during the
Cc5l.a rule. Their sudden appearance could be explained easily
if they are official records. But the interesting fact is that
not a single one is official , although several of them appear
to have been set up by Cola officials in their private capacity.
The sudden appearance of so many Tamil epigraphs presupposes
the presence of more Tamils in Rajarattha than before. Such an
impression seems to be confirmed by the internal evidence of
the inscriptions as well. Unfortunately these epigraphs , almost
all of which register private grants to temples , do not , by
their very nature , contribute very much to our inquiry. Some
are extremely brief while some others are badly damaged.
However , they indicate the probable areas of settlement and ,
in some cases , the nature of the settlement. They range from
the time of Rijar'ija I (985-1014) to that of Adhir'iJ°'endra I
(1067/68-1070) and , therefore , cover the whole period of C'?Sla
rule.
Nearly a third of these inscriptions comes from
Polonnaruva , which was renamed Jqan.Iha-maAg4am by the Colas:
----
tinguished himself in battle by taking (kojfa) some place. The
grant was made to the temple of 'Vallavq-.matevi-;4Avaram, the
present Siva DeV-ale No. II. The names of nearly twelve temple
officials, including those of the officiating Brahma�a.s, are
given in the inscription. These officials and their successors
1. There was also a place called Vikrama-p'l.;:tiya NallUr, see infra,p. 11t,
2. See supra, P • f B".
3. A . S . C . A. R. for 1202, P • 27 .
4. S.I.I., IV, No. 1395.
5 . See infra, P• , �, .
97
A few other short epigraphs of little or no value
also come from the city and the vicinity of Polonnaruva. One
such inscription is engraved on a bell found in Siva Devlle No.VI
and has the name of SrY �illai Perumaf alias Ton •• • •• • • the
donor. Palaeographically, it has been assigned to the Cola
period� Another, registering the grant of Adhikar�aa C-
ar�aa,
a retaikkara of the Mum:u-kai division, comes from Gal Oya,
near Polonnaruva� The title Adhikarai,au may suggest that the
donor was an administrative officer among the Velaikkaras.
An analysis of these inscriptions from Polonnaruva
and its surroundings reveals that al.most all those in which the
donors• names are preserved are grants by persons who may have
been Cc5la officials. This perhaps explains the occurrence of
l. A. S . C . A . R. for 1953 , P • 9•
z. Unpublished.
100
at Periyakujam. With this possible exception, no Tamil inscription
of the period after the eleventh century is known to have been
discovered at this site. But the shrine continued to be venerated
by Sinhalese pilgrims down to modern times� The absence of Tamil
inscriptions after the eleventh century may be due to the
possible conversion of the Tamils of this region to Saivism.
The inscriptions are a11 donative records and
register the gift of cows, buffaloes and perpetual lamps . Most
of the records are damaged and are only partly decipherable. At
least three of them are dated in regnal years of RaJendra I
(1012-1044)� One at least of the donors appears to have been
a Cola official. This person, •titta-per-araiyq of Palavaa
putu-kuti, gifted thirty-five cows and a perpetual lamp� The
element per-araiya,n (the great chief) and the gift of a larse
number of cows suggest that he was an important personality�
Another person who gifted forty heads of cattle may also have
been an official� Most of the other donors appear to have been
humble peasants or traders whose grants were lamps or small
1. M . E. R. for 1912, Nos. 160 and 236 of 1912. The South Indian
village was in Poyy1.:-k1Iuam, in Te;(l-karai-natu in Co!ama�t alam.
2. M. E . R. for 1897. No.80 of 1897 ; M.E.R . for 1898, No.78 of 1898;
M . E.R. for 1921/22, No. 547 of 1920; M.E . R . for 1925 . No. 395 of
1925 ; K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, The � ' PP • 489, 516.
3. K.A . Nilakanta Sastri, The Col.!!!, , P• 516, fn. 12.
4. Ibid.
5. S . I . I., III, P• 136.
10 4
RaJendra-cola-pati and the caz\kara-paf� �ere asked to supply
the oil required for fifteen perpetual lamps and to be in charge
of lighting them in the temple of Mahadeva at Tiruvlla.Aga�u:
It seems clear, there!ore, that the cai\kara-pa�iyar of Mat�f�am.,
referred to in our inscription, were there to perform a similar
function in respect of the temple of Tiru-irami�varam and were
probably settled there by the temple trustees . The �:c.r.ilai-
va�iyar were a community of peopl.9 who sold betel leaves, as
their name implies. The term ilai-va$iyar (leaf-sellers), a
variant form of �.:..t,ilai-vaP,izar, occurs commonly in South Indian
inscriptions, especially of the Vi j ayanagara period. The
valaikkay-va�iyar, as their name implies, were sellers of
plantains (bananas). Probably these two communities were expected
to supply the betel leaves and the plantains required for the
daily offerings in the temple. It is not possible to say whether
they, like the ca�kara-patiyar, were settled near temples for
this purpose. Probably they set up their business on their own
accord near temples. The fact that the money for the maintenance
of the street lamp at Mahatittha was deposited with these
communities shows that they were organized as guilds or corporations
rather than as loose groups.
1. S . I. I. , III , P • 136 .
105
The above �la inscriptions of Mahatittha, therefore,
provide us with some information about that port in the time of
the �la occupation. We find that it was renamed by the ClSlas
as Rajarajapuram. There were at least two Saiva temples, one
of which was built b thir period and named RajaraJe6varam, after
Rajaraja CoJ.a . There were at least a few Tamil trading communities
who were associated with the temples. Probably there were also
other Tamil settlers at Mah�tittha during the Cola period.
Tamil inscriptions of the Cola period have also
been discovered in the Hurulu and Nuvaragam divisions of the
Tamanka�uva district in the North-central Province. Most of
these are too brief or badly weathered to be of any use to us.
In the Hurulu division, the inscriptions are mainly concentrated
in Padaviya. Some of them date back to the time of Rijaraja I.
There are more than • half a dozen of these. Most of these have
been found among the ruins of Siva temples. One of them, dated
in the twenty-seventh year of Rajaraja I (1011), appears to be
a record of a mercantile community for it contains the names
of a number of ceff!! (money-leaders or traders): Another, also
dated in the reign of lmjaraja I , registers a number of gifts
to a temple which appears to have been named after Rajaraja.
1. S . I . I . , II , P • 426.
11 2
lla-ma;�alam, to the temple of Kuttalam 1 : There are severa1
interesting points to be noted in this record. Who were thes,
residents of Vi��andai ? Evidently they were Saivas. Though
, .
generally at this time the Saivas who were in the island were
,
Tamils or Ker4as, there may have been some Saivas originating
from other parts of India or even from among the Sinhalese , "MO.
It seems, however, unlikely that a group of Sinhalese or other
non-Tamil Saivas from a particular village in Ceylon evinced
an interest in the affairs of a temple in a South Indian
village , unless they were in some way connected with that villge.
It seems more likely that they were Tamil settlers from the
Kuttalam area who still showed an interest in the affairs of
their former village and temples. Such an interest can be seen
even now among Saiva settlers from India and Ceylon in places
like Malaya, who send gifts to the temples formerly frequented
by them. Moreover, the name of the Ceylonese village was changed
from v4�andai to Vik:rama-pa��ya-nallur and the district , too,
was given the Tamil name of Koft'!Ir-natu. As pointed out earlier,
in Tamil
many Sinhalese villages were arbitrarily renamed/by the � las
and the occurrence of a Tamil toponym does not necessarily point
to Tamil occupation of the area designated by it. But such names
t
1. A . . C.A . R . for 1902, pp.7-8 ; A->t.•l�for 1908, PP• 3-10
I
A . S . C. A . R . for 1902, P • 17; A. . C . A .R . for 1934, PP• 16-17.
2. A . S . C.A . . for 1911-12, P • 114.
3. S . Paranavitana, Art and Architecture of Ceylon - Polonnaruva
Period, P • 31.
4. � .
5. See infra, � -!!! •
6. A . K . Coomaraswa.my, Bronzes from Ceylon, P• 9.
117
Some remains of Cola temples have been discovered
outside Polonnaruva, too. At Moragoga, near Padaviya, were
unearthed the remains of three temples¼ Tamil inscriptions,
some dating to the time of Rajaraja I, have been found in these
ruins. The occurrence of nand1, lilga and yoni figures shows
that these structures belonged to �aivism� The names of these
temples are not known, but one of them appears to have been
named after Rajaraja I1 Besides these structures, three other
�aiva temples of the �la period are known from contemporary
inscriptions, but their remains have not been unearthed so far.
These are the Tiru-irami-'varam and Rajaraja-!§varam temples of
Mahatittha and the Uttama-cola-�-'varam of Ataka�a1!' Among the
ruins at Mahatittha ( Mantai), remains of some buildings of the
eleventh century as wellca.as a nandi, a li�ga and a Gati-e�a image
were found� Some of these may be the ruins of Cola temples.
Saiva temples of the Polonnaruva period have also been discovered
1 . A.s.c.A.R. for 1907, P• 27 ; A.S.C . A.R . for 1891 , PP• ll, 30;
1 . See infra, P • 1 8� ·
2. K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, The �tas , P• 465 .
12(
are known from the �la inscriptions : Ja�anatha-mai\ga+am;
Rajaraja-pur� Rajaraja-perum-teru� Rajaraja-va+anatu� Vikrama
c�la-vatanatu� Arumoli-teva-valanat u� Paralacari-va!anatu�
Nikarili-cola-va,l:anatu� Rajendra-cilka-valanatu� Xoffur-nafu;0
and Vikrama-pa�t iya-na11Ur!1 All these, except mffUr-na{u, are
names der ived from those of royalties¥ All of them, with the
possible exception of the last, have evidently been g iven by the
Cola administrators. Such names, therefore, do not always reflect
the existence of Tamil settlements in those place s. There are
a few other Tamil toponyms occurring in the �la epigraphs of
the island , such as mka.Ilur , Nalllir, Mukari-natu 1�d Pa1ava11-
3. Ibid.
4. S.I.I., II, P• 426.
.5 . !!?,g•
6. S.I.I., IV t No. 1412.
7. Unpublished - No. I 775•
8. A.s.c.A.R. for 1909 . P• 27.
9. Unpublished - No. I 357.
10. M.E.R. for 1917/18, P• 143.
11. lli&·
12. See supra, P• lf� ·
13. S.I.I., IV, No. 1393.
125
putu-pi{i: But it is not possible to determine whether these are
place-names of Ceylon or South India. Some of these appear as
jivita Tillages held by Cola officials while some others occur
as the places of origin of certain donors. As villages in South
India were sometimes assigned to officials serving in Ceylon,
as in the case of TaJ.i Kumarau who was assigned the village of
Ci�u-Itutta-nallur in ce1amav:a1am although he was serving at
Ma.hatittha; and as many of the donors mentioned in the inscriptions
may have come from South India, we cannot be certain that these
villages were in Ceylon. Moreover, some of these names occur
both in the Tamil country and in Ceylon, so that it is difficult
to identify them in any particular region. Na11Ur, for instance,
is a very common name in South India. In Ceylon, too, there at
least four places of that name� Putu-kuii also occurs ill both
regions� It seems probable that most of these places mentioned
in our inscriptions were in South India.
There are a few tamilised forms of Sinhalese place
names which occur in the contemporary inscriptions, namely
Matoffam5 ( Sinh. Mato{a, Pali Mahatittha), Pulainari6 (Sinh. Polonnaru,
1. See supra, P • 1 03 .
2 . M. E. R. for l935/3 , Nos . 150 , 196 .
3 . E.Z., IV, PP• 194-195.
4 . !!.£· ' X, No. 42b.
5 • �. , P• 81.
133
CHAPI'ER III
b'ihu I and the rise of Kali.Aga influence have been dealt with
by A.Liyanagamage in his thesis, The Decline of Polonnaruva
and the Rise ot Da!bade�iya, University of London, 1963.
135
The most important feature of this period, in
regard to Dravidian settlements in the island, ia the presence
of a number of mercenaries, traders, artisans and Brabmavas from
all parts of South India. The most important among these
Dravidian communities were the mercantile bodies known as the
Ai!1fmttuvar, Vala!ljiyar and the Nan'ide!is as well as the arcenary
forces called the Vefaikkaras. An analysis of the activities of
the mercantile communities reveals that they may have been
responsible for the migration of several traders, artisans and
mercenaries into the island in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
More than seventy inscriptions, in Tamil, Telugu,
Kannada and Ma.layalam, which refer to the activities of the
2• .!E_g .
3• K.A.Nilakanta Sastri , The ClJ1.!!!_ , P• 596.
4. M. E . R. for 1919� No.223 of 1918 ; .!:£ · , II , (Revised ed. ) ,
-
1. E .c., VII, P• 159 of the text.
2. -
E.C . , VII, No. 118 from Shikarpur T'iluq - The following
countries are mentioned:- 1 Chera, ChlSla, �a, Magadha,
Kausala , Saurlltra, Dhanustra, Kurumbha, ICambhoja, Gaulla,
3. �-
149
1
a share in the collection of tolls, taxes and rates and had
the power of declaring certain towns as �ri-�a-paft9.!.!
and Southern Ayyavoiea� The7 also reserved for themselves the
power to grant trading privileges in certain articles to
individua1 traders: They were great benefactors of temples to
which they- granted part of the tolls and rates collected by them.4
The communities associated with the A1JU1Uuuvar
�ere not all mercantile in character. Man� were other occupational
groups which later evolved into castes. Examples of such coJDJDUjlities
are the Pa!ic\alas (the five classes of smiths), Kumbhalika.s
(potters) and the K&auras (barbers)� who were among the
eighteen samayaa. Even the Vala!ljiyar and the Nakarattar later
evolved into castes� There were also some communities which
were given to martial pursuits , such as the Et,1-�as, Muaai-�ras,
I1a!lciAka-�ras, KoAga-V'i+ae and the Mwnmuri-d�4as? Their names
3. �-
4. !_:!. , II, P• 254. D . M.de Z.Wiekrama.singhe has givelll. this
translation..
153
possible to take the first two meanings, for the ValaJljiyar being
a mercantile communit;r and the Velaikk'i2as being a mercenary
body we cannot say that one is descended from the other. The
meaning Ielders' seems to be more appropriate. But here, too ,
the ValaJljiyar cannot be taken to be the elders in the physical
sense. They appear to have been regarded as the leaders of the
Vetaikk'iras, as Paranavitana has rendered, and seem to have
been elders in the social sense. This relationship becomes clear
if we look at the social structure in South India in this period.
In the eleventh and the twelfth century, and in fact till
recent times, the various castes of the Dravidian areas were
divided into two major sections called the Ifa6kai (Left Hand)
and the Vala:tlkai (Right Hand): The Vl1aikkara inscription
under discussion attests to the presence of the members of these
two sections in Ceylon in the twelfth century� Certain mercantile
communities were considered to be the heads or leaders of
these sections. In the case of the Vala.Akai, the Nanade§is and
the Vala.21ji;rar were among the leaders while the It a.Aka.i had
is further strengthened by the fact that the ' Nakaratt'ir u lt!t �'
are referred to as those who accompany the Mahatantra? The
phrase N akarattar Yi!�� has been translated by Paranavitana
as the 1 Nakarattar and others'f- But 1itera11y �:ft,if�r means
' those included ' , from ut+i\u meaning 'include'. The phrase
would, therefore, mean 'those included (in a group) with the
Nakarattar • . This seems to be a reference to the I�a.Akai leaders.
The reason why this group is mentioned as those who accompany
the Mahatantra must be the subordinate position held by them
in the presence of the Vala.Akai. The leaders of both sections
were invited for the meeting of the Vi+a1kk'iras obviously
because the latter were drawn from both settions of the Dravidians.
1.�s- ·
�"Z.e.ll -e.&-r No - 4 � : Ce.y ..,. , t f · ?. 1 , lf-o,
l
1• .See illf:ra., it•
6. �-
7 . ng.
165
Vald.kai Ve+aikkarar: The epithet Va1aAk.ai or ItaAk.ai denoted
their caste group.
These mercenaries were not a 'warlike tribe or a
clan or a military community' as Geiger thought; but • a type of
troops bounds by specific oaths of loyalty which they were
bound to keep at the risk of their own lives•� They were drawn
from different castes� and were probably organized as a military
guild. R.C.Majumdar takes them as 'a good example of �atriya
sre:o:is � The assembly of the VeJ 111 kkara community at Polonnaruva
as well as the organized manner in which they sometimes revolted
against the Sinhalese rulers may support this contention. But
apart from these, there is no substantial evidence to prove
this conclusively.
Vefaikkara mercenaries were employed in Ceylon in
the time of Vijayabahu I (1055-1110) and possibly even earlier,
under the Colas• The Colombo Museum Pillar inscription of
Kassapa IV (898-914) has a reference to a Veiakka who was a
body-guard� Judging from his profession, this persoa may have
1. y. , XVIII, P • 33 7
2. K. A.Nilakanta Sastri,'Vijayabahu I, The Liberator of Ce7lon ' , p.71.
3. M. E . R. for 1917. No. 433 of 1916.
4. K.A.Nilakanta Sastri,'Viduabahu I, The Liberator of Ceylon ' , p.71.
168
Among the other sections of the VeJai.kkaras the
Polonnaruva inscription mentions those of the V ala:dka.i, Ita�kai,
Ci1:u-taa,am, Pil'taika.}.-ta,nam, Vatukar, Yi.al.ay
a.tar and Parivara
kontam. This mixed composition of the Vel a1klt'iras claarly
shows that they were not members of one military c aste or
community but were organized more like a military guild. Of
these different sections, the Ve+aikkaras of the V ala�kai and
Tt a:Akai were obviously those drawn from the two categories of
Dravidian castes known as V ala�kai and IfaAkai. The V ala:dka.i
Ve1aikkaras appear to have been further sub-divided into
various sections. In the Pa1amottai inscription of the forty
second year of Vijayabahu I (1097), a Ve?aikkara,a of the
Vikk.irama-calamelta-terinta VaJ a�k•1 division is mentioned�
This division was apparently named after Vikramab'ihu I (1111-ll.32),
the son of Vij ayab'ihu I and bearer of the consecration name
Cal'imeka (Pali, Sil'imegha)� The naming af a division of the
army after a ruler indivates that the Sinhalese rulers were
following a South Indian practive�
'
ca1led Vikr�J.a Maharaj� as a peruntaram of Munmm�i ClSJ.a�
But whenever individua1 officers are mentioned in comiection
with the PerW1-taaam, they are referred to as those attached
to the Perun-t�am as, for instance, Perun-tanattu-pgimakan
(servant of the Perun-t&.llam)� The occurrence of the pkrase
Ci;c.u-ta,uattu per,un-taram (perun-taram of the Ci£u-ta,aam) in some
of the inscriptions not only shows c1early that the t erms
perun-taram and perun-tan,am are different but also demonstrates
h .,_""
that the 1atter stands for someone attached to a 1arger body
- -
1. The ja of ty,!! may have int erchanged with :va and later
became �• £!• , Kannada b�a!I.jiga - Tamil !.Ya!lji;yar.
17 4
the Ker4a and Kao,v:a,fa
mercenaries in the employ o r the
Sinhalese rulers in this period.1 The Telugus are, however, not
mentioned in these sources. Kera+a and Telugu mercenaries seem
to have been numerous in the cn5J.a country in this period, while
Kanna�a mercenaries went as far north as Benga1 h purs•it of
their profession� The Cu!av�..! makes a dist:lnction between the
Ier4as and the Vel-aikkaras which might mean that onl.y a section
of the Kerata mercenaries were included in the Ve.J.ai kk:Ira
army�
The PariV-ara-k?>ntam of the Polonnar•Ta inscription
is not known fro■ the South Indian inscriptions. It is, therefore,
dif'ficult to s� whether it was just another division of the
Vel,aikk'ara army or a mi1itary community included i.n that arm,-.
It has been suggested that it mq etand for the spearmen in the
king's procession (parivara)! A. division of the C?Sla arzq was
known as the pariw'irattar and a number of such div:i.sions are
named in the inscriptions� We also come across a t roop of
-
Vifaikk'iras', E.Z. , II, P • 254 .
5. S.I. I. , II, Intro., P • 9.
175
bod,--guards known as p arivara-me;ykapparkal: In modern Mysore
there is a caste called the Parivara Bant, which is claimed
to have been originally a military- class� The Parivara-k15ntam
of our inscription appears to have been a similar military
body which was perhaps associated with the royal procession.
There has been some difference of opinion among
scholars regarding the interpretation of the phrase �u-kai
Velaikk'arau. This occurs in the Polonnaruva inscriptioa as well
as in another Tamil record from Gal Oya� MUS!:u-kai has been
generally taken to refer to three divisions in the Ve+ai�a
arJll1• 'It seems from our inscription as if the three divisions
or 'hands' to which the Velaikkaras were divided I consisted
of the Mahatantra, the Vala!lji,-ar and the Nagaratt'ir', is the
comment of Paranavitana on this phrase.4 Wickramasinghe has
observed: 1 Whether the term m1Im:u-kai refers to the triple
principle, namely, yiva-9 akti-A.Vu or Pati-Pacu-Paca corresponding
to the trika of Cashmere gaivism, or it is only an epithet of
the Velaikkaras due possibly to their army being composed of
1. S.I.I. , II , P • 96.
2. J.Sturrock, Manual of South Kanara , I, PP• 156-157.
3• S.I. I., IV, No. 1398.
4. S . Paranavitana, 'The Polonnaruva Inscription of Vija.yabahu I',
P• 334.
175
1
three wings, we are unable at present to say'. Nilakanta Sastri
is inclined to think that nfiim:,u-kai refers to the •traditional
three arms left after the chariots went out of use, viz.,
elephant corps, cavalry and infantry'.2 As we have seen earlier,
the ValaJljiyar and the Nakarattar were mercantile communities
and not divisions of the Vel,aiklara army. There is no evidence
suggesting any connection between the triple princ•ple of
Saivism and muar,u-kai. Although Nilakanta Sastri's suggestion
see.ms to be plausible, there are certain difficulties in
-
l.. Nks. , P• 18.
2. C. J . Sc 1 (G), II, P • 137•
3. DambadeJtli-asna, p. 3 ; Mayura-sande�a, v. 157
; C . J.Sc. (G) , I I,
7• T . A.S., V, P• 147 .
179
of this community (Akampafi-pe�fukal) found service in the inner
apartments of the palace and in the temples: The name .Akampafiyb
is a compound of the Tami1 words akampu (:Lnside or inner
apartment) and af.Y!!: CserTants) and this community may have
originated as a class of servants in the inner apartments of
the palace and the temples, and evolved into a caste. This caste
h as survived to this day in .Arcot, Pudukkoft ai and Madurai
districts and is v ariously known as Akampat iyar, Akamufi and
Akamufiy'ir� In Ceylon, too, this caste was existent in th e Tamil
areas till very recent times� As in some parts of South India,
the members of this caste seem to have gradually mixed with
the Vetfafar and given rise to the saying that 'the JCall-ar ,
Ma.:avar and the staunch Akampatiy'ir have gradually become
Vef'fltar• C!!itar Ma;.avar kauatta Akampatiy'lr mella mella
!!ff!iar aki viff�). This saying is prevalent in South India
4 Some sections of the Akampat i caste in
as well as in Ceylon.
the Madurai district are •regarded as a more civilized section
1 . £:!• , 76 : 103-104.
2. �-, 77 : 103.
,. � - , 78 :76-77.
183
that Lankapura actually won many successes in hi8 initial campaigns
in South India.1 We cannot, therefore, cast doubt on these state-
ments of the Pali chronicle. The gigantic Dami+a-thlipa stands
at Polonnaruva to this day, preserilng the memory of the Tamil
prisoners. It was intended to sprpass all other monuments of its
type in Ceylon and its circumference at the base is given in
the Chronicle as 1300 cubits� Unfortunately it has not been
possible to ascertain the dimensions of the base from the ruins
at Polonnaruva, as it has not been completely excavated. The
dome stands at about fifty feet from the ground forming an
extensive circular plateau at the top� Parakramabahu must have
commanded a large force of South Indian prisoners to undertake
the building of s•ch a stlipa and the repair of other buildings.
have
These prisoners must, in the course of time,/mingled with the
Tamil population of the island. Some of them may have been
employed in viharas, as on an earlier occasion when Tamil
prisoners were enslaved and given over to viharas� An inscription
from the Galapata vihara, near Bentofa, dated in the thirtieth
1. See supra, P• If 7.
2. See infra, � - Y .
3• !:!• , IV, P• 191 ff. ; Ibid., III, P• 302 ff. ; S . I . I., IV, No.1397;
unpublished inscription No. l 359 of the epigraphical list
in the .Archaeological Department, Ceylon.
4. E. Z., I II, P • 302 ; �• • IV, P• 191.
186
South Indian artisans found employment in the island in this
time, as in the later periods.
BrUma,vaa were among the South Indian communities
in the island in this period. The Polonnaruva period was one of
increasing Br�'maga influence in Ceylon. The services of Brnmagas
were enlisted for the performance of various rites in the royal
court and palace. This was especially so in the time of Par'ikrama
bahu I when Brahmanic rites, we are told, were performed at every
important occurrence in his life. The CUlav�_! refers to the
sacrifices performed by Br'lhm.q.as and to the allllS offered to
them by rulers like Parakramab'ihu and Manabhara;a! The Tamil
and Sinhalese inscriptions, too, furnish evidence on this matter.
The Sinhalese inscriptions of NU6anka Malla mention Br'lll�as
among those to whom that monarch offered al.Ila� Two Tamil
inscriptions from Paiam1Sffai and Mahakirinda refer to two
BrahJDa\la settlements named after Vijayabahu and Jaya.Ako�fa
Calameka (probably Vikramabahu I), namely the VijSJ"araja
caturvedi-.mallga1am at Kantaia:;r and the JayaAko�ta-calameka
caturvedi-ma.4g4am at Mahakil!inda� An unpublished Tamil inscription
- -
1. Cf. , Pv. , p. 116; Cv. , 71:2.
2. er.,�-, 7:63.
203
About four miles north of Trincoma.lee is Ma�:d�ai
where a Tamil inscription of the time of Gajabahu II has been
found; The inscription records the grant by Gajabahu of 1and
to one Minta.A Koo:a�, who is designated Superintendent of the
Palanquin Bearers (tiru-palli-civikaiyaril ��!) . The land
was granted as a j�vita evidently for services rendered by the
donee. On another side of the slab on which this inscription
is indited, there is another Tamil epigraph, the purport of
which is not quite clear� It states that !mnabhar�a I Ma!1a
para�a Tevar) sent a letter (tirumukam) approving the deed
(ceyal) of Gajabahu (Gajabahu Tevar) and caused a stone
inscription (cil�-lekam) to be set up. There was only one
ManabharruJa who was contemporaneous with Gajabahu II, namely
the one who ruled in Roha�a in the middle of the twelfth
century, and, therefore, the Nanabhar�a of our inscription
must be the same person. It is not clear whether the transaction
referred to in the inscription had anything to do with tbe
grant of Gajabahu recorded on the same slab. But this seems
unlikely for .lvmnabhara�a never had any authority over �jarattha,
1• .£!·, 74:44.
2. See supra, P• 111 •
20'1
of Saivas in the region of Trincoma1ee in the time of Gajabmiu II
and to the antagonism between them and the Sinhalese Buddhists
of the area� The event described in this Tamil chronicle to
illustrate this antagonism seems to take us back to a time when
the Sinhalese of the Trincomalee district were being gradually
ousted by or assimilated to the Tamil population. It is stated
in this work that opposite the rock on which the temple of
��esvaram stood the Bud hists built a temple of the Buddha
,
and harassed the Saiva devotees who took flowers to ��esvaram.
This led to quarrels between the Buddhists and the Pacupatar
(�aivas) . The latter triumphed over the Buddhists and pushed
some of them down the rock into the sea. The matter was reported
to Gajabahu II, who tried to take revenge on the �aivas by
attempting to destroy the ��esvaram temple. But through divine
intervention he realised his folly, became converted to Saivism
and made generous benefactions to the temple and to the Brah�as
2
there. Although the details of this account may not be wholly
acceptable, it is not altogether untrustworthy. Gajab'!hu is
the only Sinhalese monarch who finds mention in the Tak���
ltailaca-malai. In this chronicle he is said to have taken the
1. �-, 7:89-96.
2. �-
208
consecration name of Ci£ieanka-p�ti (Siri-s�ha-bodhi) and this
is corroborated by the other sources: He is associated with
Kantalay and is credited with the patronage of Brahma�as and
Saivism. This is confirmed by Tamil inscriptions and is implied
in the CUlava�a.2 Perhaps the contention that Gajab'!.hu was
converted to .§aivism is an exaggeration but the gist of the
account cannot be doubted.
Further north of Trincomalee and Kantal'!.y, in
the coastal region east and south-east of Kokkulay Lagoon,
Tamil inscriptions and �aiva remains have come to light in
several sites. At Padaviya and nhalka�a, two villages in this
area, were found two inscriptions of the Ai!lmuuvar community
and their associates� The Whalka�a inscription was set up to
record certain steps taken by the Patinei-pllmi-nattu-cettis
4
and the nrakkotis so that a certain town •may not be destroyed'.
This town was presumably a market town som'9'Where in the
Vahalka�a region. Padaviya, as we have pointed out earlier,
also appears to have been a market town of considerable
, -
the name of a place or temple, the second part of which is
undecipherable. Sri Vijayaraja in the Pa+am�ttai inscription
of the time of Vijayabahu I occurs as the name, evidently after
the same monarch, of a catur-v'!di-mail.glYam and of a �aiva temple�
1. £:!·, 58:42-45.
2. .I.I., IV, No. 1415.
3. S.Paranavitana, 'Two Tamil Inscriptions from BudumuttMva', �-,II,
214
We also learn that the site of the inscription, the present
Budumuttiva, was part of Mahagalla in the twelfth century. In
this epigraph Mahagalla appears in its Tamilised form of �
and its other name is given as Vikkirama-cal'lmeka-puram,
evidently the same as Vikkamapura of the CUlav�a which has
e luded identification by scholars! This new name seems to have
be en given after Vikra.mabahu I who would have had the consecration
name of Calameka { Sinh. Salamevan)� The Siva temple of ¥.ahagalla
was also evide ntly named after Vikramabahu fmr it was known as
Vikkira.ma-calameka-I!varam. Perhaps it was built in the reign
of Vikramabahu. The e xistence of this temple points unmistakably
to the presence of Tamil settlers in this area. The settlement
may have originated in the time of the �la occupation. It is
of interest to note that ou� inscription was set up to record
certain gifts to the Siva temple by Cuntamalliyalv�
{Cuttamaliyalvar3 ), the daughter of Kul�ttuAga I and wife of
Virapperuma;, a PaJ}�ya prince. No remains of the temple have
come to light in the area. The present inscription was found
1. £.!.· , 72:147.
2. See upr , P• J fr� •
dated A. D . 1118 , comes from the same site� This epigraph reco rds
fact is that the sett lement is reco rded in Tamil. It was obviously
l. �. z. , III, p. 302.
2. Unpublished - Inscription No.294 of the epi raphical list
in the Archaeolo ical Department, Ceylon.
:; . .!lli·
218
te ple, have been definitely identified in this region so far.
The only ancient �iva temple in the area is the well-known
Mu.mesvaram shrine, near Chilaw. The origins of this temple are
unknown, though the Tamil pura�as trace its beginnings to hoary
antiquity; The Tamil inscriptions in this temple belong to about
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries� Several finds in this
place, such as brass lamps, camphor-burners and a candelabrum,
have been described by Ananda Coomaraswamy as medieval and may
well date back to this period� As Tamil literature and tradition
in the island have venerated this temple along with Tliru
ketisvaram and ��esvaram as a place of special sanctity
dating from early times, it is possible that this temple was
in existence in the twelfth century, with Tamil settlers around
it as now. Its location close to the peul banks of Chilaw
suggests that it may have originated as p place of worship for
pearl divers from South India. The } unnesvara-�nmf.yam, tile
chronicle of this temple, gives a detailed account of the
settlement of the Muyesvaram district with people from the
, -
1. Cf., Mum.,-svara-manmiyam, in the Sri Vaf ivamp�-same ta
}:h1nllainatasvami Tevastanam K'lS� · yarccanai }.a.lar, Colo bo, 19&1, p.3ff.
2. Unpublished.
3. } emoirs of the Colom o Museum, Series A, No. l, Colombo, 1914,
PP• 28-29.
219
Tamil count ry in the Kali year 512 ( 25 90 B . C . ) by the C�la
t raditions may reflect the events o f a later period and may not
around Munnesvaram.
Vapinagara�
2 . See infra , P f � 2 7 � -
3 . See infra , P • 3 27 •
4 . CT. , 69: 6 .
5. C .W . Nicholas , ' isto rical Topogr p y o f Ancient an Vedieval
inscr iptio ns of the Cola perio d have been found, no Tamil epigraph
that city in the ninth and tenth cneturies and possibly e�en
after that� For similar reasons, there were Tamil settlements
at Polonnaruva and the surrounding ar eas under the C�las. In this
period we see that these settlements continued to exist in
these places, especially in the areas around the cities. But
the evidence is lllilt certainly not smfficient to warrant the
conclusion that such settlements were numerous. Although
Anuradhapura has failed to yield any Tamil inscription or
Saiva artefacts datable to this period, such finds have come
to light at �oragahavela, Veragala, �lahakanadarava and
Kananuava, which are situated close to Anuradhapura.
received as a jivita by the do nor. This may mean t hat the donor
indicate the presence o f Tamil set t lers there. But since this
for the site o f our inscriptio n is out side his d e facto rea.J.m.
p. 46 f f .
were living in and near the city. These communities may have
been respo nsible for the building of some o f the S iva temp les
1 . See su, ra , p . J S- I •
2• • �. de Z . Wickremasinghe, ' Po lo n naruva : An ulundava Slab
out ear lier that there is no etidence to sug est that Vijayabahu
harboured any g rievances against the Tamils; His bat t les were
1. See supra , p . q o •
1. . C . • C . , I , p t . 2, p . 566.
2. K. Indrapala, 'The ainativu amil Inscription of Parakramab'ah u I � ,
u.c . R., XXI, No. l, A ril 1963, p. 63 ff.
231
earliest Tamil i ns c ription s o far disco vered in this district
which now has the hi hes t c o ncent ratio n o f Tamils in the island
the record is i n Tamil may o nly mean that most of the t raders
fo reig ners who came to the port of Vrat tu�ai ' should be protected ' ,
' a fourth ( share o f the c argo ) should be taken by the Treas ury
and the ( o ther) three arts should be left to the owner ' and
that ' if vessels ( laden) with ( other ) erchan ise get wrecked
exact half should be left t o the owner • : This may mean that the
e..vicle..,.t l y
officers i n this port to whom the proclamatio n was addreseed
�
the sec ond element tota itj:th its Tamil equivalent !E_�ai , a
2 . �-
233
p roceeded slowly after the �la conquest , although any attempt
Tamil set t lement in the Bat ticaloa dist rict o f the Eastern
dist rict . Not far from this place, which is now known by the
3 . See infra, P • 3 ,7 •
23 4
not established in the Batticaloa district before the thirteenth
century. As for the other areas of southern Ceylon, it is not
very likely that there were Tamil settlers in this period,
except perhaps some mercantile communities in the ports along
the southern coast. Such communities were found in these por ts
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: A rock inscription
in Sinhalese from Galapata refers to some Tamil slaves attached
to the Galapata-vihara in the time of Parakramabahu. Unfortunately
it has not been possible to , identify this monarch definitely.
It has been surmised that he may be either the first or the
second of that name but probably the former.2 Galap�ta is near
Bento�a in the �outhern Province and, if the inscription
belongs to the time of Parmtramabnu I, it may seem that some
of the South Indian prisoners of that monarch were sent to the
Galapata-vihara as slaves. Such a stray instance, however, is
no evidence of any �amil settlement in that area.
Thus, we see that the period between 1070 and
the end of the twelfth century was a time when Dravidian
settlements were established slowly but steadily in the north
eastern re ion and in the southern parts of the North-western
Province. These two areas had a reater concentration of Tamils
CHAPTER IV
1. asadavata Sanne, p.5 ; J • • A .S. (C. B.) , XXXI, No. 82, pp. 384-385.
2 . �-
the Jvla.hadipada Allikanga ' came at the head o f a great army from
t ion may be, therefo re, a reference to this sho rt-lived conquest
also possible that it refers to the C�la invas ion in the reign
there were two o ther invasions from South India which occurred
opposite sho re, brought the who le of LaJ\n under his sway and
1 . Cv. , 80 : 43-44 .
surmised that this Damila army could not have been f rom the
army was o n1y a mercenary fo�ce and may have come from either
has been desc ribed in the ch ro nicles as a KaliAga and somet imes
1. £!.:., 80:47-48.
2. E . Z . , IV , p.88 ; U . C . . C . , I , pt. 2 , P• 520.
3. f!.• , 80:52-53.
4. £!· , ....:!• t 80:58 ; 3:15.
244
The conquest of northern Ceylon by :t-mgha and his
troops is one of the most dramatic events in the history of
the island, with far-reaching results in the lives of the
Sinhalese and the Tamils. For the Sinhalese this was a tragic
event and its memories were preserved in fairly genuine
traditions which came very early to be incorporated in the
Sinhalese and Pali chronicles. For the Tamils it was an event
which widely opened the doors to the o ccu ation and colonisation
of northern and eastern Ceylon amidst the instability and the
turbulence that characterised the history of the old
Rajarat�ha in the thirteenth c entury. At a time like this
no genuine traditions of the events were preserved by them
until a stable kingdom was established there. When genuine
traditio ns failed, o thers, based partly on later events,
were supplied to meet the needs of a later period. In the
chronicles of Jaffna, these traditio ns centre round the personality
of Vicaya KUlanka.i Cakkaravartti, who, as we shall later,
was in all probability no ohher than Magha or Vijaya mlinga
Cakravartti7 In the chronicles of Batticaloa more genuine
traditions seem to have been preserved and the invasion of
fflgha (Mak�a) o ccupies an important place in these.
1. See infra, P• �L I •
24 5
It is the accounts in the Sinhalese and �li
what happened comes f rom them. The most impo rtant o f these
o f these two accounts have fo rmed the sub ject of a lengthy and
Tamil chro nicles� and are very valuable to our study . Hence
1. A . Liyanagamage , �• ill•
2 . See i nf ra , P • 3C.'l. •
246
The CUlavalJlSa account of the invasion begins with
the following strophes:
'But since in consequence of the enormously accu ulated,
various evil deeds of the dwellers in Lanka, the devatas
who were everywhere entrusted with the protection of
La�, failed to carry out this protection, there landed
a man who held to a false creed, whose heart rejoiced in
bad statesmanship, who was a forest fire for the burning
down of bushes in the forest of the good, - that is of
generosity and the like - who was a sun whose action
closed the rows of night lotus flowers - that is the
good doctrine - and a moon for destroying the grace of
the groups of the day lotuses - that is of peace -
( a man) by name Magha, an unjust king sprung from the
Kalinga line, in whom reflection was fooled by his
great delusion, landed as leader of four and twenty
thousand warriors from the Kalinga country and conquered
the island of Lanka.l
In these preliminary strophes we are told of the character and
lineage of l-mgha and of the numerical strength as well as the
country of origin of the army he led. By describing �mgha as a
man who held to a false faith, the author informs us that he
was a non-Buddhist. This is confirmed by all the literary
sources, including the Tamil .!:!!tt�lappu-rnanmiyam� H e is
described here as a king of the Dlinga line. This is generally
re eated in the other Pali and Sinhalese works and in the
1. �- , 80:54-59.
2. b!!!·, p.53.
This is 1tol t he o nly instance o f a state ent in the abo ve
has fo rmed the sub j ect of a n impo rtant c o nt ro versy among scholars
in the recent past. The c o nt ro versy cent res mainly round the
ident ific ation o f the Kalilga home of �i:!gha, which has been
questio n further .
and twenty t housand warrio r s • who are later desc ribed as fo rty
l. See infra, � . � •
2. Hatthavanagalla-vih�a-va�a, p. 32.
- -
3. Cf. , �v., 80:5 9; 83:20.
25 3
they may have enlist ed further mercenaries resident there.
fo r his success.
3 . Ibid. , 8 0:76.
4. Ibid., 81:14.
25 5
wholly. These allegations are made in the PU Javaliya as well
and repeated in most other works: Considering the fact that
the northern regions of the island slipped away from the hands
of the Sinhalese with the conquest of M.lgha and the fact that
the slow migration of the Sinhalese people from Rajarat tha to
the south-western parts star ted aroun, this time, we cannot
rulw out the possibility of confiacation of lands by the invaders.
down of the administ rat ive machinery , was respo nsible fo r the
seat of gover nment there. Not o nly the Sinhalese but even the
pollle r and provided homes for many o f the new set tlers f rom
South I ndia. Why was it that the new dy nasty chose the ar id r�n
t��b� i n the norther n region of the isla nd which had neither
irrigatio n works wo rthy of the name nor sufficient rainfall to
been a better place. These regio ns were never complet ely abando ned
in those areas u nder the rule o f petty chieftains called Van nis
t o the polit ical climate o f the times. We shall also see later
t ook place and where Sinhalese live at present Tamil place names
The area lying between the Jaff na kingdom and 'iM l«yb-at �ha ,
leave this area under the rule of pet t y chiefs who paid nominal
o f the Vanni were in the hands of the Tamil chiefs while the
1 . See infra , � . v 1 .
259
lit to ral� This process was , therefore, expedited by the ruthles s
occupat io n o f fflgha and his t roops in the thirteenth century.
After this some o f these new tow ns and villages are enumerat ed�
opp ressed them , the ministers a nd such other uipo rt ant personages
many came under the rule o f the new Vanni chieft ains.
.S'"".l'-
1. See -
�-....... , pJ, . 111 •
2. �- . 81: 1-2.
1 . U . C .H . C . , I , pt. 2 , P • 685.
2. £:!·, 90 : 44.
26 3
As for monument s, only one Dravidian-st yle temple has survived
without much damage. Several others appear t o have been erected
in t he t hirteent h century but they are almost all in ruins and
are not by any means significant buildings.1 It may be t hat owing
t o t he unsettled condit ions t hat obtained in the island in t his
period t here was not much building act ivit y. The chronicles give
hardly any informat ion in t his respect . The Tamil chronicle,
Vaiyapatal, refers t o the migrat ion, around t his t ime, of the
Komat{iyar who were a mercantile community from t he Telugu
2
count ry. This work also refers t o the sett lement of such artisans
as Taccar (carpenters), Tat tar (goldsmiths), Kann.ar (braziers)
and Kollar (blacksmiths)� As we shall see later, the authent icit y
of these st at ement s can be quest ioned. It seems possible that
t he author of t he Vaiyapatal somet imes based his st at ements on
t he condit ions obtaining in his t ime, that is to say he was
just enumerat ing the castes of Jaffna in his time as having
migrat ed in t he thirt eent h century.
In t he records of South India, too, t here is little
or no evidence regarding t he migration of peaceful settlers.
...
264
One could suppose that the numerous internecine wars that
characterised the decline of the �!as wou1d have led to the
flight of some of the defeated to places like Ceylon. The t1uslim
invasions would have certainly led to such flights, b ut South
India was hardly affected by them in the thirteenth c entury.
We hear very little about famines or any other forms of distress
that might have led to the migration of people. In the inscriptions
of the time of Kul�ttuflga III there are references to famines
in two areas of the �la kingdom. One of the inscriptions from
Tiruppamburam, dated in the twenty-third year of Kul.�ttunga III
(A.D. 1301) , refers to the distressing circumstance s t hat prevailed
in t hat village and to the sad incident of a !!++Y9 and his
two daughters selling themselves to the loval t empie to be
saved from starvation: In another inscription from Ta�vUr,
df the year 1305, there is an allusion to similar distress being
suffered by the villagers for a long time.2 But we are not in a
position to say whether such conditions were wide spread in t he
�J.a country during these declining years of the e mpire .
1 . See supra, PP • .l L ff •
2 . �• • S.Paranavitana, ' The lrya Kingdom in North Ceylon',
J.R.A.S . (C.B.) , N.S . , VII , pt. 2, 19ll, pp. 174-224.
3 . See supra, pp. , r- 10 •
26 7
legendary materia1, some of which are based partly on popu1ar
etymology and partly on Sinhalese legends. The chronology is
hopelessly arranged and one has to exercise great caution in
using these chronicles as source materia1s. Their value for the
period prior to the twelfth century is a1most nil. Hence, we
have to rely almost entirely on the more trustworthy linha1ese
and Pili works and on the me agre archaeological material for
any satisfactory reconstruction of what happened in the Jaffna
peninsula before the thirteenth century.
Although our purpose in this chapter is to deal
with the Dravidian settlements of the thirteenth century, it
is necessary to analyse briefly the history of the Jaffna
peninsula before our period in order to clear certain common
but important misconceptions. By way of this analysis we will
be able to show how unfounded many of the arguments of popular
writers are. We have already shown that there is no case for
arguing that Jaffna was settled by Tamils in the pre-Christian
centuries or even in the early Christian centuries: O n the
contrary, there is some e vidence in our sources which points
to the occupation of Sinha1ese in the area in the
centuries. The meagre evidence in the Mah�v�a regarding the
1. See supra , � . .I •
26 8
Jaffna peninsu1a does not help us to know anythi.ng about the
identity of the people who liTed there in the pre-Christian
centuries. The �li chronicle informs us that the port of
Jambukola (Camputtutai) , on the eastern coast o� the peninsula,
was the main port of embarkation to ramralipti in Eastern India
from at least the time of Devanampiya Tissa {� --i.• 0 B.C.) .
The two embassie s from the island to the court of iloka
embarked on their voyage from Jambukola� Sanghamitta arrived
2
with the Bo-sapling at this port. The Samudda-p��a-sall,
commemorating the arrival of the Bo-sapling, and the Jambukola
vihara were built there by Devanampiya Tissa� These facts only
reveal that the northernmost part of the is1and was under the
suzerainty of the Anuradhapura king in the third century B.C.
and that Buddhism had begun to spread by that time in that
part of the is land as in the other parts. Bu.t it is in the
second century A.D. that we get some evide:oc e regarding the
people living there. The language of the gold-plate inscription
from Vallipuram, the earliest epigraphic r ecord discovered in the
Jaffna peninsula, is the early form of Silll.halese, in which
1. 1:!!. , 11:23.
2• .!.ill.· , 19 : 23 .
3 . �- , 19: 27; 20:25.
269
inscriptions of the time in other parts of the island were
written! This ma:y- suggest that the Sinhalese were settled
in the Jaffna peninsula, or in some parts of at least, in
3. � - , 3, : q
4 • .!!?_g. , -;, : 3 c.
5 . Cv. , 42:62.
270
It is not possible to identify the sites of these Buddhist
establishments, but they are stated to have been in N!gadipa.
These references in the ¥iahav�a and the C1Ilav�a not only
shmw that there were Buddhists in the Jaffna peninsula in
the A nuradhapura period but also indicate that it continued
to be under the suzerainty of the Anuradhapura rulers.
The gold plate from Vallipuram reveals that
there were Buddhists in that part of the peninsula in the
second century A .D7 At the site of this inscription the
foundations of a Buddhist vihara were uncovered. These founda
tions are in the premises of a modern Vi��u temple� There is
little doubt that the Vi9 �u temple was the original Buddhist
monument, coaverted inttoa Vai§�ava eatablishment at a later
date when Tamils settled in the area. Such conversion of
Buddhist establishments into Saiva and Vai��ava temples seems
to have been a common phenomenon in the peninsula after it
was settled by Dravidians. In the premises of another Vi��u
temple at Moolai were discovered some 'vestiges of ancient
remains of walls' and a broken sedent Buddha image� Again,
1. �- , p. 59.
2 • .Yl?.• , v . �, , �.
1 . �• , P• Cf •
2. See supra, p. 1 &-o see infra, pf. '3 G , - 3 J!,-
3. See infra, p. ::2.�7 •
280
1
etymology. The acc ount of the sec on� settle•ent is based on that
of the Kailayamalai and is similar to the acc ount in the aiya
.E!�al. This account appears to be somewhat reliable an fits
into the story that cou1d be reconstruc ted from the Sinha1ese
sourc es. In the main, it plac es the Tamil settlement of Jaffna
after the foundation of the kingdom, which event took place in
the thirteenth c entury.2 These acc ounts of the Tamil chronic les,
despite their late date and their obvious errors, cannot be
1. !:e.· , v . 41.
29 1
in the town called Palai; the confident Cavakar (Javakas)
lived in their Ceri (i. e. Cavaka-ceri), the AkamJat iya!', Kucavar,
Kollar, Ott iyar and :Mukkiyar (Mukkuvas) lived in Plinakari':
'Matuv'ira-maJ.uvarayaa and the (other) MaJ.uvariyaA, who governs
the beautiful land, lived in YaJ:ppal}am (Jaffna) a1ong with
the king'� 'Villavarayar lived in Nallur; the Matappa+lis, who
are held in high esteem by the great, lived in �.la!lippay; the
Kavarar, K15maftiyanor and the Tillai-mtivayirattar lived in
Vara.Q.i-natu'�
This account of the Vaiyapatal is slightly altered
in the extended Vaiya. In the latter it is stated that the
Va;w1iyar sent messengers to t..a.turai 1 To�tai�talam, larwlldir,
Tiruccirappa++i, Irntaltir and Karaikkal in order to invite as
many settlers as possible toom among the Ve++'a+ar, Pirama.Q.ar
( BrahmaJ}as), Cet tis, Cakkiliyar, Akampat is, Ma.laiyakam, Timilar,
Kuyavar and other such castes, both the higher and the lower,
as well as the personalities ca1led I+aflciil.ka-mappa:p.au, Na11a
vaku-tevau, Atti-mappal}au and Karutta-vaku-cinka.-map �a.a�
3 . Ibid. , v . 74-.
4. Vai;rl, P • 26.
292
Those who went to the island in response to the invitation were
'Atti-mapp�an, MaJauvarayau, Ticai-vila.nku-mal,uvarayaa, Cetu
vanta-mal,uvarayau, Karutta-v'iku, Ci.Aka-mapp�B.11, Ira-cil\ka..,
mapp�an, I+a!icifi.ka-mapp�au, Nallavaku-mey-teva,a, � a-cotaiyau,
Tita-v'ira•ciAka-mapp�au, Anliracapuri �ra-mal,uvarayau, Ki+ai
kattavau, Mufi-kattav8.il, Cilka-vaku, Yappaiyinar, :Nllkkaiyinar,
Keppaiyinar, lJmaicciyauar, Tovv�i-conar, Ticai-ven.:o a, Ilafl
cilka-vaku-tevau,,Taa,atti;ta.:-kir'ipa,a, Vakkirau-mayittaa,, Karutta
varaya-cilka.-kumara.a, Mut iyitt°aa, Ju\kar.i:Aka;Q., Kmlca-kattilyq,
Kali:dka.Jl, Tillai-muvayiravar, Cuva-titta-rayan, Kankai-va.l,a
natt�, Kaveri-ataittau, Mullai-matappalli, Kumara-matappa.l,+i,
Ca.nku-matappa_lli, Caruku-matappal-l,i,Akampatiyar, and the
Brah�as of the Ariya-va.Aki�am (irya-V8l}Sa) • The y cross ed the
sea in boats, arrive d and staye d in YaJ;ppaiµ.m in J la:Akai -natu
(Ce ylon)• � Of these some later went to the Vanni and settled there.
'Of the four named Yappaiyi11,ar, Keppaiyiaar, Umaicciyaaar, and
Te l11, th e last mentioned went and ruled in Yaf p�a-natu and
h ence the name Tellippalai' (for one of the village s there )�
1. Vaiya, P • 27 ff.
2 . � . , P• 30.
29 3
' Attimapp�q and :V.ia!uvarayB.ll, became 1ords (atipati, Skt.
ad.hipati) of Iy1:J.pp�am (Jaffna). Vill.avaraya.a resided at
Nallur. Kaftaiyar-Kalillltan resided at Cavukacceri (Cavaka
ceri). Vei\ka.t�calam Virutuf!aui of the Till.ai-mUvayiravar
resided at Var�i-natu. The Mukkiyq (Mukkuva) named Tiruvacaa,
Ve fiyaracaa became 1ord of J>tiaeri (P1Iaakari). The sixty
Ca.Aka.mar and the Wamayecurar resided at Kerutavil. The
C-a_n.:ar, Valaiyar, Timilar, Karaiyar, Pal-l'.ar, Nalavar,
Akampati, 1'alaiyakam, �viyar, Ma.\appa+:J.i, Puravarotayar (
(Portuguese , provedor ) , Cintu-nattar (Those of the Sindhu
country ) , Kaikku:J.ar; Ma.:avar, Paravar, Muaaitt1:var,
Kollar, Kamiar , Navitar , VGL�ar , Tat tar and the
Pa�aiyar went and lived in the sixty-four districts of
IyaJJ>p�am ' �
'
the soldiers of Nagha� SimilarlY, the reference to the Javaka
settlement in Cavakacceri seems to have been based on reliable
traditions. As we kn.ow, it was in the thirteenth century that
the Javakas under Candrabhanu occupied the northern re gions pf
the island and poss ibly settled in places like Cavakacceri
�"c.. � - c.i-.
(Javaka-ceri), and Cav'alllt�t tai (Javakan-k�ffai), which preserve
.,<
the ir memory in the ir names� It is poss ible , however, that the
refere nce to tije Javaka settlement is vased on the place name
and not on any ge nuine tradition, but this seems unlikely.
1. See supra, p. • 7 7 •
2. See supra, p 1. 4 8" •
3 . S. Paranavitana, 'The lrya Kips;dom of North Ceylon', �- ill• ,
P • 194 ; see infra, ,..cJ. · !:!
29 u
The Malavarayar (variant: MaJ.uvaray-ar) or Ma.lava chieftains
are mentioned among the more important colonists. It is very
probable that certain �ava chieftains were among those who
led the mercenary forces of Magha. The Malavar (variants: Ma+apar,
Matepar) were chiefs of certain hill-tribes in the Kar��fa and
Tamil areas of South India. Their warlike habits led to their
employment as mercenaries in the armies of the South Indian
rulers. In fact, their recruitment for such employment is
specially recommended in hhe Sanskrit work Dmandakiya� In the
latter part of the twelfth century and in the thirteenth century
the MaJ.avars of the Tamil country became prominent as feudatories
of the PaJJ.�ya rulers and played a leading role in their wars.
Many Yalavarayars find mention in lule P"aJ;.'ba records of the
thirteenth century.2 It is, therefore, probable that some of
these warlike chiefs provided mercenaries for fflgha and
accompanied him to Ceylon. After the conquest of mjarattha
they may have been given certain villages in Jaffna and in other
parts of northern Ceylon. But it is also possible that they
went to the island with the ��ya armies that invaded Ceylon
1. Nampota, p.5.
2. £!•, Gam-pola = Tamil, Kampa+ai.
298
that all these castes were represented in the Tami.1 population
of Jaffna in the thirteenth century, but it is unlikely that
genuine traditions about all of them were preserved. The author
of the Vaiy'a, when expanding the list in the Vaiyapa�.!!!, was
obviously not depending on traditions. This follows from his
inclusion of the Puravaritayar. Puravar�tayar is a term derived
from the Portug_uese provedor, meaning supervisor� Such names as
¥!Ukkaiyinar (The (Long ) Nosed), �maicciyaaar (The Dumb ),
) and Keppaiyinar
are obviously not names of communities.
While the Vaiyapatal mentions the Ma.� appallis
without referring to their various divisions, the Vaiya
elaborates this by listing the different sections, namely the
Mullai-, Kumara-, Canku- , and Caruku- Matappallis. The Matappallis,
as Gnanapragasar has pointed out, appear to have been people
who went to Jaffna from Matappal+i in the Kalinga country�
From the Ya.-ep�a-vaipava-mal.ai we know that they were members
of the royal family of Jaffna� They may have gone originally
with Magha. It is unlikely that at the time of their arrival
1. S . Gnanapragasar,!!1:PP�a-vaipava-vimare.an�, p. 148 .
2. S . Kumaracuvami,�• ill•, P • /o�
300
These were evidently named after some of the leading occupants
of those areas at the time of the Tamil settlements and may well
go back to the thirteenth century. The interesting fact about
these toponyms is that their final element , namely cima is a
word in Sinhalese (sima) denoting boundary. This may suggest
that these names came into existence at a time when Tamils
began to settle in the midst of Sinhalese people . On the other
hand , s'!ma is also found in Malayalam. If the element �
in our place names is derived from the Malayalam word, then
it may indicate that there were Kera+as among those who settled
in the Jaffna peninsula. In fact, there are other place names
which clearly suggest this, Toponyms such as Jalaiyakas.-ka� avai
(in Pul�li°) , Ma.laiyal'.au-p�yitti and Ma.laiya+an-vaiavu ( in
1. S. Kumaracuvami , �- cit. , p . 3 3 3 . •
301
to only the settlements of certain leading families in the new
kingdom. The Yalppa�a-vaipava-malai follows the tradition in
the Vaiyapatal and the Vaiya when it says that the Tamil colonists
were invited from the Tamil countries by the ruler of Jaffna.
The Kailayamalai is silent on this score. The rest of the
account runs as ftillows. Puva,aekavaku (Bhuvanekabahu), the chief
minister who came from Maturai ( Madura), was made to reside at
Nall'iir, the capital. P-�ti-maJ.ava.i of the Pakirati-kulam
( Bhagiratha � ),from PoapauiyUr, his brother, his brother
in-law Ce�paka-maJ.avan and the latter ' s brother were settled in
Tirunelveli. According to the n�a-vaipava-malai,�ti
maivan also took with him five more families. Nara-cilllta.-vaku
tevaa, the Tu+uva .!!++!'.J.!!;11 who came from Kaviriyur, was settled
at ¥ayilitti• The !alPPa�a-vaipava-malai adds that he was the
eldest son of Puravalati-tevaa. C�paka Mappa�a.n from Va1i-nakar
(Yvm. ,Vavi-nakar), his relative Cantira-cekara-mapp�a.n and
another Ka.nakaraya.u. were settled at Tellippa+ai. Perayiravaa
(Yvm. ,Perayiram-utaiyq) from KcSvanati (Yvm. , �vallir) was
settled in I�uvil. The Yalpp!\la-vaipava-rnalai adds that since
this village was found to be unsatisfactory he moved to a village
further west. nl�tq, a .!!ll-!f.!!1 from Kacc1Ir, and his four
brothers were settled in Paccilaippaj.ai. Kaaaka-ma!av&ll from
Cikari-manakar (Yvm. , Cikara-manakar) and his four brothers
were settled in Puloli. Kupakarentiran (�, Kupakaryentiran)
302
from Kiipakanatu and PUJ}.ya-ma.ldpila-pUpa.A (Yvm. , P�i1a-pUpalaa)
were settled in Tolpuram. Tevaracentiraa from PullUr was settled
in Kovil�ti. ��atu-ko�ta-mutali from To�tai-natu
(!!.!!. , To�{ai-maJ>{alam) was settled in Irupalai. Iru-kulamum
tuyya-tauinaya.kaA (!!!!!. , Iru-marapum-tuyya) from Cey'Ur
(Yvm. , CeyyUr) was settled in the island of Netuntivu (Delft).
Pallava.A and two other chiefs from Va!lci were settled in
who derived their name from vana because o f the nature of the
t ract s that came under their autho rity. While agreeing with the
1. U. C . H . C . , I, pt. 2, PP • ?36-73 7.
309
Arier in bewu ten Gegensatz zu den Dami+as (Sk. dravi�a)
wie zu den Vlddas. Wir sehen a1so, da��chon 1m 13 Jahrhundert
die Vannis ebenso, wie dies ihre heutigen Nachfahren
tun, den Anspruch auf arische Abkunft und vornehme Kaste
erhoben, und d�von dem Chronisten der zu .An£ang des
14 Jahrhunderts sein Werk Verfa�te, a1so a1s Zeitgenosse
gelten darf, dieser Anspruch offenuar als durchaus
berechtigt anerkannt wurde. l
�a.-
We shall presentlytthat while Geiger is partly right in applying
the name Vanni to a whole community or caste rather than to a
group of chieftains, he is wrong in claiming that they were all
Sinhalese and consequently of Aryan descent. But before we come
to that, let us consider the various derivations that have been
suggested for the name Vanni. Tennent mentions two possible
I
derivations, namely • one significant of the forest (vanam),which
it (the Vanni region) covers to a great extent, the other of
the intense heat which characterises the region• (vanni = fire ?) �
Some have tried to derive it from the TaQl _!!!, 'hard', denoting
the hardness of the soil� Still others have suggested a derivation
from Baniya or merchant! These a;re all fanciful derivations
based on the similarity of their sounds with that of vanni.
The Pali fo rm vaMa does not seem to have been derived from
a le end amo ng the Vamiiyar caste of No rth Arcot which illust rates
the derivation o f their name from vahni. H . F . Cox has reco rded
2. Ibid.
311
inc1ude in their enumeration. Protected thus they harried
the country, and Vatapi went to the length of swallowing
Vayu, the god of the winds, while Y.18.hi devoured the sun.
The earth was therefore enveloped in perpetual darkness
and stillness, a condition of affairs which struck terror
into the minds of the devat as and led them t o ap eal
to Brahma. He, recollecting the omission made by the
giants, directed his supplicants to desire the rishi
Jambava Munimuni to perform a yagam or sacrifice by fire.
The order having been obeyed, armed horsemen sprung from
the flames, who undertook twelve expeditions a ainst
Vatapi and Mahi, whom they first destroyed and afterwards
released Vayu and the sun from their bodies. Their leader
then assumed the government of the country under the name
of Rudra Vanniya Maharaja, who had five sons, the ancestors
of the Vanniya caste. 1
This is one of the many Vatapi legends current in South India
and has no special historical significance. Perhaps it may be
preserving some memory of their origin as a warr ior caste. But
its importance lies in the fact that it is meant to illustr ate
their origin from fire and the derivation of their name from
vahni� Thus we find in the literature and tradition of South
India the origin of the Vam.iyar being associated with fire or
the Agni-kula. The derivation of their name from vahni, therefore,
seems to be p lausible but not very convincing. As Gnanapragasar
has suggested, this association may represent a later attempt
to der ive the name from vahni� Even if we allow the association
is mere speculation.
2. s ee infra, p. ?, /{'° •
315
of Ceylon. It is even possible that the term was introduc ed
into the island before the Vanni chiefs went there, in the
same manner as South Indian administrative terms came t o b e
introduced; But this seems unlikely since vanni is not a term
used in r,e similar sense but rather a name that was app1�ed to
a caste or community.
The earliest occurrence of the term .!!_n™ is
perhaps in the inscription No. 556 of 1919, which appears to
belong to the time of Rajaraja Cola I� The basis of this surmise
is the reference to one Pottappicco!aa in this inscript ion.
Presumably he is the same as the Pottappiccolau who figures
in other records of the time of Rajaraja I� The term that
occurs in our inscription is vann,iyappa.m, meaning tln.e area or
region of the Vayiyars. A more definite occurrence of the term
is in �inscription of Rajendra I� The reference here is to a
certain Vanaiya Riva (R'eva the Vawiiya). After this a number
of persons with the name Vamiiya are mentioned in the epigraphs
of the time of Rajadhiraja II, Kulottwlga III, and �avarmaa
1. ¥. E • • for 1903 . Noa . 546 and 558 of 1902; M.E.R. for 1910,
Noa. 215 and 134 of 1910; M.E.R. for 1913, Nos. 30 and 34 of 1913;
� . E.R. for 1920, No. 556 of 1919; ¥.E . R. for 1922, No. 352 of 1922;
. E.R. for 1934/35, Noa. 122, 143-149, 154-159, 126, 162, 177,
215 and 189 of 1934/35.
2 . 1' . E. R. for l'l'3.,./3S- , No . \ U• of l'?)l'tfl';
1. Pv. , P• 169.
2. W. Geiger, 'Die Vannis', £l!• ill•, P• 8.
318
signifying 'jungle settlers' (Waldsiedler). But this interpretation,
as we shall see presently, is unacceptable. Paranavitana, too,
fee ls that the Vanni chiefs appe ar to have been in Ceylon 'from
early days' (e arlier than the thirteenth century) : This opinion
is based on certain statements in the Nikaya-sMErahaya and the
�iu-attanap;al,uva!J12 . The latter works allude s to certain
Siri-�annis in the Attanagalu re gion who disregarded the authority
of Mugalan (-Meggell'iaa §; $i -= ) who was ruling at Anuradhapura�
This monarch may be any one of the three Moggallanas who ruled
betwee n the fifth and the seventh century. The source of our
information is a work of the post-Polonnaruva period and,
therefore, the reference to Vannis in the period before the
ed.ghth century doe s not see m to be authentic. Paranavitana
himself has cast doubt on this reference by saying that •we
cannot be certain that the author of this text was not attributing
to the past conditions which were normal in his day'� The
Nikaya-sa§grahaya, too, has a similar referen�e. According to
this work, Parak:ramabahu I conquered three hundred and sixty-four
Vanni territories� This is, however, not mentioned in the
1. U.C.H.C . , I, pt. 2, P• 73 8 .
2. gu-av. , p. 41.
denote chiefs and chieftaincies in the areas that did not come
u nder the direct rule of the Sinhalese king. When the autho rs
t imes. When Geiger referred t o the Van nis as a nob le clan o f tlle
solely o n the Pali chro nicle and did not take into account t he
1 a. filu-av. , p. 41.
2. U.C.H.C., I , pt. 2, P• 737.
2. Cf• , Se,t.J I.,,.sc.,,; �.J, ll'lls &..,...,., .. , o ,... Trt,!;..,.,, 14-i.&+o... y ..... � C , v ; I, t. Olf, e >t I. 1
I
4. !!! • , P• 3 8 .
322
of South Indian T amils whose leaders were the chiefs of the Vanni
districts: These T amil sources preserve traditions relating to
the migration of this caste to Ceylon, which event appears to
have taken place in the earl1 part of the thirteenth century.
In the present day, with the opening up of several colonisation
scheme s in the Vanni, the Vam.iyar caste has almost become
integrated into the Sinhalese and T amil population. But in the
nineteenth century when the Vanni was being opened up for the
first time the Vanaiyar fo�med a distinct caste and followed
their age-old occupation of hunting and occasional cultivation.
Not all the people of the Vanni areas belonged to the Vamiiyar
caste. In fact only a small percentage of the people of the
Vanni were Vamiiyars. The following observation of Fowler is
worthy of note in this context.
These people are the Wanniahs and are entirely dependent
on hunting and occasional chena cultivation. They have
no money and cannot buy land. These Wanniahs are a distinct
caste, of which these men are the only representatives
in the provimce. (There are five or six villages in the
North-Central Province, I believe). They still use the
primitive bow and arrow and are well acquainted with the
most remote jungles through which they wander in search
of honey and game. There are some peculiarities in their
dialect, which with their mode of life, suggest relationship
with the Veddah, but they alto ether repudiate the idea. 2
Notes and Queries for eylon, II, No. 5, May 1894, p . 98-99.
3 2 ti
came into existence independently in the present Nort h-central
P1t0vince at a time when a community of Tamil Vawiiya.rs settled
in the adjoining districts. It seems more plausible to assume
that the Vanni people of the North-central Province in the
thirteenth century were settlers from South India iike the
Van11iyars of the Vavuniy� and llullaitYvu districts, and that
their descendants became assimilated to the Sinhalese po ulation
when Sinhalese re-colonisation took place in those areas
at a later date. This is clearly suggested by the evidence of
place names in the North-central Province. By far the majority
of the names of Sinhalese villages in this p rowince in the
nineteenth century was of Tamil ori in. These villages, as we know
from the inscriptions and literary sources, bore Sinhalese
names before the thirteenth century.1 What led to t his change
of local nomenclature? The explanation is not far to seek.
Some time in or after the thirteenth century thes e villages
were occupied by Tamils who gave Tamil names to them. When
S inhalese re-colonisation took place the Tamil settlers seem to
have been gradually assimilated to the Sinhalese popu1ation.
This would explain the retention of Tamil place names b y
the Sinhalese as well as the presence of Tamil cast es like
2. Ibid. , � : '-.1 •
3 29
(c) Co<}:ag an a of the Trincomalee Sanskrit inscription who landed
1
in Ceylon in 122.l, (d ) Colagangadeva who invaded Ceylon some
time before 1284� or (e) any one of the princes of the Eastern
Ganga, Western Galiga or Cola family or one of the feudatories
of the CoJ.as or P-a.J}9-yas.
To consider the first possibility, we find that
Co}.a angakumara was a hli.Ae,a prin1re who lived in the court of
Gajabahu II around 1153. The only ev•dence which may be used in
support of the identification of our prince, Ku+akkotta.n, with
Co+agangakumara is to be found in the Tamil chronicles. In the
Ta�.!..9:a-kailaca-pur�_!!!!, Tiri-ko�acala-pur�� and the Ko�ecar
kalvett.!! , Gajabnu and Ku+akkottaa are closely associated with
the Kol}e�varam temple� The �ttakkal-ap-pu-manmiyam, which refers
to �akk�tfa.A as Ma.kacenan (Ma.hasenat, states that this
prince married a KaliAga princess who was an adopted daughter
of Gajabahu��hese traaitions ma, pz eeerve some memozy of a
tloue as.ociation oetween Kulakkottaa and GaJ abanu. Is it
likely that Gajabahu was closely associated with two different
lB.aiEt!l princes named C6}.ag a.Jiga or are we to treat them as one ?
1. �- ' V , p . 1 1 3 ·
2. f.:!• ' ; o : 3 'l-
3. lli · ' 7 : 8 ff. ; !P_., Kayavakuppat alam, P • 170 ff. ; �-, p. 20.
4. Mm.' P• 2 •
330
The evidence of the Tamil chroni£les is not s trong enough for
s uch an identifieation. Though the traditions concerning t he
��e,varam temple were preserved by the temple authorities for
a long time, it may be difficult to base our conclus ion on the
evidence of the late works which embody these traditions . I t
is not impossible that Gajabahu and Kulakk�tta.u lived in different
periods, as indeed the T�i�a-kailaca-pur�am and the Tiri-ld5�acala
pur�am treat them, but were brought together b7 late tradition
owing to their close association with the Kl>�e,varam temple.
Co+aga.Agakumara who lived in the court of Gajabahu II ma-,,
therefore, be different from Ku+akk�ttB-11•
The Kali.Aga prince C o9-aga.Aga who seized power in
1196 is said to have been a nephew of Ni66dka Ma.J.la: It is not
s tated in our sources whether he invaded the island in 1196
or whether he had gone there some time before that date and
captured power in 1196. If he had gone to Ceylon in 1196, it is
unlikely that he is the sam� as the Co+agaz\ga who effected
repairs to the J:a>�§varam temple and settled Vaw.iyara in
Ceylon, for he was ousted from the throne within a year and
it is hard to think that under very insecure conditions he wou1d
have undertaken the task of re airing temples and settling peo le
from South India. Moreover, if he was a nephew of Ni.§'anka. hal.l.a
33 1
and aspired to the kingship o f the island he may have been a
among the ruins of the �:g.e 6 varam temp le, refers t o a personage
name of T rincomalee and the root f rom which the name of the
that ' it is very unlikely that there were two Co�agangas who
being 1223, it ' agrees with the s tatement o f the !!!• that
this prince had dealings with chieftains known as Vanniyars,
1 . �. , V , P• 17 3
2. S . Paranavit ana, ' The Arya Kingdom o f No rth Ceylo n • , .21?,• ill•, p . 1.79.
3 . �-
33l
for it is only from the thirteenth century that Vanniyars or
Vanni s are mentioned in the contemporary writings
. •. 1
. Paranavitana
is also , of the opinion that this Co�agaAga is an Eastern Ga.dga.
There is, however, no evidence for such an assumption. But there
is no evidence Jo the contrary either. Gokar�e§vara was the
favourite deity of the Eastern GaAgas2. The fact that a Cogaganga
from outside the island interested himself in the affairs of
a temple of Gokarve�vara in Ceylon may indicate that he was an
Eastern GaJ5.ga . Probably Paranavitana is right in identifying
him as an Eastern Ga4ga prince. Paranavitana's arguments for
the identification of this Co9aganga with Ku+ak�tta.i1 seem
quite tenable. But let us consider the other possibilities,
too, before we arrive at a satisfactory conclusion.
The ctilav�a has also a reference to another
Cofagangadeva who is stated to have invaded Ceylon some time
before 1284. From the manner in which this event is introduded
to in the chronicle it does not appear to have been a major
invasion. It is said that Bhuvanekabahu I 'drove back all
the Damila forces, like Kali:dgarayara, Cofagangadeva and the
rest who had landed from the opposite coast • � Apparently these
1. S .Paranavitana, ' The Arya King om of North Ceylon • , £1?.• ill• , p. 180.
2. •ee infra ,-p-. F-I .
- IV-,
, __
r - 1 1i2:..
3. .21:. , 90 : 32 .
333
enemies had led punitive raids which were not o! much s ignificance
and in time Bhuvanekabahu got rid of them. The nature of the
expedition of KutakkottB-ll also seems to have been similar,
according to the Tamil sources which state that he had an army
1
with him but did not effect any conquest. But there is one main
difficulty in identifying Colagailgadeva with KuiakkoffB-ll•
The former's invasion took place not long before 1284, the
year of Bhuvanekab'ihu ' s death. If we are to accept the testimony
of the Tamil sources that Kulakkot taa introduced Vauniyars
into the island, this event must be places before 1270 when
we first begin to hear of Vannis in the literary sources.2
Unless we take that Ku+akkottaa only introduced a further
band of Vayiyars in to the island, it may not be possible to
1. f!•, Yv . , p. 10.
2. £!•, E.!_. , P • 109.
33 4
Pali sources. The !!lFP�a-vaipava-malai, T�!V:a-kailaca-pura:pam,
Tiri-��acala-pur�am, Ia5:Q:ecar-kalvettJ! and the Munne�vara-m"gnmiyam
maintain that Ku+�ttau was a Cola prince� The last mentioned
...,
worksgives CWrya Kulo,t)Aka (SUrya Ku1�ttu.Aga) as one of the
titles ot the father o! Kulakko{faa• It is unlikely that this
is a reference to Ku1ottwiga Cola . Of the three Cola rulers
named Kulott'l.mga, only KulottuAga I is known to have had a son
named Co'.J:agruiga (or Co�aga.ii.ga)� This prince ' vanished into
obscurity after his viceroyalty at VeAgi ' � What happened to this
prince after his viceroyalty at VeAgi ? Did he go on a pilgrimage
to Ceylon and effected repairs to the Ia5,9,'e§varam temple ? We
can only speculate on this point. There were also other Cola
princes named Colaga.ii.ga. We know of at least one, whose other
name was �.IB.dhurantakaa, figuring in one of the ilµlcriptions
from Bangalore Taluq.4 There were also several Co!a-P-�4ya feudatories
named Co+agruiga. One of them figures in about five inscriptions
dated in regnal years of Rajaraja III and Kulottun.ga III,
between 1210 and 1222� Another feudatory named Periyq AJ.akiyapperUJ?lall
1. ¥. E. R. for 1908, Noa . 202 and 205 of 1908 ; Y.E.R. for 1926,
194 of 1926.
2. £!• , M.E. R. for 1921, No. 14o of 1921; �.�.R. for 1922, No, 203 of
1922; ¥.E. R. for 1915, Noa. 409, 410, 413 of 1914.
3 . Up'!s aka-janalru\kara, p. •�'1 •
4. L· , P• 104. 5. See supra, P• '31� •
336
and the Vannis. Va_m.iyars were probably among the me rcenary
leaders in the army of M agha. It is poss ible that a Vanniyar
chieftain named CoJaga.Aga was among them. Magha may have grante d
�--s
him a chieftaincy in the Trincomalee are a where he became as
Ku+akkott�• A ll these are, however, matte rs of speculation and
in the absence of any re al evidence no certain c onclueions can
be drawn.
It is , therefore, a difficult task to identify
Kulakkotta.a Colak:ankau with any degree of ce rtainty. A s the
traditions concerning him are very strong one cannot doubt his
historicity. The chances are that he is the s ame as Co�a.ganga
of the Trincomalee inscription. In the first palce , as Parana
vitana has argued, Co�aga.Aga of this inscription is associated
with the Ko�"'esvaram temple like Kulak!wttaa• Secondly, the
dates of the ir activities in Ce ylon also seem to agree.
Kufakko ttan appe ars to have been in the island in the thirtee nth
century whe n we first hear of Vannis. Co4a.g a.Aga, according to
the inscription, was in the island around 1223. It is probable
that Kulakko tt� is the same as this prince . He was presumably
a scion of the Eastern GaAga family. The refe rence in the Tamil
chronicles to him as a Cola prince may be a confusion resulting
from the name Colaga.Aga. In the Tamil chronicles he is credite d
337
with not only the renovation of Saiva temples but also the
repair of irrigation works such as the Kantafc[y, Allai and
Ve�4arasau tanks: This accounts for his sobriquet ' Ku+�t t an '
(Builder of Tanks and Temples) .
The personality of Ku+akk�ttaa has been obscured
in Tamil tradition by several factors. His fame as a repairer of
tanks, for instance, has led to a confusion of traditions relating
to him with those of the earlier and better known tank-builder
Mahasena. In fact, the Mattakkalappu-man.miyam refers to Ku+akk�ttaa
as Ma.kace&lm� Although Kulakk�tfan seems to have taken an interest
only in the repair of the major irrigation works in his
principality, Tamil tradition has credited him with the building
of those tanks. The Matfakkaiappu-manmiyam also refers to him
as a Vaitulliya Caivan (Vaitulya Saiva)� an obvious confusion
1. See infra, P• J 7, •
311
Sinhalese settlements that once covered these regions. Proto
Sinhalese and Sinhalese inscriptions ranging from about the
third century B.C . to the tenth century A.D. have been found
in these regions: Almost the whole of the area is spotted with
ruins of early Buddhist structures. The present Batticaloa
district and parts of the Trincomalee district were included
in the kingdom of Roha�a and it is needless to say that these
were peopled by Sinhalese before Tamils settled there. The inscrip
tions of these districts preserve the Sinhalese names of many
of the places which now bear purely Tamil names or Tamilised
forms of earlier Sinhalese names� Only a few Sinhalese inscrip
tions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries have been found here
and after the twelfth century we do not come across any . Tamil
inscriptions occur in these regions from the eleventh ceni:ury.
With the Cola occupation a slow and not too visible displacement
of the Sinhalese by the Tamils seems to have begun. �la
1 . �. , pp . 2 , 3 , 3 6 , 37 f !E.•, PP • 13 1-135 .
344
I n the Yalpp�a-vaipava-malai this account has r at ly
of the temp le, assigned fields and estates i n seTen dist rict s
dist rict s and ent rust ed them with the task of cultivating the
t emple lands. The seven dist rict s in cou rse of time bevame the
seven Vanni ch ie l
. ft aincies.
' .
versio n of the Tamil sett lement in the Vanni dist rict s. The
1• .!!!• , PP • 105-106 .
2 . �• • PP• 53 , 7 0.
348
called �nan, that he is said to have destroyed Buddhist
temples in Trincomalee. Secondly, Magha is associated with
the building of the Tir�vil temple and its tanks and with
the invitation of priests to perform service in that temple�
Kutakk�ttan is credited with the renovation of K'lS��§varam tw
temple and with the building of tanks. Thirdly, 1-mgha is stated
to have assigned various duties for the different castes of
Batticaloa� This account is remarkably similar to the assignment
of duties by Ku+akkot ta.A to the various castes he invited from
South India for the performance of services at the ����varam
temple. Finally, while Kul�ttaa is said to have created
the chieftaincy of Trincomalee, the foundation of chieftaincies
in the Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Mannb- and Jaffna districts is
attributed to Magha�
In the second place, there has been a confusion
of the traditions relating to Kufakkotta.i. with those about
Ukkiracinkan, who may not have been a historical personality.
Ukkiraci.Akaa's association with Jaffna is in some ways similar
to Kulakkott aa's association with Trincomalee. The story of
1. L· , P• 34.
4 • Ibid. , P • 77.
3• .!ill • , PP• 70, 71, 95-97.
4. Ibi . , PP• 74 , 75, 104.
349
Ukkiraciftau , as it ap ears in the Tamil chronicles, is basically
a different version of the Vijaya le end: Sinhalese traditions
as well as some South Indian legendary material have gone into
the creation of this story which forms the starting point of
the history of the Jaffna kingdom in the chronicles of Jaffna.
Traditions of the RohB.-9-a kingdom, which once included parts of
the present �rineomalee district, also appear to have helped
the growth of the story of &�in.co�. This is seen in the
story of ltakacavuntari, the queen of Kulakkottaa in some of
these accounts. In this story, traditions similar to those about
Viharadev't, the mother of Dutthag�i, are to be found� The
confusion of many of these traditions seems to have been the
result of a belated attempt on the part of the later Tamil
chroniclers to reconcile the different floating traditions in
the Tamil regions and to give these a historical sequence.
In the story of Ukkiraci�ka�, for instance, we see an atte pt
to reconcile the stories of Vijaya, Ku+akkottau and possibly
a third personality associated with t he kingdom of Jaffna�
In this story, as we shall discuss later, we could see the
Kottiya ram , all in the Eastern P ro vince, were doubt less in the
those regio ns. Parts o f the p resent Batt ical.oa dist rict may have
fort ific atio n in hhat dist rict and may not be an independent
in the V iya and the Vaiyap-t al are t o be loc ated in the ist ricts
mentio ned i n the Sinhale e sourc es as the areas where ��ha ' s
356
Kerala and Tamil soldiers had established fortific ations.
Mujl,iyavalai, Ka:i;,.ukke;.i, Tauikkal, Vau�ppa+ai and KaruvattukkeQ.i
are in the Kurundl region. Kilakkumalai and Nocc�ttai are in
the Pad! region. Tiriyay and Kattu.kku+am Pattu ar e in the
Kakalaya-Kavu9,avulu r egions. Tiru-k�9-ama1ai, Veruka.1, Tampalakama111.
and Kottiyaram are in the Go0,a-Kotihasara regions . These areas
form a major part of the Vanni districts where, according to
the Yalpp�a-vaipava-malai, Ku+akk�ttaa settled Vam1iyars.
If we discount the details provided in the Vaiya and the
Vaiyapat al, which we are in no position to confirm except to
say that the settler-castes enumerated in these works were
FQhably found in those places in later times! we may not be
wrong in concluding that several parts of the Vanni districts,
especially those along the north-eastern coast from Kurundi in
the north to Kotthasara in the south, were occupied by the soldiers
or �ha and his associates. These soldiers established forti
fications in these places and settled there. Their 1eaders
probably invited more settlers from among their kith and kin
on the main1and . The Van_Jliyars, Mukkuvas and other mercenary
leaders appear to have become chieftains of these nev settlements.
Presumably they were appointed by 1-mgha and his associates.
1. See supra, �- lj •
358
Sinhalese names is very small. These names are mainly confined
to the coas tal regions where peaceful penetration of Tamil
settlers had begun earlier than the thirteenth century and,
therefore� the retention of Sinhalese elements in the place
names could be explained. In the Vavuniya district, for ins tance ,
nearly eighty-two per cent are in Tamil. Three percent are
Tamilised forms of Sinhales e names . About four per cent are
Tamil-Sinhales e compounds. Less than two per cent are Sinha-
les e names. Nearly nine per cent are of doubtful origin, where
the constituent elements in the majority of the cases are common
to both Sinhalese and Tamil. Less than one per cent of the names
have the elements �ikkan and pulavu indicating Kera+a
association. The remarkable feature of the place names of
the Vanni dis tricts is the large number with the final element
kufam, meaning tank or reservoir. In the Vavuniya district,
for ins tance, nearly sixty-three per cent of the names end in
kufam: This may mean that by far the majority of the small
_A_._
5 _.C .A_.__.....,.f_o_r__l�9�
......,. , P• 19 ; A. S.C. A.R. for 1907, P• 27 ;
3 3�
A.S . C . A • • for 195 1 p. O.
362
remains ot a different type attest to the destruction wrou ht
by the invaders and the conversion of Buddhist institutions
into places of Saiva worship, effected by the new settlers,
thus confirming thee of the statements in the Sinhalese sources.
The many scattered ruins of Bud hist monateries and temples all
over the Vanni region preserve the memory ot the Sinhalese
Buddhist settlements that once covere these parts. Several of
the pilimages ( image houses) attached to monasteries in places
like Kovilkadu, �+ikai, ?5mantai, Kanakarayau-ku+am, Iracentirau
kuiam , CiwiappUvaracanku+am and ¥a4ukanda were converted into
Saiva temples, often dedicated to G8.\).e6a: Bud ha images or
inscribed slabs from the Buddhist struc tures were used to make
the Ga�e§a statues� A number of small Saiva shrines have been
found in association with Buddhist remains� The destruction of
several of the Buddhist edifices and the conversion of pilimages
into Saiva temples may have begun in the time of >�ha. In the
North-central Province, too, we find evidence of such activities.
On the Minn�riya Road, close to Polonnaruva, were discovered a
few Saiva edifices which were built of materials from Buddhist
1. A . • C .A . . for 19 2, PP • 7-13.
2. �- , P• 7 .
�-.
,.
3. P• 11.
A.S.C . A. . for 19 8, P • 9 .
5 . A .S.C .A . . for 19 7, P • 8.
6. Ibid. , P • 5 .
7. A • • C . A. . for 19 ' P • 11.
8. A. . . A . R. for 19,24, P• 16.
364
of the inscriptions found on the pillars and slabs is the twelfth
century. The date of the construction of these Saiva and Vai��ava
shrines is cert inly later than that. It is not possible to
surmise that these were built before 1212 1 when Buddhist rulers
were on the thorne. Nor is it possible to date them after �mgha
was ousted from Polonnaruva, for with that ev�nt this city
appears to have been abandoned by the KaliAgas, Tamils and
Keralas altho� it is possible that some of the settlers
continued to be there even after that. In all probability the
destruction of Buddhist edifices and the construction of several
at least of the � aiva and Vai��ava shrines took place in the
time of Magha. In fact, this is the testimon1 of the Sinhalese
1
and Tamil chronic les, too. In the light of the examples at
Polonnaruva we may not be wrong in surmising that some at least
of the Saiva shrines found in association with Buddhi t remains
in the Vavuniya district were the work of the inTaders and
new settlers in the time of }- ha. It is possible that some
were built of materials from an abandoned or ruined Buddhist
structure at a later date. Some may have been converted into
Saiva temples at a time when the Buddhist po ulation of the area
ceased to exist due to either slow mi ration or ass imilation
1. See upra, •
366
coast. VB.W1iY rs and Mukkuvas a ear t o have been p rominent
Thes e Vanni chiefs appear t o have invited set t lers f rom South
1 . See supra , p . � � •
36 1
a-1.,,...
Chaggama. (S�mam) finds mention in the ClilaJr�.,..!•1 The others
J...
1. See supra, P• �1 •
3 . a,e e ,nHil!'e.9 P•
l. See supra, P • 1 �� •
2. Cf. , H• •Thambiah, The Laws and ustoms of the Tamils of Jaffna,
PP• 8-12 ; _ C.Brito, Mukkuva Law, Colombo, 1872.
369
The Kerala origin of this cas te is further c onfirmed by the fact
that the only area in South India where we find the Mukkuva
c aste now is the Malayalam-speaki ng westoral littoral.1 The name
Mukkuva, too, is of Ma.layafam origin, as we shall see in the
sequel. Acc ording to some traditions in Kera.la, the Mukkuvas,
like the Tlyars and �+avars of Kera+a, originated immi grated there
from Ceylon.2 But there are some other traditions whic h c laim
that the Mukkuvas are the only indigenous people of Kerafa�
The Mukkuvas , being a fishing c aste, may have maintained
c lose and c ontinuous c ont c ts with the c oastal areas of Ceylon
and this may have given rJ.S e to a tradition in later times
that they migrated from Ceylon. The traditions among the
Mukkuvas of Ceylon regarding their and date of their migration
are rather late and are clouded by attempts to enhanc e their
social position among the Tamils. One of these is the attempt
to relate their anc estry to Kuga, the ferryman who ap ears in
the Ra.may�.! as a friend of Irama. This is bas ed on the final
syllable of the name Mukkukar C a variant of Mukkuvar), namely
PP• 337-338.
4. £.!., H.Yule,and A.C. urnell, Hobson-Jobson, London 1903, p. 592.
5. L.Varthema, The Travels of Varthema, Tr. T.W.Jones, (1863), p.142,
'The fourth class are called Y�chua, and these are fishermen•;
E.J.Stanley, Thre Voyages of Vasco a Gama and is Viceroyalty,
f_ _r_o __t_he
_ _L_e_n_a_s___ I_ n;.....;;i;.._...o...f___s_.p_ar�_c...o...r...r...e�a , (1869), p. .
'Macuas which are fishermen'; J. de Barros, 'Decadas de Asia, etc.,
Lisbon 1778 : ' ucuaria, a fisherman's village', quoted in
Hobson-Jebsoh, �• :!!•, P• 592.
371
1
meanin mariners or boatmen. As a sea-faring community they were
2
considered to be a low caste.
'Maquas or boatmen•.
3. Dai a e�i-asna, P• 4.
4. g., Vanni-upata, (Colo bo Y�seum �.18.lluscript), p. 15.
372
who , with his chief Na+a Mudali� and a host of Tamils,
appropriated the territory between the Kala Oya and the Ma Oya.
These Tamils are also called the Kaka Mu.kkara. The above area
1• .Yl?.•, vv.53-55.
2. Ucumaa seems to be a Tamilised form of the !'J.Uslim name Usman
and ma:y be associated with Muslim tra ers at this port, i.e.
Ucuma.l-tu.:ai (Port of Ucumaa).
374
1
Centau-kaJ.am. Further!il the !!lPP�a-v ipava-malai states that
it was PB.\l�u•s queen who sent troops to prevent Kula.k:k:2Sftau
:f'rom building a temple at ��e§varam� But the �rincoma1ee
cheonicles have it that lfakacavuntari, who later married
Ku+akkoftq, was the queen who attempted to prevent the work o:f'
Kulakkottan at Trincoma1ee� Presumably the author of the lllPpapa
vaipava-malai was drawing from several. sources when f bricating
the story of the Mukkuva settlements in Jaffna and Batticaloa.
This account has little claim on our confidence. The account
in the Vai:y- and the Vai:yapa�al is clearly based on the popular
tradition about the Mukkuva pirate Mtra.-araca.a, sometimes known
as Veti-aracau, and is probably related to a later period.
In the Ma�takkalappu-manmiyam , the Mukkuvar are
referred as those of the Kuka !9:!,!!, the origin of which tradition
4 �y
we have alre dy explained. ea: id:e•re said to have been military
/..
leaders under Magha. Their place of ori in is given as Dlikattam,
which may be a distorted form of �ltltlaStu (Calicut) in Kerala•
This tradition seems to preserve some ilement of truth in it,
for in the thirteenth century we hear from other sources of the
4. 999 supra I p
-IV\M. 1f·IO\f-
375
presence of l1ukkuva mercenaries in Ceylon: The Mukkuvas being
Keralas were probably among the Kerala mercenaries of 1-mg�a.
As we have already suggested, this tradition may well be accepted
as true.
There are also other traditions among the Mukkuvas
of Ceylon regarding their migration from India. There is one
recorded by Casie Chetty about the Mukkuva settlement under
Vefi-aracau� This relates to the western and will be discussed
later. Veti-aracau may have been a historical personality
whose memory has been perpetuated in the folk traditions of the
Mukkuvas: He probably belonged to a period later than the
thriteenth century.
From the foregoing discussion it ap ears that the
}1Ukkuva settlement of Batticaloa began in the thirteenth century.
Other Kera+a and Tamil mercenaries of fflgha and other invaders
may also have settled there at this time. But it does not appear
that the Batti•alo•�istrict had extensive Dravidian settlements
before the fourteenth century. Probably widespread settlements
of Tamils and Kera+as in this district took place in the fourteenth
1. Daffibade�i-asn , P• 4.
1• .!!!•, P• 75.
2. See upra, P• �,t.
380
When the coast of Ma.labar was overrun by the Muhammadans
from Arabia, the natives were persecuted, with the view
of causing them to embrace the doctrines of the Koran;
in order to avoid which the Mukwas transported themselTes
to Ceylon, and established their residence in the
Ma.labar Provinces frami1 province� •
It appears that the place where the Makwas first
landed was Kudrama.lai, whence they emigrated to other
parts of the Island, and in course of time formed several
settlements. Some time after the arrival of the Mukwas
in the District [Puttalam1, their chieftain named Vedi
Arasan, had to contend with a rival called Manikka
Taleivan Ma�ikka Talaivaul, who then resided over the
people, denominated Karai� (Kurukul <, and possessed
a settlement on the south side of the istrict. Manikka
Taleivan despatched some of his officers to Vedi Arasan
for the purpose of soliciting his daughter in marriage,
but, meeting with a refusal, he collected a considerable
body of armed men and declared war against the Mukwas,
threatening their total destruction. As the Mukwas were
at that time a weak and defenceless people, they
concerted with a crew of an Arab vessel which was then
at anchor at Kudramalai, and with their assistance
slew the rival chieftain and put all his troops to
flight. In turn for the service rendered them by the
Arabs, the whole of the Mukwas embraced the Muhammadan
religion which many of their descendants renounced in
favour of Christianity, through the influence of the
Portuguese. After the defeat of the Karaiyars, the
Mukwas determined to send an embassy to the court of
the emperor in order to ingratiate themselves into his
favour. They accordingly made choice of certain individuals
for the purpose and despatched them to Sitawaka with
many costly presents. When these delegates reached the
capital and presented themselves to the emperor, he
reseived them with uncommon kindness, and granted them
several copper sannasas or receipts, whereby the land in
the whole District of Futtalamaand Kalpentyn were allotted
to them for their maintenanve as paraveni • • • • • • • • • • • •
Besides the assignment of land, the emperor constituted
a royal tribunal at Puttalam called Mutrakudam, and
appointed ei hteen of the Mukwas to be members of the
same, under the authority of a Dissawa or Pro-Consu1, who
was to be annually sent from the court; and also conferred on
the said members the title of Vanniya, • • • • • • 1
1• ..:!.•, 1: :J-4.
1. U. C •• • , I, pt. 2, p. 739.
383
Kurukulas and other South Indians was a process that seems to
have one on for a long period. New bands of immi rants probably
settled down on the western coast in the thirteenth century as
well. As some of the traditions suggest, the invasion of South
India by the l1Usliws probably further migration of Mukkuvar
and Kurukulas in the fDurteenth century. During the Kott�
period there were Tamil Vanni chieftaincies in this region,
some of which were contrmlled by Mukkuvar. The Tamil chieftaincies
of the Puttalam-Chilaw region seem to have owed allegiance to
the Koft"'! rulers, although according to de Queyroz the lands
as far south as Chilaw belonged to the kings of Jaffna. This
coastal region appears to have been a bone of contention
between the Sinhalese and Tamil rulers owing to its im ortance
in the control of the island's pearl fishery. The !_al.Ppay.a
vaipava-malai refers to the struggle between Ceyav�ra-cinkai
Ariyan, one of the kings of Jaffna, and Bhuvanekabahu, probably
the fourth of that na e, over the control of the pearl banks.1
Another invasio� of Mayarattha, in which was included the
Chilaw region, by the Tamils from the northern part of the island
in the time of Parakramabahu IV (1302-1326) is alluded to in the
Naranb�dda inscription� The Tamil chieftains of the Chilaw-Puttalam
'
of the official class and many of the common people\o the south-
western regions. These factors , more than any other , helped the
transformation of northern Ceylon into a region occupied by
Tamil speakers and directly led to the foundation. of a Tamil
kingdom and several. �ami J Vanni chieftainc.ies there . It may
be concluded that in the major part of the thirteenth century
it was the Tamil and Kera.la mercenaries who foun.de.d the new
settlements. These were spread over a good part of Imjaraffha.
Once the kingdom o� Raffna and the Vanni chieftaincies were
founded, it appears that Tamil rulers invited families from
South India for settlement. Towards the end of the thirteenth
and the beginning of the fourteenth century , therefore , a
peaceful migration of s ettlers from the Tamil and Kera+a
countries seem to have taken place. The prominent mention of
Kera+a mercenaries in the Sinhalese and Tamil sources and the
occurrence of Kerafa places among the original ijomes of the
new settlers , as listed in the Tamil chronicles , indicate that
there was a st rong Kerata element in the new population of the
northern districts. This is also revealed by the similarity pr
that exists between the social organizations of the Tamils of
Ceylon and the Malay'!.}.is of Kera+a and the affinity between the
397
Ma.rumaklratta1am laws of Kera+a, and the Mukkuva and Th1Fsavatamai
laws. The settlement of peaceful migrants seem to have been
confined ma.inly to the northernmost regions of the island.
The difference in character between the settlements in the Jaffna
district and those of the Maim,ar , Vavuniya, Mllllait�vu and
Nuvarakalavi7a districts is not onl7 borne out by the evidence
of the literary sources but is also demonstrated b7 the place
name evidence. Whereas in the Jaffna district ve come across
a large percentage of place names with Sinhalese elements,
in the local nomenclature of the other districts the Tamil
element is predominant. The former indicates slow and peaceful
penetration of the Tamils and the latter a violent and sudden
occupation. The survival of Sinhalese place names, especially
of Sinhalese territorial names, in Jaffna tells against
a wholesale extermination or displacement of the Sinhalese
living there. At the same time, Tamil names of estates denoting
family settlement which are found scattered acroos the peninsula
remarkabl7 confirm the evidence of Tamil chronicles retarding
the settlement of prominent families from South India by the
early kings of Jaffna. 'l'he settlements of the :t-.orth-central
Province and of the major part of the North-western Province
did not last long and soon there was a concentration of Tamils
in the Northern Province. The Trincomalee district of the
Eastern Province and the Puttalam district of the North-western
fyo,,, ;nc�
398
J were a1so areas hwere lasting Tamil settlements were established.
Dravidian s ettlements in the Batticaloa district had also begun
in the thirteenth century although the bulk of the settlers
may have migrated to this district in later times.
399
CHJP.rER VI
1. C . Rasanayagam, P• 7 ff.
2. !:!!• , l: 44-70.
--
3 . �ui�kalai, XK'v11 .
-
4 . S.Paranavitana, ' The J.rya Kingdom of North Ceylon• , P• 181.
405
as well are based on the erroneous identification of some
place names in the SaAgam texts.1 Neither the visit of the
#
1. See supra , p . 3 1
2. C. Rasanayagam. , £..l?.• ill• , PP• 120-121.
3. S.Paranavitana , ' The Ir,-a Kingdom of North Ceylon• , p . 184.
4. !!!!!• , PP • 13-23.
5. C. Rasanayagam, �• .ill• , P • 272 ff.
406
There is, howeTer, not the slightest evidence for a line of
XaliAga rulers in Jaffna in this period.1 Besides, as we sha11
see presently, the legend of Ukkiraei�kaa iannot ba relied upon
for the history of the northern kingdom.
While rejecting the chronm.logical basis of the
account of Ukld.raci�ka.A, Paranavitana has attempted to identify
this personage with Clikakumara.a of the �v�car-kalve{t.!!,•2
According to him, ' if we can have faith ill the legend given in
the ��car-kalve:ff_!, the lion-faced king, Ukkiraci:okaQ or
Ciilkakumaraz;l, llJa1 be taken to have flourished about the same
time as Magha, whether he was identical with the latter or not•�
By making such a statement he does not seem to have much doubt
about the historicity of Ukkiraci:oka.a. But the authenticity of
ghe whole account o:! Ukld.rac1ilkaQ, as it appears in the Tamil
chronicles, is questionable. We have already briefly pointed
out that the story of Ukk:Lrac1J'lkaQ and hia queen Marutappiravalli
is based on the Vijaya legend and has also certain elements
borrowed from folk-etymology. It has also been indicated that
there is a c onfusion between the legend of Ukkiraci:okaQ and
l. !!• , P• 2.
2. !.!!•, PP• 13, 21.
1. �. , P• 32 ; !:!!!!•, p.3 0.
1. �- . 6: 10.
2. .Yl?.• ' Te 18
3 . Km ., P• 3 ; !!!• ' P• 23.
4 . !!!• , P• 3; !!.!• ' P• 23 .
5. .Yl?.· t v. 18 •
6. �- , P• 3.5 ; !!!•, P• 3.5 •
7 . � - , Tampainakar-patalam, v . 32.
412
the element si$ha (lion) is preserved. Like S�ab'Elu, this
prince married his own sister and attained kingship. ilthough
this prince is the counterpart of Sithabahu in our legend,
certain elements of the story associated with Vijaya have also
been included in the story of this prince in the Vaiy'apa�,!!
and the Tir��acala-pur�_!!• The Vai:y'apa�,!! states that this
prince, Naracil\ka.r"!cau, sent emissaries to Madurai and s ought
the hand of the P'IJ}�ya princess. The princess arrived in Ceylon
with a large retinue of people belonging to the Tarious c astes
as well as sixty maidens� This reminds us of the wooing of the
Pai4,ya princess of Madhura b1 Vijaya and the arri.val of
'craftsmen and a thousand families of the eighteen guilds •
as well as seven hundred maidens.2 The Tiri-��"!c a1a-pur�am,
though not containing all these details, states that the s on
of Ukkirac1flksa married a P!J;�a princess� This e1ement in the
story further strengthens our contention that the legend of
UkkiraeiflkaD is clearly based on that of Vijaya.
It is interesting to note the position occupied
by this legend in the traditional history of the �amils of
Ceylon as it is recorded in the Vai;r!patal, Kail!:a.dlai ,
2. l:!!:• t 7: 55-57.
3. !J?• , Tampainak:ar-patalam , v. 33.
413
and the Yal.pp�a¥Vaiapva-dlai. In these sources it is associated
with the beginning of the independent Tamil kingdom in norther�
Ceylon in much the same way as the Vijaya legend marks the
beginning of the Sinhalese kingdom in the Sinha1ese sources .
The manner in which the Sinhalese legend came to assume this
position in the traditional history of the Tamils may not be
difficult to explain. The Sinhalese of the Jaffna district, as
we have already seen1, were at no t ae completely dislodged by
the Tamils. Many of them probably became assimilated to the
Tamil population in due course. The story of Vijaya would have
been current among these people at the time of tbe Tamil settle
ments. When the Sinhalese became assimilated to the Tamil population ,
a garbled versiou of the Vijaya legend wou1d have still
linfered in their memor1. At a t llle when their origins were
forgotten , these people mq have used this legend to expLa.in
the origin of the Tamil kingdom instead of that of the Sinhalese
kingdom. The legend may also have been current among the other
inhabitants of the Jaffna district. Gradua11y it appears t o
have undergone changes that would have made it more suitable
to explain the origins of the Tamil kingdom. Hence the representation
of Mlrutappiravalli as a ClSla princess and Ukkiraei�k•A as a
P• 90.
2 • ..!!?,g., Setupati Grant No.14, P• 93.
3. Gira-sande�a, v. 138 ; mila-sande§a, v. 263; Sttlalihini-sandesa,
v. 29.
4. !E.•' v . 4 1.
1. !!!•, P• 19.
2. S . Gnanapragasar, !!lPp�a-vaipaTa-vimarc an.8:!, p. 13.
3 . �-
422
of the UkkiraciflkaD story. One of them, for instance , is the
story of the 1egenda.ry Pal}�ya princess with three breasts named
Tafatakai. In the versions where Marutappiravalli ' s name is
given as ita1tacaTUlltari , she is said to have had the epithet
Mummulai (Three Breasted)! This physical abnormality , the
Amazonian natire of the two princesses as well as the simi1arity
of the name, Tafatakai and ifaka suggest some affinity between
the two legends� .As we have already pointed out, some other elements
in the story of lfakavavuntari are based on the account of
Viharadevl: as found in the Ma.havawsa�
In this manner it could ve shown that the story of
Ukki.raci�Jra11 in the Tamil chronicles has no historical basis
and is only another garbled version of the Vijaya legend with
elements from popular etymology and several other folk tales.
In our opi�ion it has to be rejected outright. Any argument
for the existence of a Tamil kingdom in Jaffna before the
thirteenth century based on this legend is unacceptable.
Rasanayagam has further argued the continued
existence of the kingdom of Jaffna in the twelfth century on
1. !!•, P • 32.
2. S . Gnanapragasar , !!J.PpJua-vaipava-vimarca;.am, P• 10.
3. See supra , P• J41 •
423
the basis of certain references in the literary sources.
The 4riyadesa referred to in the CU1ava112 as the place from
where a king named V'Iradeva invaded Ceylon in the t:lme of
Vikramabahu I ( 1111-1132) i.s identified by him with Jaffna�
This reference in the Pali chronicle, as Paranavitana has indicated,
is to a country outside Ceylon� Probably it was a kingdom in
India� Rasanayagam' s argpments for the rule of Tamil kings in
Jaffna ;t.n the twelfth century, based on the late Tamil-�valar
c aritai and the �la-�tala-catakam, are also unacceptable. As
Paranavitana has s tated , neither o f these works can be considered
as having been written in the twelfth century.4 The reference
to Kolumpu (Colombo ) in the verses attributed to Pukal�nti
-
2. Ibid., PP• 81, 192.
3 . S.I . I . , III , P• 54.
4• .!lli•
5. .!lli ·
6 • .!lli·
425
Vl:ra-cal�lta.A (Kalinkar-man - King of the Ka1ilgas) 1 and
J.muaparai,aa (IlMkaiyarkk11:aivaa - Lord of the Ceylonese)�
It has been possible to identify the first three kings as
three of the rulers of Rohav,a mentioned in the CUlava��
The identification of the others presents some difficulty.
Rasanayagam and Gnanapragasar have attempted to overcome this
difficulty by arguing that they were rulers of Jaffna! But
there is no justification for such an identification. Now,are
in the Ceylonese or South Indian sources do we get any reference
to the existence of a kingdom in Jaffna which resisted the cn5la
occupation. On the other hand, after A.D. 1017, the northern
half of the island was securely in the hands of the C?SJ.as and
it was in the south that they encountered opposition. The
rulers mentioned in the �la records were probably in control
of parts �• southern Ceylon. As we know froa the CUlaV�_!, there
wer• ae•vra1 petty rulers in the south during the period of
�la rule, offering resistance to the foreigners� The fact that
1. S . I . I. , III, P• 61.
2. Ibid.
3. U . C . H. C . , I, pt. 2, PP• 418-420.
4. C .Rasanayagam, E.P.•�• , PP• 278-284 ;
S.Gnanapragasar, !!lpp�a-vaipava-vimarcan,2, pp. 52-53 .
5. £!· , 56 & 57.
426
some of them are not mentioned in the CUlav�.....! is no argument
l. L.Rice, ' The Chalulqas and Pallavas • , !:!• , VIII, '1an .. 18 79, p.28.
2. C. Rasanayagam, .2.1!.• ill•, P• 23 9.
427
the inscription. Similarly, the conquest of the • old islands of
the sea numbering twelve thousand' by Rl:jaraja I, be says, 1 11USt
indubitably refer to the Jaffna is1ands'.1 In his opinion, the
Maldives and the Laccadives were the dependent islands ot Jafrna�
Such methods of historical analysis, it is needless to say, need
not be taken seriously.
The paucity of references to the Jaffna region in
our sources may suggest that this area was not of much significance
in the island. The few referenc�s that we come across in the
Pali chronicle seem to suggest that it was part of the Sinhales•
kingdom till the twelfth century. The authority exercised by
Devanampiya Tissa over this region in the third century B . C.
is indicated by the account of his reign in the Mahava�!
�he port of Jambukola in the Jaffna peninsula was under the
control of the Sinhalese monarch and it is stated that he built
the Jambukola vihara there. There is no mention of that region
having been ruled by any other independent monarch at that time.
As Paranavitana has suggested, it appears that this northern
region, which was then known as !r
agad�pa,was administered by
l. C . Rasanayagam, �• ill• , P• 23 9.
2. �• • P• 262.
3 . !!•, 11: 23, 38; 18: 8; 19: 23 ff. , 60 ; 20: 25.
428
a provincial governor who seems to have held the title of
- 1 The evidence for this is the reference in the
DYparaja.
SammohavinodanY to a prince calledDYparaja ruling over Nagad�pa�
There is also a reference in one of the pre-Christian Brah�
inscriptions at Mihintale to a certain DYparaja who was the son
oil a king of A.nuradhapura� mparaja was probabl,- the title of
the governor of N'!gadYpa. That lfflgadYpa was undoubtedly a
province of the Anuridhapura kingdom in the second century A. D .
is clearly established by the gold plate inscription found at
Vallipuram in Jaffna! This inscription informs us that in the
time of Vasabha ( 67-111), Nakadiva ( ?fflgadl:pa) waa administered
by a minister (amete) of that king. In the �i chronicle there
are only a few references to N!'.gadYpa. Sometimes for long periods
there is no mention of this palce at all. Such silence is explained
by Rasanayagam in an incredible manner. To him, 'the presumptio�
therefore , is that in those years the northern principality was
quite independent and quiet • � It is a well-known fact that the
-
E.I. , XXII, PP• 86- 92.
4 31
an island off the peninsula of Jaffna, contains an edict promu1gated
by Parakramabahu I.1 These inscriptions attest to the authority
wielded by Parakr amabahu over the northern.most parts of the
island. Thus we see that whatever little evidence is avail.able
to us regarding the Jaffna district indicates that it was p art
of the kingdom ruled by the kings of Anur'idhapura and Po:Lonnaruva.
There is no evidence to suggest that it was independent at an,
time during the historical period before the thirteenth century.
We are informed by the Sinha1ese sources that in
the thirteenth century mgha had fortifications at �r�toia
(�li SUkaratittha), besides severa1 others in northern Ceylon.2
This would mean that in the early part of that century Jaffna
was under the rule of the monarch at Polonnaruva. Mlgha was
the last ruler of Polonnaruva who wielded authority over the
whole of Riljara�tha. He is known to have been ru1ing at :Pol.onnaruva
1. A.Liyanagamage, �• cit.
438
rid of the foreign enell\Y from northern Ceylon after the fal1
of Polonnaruva. The enemies were there even after 1262. Northern
Ceylon had permanently slipped out of the hands of the Sinhalese
rulers in 1215. As we shall see in the sequel, what made it
possible for Parikramabahu to enter Polonnaruva in 1262
was apparently the temporary subjugation of the enemy- in northern
Ceylon by the Pa.9�yas. This, more than any other factor, prevented
Parakramabahu not only from holding his coronation but a1so
from restoring Polonnaruva to its pristine position.
We are , therefore, inclined to think that the
defeat of fflgha and his forces took place before the first
invasion of Candrabhanu in 1247. fflgha was ousted from Polonnaruva
possibly not long before that event. His forces may have c ontinued
to resist in their fortifications in Imjaraf{ha even after that
date.
The 8inhalese sources do not inform us that Magha
was killed in battle by the Sinhalese. It appears that Mlgha
was only dislodged from Polonnaruva but not ousted comp1ete1y
from mtjara�tiia. However, we have no evidence at all as to
what happened to fflgha or about the events in Rajaraf{ha
after his defeat. In all probability, Magha and his associates
established their authority somewhere 1.u the northernmost part
of the island. In 1247, some time after the defeat of }Mgha ,
Candrabhanu invaded Ceylon. He was defeated by Parakramabnu
4 39
and driven away from the Sinhalese kingdom.1 We do not know what
Candrabhanu was doing between this event and hi� second abortive
attempt to capture power in the Sinhalese kingdom, which probabl1
took place in 1262� Between the defeat of Mlgha and the second
invasion of Candrabhanu certain important events seem to have
taken place in northern Ceylon. The Sinhalese chronicles mention
nothing of these events. But the information contained in some
of the contemporary Pa•�ya inscriptions, inadequate though it
may be, helps us to extent in conjecturing the course of events.
The inscriptions of Jatavarlllall Sundara �ba I,
from the ,:ear 1258, refer to a �ha invasion of Ceylon which
presumably took place before 1258� No details of this invasion
3 . !lli ·
4 . ll!2.· t P • 622.
5 . Ibid., P• 621..
441
is meant for those who were accustomed to believing without
I
question anything stated by themand does not carry conviction
to a critical historian of today'. In the light of this
much credence cannot be attached to the statement that foreign
monarchs came under the influence of Parakramabahu. Furtheri;i
Paranavitana tries to identify the Ceylonese p:eince Parakramabahu ,
who died fighting for the �las in South India in 1230 , with
Parakramabahu Nii!anka Malla c;,f the Pa.�4uvasnuvara Tamil
inscription� The latter is termed �nnilazika�n {King of
'South Ceylon • ) in this inscription. On this basis Paranavitana
argues that 'if the ruler of South Ceylon took the side of the
enemies of the �J.a empire , it is reasonable to infer that 1-mgha
ranged himself on the side of the Cotas • � The unlikelihood
of this contention has been fully demonstrated by Liyanagamage�
It has also been pointed out in an article on the P��uvasnuvara
inscription that Parakramabahu Nil§a.Aka Malla of that record
is no other than the Kaliiiga ruler N�§anka Malla who reigned
in the twelfth century� When the Pa��uvasnuvara inscription
-
wrongly attributed to Vijayabahu II ' , E.Z. , V , pt. 2 1 p. 202.
2. a ) Tiru-!lanacampantar TEfvara TiruppatikaAk:at, Kalaka ed. , No. 243,
I
1. See supra , P• 3�
2. I1Jid.; there was also a Mayilailgai in f,\ysore, !:.£· , III , pp.147-148.
3. M. E.R. for 1913, No.77 of 1913; K.A.Nilaka.Dta Sastri , The ClSl.!:!, ,
P• 443, n. 83.
4. Km., P• 6.
this instance, stands undoubtedly for the whole of Ceylon. In
the Pav�uvasnuvara inscription, too, as in all the other instances,
it stands to� the whole island. It is, therefore, difficult
to accept Paranavitana ' s theory that Parakramabahu of the
South Indian inscription , mentioned above, was a king of
southern Ceylon who aided the enemies of the ClSlas • Consequently
there is no basis for the theory that the �4ya invasion that
took place some time before 1258 was aimed at assisting Parakrama
bahu I�against Magha, the alleged �la ally.
The silence of the Sinhalese chronicles on the
Pafgya invasion and the true significance of this event may:
be understood to some extent if we analyse the evidence of
some -P-
��ya inscriptions of 1263 and 1264, which refer in detail
to another ��ya invasion of Ceylon under JatavarJna.I1 nra
��ya I (acc. 1 253). In one of his inscriptions of 1263, nra
-
��ya is credited with the feat of having taken ' Ilam and the
Cavakan' s crown together with his crowned head ' 1. In an inscription
of 1264, a detailed account of the campaign in Ceylon is given�
1. A. Liyanagamage , �• cit.
2. Ibid.
3 . �- i u. c.n . c. , I , pt.2 , P• 627 .
4. U • • H . C . , I , pt.2 , PP• 627 , 685 .
4 5a
Re c ould very well have been a.minister of nra ��ya himse.l.f.
But probably he was a in:tnister of Par"!kramabahu who appeale d
to the �wa ruler to intervene in the Ceylonese war. Such
an appeal would have been made to the Y-� �ya ruler because, as
we have indicated. earlier, Candrabhanu was probably a tributary
of V"!ra P-
� �ya , at least in name if not in fact. The Pal;.�ya
inscriptions claim that after the J'!vaka was killed , Vtra
P'!�ha levied tribute from the !other king'! If this other king
was Parakramabahu, it would mean that the Sinhalese ruler was
treated only as a subordinate ally. Raving successfully intervened
in the war and punished his recalcitrant tributary with death,
V"!ra ��ya raised the Javaka's son to the throne of his father.
It is clear that the ��ya monarch did not intervene in the
Ceylonese war as an ally of Parakramabahu with the intention of
conquering the Javaka ' s kingdom for the Sinhalese ruler. Re
appears to have been settling a dispute between his own trJi.butar y ,
who had become refractory , and another subordinate ally , who too
was probably one of his tributaries. This is how we could possibly
interpret the evidence of the Sinhalese chronicles and the �ba
-
1. En.ai venta.nai ( o�ber king) is the phrase used in the
Ku�u.miyamalai inscription, K. A.NilakaDta Sastri ,'The Cey1on
Expedition of Jatavarman nra P!JJ.ba' , � • .ill•, p. 524.
4 51
inscriptions regarding the events of the period between 1247 and
1262.
If the little evidence we have favours the identi-
fication of the cfflvaka or the 'P'aI}.�ya inscriptions with Candrabhanu,1
the next question we are faced with is the location of his king
dom. The Sinhalese sources do not inform us of the existence of
an independent l:ingdom in southern Ceylon, other than that
ruled by Parakrama.bahu II, in the middle of the thirteenth
century. But we do not know whether there was any ..independent
kingdom in northern or eastern Ceylon , which at this t ime was
not under the control of the Sinhalese monarch. Candrabhanu•a
activities prior to his second invasion of the Da.15.bade�iya
kingdom were confined to the northern part of the island. He
is stated to have landed at Mah�tittha with Tamil mercenaries
from t he -P-q�ya and �la countries and 'brought over to his
side the SDia1as dwelling in Pad�, Kurund.Y and other districts•�
---- - • ------- -
errors. The words Caka v!l'.um can be emended as Caka.vara}.um
•
(&rt la �ff' \5 \0 to8-ftl».SQ'ff'5 LO� by adding one letter !:!. ( '1 ) ,
which would then mean 'being ruled by the CEta.var ' (a varia nt
of Cavakar). If this is admissible , the reference here may be
taken to preserve some memory of Javaka rule in Tanikkal , in the
Northern Province. But we cannot be certain that only this
emendation is possible. Caka. �l� is obviousl1 an error.
457
If1 as we have suggested earlier, the invasion of
Jafavarman Sundara P!�cJya I I some time before 1258, was directed
against this new kingdom, its foundation has to be placed before
that date. We have already laid down that the upper limit for
the establishment of an independent kingdom in northern Ceylon
is 1236. The lower limit may now be reckoned as 1258. Our
sources do not mention anything about the events in northern
Cey1on between these two dates, except for the defeat of 1-mgha,
which, we believe 1 occurred some time before 1247. In the present
state of our knowledge we can only resort to conjecture in recons
tructing the course of events that led to the foundation of
the new kingdom in northern Ceylon. The only basis for our
conjecture is the vague evidence of the Tamil chronicles.
Although Magha was ousted from Polonnaruva some
time after 1236, he seems to have continued to exercise
authority further north. The Sinhalese monarch was in no
position to recover the whole of R!jarattha or even to secure
his position at Polonnaruva for a long time. The reason for
Parakramabahu's failure appears to have been the presence of
the enemy in the northern part of the island. The failure of
the Sinhalese to oust the foreigners from the island was an
important factor that led to the rise of the new kingdom in
458
the north. lmgha presumably set up a new capital somewhere in
northern Ceylon, probably iD Jaffna, and exercised authority
in that region . We do not know what fate eventually overtook him
and it is useless to surmise on this point. He probably died a
natural death and was succeeded by someone else. In all
probability this new kingdom of northern Ceylon is the same
as that ruled by the Javaka prince around 1262. It is not known
how a Javaka came to be on the throne of a kingdom in northern
Ceylon. As we are inclined to identify the Javaka of the
��ya inscriptions with Candrabhanu, it is possible to
conjecture that this Malay ruler, after his defeat at the hands
of the Sinhalese, fled to the northern kingdom. In course of
time, by some means he was in a position to succeed to the
throne.there. Probably he won the favour of Magha, if he was
still living at that time, and succeeded him. Or, it is possible
that he was able to wrest power from the ruler of the northern
kingdom. If such was the course of events, it would appear that
it was as ruler of the northern kingdom that Candrabh?!nu launched
his second attack on the Sinhalese kingdom, which turned out
to be fatal to him. After his death, his son ascended the throne
as a feudatory of the ��yas with the blessings of Jatavarman
V'tra P-
a.J}�ya. This reconstruction of the events in northern
Ceylon seems to fit the meagre and vague information that we are
able to extract from our epigraphic and 1iterary sources, chief1y
459
the Tamil chronicles:
l. !!!!•, P • 25 ; Km. , P • 6.
2. See supra, � - �
3. S. Gnanapragasar, !!m!J.ia-vaipava-m!:lai1 an!!, P• 65.
9Jcl"'�T..,-- ......¾ .... k-.Y"...'1c,..
461
Nik'aya-sai\grahaya and the HatthavanagaJ avi"Pa�a'-!!• had also
the name Kali.Aga Vijayabahu.1 This name could be easily rendered
into Tami.l as Vicaya Kal.i.A58,. Here the second element of the
name Vijayabahu is dropped and the name Dilinga is used at
the end, in the same aanner as �la or P'aV,�ya in Tamil�
Gnanapragasar has explained that in tha manuscripts lllilika
or its variant XaliAkai · may have been mistaken for IDiiankai�
Since K'tila:dkai makes no sense, it may haTe been altered to
K'tilaAkaj (crippled hand) in course of time. Hence the explanation
of the author of the ,!_alPpa�a-vaipava-malai that the king got
this name because one of his hands was disabled� But the posi,ion
1. !.!.!!!., P • 30.
1. �- , Ci£appupp1lyiram, v. 11;
�- , Ci�appuppayiram.
2. Irakuvammicam. 2 X, v.223, XIII, v. 107.
3. !!• , P • 12. This term may refer to the Vetl'Jl+a caste
called Ka�kai-kulam •
467
denote some connection with the I;astern Gangas . Paranavitana
originall7 expressed the opinion that the 'claim of the
Ariy8.ll rulers to be of the Gai\ga 1ineage can be upheld if they
are taken as successors of the J'lvaka kings of the Kalinga-VaJJlSa1
and that when the Ka.11:Agas founded a kingdom in northern Ceylon
'they must have regarded their GaAga connections with sentiment
and pride• : But in a subsequent article, while attempting to
refute the view of Nilak:anta Sastri�s, he has argued against
bis own conclusion above. Here he has stated that Kankai
is the form that the Sanskrit Ga.4g'I'., and not Ganga, assumes
in Tamil and that Ka6kat ma:y be taken to be the name of a community .
He then quoted from the Madras Tamil Lexicon, in which Kankaikulam
is explained as a Vellafa tribe who claim to have misrated
from the Gangetic region. ' As the Ja!fna tradition refers to
ir:ra Cakravartis who had Ve�� consorts•, he has argued,
' it is very likely that Kankai in both these epithets is used
with that meaning 1 � It is true that normally Ganga takes the
form Ka�ka in Tamil. But just as lCalinga sometimes assumes
the form ICalinkai and Sinha becomes Cilika.i, Ga.Aga can take
the form Kankai. The name GaAga-pac} i , for instance, often
.
century Si�apura was the capital of a dynasty in Ka1i.Aga,
probabl1 a minor branch, which had escaped notice in the
Indian sources. Magha and some of his associates probably
hailed from Si'l\hapara, like Ni§!a.Aka Malla. The new capital
founded by the invaders in northern Ceylon was probably named
after their city in KaliAga. Here, too, we agree with
Paranavitana that Jwmgha • would have named the capital of
his new kingdom after the city which was the home of the
Kalil!gas! 9 although we do not support his contention that
the home of the Kal�gas was in ' Malaysia ' � These considerations
lead us to think that the kingdom established in northern
Ceylon in the thirteenth century had its origins in a dynasty
which was c onnected with the Eastern Gangas of Kaliliga.
�.,
1. Some place names in the Jaffna peninsula�seem to preserve
these Kalilga origins. '?here is a place called Xali:nka
ra;raa-cYma and another called ClSla-ka:nka -riya,u-t�ffam.
The personal names KaliAka-r'5yaa (Kali.Asa Raja) and
ClSla-ka:nka-riyaa (Co�a-ga:Aga-r�ja), which form the first
elements in these names may denote their association with
people from the Kali.Aga country. But we cannot be too sure
of this, for both these persona1 names were used as titles
1. See supra, � - 1�
472
We ma, now summarise the main c onclusionsoof the
foregoing discussion. In the first place , the date of the
foundation of the Jaffna kingdom cannot be traced exactly.
That this took place between 1236 and l.262 appears to be
more or 1ess c ertain. It was probably between 1336 and 1258 ,
possibly between 1236 and 1247 that it was founded. l«gha and
his followers who seem to have been defeated some time after
12,6 , in all probability , shifted their seat of government
further north to the Jaffna peninsula . and founded a new
kingdom. The cffl:vaka invader Candrabhhu appears to have
found his way to the throne of this kingdom some time after
1247. Re was probably subdued by Su.ndara �4ya around
1258 . and killed by V'Ira ��ya in 1262. It was probably his
son who was allowed to be crowned in full. regal style as
the ru1er of the northern kingdom in 1262 , under the
protection of VYra ��ya.
Whatever the uncertainties regarding the beginnings
of the northern kingdom may be , the c ircumstances that led
to its foundation are HA' .difficult to understand. In the
first place , the foreign invas�ons of the thirteenth century
played a significant part in paving the waJ for the rise of
an independent kingdom in northern Ceylon. The invasion of
1. M • . R. for 1904, No. 110 of 1903 1 S.I.I. , VIII , Nos . 396 & 398.
2• • I.I. , VIII, no. 39G .
3• !E,g. , No. 398.
4. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The �han Kingdom, pp. 245 - 246 .
481
Par;.g.;ra I, began his rule in 1�15 and the last o! them .ruled till
at least 1415� There are certain considerations which lead us
to think that this inscription belongs to the early part of
the fourteenth century. This record is from Tiruppull�i, in
the Ramnad district. The other inscription from the same site
mentioning an Aryacakravartin is dated 1305/06. Further, all
the other inscriptions from the Ra.mnad district referring to
the Aryacakravartins are datable to e ithe+ the latter part of
the thirteenth century or the early part o f the fourteenth
century.There was no �dya ruler called Par'!krama in the thirteenth
century. It is • therefore, likely that our inscription belongs
to the time of Jatavar:ma.u Parakrama. n;1ra I, who lived in
the early part of the fourteenth century. Ir"al:nall alias Va• • kkai.
Ariyaccakkaravartti was probably the ammaa of this P-��ya ruler.
The evidence of these six inscriptions is practically all that
we learn about the iryacakravartins from the Indian side.
That the -4I"yacakravartins were minor chieftains
.
is clear from the information
,
we get from the Sr�ra:Agam inscription
2. £!.•, 90: 43-471 Dalada-sirita, ed. Sorata Nayala, Thera , 1950 , p.45.
483
Of these six inscriptions , four are from the Ramnad
district. Of the other two, that from Trichinopoly gives the
home of the lryacakravartin mentioned in it as Cevvirukkai-natu ,
which was an old territorial division in the RaJmad district.
The sixth, �from Pud�ffai, does not indicate that the Aryacakra-
'tk.�j\...
2,. Tevai Ula , vv. 179 , 220 ; Kampa mrnm:ya;iam, VI, Yutta-�tam,
Pataikk'atci Patalam, v.15, M!tci Patalam, v. 168; Kantapur��am,
Makentira �tam, I, v. 18.
t . .2£!!• , Cit,appuppayiram.
J. F.de Queyroz, �• ill• , PP• 48-49.
4. �• t P• 6 ; �• , P• 25. The !!!!!• states , however , that he came
from Madurai, the PiJJba capital.
4 83
that they were scions of the 'P'IJ}�ya family. The Kailayadlai
statement may be an exaggeration. That the ancestors of the
lryacakraTartins o f Jaffna cmae from the P'!ld:1a country is further
e*idenced by certain traditions relating to them which are
-
recorded in the Ceka.raca-cWka.ra-dlai . In the £.1,t,appup,iram
�
l. �• , v.6.
2• .!!:?ll·
3 . X. A . Nilakanta Sastri , A History of South India , 1958, P• 231.
489
Ramnad who , as the ally of the Pa,V,�yas, probably won certai.n
victories over the Hoysa+as• This was probably before 1310 , for
by that date there were internal dissensions in the PaJ;�ya kingdom
and the Y-
� �ya princes were in no position to attack their
neighbours� The epigraphic sources inform us of victorious
Y-q.�ya campaigns against the Hoysatas only after the accession
of Mar_a�armaa Sundara ��ya in 1251. In an inscription of
his seventh regnal year , Sundara P-
q�ya claims to have inflicted
a severe defeat on the Hoysa+as� Following this success , the
Pa;�yas seem to have been in occupation of �9.1.Ur , the
HoysaJ:a capital , for quite some time� The second time we hear
of a campaign against the Ho•satas is in the time of 1'la£avarDIG
Kul�ekhara I (1268-1310). In an inscription from Tinnevelly ,
Kulasekhara claims the subjugation of the Ho1salas� After this
we do not hear of any successful P'!.:s}�ya campaigns against the
Hoysala neighbours. The lryacakravartin , whose achievement in
a battle against the Hoysa+as is alluded to in the Cekar�ca
ceka.ra-malai , may have been fighting on the side of the ��yas
in one of these campaigns. Probably he was involved in the
1. �• • 90: l ff.
-
4. Ibid. , PP• 91-92.
493
the Dkat�1a kingdom b1 the Muslims , the7 migrated
southwards and joined forcea with the Ir,-a-cakeaTartis
ot amelsvaram, to be mentioned in the sequel , and
ultimatel7 fouml, the ir wq to Ce7lon. It was at this
time , or somtwhat earlier , that the Rajp•t kingdoms
in North India collapsed wader repeated attacks b7
Melia invaders , and bands of warriors who surviTed
the diaaaters , but were not prepared to lead a dishonourable
existence under the 7oke of the foreigners , might very
well have come southwards seeking new homes , and taken
service under rulers of In4ian faiths and culture who
welcomed them and were ready to take advantage of ,
and pay for , their milit&l'J' prowess. It these Bijput
exiles c ame as far aa Ce,-lon , they might as well have
sought their fortunes under theirulei-s ot South India.
And there is epigraphical evidence for the presence c !
in the country near Rlme6varam of chieftains named
lrya-cak:ravartia about the close of the thirteenth
century. 1
-
Whatever the possibilit7 ot the �1acak:ravartins having been
Rijput in orisin, Paranavitana' s arguments in favour of it is
not quite convincing and the evidence he adduces is not alwa7s
correct . In the first place , he puts forward five arguments
to establish the North Indian origin of the lryacak:ravartins.
The first argument that the word � has a special connotation
in T amil , in that it denotes the language , literature and the
people of Borth India is general1J' correct. But there seem
to haTe been certain exceptions to this max1 m. An inscription
from Kuttnam, in the Tinnevelly diatrict , dated in the fifth
year of �aTarlllall Vikrama PiJ;.'1,-a (1288 ) , refers t o two Tamil
When the words are separated, they would read as in the verse
quoted above . That the word which qualifies Jrizar-lg!pan is
�f.al and not �f.!! is further demonstrated �7 the fact that
-
the initial letter of this word, namely a Yl4 ) , alliterates with
the first letter of the whole line , in keeping with the rules
-
of the ve� metre:
--
Afal, meaning • strong' , • va1iant • , • tough'
or ' ability to ki11' , is a very common epithet � kings , h or
heroes , elephants , lions and armies , and has been in use from
The alliteration:
rn r-----------@ -- i -------
ml "I -------- [!) ----- - 0 '8 ( vowel-vowel)
� - -------- �----ta-----
� -------------@
497
Te� early t imes� We ••• • therefore, that there is DO reason t o
T . C . P-
ar ttacirati, Mad. 1938) .
4 98
emend the epithet of :Ari;rar �ab in the aboYe verse and to claia
llorth Indian origin for the �i7acakravartins on that buis .
Besides , the •uthenticity o f the verse under disci.asion is open
to question. It wou1d not be inappropriate to quote here
Paranavitana' s own c omments, in an earlier section of the same
article , on this and another verse attributed to Pukal.'lnti in
the �amil-navalar-varitai:
it may be stated that the anthology in question is a
recent compilation in which stray verses attributed t
by tradition to various poets , together with anecdotes
about the poets , have been collected together. It is a
work of the same tl[pe as the Sanskrit Bhojaprabandha ,
and in the attribuiion made in auch worka have to be
critical17 exam1n•d before they are accepted as correct.
�h• verses in qiestion do not occur :in anJ' of the works
which are attested to be of PukaJ.enti • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Nilakanta Sastrtialso admits that works with little
or no claim to literary merit have been fathered on
PukaJ.enti. It thus follows that the verses attributed
to PukaJ.enti are not be1ond question from the hand of
that poet , and that his date too is a matter of controvers7 ,
literary crltico being inclined to place him in the
late thirteenth century. l
In addition to the doubt that has to be cast on the authenticit7
of the verse , there is nothing in it to indicate that the
lri;rar �map. referred to there was none other than an �yacakra
vartin. Fi.Dally , Paranavitana adduces the evidence of de Queyroz
who mentions that the Brahaai, ancestors of the 4r'yacakravartins
c ame from Gujarat. In this instance , despite the uny obvious �v---0�s
�
l. S e e supra, P• +9't
2 . M.E.R. for 1918, No. 23 of 1918.
3 . M.E.R. for 1893 1 Bo. 172 of 1192.
501
trhaAgaa: ill these lr7as of the South Indian inscriptiona ,
belonging to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries , cannot
be identified as Rljput• on the ground that the Ir,as mentioned
in the cttlav�...! were Rljputs. It is c lear from the evidence ot
l. !:.&• , M. E.R. for 1918 , Boa. 397 , 401, 403 , 407 , 409 , 410 , 412 ,
416 , 41? , 418 , 529, 639 , 532, 582 and 603 of 1917.
2. There is at least one inscription dated &aka 1202 (A. D . 1280)
belonging to the reign of a c ertain Parakrama n$b'a, who IU.7
be identified with Par�ama PJv.ba ME>eli Vlnadir'iya. M. E. R. for
1918 , .Ho. 401 of 1917 ; X. J.. Jlilakanta Sastri , The �d,an Kingdom,
P • 187.
3 . M.E. R. for 1918 , 529 and 603 of 1917.
4. �• , Bos. 397 , 4ol, dt-03 T �? , �9 1 . 410 , 412 and 416 of 1917.
504
- l The occurrence of at least three titles ,
ui7a-naiu
.ii... diYision.
l. l!!• , P• 37.
2. M.E.R. for 19128/29, Be. 413 of 1928/29.
3• �• , Hos. lt,75 and 488 of 1928/29; M.E.R. for 1930/31 ,
No. 360 of 1930/31.
4. M.E.R. for 1931/32 , No. 104 of 1931/32.
505
as lr�AA• and kings ot the �i7ar Clri7ar tam k.'8dp.) , which may
suggest that their DaJU vu more than a title.
A third °' strong poaaibilit1 1a that the 417•
cakravartins belonged to a Brnu,a communit7. We know from the
ClSJ.a inscriptions that Brahma.vu served in the army as commanders�
Aa Nilalcanta Sastri has c ommented, ' it is remarkable that ma.DY'
ot the leaders (senapatia ) 1n the army were ot Brahmin extraction.• 2.
It may be that one such sena:,t i distiDguiahed himself in battle ,
e arned the t itle ot Ir,acakravartin. and was granted a chieftaiDc1
in the Ramnad district by one ot the Prtha killga of the thirteenth
cent11r7. It -.uq- also be tb•t one of the Br'lhmaQa
""'
chieftains of
the Ranma� region earned the till• in the service of the �a
rulers. We have already seen. that at leaa1; one 4?"7acakravartin
was � the service of M1£avarmq XuldWkhara I as a senapati�
There is a strong possibility that this sen�pati was the first
lryacakravartin. As diacussed earlier , the earliest datable
source mentioning an 'iryacakravartin is an. inscription of the
fifth year of �avaru.a XuluWkhara I (1268-1310): Around l.284 ,
, . �- . 90 : 44 .
4. K.J.. Nilakanta Sastri , The �"1:,u Ki.ngdom, P • 206 ff.
51 2
' -
about by these eventsr-a.7 have led the '17'acakravartins to seek
their fortunes in Ceylon. The eaal.l and probably weak kingdom
in northern Ceylon would have been a tempting t arget for their
designs. This ia , however , another possibility. In the present
atate of our knowledge we cannot be certaill about the Jll8llller
in. which the lryacakraTartina came to occupy the throne of Jaffna.
From the account of Ibn Batuta , we find that the
4i"yacakravartins were firmly established o• t he t hrone of northern
Ce7lon b7 1344 and were in c ommand of the aea ar ound , which was
infested with their piratica1 boats� Their rule in the island
must , therefore , have begun so• time before 1344. In the absence
of any evidence regarding the date of the accession. o f the
first lr7acakravartin. ruler , we can place this only within
rough limits. It certainly t ook place befoN 1344 , probabl7 in
the first quarter of the fourteenth c entury. p ossibly in the
last quarter of the thirteenth.
The independent kiBgdom of northern Ceylon that
emerged in the thirteenth cent11?'1' continued t o b e 1.D. existence
till 1620, when the last of the Tamil rulers was beheaded b7 the
Portuguese and the kingdom be•ame part o f tke Portuguese possessions
in. the island� Thia medieval Jd.D.gdom baa been c ommon.17 known
l. �- , C �appupp'iyu-aa , P • 7 .
2 .�• • v. 36.
3-. �- - v. 76.
Jt.. Cekaraca-c�karam, quoted in �• • P • xiii.
� .,,._ C.e�-.......\... •Y C.i,. &-vllc:G. - u �..... ..... t-11.-..y ,ls• \... cl..«:n v �
f-- Sil:,-.- \".3f. - �k"-.u,.
51 �
and �pafam for the kingdoms of Kandy and Jaffna, tor instance ,
are both derived from the names of their respective capita.le.
C1flka1-nafu waa , therefore, one of the names applied to the
northern ld.Dgdom after the capita1 cit7 , but it is not known
whether it was commonly used. Perhaps it was used only in literarJ
works. ADother title of the �yacakravartina that provides a
clue to the name of the northern kingdom is the one based on
the name Ma;avai. In the Cekaraca-cekara-malai, the lryacakravartin
in whose t ime the work was written is called Maiavai lriya
Varotayq Cir;ra Var"5daya of Maja:rai) ; Mava:rai7ar-�A Cekar'lca
cekara-Jllall (King Cekara•a-cekaran,, Monarch of the people of
Ma.$avai) 2 and Mavavai-tanta-mal ( the Lord produced bJ �vai)�
Scholars dilfer regarding the identification of the place
Jofa.4avai. Some take 1.t to be a place near Imme6varam and conclude
that the Cekarica-cekaran, who bore the above titles was born 1n
�
Ma;avai, in South India.4 But the title Ma,;:avaiyar-k'8a,
� meaning
' Monarch of the people of Ma\1-avai' lllaJ' suggest that �vai was
not just a amall village but a luger t erritory over which
1. �. , v. 158.
2. ,!!li, , v. 269.
3 • .B?g. , v. 173.
�. U. C . H. C . , I , pt.2, P• 698.
516
Cekaraca-cikaraa wielded authority. In Paranavitana•• opinion ,
MafaTai mq have been an alternate name of Ci6ka1� If we turn
to the Tami1 chronicles of Ceylon , we find that the ancient
Tami1 name of the Jaffna peninsula was Mavatti , Ma;.attifal
or Ma:;aw-ear. il1 three are variants of the same name. Parana
vitana and some other writers on the history of the Jaffna
kingdom have stated that �all!r and �av11r also occur aa
variants of these names� But no references are given to the sources
where these occur. We have not been able to trace these two
"'
variants in u.y of the Tamil chronicles. The :!!J.pp�a-vaipava-
malai gives two of these forms , namel7 �atti�al and Mav-attifar�
The &ffekJsatappu-mJpmjyam gives the two forms �i and ��i�ar�
In addition, it gives two other names of the peninsula , namely
Ma;ipuram and the older name liikat'!pam (Pali ?r-
agad'tpa)� The form
Ma.$a.ui also occurs in a poem called C'lti-malai-pafu � !rhis
2. £!• , MlntlSffam > Mlntai , JaSyamputtUr > JaSvai, Aauratapuram > Aaurai.,
Cilka-nakar ).C1:Aka1.
518
1a not difficult to expl.aiD.. The Tamil rendering of the Sinhalese
name would have been used only in literary works while the old
Sinhalese name would have son.tinued to be used 1>7 the ord.ihary'
people in its Tami1ised form of Wl:lki:mam, which is still
current. Such a practice is in keeping with Indian literar,
tradition. In the Ceylonese chronicles , we find that ver,- often
SiDhalese names are rendered in �1, as for instance Mahatittha
tor :Mlto�a. However , neither C:l:tlka:i -nafu nor Mafallifal and its
variants appear to have been commonl,- used as the name of the
northern kingdom. Tht•r disappearance in the later literar7
works supports this conclusion. We are inclined to agr•e with
Gnanapragasar that this northern kingdom. was kn.own as �•am or
IlaAkai, without an7 special epithets to distinguish it from the
southern kingdom. The T�a-kailaca-pur�.!! re?ers to a
Cekaraca-c'ika:rq, one of the rulers of Jaffna, as the king o f
IJ a:tlkai: The KailayamE.ai calls the first '417a ruler as
Teml!la:tlkai-mauavq (lting of Ila.Akai 1n the South)� The
Ku�umi.7'ima.1ai inscription mentioned earlier refers to the ruler
of the northern kingdom as one ot the kings of Ce7lon� We have
1. Tkp. , Ci.,appuppayiram.
2. !!!• , P• 6 .
3 . See supra , P• t',-f
519
also seen that the °?laa of the inscriptions of �aTarJDaA Sundara
P'14d:-,a I may refer onl7 to the northern kingdom: The inscriptions
of the Vijayanagara period, too , refer to the northern....ld.ngdom
-
of Ce7lon as �lam2• From about the beginning of tbe re1g,i.....of
H arihara II (acc. 1377) , Jatfna waa subdued by the Y1 jqanagara
rulers. But the subjugation of Jatfna is regarlied in...the earlier
inscriptions and liter&r7 works , auch as the ftr'ly�-vil'Ksam,
as the conquest or re-conquest of Ce7lon� But in the fifteenth
centur7 , the name YalPp'Klam came to be applied to the northern
kingdom and �lam was reserved for the Sinhalese kingdom in the
south. Thus , we see for the first time a Vidqanagar&- iiscription
from M1Ita1teri , dated
.. 1357
!aka (A.D. 1435) , re.fer.ring...to the
northern and southern kingdoms as YllPP� and ..
1.-■ re..spectively.
The name ?al.pp� llUst haTe gained currency in the �if.taenth
century. In all the grants of the Setupatis of Ramnad the
norther]l kingdom is referred to u Yll.Pp�am. or Y'll,pp�-tWcam
(the land of n.J,p�am)? In the Portuguese works , the kingdom is
1. See supra, P• 4S 3
2. �- , v.36; Cekaraca-cnaram, quoted in the �• • p.xiv,b. ;
�- . p. 78, v. 109.
3. See supra, P• lt-t''°'
4. M. E. R. for 1912, Bo.4 of 1912.
522
Jaffna kingdom in the early period of its existence. The later
chronicles, howeTer, do not mention Ci.Akai as the capital of
the Tamil.kingdom, a1though these refer to the lry-acakravartina
-
as Ci�kai AriY'aa& 1• The Yllppga-vaipava-m'!lai and the Kailaya.m'l:le.i.
give Nall1Ir as the capital of the first Aryacakravartins� Na1111r
is not mentioned in any of the earlier Tamil works or in inscripti.ons.
It has, therefore, been suggested that CiAkai-nakar was the first
capital and Nall1Ir the second capital, established in the fifteenth
century after the conquest of the kingdom by Sapumal Kudrayaf
The Sinha1ese works of the fifteenth century refer to the seat
of the Jaffna rulers as np•pa1una� The fourteenth-century- traveller
Ibn Batuta states that he vi4ited an iryacakravartin at Battala ,
which some haTe attempted to identify- with Putta1am, on the
western coast of the island� But the topographica1 detail.a
furnished by- the Muslim traveller show,& that this town was
somewhere t o the north of Maw.� • Probably Ibn Batuta was referring
t o YaP'lpafWla. The element E!�a in this name has the variants
1. I!!• , P• 27.
2. �. , P• 26 ; !!•, P• 7•
3. S . Gnanapragasar, ,!!lPp�a-vaipava-vimarcq&,!, PP• 106-107.
4. See supra, P• 'f-n .
5. S.Gnanapragasar, lllpp�-vaipaTa-vimare8Jlam, p. 88.
� 41Wiw>
l. KaliAkattu-par �!• v . 18 , P • 25 ;
Dlal �11 kalai :rJli Y,:v..!4 cilai
!!,,fai e m:,u ip.ai.ya pal ko t!
'rtla. Meruvil u:y;ar•ta Cempi:y; ar
Tani puli kofi talaikkav'!.
The single tiger flag of the Cempiyar (C?SJ.aa) that is planted.
on the Mlru rises high , aa the boar , plough, deer , lion, lute ,
bow and fish flags and others are lowered.
(Boar - Cal.ulqa.a I plough - Rdavaa , deer - PD.as I lion - .Sinhalese ,
bow - CWraa and fish - P'l$.haa) .
2. S. Gnanapragaaar, !!J.pp!#a-vaipava-vimarcyam, P• 50.
533
t o the use of the �! flag in Ceylon in the twelfth century-.
An inscription of the second regnal y-ear of Kul�ttw\ga C?Sla III
(USO) mentions the �ai-kofi Ci�kY.!!, (the Sinhalese whose
flag is the !!VI) � There is no reference to the .!!;! flag in
an,- of the Sinhalese sources. Since the ialand had been unified
by USO under Par'Ecramab'ihu I, it is not possible to surmise
that the reference in the South Indian inscription is to one of
the minor rulers of the island. It would, therefore, appear
that the Sinhalese ruler• @ used")the � flag in the
twelfth century, although it was not probably considered to
be the main. banner. The re ference in the KaliAkattu-parg! is
probably- t o the Sinhalese. Paranavitana is incluae d to believe
that the !!� flag of the Sinhalese must have been used by the
KaliAga rulers of Jaffna. Be argues that the 'KaliAga ki.Dgs of
Polonnaruva claimed in their inscriptions to be the legitimate
successors of Parakramab'ihu I' and that they, after founding
the northern kingdom, • must have continued to use the royal
insignia of the Polonnaru kings, which included the lyre-flag'•2
This, however, remains only a possibility-. Since the evidence of
the earlier Tamil works and of the coins of the 4I"yaca.kravartiDs
1. S.I.I. , V, P• 269.
2 . A.Paranavitua, 'The �• Kingdom in North Ceylon • , P• 222.
53J
c learl1 inform us that the couchant bull (nandi) was the emblem
of the Jaffna rulers o and since it is reasonable to presume that
Migha and his associates, who seem to have founded the kingdom,
introduced the e mblem of their home-land, we may conclude that
the main emblem of the Jaffna. kingdom was the couchant bu11!' The
lute flag may- also have been used as one of the minor banners
of the kingdom.
The exact limit4 of the Jaffna kingdom are somewhat
difficult t o determine with the evidence at our disposal. It is
onl.7 in the time of the Portuguese occupation that we get proper
information of the boundaries of the various kingdoms. A valuable
description of the territories of the Jaffna kingdom is given
by de Que;rroz : -
The modest kingdom is not confined t o the little
district of Jafanapatae , because t o it are also added
the neighbouring lands , and those of the Vani (!ann:D ,
which is said to be the name of the Lordship which they
held before we obtained possession of them, separated from
the preceeding (sic ) by a salt7 river, and connected onl1
in the erlre.mii7 or isthmus of Pachalapali 1Paccilai-p4ai] ,
within which were the lands of Baliga.mo IYal1karnamJ_ ,
�emerache �eQ-maraccil , Bedamaraehe lvafa-maracc!J ,
and Pachalapait {j?accilai-p4ajl forming that pen:l,nsu1a,
and outside it there stretch the l.ands of the Van!
crosswise, from the aide of Manir to that of Triquilem11.I
�rincomalei] , being sepuated also from. the country of
MantSta (MintlSffaa,.or �titth� in the jurisdictiou of
the Captain of Muir Ma� by the river Paragali;
1. !!!• t PP • 38 , 40.
2 . 'l'ri Sijh�'! Ka4aim saha Vitti , ed • .l. J. W. Harambe , (1926) , P • 21;
Siri-lak Ka�aimpota , ed. Sri Charles d e Silva, (1961) , PP • 22-23 �
:,. Tri Si!haf! Ka�aim saha Vitti , �• ill• , P• i1.
4. S. Paranavitana , 'The Irya Kingdom :l.n North Ceylon • , P • 195.
5 37
Miracci-raia has been identified as the area now comprising the
two revenue divisions of North and South Maracci in the eastern
half of the Jaffna peninsula: Bal•tafi-rafa is to be located in
the vicinity of MuttiJavalai, in the Mullaitt'Ivu district. This
location rests on the reference in de Queyroz • a Conquista t o
Valadadi , identUiable with Balata�i, as one of the three P•tus
(pattus - divisions) of the district of Muli•uali (Mu?tiyava1ai)�
Mudundu-malliy'a-rafa appears to be the present Mu1::iyava1ai
division. There are certain considerations for this identification.
ID the first plac e , Mudundu-malliy'a-rafa occurs with Balata�i-ra1a
and Ka$ukJd v'i-rafa which can be located in the areas adjoining
Muffiya-v4ai. The element malliYJ seems to be a variant of
�1.iya • Further , in the Vaitfp�.!!, Muiti;rav4ai is called
Muffi-ma-nakar as well as Ml-�"fanuiai-nakar� Mudundu may be
a corruption of Mi-mavfanufai. ID view of these considerations ,
the Mu.dundu-malliya-rata of the !!daimpota may be identified
with the modern Mul:i;rav4ai division, iD the Mullait'Ivu district.
JCaiukk1 ;i.-rafa is , of c ourse , the same as modern Jtav,ukk'lv,1 ,
referred to in the Vai@a�,!! as XqukkWv,i-nakar4, in the same
... -
&
C. Others :
1 . Batuta, Ibn,
The Rehla of Ibn Batuta, tr. Mahdi Hussain ,
Baroda 1953 ..
2. Cosma.a Indicopleustes,
Christ ian Topograph1 • ed F. O.Winstedt .
J. de Queyroz, Ferna�,
The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon,I ,
tr. S.G . Perera, Colombo 1930.
4. Krishnaswam;r Aiyangar (compiler) ,
Sources of Vijayanagara History , Madras 1919.
5. Pringle, A.T.
The Diary and Consultation Book of the Agent,
Governor and Council of Fort St.George ,
1st Seiies, III, Madras 1895.
6. Rijck.loff van Goens,
Memoirs of Rijckloff van Goens 1665, tr.
S. Pieters , Colombo 1910.
7. Varthema , L. ,
The Travels of Varthema , tr. T.W. Jones , 1863.
552
II. Manuscriptss
( in the National Museum Library , Colombo)
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