Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Robyn E. Cutright
As the Chimú empire (ca. A.D. 900–1470) expanded along the north coast of Peru, it employed a mix of direct and indirect
strategies to administer conquered populations. In order to investigate the extent to which Chimú conquest reshaped daily
life in the provinces, I explore evidence from Pedregal, a rural farming village in the Jequetepeque Valley. I use cuisine as
a window onto daily life at Pedregal, in order to construct a “view from the kitchen” of Chimú expansion. Excavation data
from Pedregal households indicate that production of agricultural staples such as corn and cotton intensified during the
Chimú period, but that while the focus of household culinary practice shifted, the overall range of household activities
remained the same. The Chimú seem to have been able to establish political control and intensify agricultural production
in conquered provinces without a radical reorganization of rural domestic economies. These findings have implications not
only for emerging models of Chimú imperial expansion, but also for our understanding of how household-level change and
continuity are articulated with regional political and economic processes.
Cuando el imperio chimú (900–1470 d.C.) se expandió para controlar la costa norte del Perú, empleó una mezcla de estrategias
directas e indirectas para administrar las poblaciones conquistadas. Para investigar cómo la conquista chimú cambió la vida
cotidiana en las provincias, este artículo presenta evidencia de Pedregal, una comunidad rural agrícola del valle de Jeque-
tepeque, y plantea construir una “vista desde la cocina” de la expansión chimú. Los datos de excavación de la zona doméstica
T
de Pedregal indican que la producción de maíz y algodón se intensificó a lo largo del periodo chimú; sin embargo, mientras
que el enfoque de la práctica culinaria doméstica cambió, la variedad de actividades domésticas se mantuvo constante. Los
chimú parecen haber sido capaces de establecer el control político e intensificar la agricultura en las provincias conquistadas
sin una reorganización radical de la economía doméstica rural. Estos resultados son importantes no solamente en cuanto a
un modelo nuevo para la expansión chimú, sino también en cuanto a nuestras ideas sobre las articulaciones entre el cambio
y la continuidad al nivel doméstico y los procesos políticos y económicos al nivel regional.
his article focuses on the local experience practice. Food production, preparation, and con-
of the pre-Inka Chimú empire conquest. sumption constitute one realm of daily life where
Specifically, I investigate the extent to the cultural, political, and economic effects of
which Chimú conquest and administration re- conquest might be experienced in archaeologi-
shaped rural life in the provinces. Did the Chimú cally visible ways. Thus, every day activities
reorganize daily life in conquered households, as such as eating and cooking can serve as a win-
has been documented in some Inka cases? If so, dow into the varied experiences of Chimú con-
did households respond to conquest by altering quest. I focus on the case of Pedregal, a rural
some dimensions of daily practice while conserv- agricultural village in the lower Jequetepeque
ing others? Or is this conquest better described Valley that was conquered by the Chimú during
as a reorientation of authority and allegiance at their first wave of expansion to the north, circa
the upper levels of the sociopolitical hierarchy, A.D. 1320. Before turning to the evidence from
with minimal effect on rural communities? Pedregal, I first discuss the archaeology of cui-
In order to address these questions, I approach sine and imperial expansion, and provide a broad
local rural life through the lens of daily culinary synthesis of classic and recent research on Chimú
Robyn E. Cutright 䡲 Department of Anthropology and Sociology, Centre College, Danville, KY 40422 (robyn.cutright@centre.edu)
64
expansion and administration of conquered portunities that exist at a regional level (D’Altroy
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 65
nomic context, often drawing on existing social and communities as well as by the demands of
groupings and territorial divisions to reorganize imperial administrators. In the next section, I ex-
and control provincial populations, negotiating amine the archaeological evidence for Chimú im-
power with local elites, but also investing heavily perial expansion, administrative strategies, and
in state infrastructure. their effects on local populations.
Rather than simply being dictated from the top,
imperial administration and its impact on local The Chimú Empire
populations were shaped by the complex interplay
between the strategies of provincial populations, Around A.D. 900, the Chimú state coalesced in
factional competition within ancient empires, local the Moche Valley, on the north coast of Peru (Fig-
political and economic dynamics, and the goals ure 1; Campana 2006; Moseley and Cordy-
of administrators (Schreiber 2005; Sinopoli 1994; Collins 1990; Moseley and Day 1982; Ravines
Stark and Chance 2012; Stein 2002). From a “bot- 1980; Rowe 1948). Chimú society is typically
tom-up” perspective, non-elite rural populations understood as highly complex and centralized.
responded to regional political and economic At the Chimú capital, Chan Chan, lower-class
change based on the demands imposed by the re- workshops and residences for a population of
gional system, but also on internal processes and perhaps 30,000 clustered around 10 high-walled
priorities within households. According to Fal- adobe palaces, or ciudadelas, which were con-
coner’s (1995) analysis, for example, rural house- structed according to a strict architectural canon
holds in the Bronze Age village of Tell el-Hayyat that emphasized social control, restricted access
in Jordan demonstrated considerable flexibility in to ritual, administration, and bureaucracy, and
food production during the growth of regional ur- storage of bulk goods (Day 1982; Moore 1992;
ban systems. Households produced more of some Topic 2003; Uceda 1997). The activities of inter-
resources in order to participate in regional mar- mediate elites and lower-class craftspeople at
kets, but also adopted strategies oriented toward Chan Chan were oriented toward royal consump-
maintaining ideals of autonomy and self-suffi- tion, and likely dependent on state support (Kolata
ciency at the household and community levels. 1983; Topic 1982).
Rural households, then, may sometimes resist full Outside of Chan Chan, the population of the
incorporation into regional systems, choosing to Moche Valley functioned under a tight adminis-
ensure long-term survival rather than maximize trative hierarchy to produce food and to complete
economic benefits (Wilk 1991). state-sponsored construction projects (Keatinge
Household life can also change independently 1975; Pozorski 1979, 1982). Irrigated fields were
of regional or state trajectories. The case of farmed intensively by residents of Chan Chan
Lukurmata (Bermann 1994) in the Bolivian alti- and rural sustaining villages under the supervision
plano shows that dynamics that appear significant of rural administrative centers (Keatinge 1975,
at a regional level may not transform rural house- 1982; Moseley and Deeds 1982). On the basis of
holds at all, and conversely, that not all household a set of botanical and faunal samples from Moche
change occurs as a reaction to regional processes. Valley sites, Pozorski (1982) argues that farmers
Lukurmata households were not reorganized upon and other workers depended on a state redistrib-
integration into the Tiwanaku polity, and only ution system to supply them with meat and other
later adopted new forms of domestic production goods. Overall, evidence from the Moche Valley
and community organization. While the range of and the adjacent Chicama Valley (Pillsbury and
household activities remained relatively stable, Leonard 2004) suggests strong centralized control
household architecture and allocation of space over production, distribution, and consumption
changed through time (Bermann 1994:238). In in the Chimú heartland.
general, local responses to imperial expansion
are complex. They may be articulated through Chimú Imperial Expansion
existing cultural traditions or buffered by extra- After consolidating its heartland, the Chimú state
household institutions, and in general are likely expanded to control a wide swath of the north
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 67
Figure 1. The north coast of Peru, showing phases of Chimú imperial expansion and sites mentioned in the text. Redrawn
and adapted from Moore and Mackey (2008).
coast by the time of Inka conquest around A.D. (Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Topic 1990). Conrad
1470. Because they conquered and incorporated (1981) argued that a system of split inheritance
culturally and politically distinct polities, such drove later Chimú rulers to conquer new territory
as the Late Sicán to the north and the Casma to outside the heartland. On the other hand, Kolata
the south, and because these areas retained some (1990:135) suggested that the state reoriented its
aspects of their distinctive cultural identity and extractive economy from heartland agricultural
even autonomy after conquest (e.g., Mackey production toward external expansion after a large
2011), the Chimú are a clear example of an An- El Niño (ENSO) event around A.D. 1100, resulted
dean empire (Sinopoli 1994). in catastrophic destruction of irrigation canals.
Early work on the Chimú described a multi- In both arguments, desire to control agriculturally
stage expansion process beginning around A.D. productive regions in nearby valleys drove Chimú
1200 and emphasized the direct control and cen- imperial expansion.
tralized administration of conquered provinces More recently, Mackey (2009; Moore and
Mackey 2008) has employed a later date for (Hayashida 2006; Tellez and Hayashida 2004).
68 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 1, 2015
Chimú expansion, placing its beginning after A.D. Even within the Lambayeque region, the effect
1300, and has argued that the Chimú employed a of Chimú conquest on local production and do-
mix of direct and indirect strategies in conquered mestic life was uneven.
provinces. Mackey (2009:341) suggests that the Farther south, in the Jequetepeque Valley,
Chimú were most interested in establishing con- Mackey’s (2006, 2009, 2011) work at the Chimú
trol over territory, trade routes, and key resources provincial administrative center of Farfán sug-
such as copper and Spondylus. They accom- gests that the Chimú made little effort to share
plished this by placing state personnel and ad- power with local lords. Instead, they destroyed
ministrative architecture at provincial centers and an existing Lambayeque compound, placed two
intrusive settlements rather than intervening at sacrificed women on the foundations, and then
the village level. Mackey also argues that the area built their own compound on top (Mackey
of consolidated Chimú rule did not extend from 2009:339). The Chimú also imposed an adminis-
Tumbes to the Chillón Valley, as early researchers trative center at a key point for canal control at
thought. Instead, the Chimú controlled a more the valley neck (Keatinge and Conrad 1983), and
restricted territory, from the lower La Leche to engaged in large-scale projects to expand and re-
the Casma Valleys (Figure 1). inforce irrigation networks, ultimately intensify-
In the classic model, the Chimú empire had a ing agricultural production in the valley (Dillehay
highly centralized economy and exerted strong and Kolata 2004). At San José de Moro, they
political control over conquered territories. produced large quantities of maize beer (chicha)
Nonetheless, new research from the provinces for consumption at the adjacent administrative
has disputed this model and emphasized the un- center of El Algarrobal de Moro (Mackey 2004;
even nature of Chimú provincial rule. Tschauner Prieto 2011). Nonetheless, Swenson’s (2007)
(2001, 2008) argues that Chimú political control analysis of hinterland ceremonial centers suggests
over the Lambayeque Valley was reinforced by that local elites manipulated imperial architectural
intrusive hilltop settlements where Chimú admin- symbols while maintaining a degree of political
istrators and local elites lived and hosted guests. control and autonomy. Sapp’s (2011) work at the
Nonetheless, he finds no evidence that craft pro- elite residence of Cabur also suggests that reor-
duction, especially of utilitarian goods, was cen- ganization at lower levels of the political hierar-
tralized or controlled by the Chimú, or that Chimú chy was minimal under the Chimú. As in the
administrators were participating in an Inka-style Lambayeque region, Chimú impact on the rest
labor tax by redistributing state goods to local of the valley was felt unevenly.
workers. In Tschauner’s analysis, political con- South of the Moche Valley, researchers find
quest was not reinforced by economic control similarly mixed evidence for the impact of Chimú
over production, especially at the local level. conquest. Vogel (2012a) argues that prior to
Also in the Lambayeque region, Hayashida Chimú expansion, the Chao Valley represented
(2006) finds evidence for Chimú reorganization the northern frontier of the Casma polity. As the
of agricultural production and daily life at the lo- Chimú state began to coalesce, elites at the Chao
cal level. Her survey of the agriculturally rich Valley site of Cerro la Cruz incorporated some
Pampa de Chaparrí shows that the stable, locally Chimú stylistic elements into their pottery but still
managed irrigation system in place during the maintained an independent identity. Ultimately,
Middle and Late Sicán periods was transformed the Chimú conquered the Chao Valley, and Cerro
during Chimú and later Inka rule. Changes were la Cruz was intentionally burnt and ritually closed
visible at multiple scales, including a shift in set- (Vogel 2012a:177), suggesting that here, Chimú
tlement patterns suggesting centralized control conquest significantly impacted local settlement
over the most productive parts of the system, the patterns at least at the top of the settlement hier-
imposition of administrative centers, a move from archy. The Casma polity center of El Purgatorio
separate household structures to combined do- was abandoned after Chimú arrival in the Casma
mestic compounds, and even the construction of Valley late in the fourteenth century (Vogel
exclusive walled fields by the Chimú-Inka period 2012b), when power shifted to the Chimú provin-
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 69
cial center of Manchan. New Chimú-period set- a dry coastal plain to the Pacific Ocean (Figure
tlements in the Casma were concentrated in the 2). At the valley neck, the relatively restricted
agriculturally productive lower valley, suggesting valley walls abruptly widen out and give way to
that the Chimú were interested in intensifying the flatter, more open lower valley. Because of
agricultural production (Mackey and Klymyshyn the low annual rainfall, averaging less than 30
1990). However, Moore (1985) found a lack of mm/year, lower valley agriculture depends on
state control over the lower-class population at extensive networks of irrigation canals (Eling
Manchan, and Koschmieder (2004; Koschmieder 1987). Water availability fluctuates seasonally
and Vega Centeno 1996) argues that hybridity and based on rainfall in the adjacent highlands, but
cultural fusion, rather than directly imposed con- the large flow volume of the Jequetepeque River
trol, characterized the relationship between Chimú (945 million m3 per year, compared to 321 million
administrators and local populations at the ad- in the Moche Valley [Wilson 1988:18]) allowed
ministrative site of Puerto Pobre. prehispanic residents to farm one of the larger
Recent research outside the Chimú heartland cultivable areas on the north coast (Eling
has called into question the extent of centralized 1987:107). Because the Jequetepeque flows year-
control over production and local populations ex- round, prehispanic farmers could have harvested
erted by the Chimú state apparatus. Specifically, two crops per year. Beyond the irrigated flood-
the Chimú seem to have made highly visible po- plains are sand dunes dotted with sparse vegeta-
litical statements by altering settlement patterns tion and isolated thickets of trees and shrubs such
and establishing provincial administrative centers as zapote (Capparis angulata), faique (Acacia
in conquered valleys, but aside from intensifying macracantha), and algarrobo (Prosopis sp.).
agricultural production, exerted little economic The north coast of Peru is also rich in marine
control over lower-class populations. The case resources. Diverse marine and littoral habitats,
of Pedregal supports this emerging view of Chimú including rocky and sandy intertidal and estuarine
administration as an uneven mosaic of direct and zones shading into the deep open waters of the
indirect strategies. Pacific, provide access to a wide range of fish
and shellfish species within a relatively short dis-
Pedregal and the Jequetepeque Valley tance. The cold Humboldt Current, which runs
Environmental Setting. The Jequetepeque River north along the Pacific coast of South America,
flows west from the foothills of the Andes across makes offshore waters extremely abundant in fish
and other marine life. Despite the occasional en- strategies changed after Chimú conquest (Dillehay
70 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 1, 2015
vironmental disruptions of El Niño, large prehis- and Kolata 2004; Keatinge and Conrad 1983). If
panic populations flourished in this area of the Chimú rule reshaped life in provincial households,
coast during the Late Intermediate period (LIP) we should expect to see clear changes in the rural
(A.D. 1000–1300). The high levels of food pro- domestic economy in the Jequetepeque, as house-
duction possible in the Jequetepeque may have holds adapted to new tribute demands and expe-
made it an enticing target for Chimú expansion. rienced the reorganization and intensification of
Culture History. During the first half of the agricultural production in the valley. In order to
LIP, the Jequetepeque Valley was occupied by investigate whether this was the case, I conducted
the complex Lambayeque polity. Pacatnamú excavations at the rural village site of Pedregal in
(Donnan and Cock 1997) sat at the apex of a set- 2006 (Cutright 2009, 2010).
tlement hierarchy that included secondary admin- The Community of Pedregal. Pedregal is a 5-
istrative sites like Farfán (Mackey 2009, 2011), ha multicomponent site with diagnostic materials
residences of local elites at San José de Moro spanning the Moche to Inka periods (ca. A.D.
(Prieto 2010) and Cabur (Sapp 2011), the middle 500–1500). It is one of a string of villages stretch-
valley border outpost of Ventanillas (Cutright and ing along the Pampa de Faclo from the Lam-
Cervantes 2012), and agricultural villages such bayeque center of Pacatnamú east to Farfán, over-
as Pedregal (Cutright 2009, 2010). Some have looking the irrigated river bottom (Hecker and
argued that during this period, the Jequetepeque Hecker 1990). The eastern portion of the Pampa
was controlled by an expansive Sicán state cen- de Faclo was irrigated in antiquity, and relic fields
tered in the Lambayeque/La Leche valleys to the and canals are still visible (Eling 1987). Pedregal
north (Castillo 2001; Prieto 2010; Shimada 2000). is located less than 5 km from the primary Chimú
Nonetheless, local variation in architecture, set- center of Farfán and adjacent to rich agricultural
tlement patterns, and material culture suggest a lands. If Chimú rule did reshape local production
high level of indigenous autonomy despite cul- or daily household practice, such impacts would
tural and economic ties with the north (Mackey likely have been felt at Pedregal because of its
2009, 2011; Sapp 2011). For this reason, I use proximity to valley centers, its role in agricultural
the term Sicán to refer to the Middle and Late production, and its participation in cultural tradi-
Sicán centralized states that controlled the Lam- tions and economic networks at the regional scale
bayeque–La Leche Valley region until Chimú (Cutright 2013).
conquest ca. A.D. 1375 (Shimada 1985, 2000), During the LIP, Pedregal was a 2.9-ha village
and Lambayeque to refer to the wider cultural with a cluster of households and a small area of
phenomenon (after Zevallos 1971) and its ex- public architecture, flanked by cemeteries (Figure
pression in the Jequetepeque Valley. 3). The public area (Sectors B and C) drew on
Around A.D. 1320, the Jequetepeque was con- local LIP architectural canons (Swenson 2007)
quered in what Spanish chroniclers later recorded and included two low platform mounds at the
as a bloody battle (Calancha 1982 [1638]; Mackey end of a rectangular enclosure. The residential
2009). There is no evidence for a large-scale area consisted of six rectangular agglutinated do-
movement of Moche Valley colonists into the val- mestic compounds to the south of the public area
ley. Nonetheless, Chimú conquest marked a clear (Sector A). During the Inka period, an intervalley
transition in the political structure of the Jequete- road ran through the site, cutting through one of
peque Valley. Pacatnamú was abandoned and po- the platforms and a household compound. In
litical focus shifted to Farfán, where existing ar- modern times, an airstrip partially destroyed the
chitecture was razed, new administrative rectangular enclosure, and the platforms and
compounds were constructed according to impe- cemeteries were extensively looted.
rial architectural canons, and members of the In 2006, two 3-x-3-m units and several
Chimú royalty arrived to administer the movement smaller 1-x-1-m test pits were excavated in each
of people, goods, and information through the of three domestic compounds at Pedregal (Figure
valley (Mackey 2009, 2011). As discussed above, 3). Test units were also placed in other sectors
land use, settlement patterns, and agricultural of the site, but are discussed elsewhere (Cutright
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 71
Figure 3. The Late Intermediate period (LIP) occupation of Pedregal showing excavated units in Sector A.
2009, 2010, 2013). Because the excavation strat- later occupation was associated with the stone
egy was designed to investigate changes through architecture visible on the surface, while an ear-
time in household activities and culinary practice lier occupation extended to approximately a me-
at Pedregal, large horizontal excavation areas ter below the surface architecture and corre-
were not opened, and so the data do not speak sponded to a set of architectural features with a
clearly to the contemporaneous spatial organi- slightly different north-south orientation. Both
zation of household activities. However, the ver- occupations consisted of superimposed living
tical excavation strategy makes it possible to floors containing features such as hearths,
compare the two major occupational moments benches, and storage pits interspersed with layers
that were clearly visible during excavation. The of artifact-dense fill.
72 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 1, 2015
Occupation of these domestic compounds could place it on either side of Chimú conquest
dates to the Chimú period, ca. A.D. 1320–1470 of the Lambayeque around A.D. 1320. Based on
(Cutright 2013). Initial surface evaluation and adobe chronologies from Pacatnamú (McClelland
mapping of Pedregal suggested a mixed Lam- 1986), construction in the public sector likely be-
bayeque and Chimú occupation, and it was hoped gan before Chimú conquest.
that these earlier and later moments of domestic Nonetheless, the break between earlier and
occupation would correspond to periods before later architectural phases in the domestic com-
and after Chimú conquest of the valley. Excava- pounds does not likely correspond to Chimú ar-
tion data confirm that Pedregal was occupied dur- rival in the valley. Precise dating on the basis of
ing the Lambayeque period. A radiocarbon date ceramic typologies is complicated by the persis-
on cornstalks in platform fill had a two-sigma tence of Lambayeque utilitarian styles, such as
calibrated range of A.D. 1225–1381 (all dates paddle-stamped ollas, into the Inka period and
calibrated with OxCal v4.1.5 [Bronk Ramsey the scarcity of diagnostic Imperial Chimú and
2010] using the Southern Hemisphere Atmos- Chimú-Inka fineware in nonelite contexts (Figure
pheric Curve [McCormac et al. 2004]; see 4). In Pedregal households, some characteristic
Cutright 2013:7 and Blake et al. 2012) which Chimú blackware ceramics, such as flat-bottomed
plates and small press-molded carinated ollas compensate for household investment in labor
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 73
(Prieto 2008) were present at similar frequencies intensive crop processing activities. In the next
in both the earlier and later domestic occupations. section, I evaluate the artifactual, botanical, and
Two radiocarbon dates from the earlier domestic faunal evidence for these potential impacts in the
occupation fall in the Chimú period, with two- context of the ecological and cultural setting of
sigma calibrated ranges of A.D. 1388–1445 and Pedregal.
A.D. 1401–1462, respectively (Cutright 2013:
Table 1). Thus, the households excavated at Pe- Agricultural Production and Household
dregal most likely were inhabited during the Subsistence in the Jequetepeque
Chimú period, though the community itself ex- In order to reconstruct subsistence practices at
isted before Chimú arrival in the valley. Pedregal, I look first at the foods procured by
households. Isotopic analysis of skeletal remains
Local Experience of Chimú Rule: was not possible, as no human remains were
A View from the Kitchen found in secure contexts. This discussion is based
on analysis of macrobotanical, faunal, and shell
I argue that changes in household activities from remains recovered in the field from quarter-inch
the earlier to the later occupational moment reflect screens, and in the lab from three-liter soil sam-
the strategies of elite administrators and local res- ples taken from each excavation context. Soil
idents in the context of Chimú imperialism. While samples were screened through half-inch and
the clear break between the earlier and later do- quarter-inch sieves and then 1 liter of each was
mestic occupations at Pedregal does not neatly further screened through 1 mm and 5 mm mesh,
correspond to the transition from Lambayeque following the protocol used by Gumerman (1991)
to Chimú control over the valley, a pattern of di- at Pacatnamú. Subsistence remains were stan-
achronic changes in household activities over the dardized by volume to calculate densities, and
course of Chimú occupation does emerge. In this also quantified according to ubiquity and propor-
section, I will focus on changes that relate to food tion. Remains were analyzed on the basis of com-
production, processing, and consumption in Pe- parative collections by project members and at
dregal households. If Chimú administrators were the ARQUEOBIOS lab (Vazquez and Rosales
interested in extracting staple agricultural re- 2007). A few ceramic sherds were tested for starch
sources from conquered valleys, then increased grains, but the most systematic analysis relies on
production of maize, cotton, and other bulk sta- macroremains of plants and animals.
ples should be visible in the botanical assem- Faunal remains were quantified by Minimum
blages of sites such as Pedregal. Intensification Number of Individuals (MNI) and Number of
of some kinds of production might influence the Identified Specimens (NISP), but due to the frag-
broader range of household activities, especially mentation of the assemblage and the small sample
if the Chimú pulled rural villages into state-spon- sizes from some contexts, NISP proved the most
sored distribution networks as they did in the effective basis for comparison. Botanical remains
Moche Valley heartland (Pozorski 1979, 1982) were quantified by total number of identified
or reshaped local production as Hayashida (2006) parts. Differences in caloric contribution and
documents farther north. Changes in household preservation of both plants and animals mean that
activity patterns would be visible in emphasis on the proportion of the assemblage made up of a
different kinds of plant or animal foods, a reduc- particular species does not necessarily represent
tion in dietary diversity, or the appearance of the contribution of that species to diet in a
more standardized or state-produced goods. Fi- straightforward way (Lennstrom and Hastorf
nally, households may have made trade-offs in 1995; Pearsall 2000). In this article, I use mea-
other realms of household life to support a greater sures of density, ubiquity, and relative proportions
labor investment in production for the state, as in to counter the effects of sampling bias and chart
the Aztec case discussed above (Brumfiel 1991). shifts in subsistence through time.
Household size or the efficiency of food prepa- Pedregal residents consumed agricultural prod-
ration techniques could have been adjusted to ucts, marine and littoral species, terrestrial fauna,
74 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 1, 2015
and wild plants (Figure 5, Table 1). Cultigens is unclear whether residents would have been
such as maize, beans, chiles, sweet potato, and supplied with marine resources through state re-
squash formed the basis of Pedregal diet. These distribution, exchange with local specialists, or
were complemented by tree fruits such as their own procurement efforts, but the diversity
guanábana, avocado, and lúcuma, which would of fish and shellfish species suggests some com-
have grown around the irrigated margins of fields, bination of the latter two. Nonetheless, crop pro-
and by wild species such as algarrobo and sea- cessing remains suggest that Pedregal households
weed. Pedregal residents raised camelids, guinea were intensively engaged in producing agricul-
pigs (cuy), and dogs for household consumption. tural staples, likely in part for state tribute net-
Shellfish were foraged from rocky and sandy works.
shores near the mouth of the Jequetepeque River.
The fish assemblage was dominated by two Crop Processing and Production for Tribute
species: Paralonchurus peruanus (Peruvian Models of Chimú expansion and provincial ad-
croaker, or suco) and Engraulis ringens (an- ministration as well as settlement pattern evidence
choveta). Both fish and shellfish assemblages from the Jequetepeque suggest that the Chimú
were diverse, suggesting that Pedregal residents were interested in intensifying the production of
were opportunistic in their consumption of these bulk staples such as maize and cotton. These
resources despite their reliance on a few econom- products could be stored, transformed into chicha
ically significant species. and cloth, and used to support state work parties
Pedregal residents likely specialized in farm- and elite festivities at the provincial center of
ing, based on the density of crop remains, pres- Farfán. If this was the case, then production and
ence of farming tools and their production at the processing of these crops should have increased
site, and proximity to irrigated field systems. It through time at rural villages like Pedregal.
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 75
Table 1. Botanical and Faunal Assemblages at the Overall Site, and in the Early and Late LIP Domestic Occupations.
Table 2. Comparison of Selected Botanical Categories in the Early and Late LIP.
Maize cobs and kernels made up a signifi- density decreased. In other words, residents con-
cantly greater proportion of the overall botanical tinued to consume fruit during the later LIP, but
assemblage through time, increasing from 15 per- these fruits were no longer as concentrated in
cent in the early LIP to 26 percent in the late LIP household refuse. Domestic species in general
(Table 2). Average density of maize parts in late made up a significantly greater proportion of the
LIP samples increased as well, though not sig- later assemblage than the earlier one, increasing
nificantly, while maize ubiquity (the percent of from 63 percent of the early assemblage to 84
contexts in which maize was identified) rose dra- percent of the later one (2 = 112.936, d.f. = 1, p
matically. Maize cobs also increased in average < .0005). This evidence suggests that a decreasing
size slightly, though significantly, through time. focus on wild species through time accompanied
Size was measured by counting the number of the heavier emphasis on cultivated staples.
cupules around the circumference of each cob The botanical assemblage at Pedregal is best
and multiplying by two. Most cobs had either 8 understood as revealing trends in crop processing
or 10 rows of kernels, but cobs with 4, 6, and 12 at the household level as opposed to directly re-
rows were also recorded. The proportion of cobs flecting what people ate, especially since it in-
with 10 rows of kernels increased from 45 percent cludes many parts such as cotton seeds and husks,
to 54 percent between the early and late LIP oc- maize leaves, stems, and cobs, and bean pods
cupation, while the proportion of cobs with 8 that would have been separated from the edible
rows decreased from 52 percent to 42 percent. parts of the plants and discarded during process-
This difference is relatively small but statistically ing (Hastorf 1990:282). The data discussed above
significant (2 = 12.994; df = 2; p = .002). The suggest an increased emphasis on agricultural
greater proportion of cobs with 10 kernels sug- staples in the later occupation, but were Pedregal
gests that a shift toward maize varieties with a residents increasingly focused on processing
greater yield accompanied the increased focus on maize and cotton for their own use, or were some
maize in the late LIP, but this shift was not dra- of these products extracted as tribute and trans-
matic. The overall picture that emerges from these ported to storerooms at Farfán?
data is one in which maize played a much more One way to chart the movement of maize as
central role in household activities in the later an item of exchange or of extracted tribute is by
occupation. looking at ratios of cobs to kernels (Gumerman
Cotton also increased in proportion and aver- 1991; Welch and Scarry 1995). In the case of the
age density in the later LIP assemblage as com- Mississippian chiefdom centered at Moundville,
pared to the early LIP (Table 2), but its ubiquity Welch and Scarry (1995) found that samples from
declined slightly. This may suggest that cotton rural villages near Moundville had fewer kernels
processing was somewhat more spatially re- as compared to cob fragments than did the center
stricted in the later occupation, but the difference of Moundville. They argue that higher cob-to-
is not great. As emphasis on these crops increased, kernel ratios in villages show that maize was be-
the category of tree fruit, which includes ing produced and processed in rural villages, and
guanábana, guava, lúcuma, and avocado, de- then supplied to the center as tribute. Moundville
creased in proportion (Table 2). They were more thus received maize kernels, but not byproducts
ubiquitous in household samples, but average like cobs, from its rural sustaining villages.
78 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 26, No. 1, 2015
Figure 6. Comparison of cob and kernel densities at Pedregal, Pacatnamú (Gumerman 1991) and El Brujo (Plescia 2003;
Tate 2006). Densities estimated based on Plescia 2003:Figure 5.3.
The mean density of kernels in Sector A soil they were loose or part of cob fragments. Gumer-
samples from Pedregal was .29/liter, while the man (1991) did not calculate densities of cupules
mean density of cobs was slightly greater at at Pacatnamú, but his student Plescia (2003) cal-
.37/liter, for a cob-to-kernel ratio of 1.27 cobs/ker- culated mean cupule densities and cupule-to-ker-
nel (Figure 6). Using comparable methods, nel ratios in her study of Chimú-Inka plant use at
Gumerman (1991) found on average .26 cob frag- the site of El Brujo, in the Chicama Valley (Plescia
ments per kernel at Lambayeque-period Pacat- 2003; Tate 2007). In Plescia’s El Brujo samples,
namú (.79 kernels/liter and .21 cobs/liter). A com- there were on average 14.44 cupules/kernel. Ples-
parison of the two ratios suggests that Pedregal cia interprets this overabundance of cupules
households were more heavily involved in pro- (byproducts of processing) as compared to kernels
cessing maize, while Pacatnamú households (the edible portion of the plant) as evidence that
tended to have fewer byproducts of processing households at El Brujo were harvesting and pro-
as compared to edible maize. This makes sense, cessing corn in quantities that greatly exceeded
since Pacatnamú was the primary religious and household consumption, perhaps for transport to
political center during the Lambayeque period, Inka state facilities. At Pedregal, there were 25.52
and so its elite households would likely not have cupules/kernel, an even greater overabundance of
been involved in agricultural production as rural processing byproducts.
households at Pedregal. This evidence supports Pedregal households may thus have been pro-
a model in which Pedregal residents were pro- cessing maize for export as trade or more likely
cessing maize at a level beyond that of household as tribute to larger valley centers like Pacatnamú
consumption, and were exporting some maize to and Farfán. Nonetheless, as Figure 6 shows, Pe-
regional networks. dregal kernel-to-cob ratios did not change no-
A more precise way to look at maize processing ticeably from the early to the late occupation,
is by comparing cupules to kernels, since cob suggesting that Pedregal residents were involved
fragments can represent varying proportions of a in crop processing above the level of the house-
single ear of corn, whereas each individual cupule hold throughout the LIP. During the later phase,
represents the point where one kernel was attached however, maize processing for export continued
to the cob. At Pedregal, I counted fragments as while agricultural production became even more
cobs when the entire circumference of the cob focused on economically important staples like
was present. I also counted all cupules, whether cotton and especially maize.
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 79
cuisine. These meals are recorded archaeologically show no evidence of burning, earth-oven cooking
in food offerings from burials at Farfán (Cutright would char bones in deposits below and around
2011), historically by Spanish chroniclers (Cobo the pit. Roasting meat directly over the fire, in
1990:198 [1653]), and ethnographically (Gillin contrast, would result in charring on any part of
1947). Ceramic forms like cooking pots (ollas) the bone not covered by meat. I did not observe
and deep bowls relate most strongly to this kind differences in charring patterns through time at
of food preparation. Another important wet-cook- Pedregal; most burnt or calcined bone seems to
ing technique in north coast cuisine is the prepa- have been burnt during discard-related or post-
ration of fermented maize beer, or chicha. Chicha depositional activities, such as the incineration
was a part of daily diet in late prehistory and also of trash.
played a key role in ritual and political feasts. The Daily Meals at Pedregal. If cooking techniques
archaeological signatures of chicha production changed through time, we might expect to see
include large fermenting vessels, dumps of maize changes in the ceramic assemblage related to food
dregs, and production facilities with large hearths preparation or serving. The most common vessel
(Hayashida 2008; Moore 1989). forms were cooking vessels, (ollas), restricted-
Roasting, either over a fire or inside a pit oven, neck jars, large liquid storage and fermentation
occupied a different culinary space in prehispanic vessels (tinajas), ring or or pedestal base bowls,
culture, and may have been reserved for feasts and flat-bottomed plates with high walls (Figure
and other special occasion meals. Roasted foods 8; Figure 4). In terms of function, this assemblage
would be served in shallow, wide-mouthed bowls represents wet cooking, storing and serving liq-
or plates. While the meat cooked in the pit would uids, and serving wet preparations like stews.
areas in both early and late occupations might
Cutright] EATING EMPIRE IN THE JEQUETEPEQUE 81
change in the scope of household activities or of intensified crop production in ways that pre-
the range of daily diet, and no evidence that cooks served the overall range of household activities,
were increasing the efficiency of food preparation kept family size constant, and retained existing
to cope with the labor requirements of intensified culinary traditions.
crop processing. As cases such as Lukurmata (Bermann 1994)
One way to interpret these findings is to con- and Tell el-Hayyat (Falconer 1995) show, some
clude that the Chimú state was not interested in dimensions of household practice may be quick to
reorganizing the local domestic economy. This adapt, while others remain conservative or change
conclusion reinforces the emerging consensus based on local priorities rather than regional de-
that Chimú administrators employed a mosaic of mands. The resiliency of past households may in
direct and indirect strategies in conquered terri- fact lie in their ability to resist major change. Es-
tories. While this mosaic varied from valley to pecially in situations of rapid regional transforma-
valley, it seems that Chimú influence was most tion, conservatism might require as much action
often exerted to establish provincial political cen- on the part of household members as change. At
ters and complete large infrastructure projects in the very least, a view from the kitchen requires
conquered valleys, but not generally to incorpo- broader consideration of the micro-scale processes
rate nonelite households into state redistributive at work in households, and recognition that state
networks or control hinterland ritual expression administrators are not the only actors in provincial
by rural elites. This view from the provinces con- settings. Rather, multiple dimensions of daily
trasts with the classic centralized model of Chimú household practice must be disentangled and con-
political economy based on work in the Moche sidered alongside regional trajectories of change.
and Chicama Valley core, and suggests that future Local residents experienced Chimú conquest and
investigations should return to reevaluate this control in kitchens, fields, and village plazas; in-
model in the Chimú heartland. vestigating these contexts has the potential to in-
Alternatively, these findings could be inter- form not only our understanding of the lives of
preted to indicate that Pedregal families or com- conquered populations, but also our reconstructions
munity-level institutions either were isolated from of ancient empires themselves.
changes happening at the regional level, or suc-
cessfully buffered the demands of Chimú admin-
Acknowledgments. Excavations at Pedregal in 2006 (Resolución
istrators in order to maintain significant house- 804/INC) were directed by Lic. Jorge Terrones and supported
hold-level continuity in the face of valley-wide by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research
reorganization. While cuisine and domestic prac- (grant 7413), a Fulbright Commission IIE grant, and an Inter-
tice are often regarded as conservative, I suggest national Dissertation Research Fellowship from the Social Sci-
that the close proximity of Pedregal to regional ence Research Council. This article was written during a
Stodghill Research Professorship at Centre College. Radiocarbon
political centers, specialization in agricultural dates were funded by SSHRC Research Grant 410-2007-1111
production of interest to Chimú administrators, to Michael Blake and Bruce Benz. Marc Bermann, Gabriela
and existing participation in regional religious Cervantes, Noel Cutright, Dick Drennan, Carol Mackey, Howard
and economic networks would not have allowed Tsai, Melissa Vogel, and three anonymous reviewers contributed
households to remain largely removed from re- helpful comments, useful critique, and essential support. All er-
rors of fact or interpretation remain my own.
gional dynamics.
Instead, household decisions may have fo-
cused on maintaining important ideals or tradi- Data Availability Statement. Materials collected by the
tions. Corn and cotton are relatively time-con- Proyecto Arqueológico Pedregal in 2006 are stored by the
suming to process, and it may be that the shift Ministerio de Cultura in Trujillo, Peru. Original hard-copy
toward domesticated plants and animals repre- and digital field records and photographs are in possession of
the author at Centre College. Artifact data tables are available
sents a trade-off in the household diet. However, open-access as appendices in Cutright 2009 and are in prepa-
wild foraged resources such as shellfish never ration as a dataset in the Comparative Archaeology Database,
dropped completely out of the diet, and house- University of Pittsburgh, http://www.cadb.pitt.edu.
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