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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2000. 26:367-93
Copyright( 2000 by AnnualReviews. All rightsreserved
JudithA. Howard
Departmentof Sociology, Universityof Washington,Seattle, Washington98195;
e-mail:jhoward@u.washington.edu
INTRODUCTION
0360-0572/00/0815-0367$14.00 367
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368 HOWARD
SOCIALCOGNITION
Cognitive Structures
Cognitiveschemas,abstractandorganizedpackagesof information,arethe cogni-
tive version of identities. Self-schemas include organizedknowledge aboutone's
self, the cognitive response to the question of identity:Who am I? These include
the characteristics,preferences, goals, and behavior patternswe associate with
ourselves. Groupschemas (analogousto stereotypes)include organizedinforma-
tion about social positions and stratificationstatuses, such as gender, race, age,
or class. Because the social positions we occupy have immediate consequences
for our sense of self, group schemas play a major part in processes of identifi-
cation. Self and group schemas illustrateboth advantagesand disadvantagesof
categorizationsystems. They allow us to summarizeand reduce informationto
key elements;thus, they also entail losing potentiallyvaluableinformation.And,
categorizationsare almost always accompaniedby systems of evaluationof some
categoriesas betteror worse. Schemas are notjust perceptualphenomenona;they
can serve as explanatorydevices andjustificationsof social relationships(Tajfel
1981). Thus, social identities are embeddedin sociopoliticalcontexts.
Social identitytheoryfocuses on the extentto which individualsidentify them-
selves in termsof groupmemberships(Tajfel& Turner1986). The centraltenet of
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 369
social identity theory is that individuals define their identities along two
dimensions: social, defined by membershipin various social groups; and per-
sonal, the idiosyncraticattributesthatdistinguishan individualfrom others.Social
and personalidentitiesare thoughtto lie at opposite ends of a continuum,becom-
ing more or less salient dependingon the context. Deaux (1993), however,argues
for an interplaybetween the two, suggesting they are not easily separable.So-
cial identitiesprovide statusand enhance(or not) self-esteem. Because people are
motivatedto evaluatethemselves positively,they tend to evaluatepositively those
groups to which they belong and to discriminateagainst groups they perceive to
pose a threatto their social identity.
Empirical support has relied heavily on studies using the minimal group
paradigm (Tajfel 1970), whereby people are classified into distinct groups on
the basis of an arbitraryand trivialcriterionunderconditionsfree from otherfac-
tors usually associatedwith groupmemberships.Underthese minimalconditions,
people do discriminatein favorof in-groupsin allocationof variousrewards.The
most sociologically relevantrecent studieshave extendedthis traditionto socially
meaningfulgroups and situations.Simon et al (1997), for example, demonstrate
that being in a numericalminority (a predictorof identificationin this tradition)
does not lead to identificationunless the in-group-out-groupcategorizationis sit-
uationallymeaningful.
The more positive, andmorepersonallyimportant,aspectsof the self are likely
to be bases on which a person locates her- or himself in terms of collective cate-
gories (Simon & Hastedt 1999), demonstratingthe relationshipbetween catego-
rizationandevaluation.This pointstowardmoresuccessfulattainmentof a positive
social identityfor those in dominantsocial groups.This process is a challenge for
membersof stigmatized,negativelyvaluedgroups,who may attemptto dissociate
themselves, to evaluatethe distinguishingdimensions of in-groupsas less nega-
tive, to rate their in-groupas more favorableon other dimensions, or to compete
directly with the out-groupto producechanges in the statusof the groups.Much
of this researchaccordsconsiderableagency,both cognitive andmaterial,to social
actors.
One relevantline of researchexploresthe psychological consequencesof iden-
tifications with ethnic in- and out-groups.Fordham& Ogbu (1986), for exam-
ple, suggest that academic failure among African-Americanstudentsrepresents
a desire to maintain their racial identity and solidarity with their own culture.
High-achievingAfrican-Americanchildren develop a "raceless"persona, but at
the cost of interpersonalconflictandambivalence;adoptionof "raceless"behaviors
and attitudesdo have negativepsychological consequencesfor African-American
students (Arroyo & Zigler 1995). Direct impression managementstrategiesin-
tendedto counternegativeevaluationsof theirin-groupalso increase,one of many
indicatorsof the interdependenceof cognition and interaction.The focus on psy-
chological consequences of identificationspeaks also to the interconnectedness
of cognition and emotion. Thus, for example, individuals'prejudicesmay shape
not only their own identificationsbut also theircategorizationsof others.Racially
prejudicedindividuals do appearto be more motivatedto make accurateracial
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370 HOWARD
Cognitive Processes
Cognitive processes are also implicated in the construction,maintenance,and
change of identities.Attributionprocesses, thatis, judgmentsof blame, causality,
or responsibility,are particularlyrelevant.One key question is whether attribu-
tionalpatternsarebiased in accordwith intergroupidentificationsand allegiances.
Many studies show a patternof in-groupfavoritismsuch thatpositive behaviorsof
in-groupmembersare attributedto internalfactors and negativebehaviorsto ex-
ternalfactors;some, but fewer, studies show out-groupdiscrimination,that is, the
opposite patternsof attributionsaboutthe behaviorof out-groupmembers(Islam
& Hewstone 1993, and see Howard1995). Consistentwith social identity theory,
when social categorizationsare salient,these attributionalpatternsintensify (Islam
& Hewstone 1993).
Cognitivestructuresandprocesses come togetherin Moscovici's (1981) theory
of social representations.Accordingto this perspective,knowledge structuresare
collectively shared, originatingand developing via social interactionand com-
munication(Augoustinos & Innes 1990). This approachreframesthe concept of
schemas,which have generallybeen seen as conservativeand resistantto change.
Given an increasingemphasison social processes, one may expect to see contin-
uing recasting of social schemas as more flexible and more groundedin social
interaction.
Althoughthe experimentaltraditionhas been centralto establishingthe tenetsof
these theories,validationof these principlesin sociologically meaningfulcontexts
is crucial. Variousof the studies cited here have been conductedin situationsof
real groupmembershipsandreal conflicts,underscoringthe Spearset al (1997a,b)
assertionthatcognitiveperceptionis meaningfullystructuredby groupsandgroup
life. One emphasisof this review is that cognitive and interactionalprocesses are
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 371
INTERACTIONISM
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372 HOWARD
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 373
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374 HOWARD
SOCIALBASESOF IDENTITY
Muchof the workon identityhas emphasizedsingle dimensionsof social identities.
In the sections that follow, I discuss the literatureson these separatedimensions,
emphasizingthe particularlynuancedwork on racialand ethnic identity,and then
I addressthe literatureon intersectionsamong identities.
Ethnic Identities
Phinney (1990) reviews more than 70 studies of ethnic identity. The great ma-
jority of these articles assume that identity developmentis particularlycompli-
cated for those belonging to ethnic and racial minoritygroups,owing to negative
societal stereotypesand discrimination.Phinney considers the major theoretical
frameworksof ethnic identityformation(social identity,acculturation,and devel-
opmentaltheories), key componentsof ethnic identity (ethnic self-identification,
a sense of belonging, attitudestowardone's own ethnic group,social participation
and culturalpractices), and empiricalfindings on self-esteem, self-concept, psy-
chological adjustment,ethnic identity in relationto the majorityculture,changes
related to generationof immigration,ethnic identity and gender, and contextual
factors. She arguesfor constructionof reliable and valid measuresof ethnic iden-
tity, for more work on the impactof ethnic identityon attitudestowardboth one's
own and other groups and on the role of contextualfactors such as family, com-
munity, and social structures.Phinney also notes the lack of attentionto mixed
ethnicbackgrounds;the decade afterher review has seen markedlymore attention
to multiethnicand mixed-racebackgrounds(see below).
Otherreviews emphasize developmentalprocesses and socializationinto eth-
nic identity (Spencer& Markstrom-Adams1990). Knightet al (1993) detail spe-
cific socializationpractices,includingmothers'teachingaboutthe ethnic culture,
parentalgenerationof migration,mothers' culturalknowledge and orientation,
languagespoken,and demographiccharacteristicssuch as parents'educationand
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 375
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376 HOWARD
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OFIDENTITIES
SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY 377
SexualIdentities
As Epstein (1987) observes, in a historicaljuncture in which group identity in
generalhas assumedmuch importance,and where sexualityhas become a central
dimension of identity formation,it is not unlikely that gay and lesbian identities
would arise. Sexual identitydiffers from racialidentityin that awarenessof one's
self as a sexual being, and especially awarenessof one's possible deviationfrom
sexual norms, typically occurs later in one's life than awarenessof one's race or
ethnicity.Althoughimplicationsof this differencehave not been exploreddirectly,
most models of sexual identity are similarto those of racialidentity.Cass (1983-
1984) proposes a six-stage model, beginning with identity confusion, moving to
comparison(withnonhomosexualothers),to tolerance,andeventuallyto synthesis,
includingpositive relationshipswith nonhomosexuals.
Kitzinger & Wilkinson (1995) propose a social constructionistmodel of les-
bian identity,suggesting that the process is not one of coming to recognize what
one always was, but ratherone of recognizing,negotiating,and interpretingone's
experiences.This model is framedin termsof discursivestrategiesandaccounting
mechanismsthroughwhich an identitychange is accomplishedand sustained,at-
testingto the centralrole of languageanddiscursiveprocessesin identityformation
and maintenance.D'Augelli (1994) also proposesa social constructionistaccount
but frames his model in a more explicitly sociopolitical context, referringto the
social and legal penalties for overt expression of this sexuality. D'Augelli also
emphasizesthatpeople develop andchange over the course of theirlife spans,and
thus that sexual identity may be fluid at some points, more crystallizedat others.
Epstein's (1987) model of gay and lesbian identity is also explicitly sociopoliti-
cal, in keeping with his emphasis on gay social activism. Because a considerable
stigma remainsassociatedwith this identity,Epsteinobserves, the attemptsto as-
sert its legitimacy and to claim that this is not groundsfor social exclusion have
the ironic effect of intensifying this identity. (For a general review of models of
sexual identity,see Gonsiorek& Rudolph 1991.)
Cain (1991) emphasizes the complexities of the sociopolitical environmentof
sexual identities,analyzinghow queerculturesrespondto the behaviorof passing,
of hiding stigmatized sexual identities. Cain notes that in recent years, openness
about one's sexuality has come in both professional literaturesand subcultural
communitiesto be seen as evidence of a healthygay identity,and thuspassing can
be seen as problematic.He critiquesthe failure of such approachesto recognize
the constraintsof social factors, implying in his analysis that people manage in-
formationabouttheir sexual identity,just as they manageinformationaboutother
identities.
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378 HOWARD
GenderIdentities
Gender identities have been explored more extensively than other social iden-
tities; thus I give less attentionto this topic here and refer the reader to other
reviews (Frable 1997, Howard & Alamilla 2001, Howard & Hollander 1997).
Gender identities have been conceived either as gender self-schemas (Markus
et al 1982), in the cognitive tradition,or as constructedachievements(West &
Zimmerman1987), in the interactionisttradition.In eithercase, genderidentities,
in the sense of organizing a sense of self aroundthe perceptionone is female
or male, and internalizingpre- and proscriptionsof behaviors deemed cultur-
ally appropriateto these self-perceptions,are thoughtto be learnedthroughearly
socialization and enacted and reinforced throughoutthe life span. Common to
both perspectivesis the assertionthat genderis a social category and thus gender
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 379
Class Identities
In a recent review Frable (1997: 154) reports:"Withfew exceptions, class as a
meaningful identity is simply absent from the psychological literature."To the
extent class identitieshave been consideredin the social psychological literature,
the emphasistends to be on class identitiesin interactionwith otheridentities(see
below), and on contextualeffects on the salience of class identities.Studentsfrom
working-class(and ethnic minority)backgroundsnegotiate their marginalstatus
at elite academic institutions (Lopez & Hasso 1998, Stewart& Ostrove 1993),
and later-generationimmigrantsare more likely than first-generationimmigrants
to have class identities similarto those prevalentin the U.S. (Hurtadoet al 1994).
Shockey's (1998) interviews with sex workers show a disjuncturebetween the
subjective experience of class and these sex workers' occupationalexperiences
and outcomes. Given the lack of attentionto class in any regard,it is not surprising
thatthere is virtuallyno researchon class identities of those in privileged socioe-
conomic circumstances.Suggestiveof the kindof approachthatwould be useful is
Eichstedt's(1998) analysis of the relationshipsbetween white andethnicminority
artists in a local art community,as they negotiatedissues of authenticityin the
productionof ethnic art and assimilationand culturalintegrityin the production
and recognitionof art.
Identities of (Dis)ability
Relatively recently, scholarshave begun to direct attentionto identities based on
physical and mental disabilities. Low (1996), for example, explores the experi-
ences of college students with disabilities. Her interviews show these students'
enduringdilemma, the desire to be perceivedas "normal"while at the same time
havingto negotiatea disabledidentityto deal with the variousbarriersto academic
achievement.Many of the tactics they use to accomplish one goal conflict with
accomplishmentof the other.
Charmaz (1995) explores identity struggles imposed by severe illness and
shows, in contrast,how people adapt their identity goals to respond effectively
to their physical circumstances.Processes of bodily assessments and subsequent
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380 HOWARD
Age Identities
Being aged is unique as a social category;essentially everyone moves from not
being in this group to being in it. Yet identities based on age have received lit-
tle explicit attentionfrom social psychologists. In one exception, Gatz & Cotton
(1994) speakto the identitydynamicsof aging:Age identitiesarebothascribedand
achieved;the boundariesof groupmembershipare permeable,but defined devel-
opmentally;and an influx of new membersinto the aged categoryis certain,with
numbersincreasingmuch more rapidlythan those of other minoritygroups with
permeableboundaries.The definitionof "aged"is itself flexible, both culturally
and personally.
The ubiquitouspatternis thatthe olderpeople are,the less closely theirsubjec-
tive age identity matches their chronologicalage. The proportionof people who
say they feel youngerthantheirchronologicalage increasedfrom 54%when they
were in their forties, for example, to 86% when in their eighties (Goldsmith&
Heiens 1992). Similarly,as people grow older, their definition of when old age
begins becomes older and older (Logan et al 1992). Older adults even engage in
greaterstereotypingof all age groupsthan do youngerpeople (Rothbaum1983).
One might conclude that greaterself-esteem is associated with feeling younger;
data suggest that life satisfactionis lower and stress is higher for those who see
themselves as old (Logan et al 1992), but congruencybetween subjectiveand ac-
tual age leads to greaterlife satisfactionfor older women (Montepare& Lachman
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 381
INTERSECTING IDENTITIES
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382 HOWARD
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGYOF IDENTITIES 383
arena for predeterminedsocial behaviors but rather an active medium for the
constructionof objective and subjective identities. McCorkel (1998) analyzes a
markedlyless literal conception, "criticalspace."Analyzing women's responses
to the intense social control of a drug treatmentprogramfor women in prison,
McCorkelpointsto the constructionof criticalspace,resident-initiatedsubversions
of formal structure,based centrally in interactionsamong residents. McCorkel
suggests thatmost people constructcriticalspaces in theirlives in orderto distance
themselves from the constraintssome identities pose for their personal sense of
self.
Cyberspaceis anotherspatial arena in which questions of identity arise. Ex-
plorationsof these issues in cyberspaceask whetherpeople play with identities,
adoptingvirtual,online identities differentfrom their offline identities, when in-
teractingin virtual,thereforeinvisible, space. That is, do people try to "pass"in
new identitieswhen they cannotbe monitored?Kendall(1998a,b, and see O'Brien
1999) suggests the answeris no. In two years of participantobservationin a multi-
userdomain,Kendallshows thatpeople persistin seekingessentializedgroundings
for the selves they encounterand the selves they offer. Wherepassing does occur,
it is most prominentwith gender,buteven "gender-switchers" distancethemselves
from their online experiencesof differentlygenderedidentities.
McKenna & Bargh (1998) take an opposite tack but come up with a similar
answer. While Kendall's informantsare mostly young white men, McKenna &
Barghask whetherInteret participationoffers opportunitiesfor those with cultur-
ally stigmatizedidentities, here people with marginalizedsexual and ideological
orientations.Internetnewsgroupsallow these people to interactanonymouslywith
similarothers;membershipin thesenewsgroupsbecomes animportantpartof iden-
tity.Those who participatemost frequentlyexperiencegreaterself-acceptanceand
are more likely to come out abouttheir identity to family and friends. Both stud-
ies attestto a close correspondencebetween online and offline identities and to a
persistentpreferencefor stable identities.
IDENTITY STRUGGLES
Nationalisms
Recent years have seen increasingattentionto strugglesover nationaland ethnic
identities, mirroringthe real world identity-basedethnic conflicts that have had
a resurgencein the 1990s. Comas-Diaz et al (1998) offer a comparativeanalysis
of ethnic identity and conflict in three Latin Americannations, Guatemala,Peru,
and Puerto Rico. Arguing that ethnic conflicts are intimately related to ethnic
identities,they link an explicit social psychology of liberationto indigenoussocial
psychologies. Rouhana& Bar-Tal(1998) ask why some ethnonationalconflicts
are more entrenchedthan others, using the Israeli-Palestinianconflict to argue
that societies in particularlyintractableconflicts form societal beliefs that help
them cope with, but also perpetuate,these conflicts. They also speak to ways in
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384 HOWARD
which social psychological work on social identitiescan change such beliefs, thus
contributingto immediatesocietal concerns.
The influence of sociopolitical forces is centralto nationaland ethnic identity
struggles.Perera& Pugliese (1998) chroniclethe activeattemptsby the Australian
Governmentand majorityculture to impose particularethnic definitions on the
Aboriginalpopulation,and Aboriginalresponses,claiming theirown conceptions
of theirethnicidentities.These havebeen bothculturalandmaterialcampaigns,the
latterprimarilybattles over land ownership.The authorsarguepersuasivelythat
Australia'sstated policy of multiculturalismis intelligible only within a mono-
culturalframeworkthat imposes the democraticConstitutionalgovernmentand
a nationallanguage. These struggles, of course, are analogous to those between
AmericanIndiansand the US Government(Nagel 1996).
Not all debates about nationaland ethnic identitieshave been as conflicted as
the Australian-Aboriginalor Israeli-Palestiniancases. The formationof the Euro-
pean Communityprovides a real-worldcontext in which to study identities and
social change. Breakwell & Lyons' (1996) edited collection addressesprocesses
and expressionsof nationalidentifications,and their significancefor understand-
ing sociopoliticalactions in variousEuropeancontexts. These articlesrangefrom
explorationsof currenttrendsin Spanishnationalismwithinthe contextof the his-
toricalconnectionbetween Spain and its Americancolonies (Torregrosa1996), to
analysis of how the Scottish NationalPartyhas attemptedto make the concept of
Scottishnessrelevantto Scots while underminingthe relevanceof Britishness(suc-
cessfully, witness the establishmentof a nationalScottishParliament)(Hopkins&
Reicher 1996), to Ruzza's (1996) discussionof the attemptsof the Lega Lombarda
movementto promotecultural,economic, and political self-determinationamong
NorthernItalians.The tendencyto adopta Europeanidentityvaries with the prior
power of the nation:BritishrespondentsperceiveEuropeanintegrationas a threat
and show almost no evidence of a sense of Europeanidentity, whereas Italian
respondentsshow a strongerEuropeanidentitythanan Italianidentity(Cinnirella
1997).
Social Movements
Identitystrugglesmay also generateexplicit social movements.One influentialthe-
ory of social movementshypothesizes a collective identity that motivatesgroup
action (Taylor& Whittier 1992). This identity requiresa perceptionof member-
ship in a boundedgroup, consciousness aboutthat group'sideologies, and direct
opposition to a dominantorder.Simon et al (1998) used an identity approachin
studying a movement of the elderly in Germanyand the gay movement in the
United States. Both showed two differentpathwaysto willingness to participate
in collective action, one based on cost-benefit calculations,the other on collec-
tive identificationas an activist. Bernstein(1997) reveals a strategicdimensionto
the use of identitiesin collective action,in her analysisof when andhow identities
that celebrate or suppress difference from the mainstreamare used in strategic
collective action aboutgay rights.
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 385
Epstein (1987) also explores identity issues in gay activism; he equates his
model of gay and lesbian identity (discussed above) with an ethnic identity.Both
combine affective ties to a group with the pursuit of sociopolitical goals; both
groups direct activity towardthe terrainof the state; both are progressive, with
a goal of advancing the group position; lacking structuralpower, both groups
press demandsby appealingto and manipulatinghegemonic ideologies; and both
groupstend towarda local characterorganizedarounda specific geographicspace
or community.This is an excellent summaryof the parametersof contemporary
identitymore generally,especially in intersectionwith society.
DECONSTRUCTING IDENTITIES
Much of the literaturediscussed above makes several key assumptions:Identi-
ties have an intrinsic, essential content, defined by a common origin or a com-
mon structureof experience, and often, both. When identity struggles arise, they
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386 HOWARD
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SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY
OFIDENTITIES 387
Regardless of where one aligns one's self in terms of these models of iden-
tity, there is no question thatcontemporaryresearchreveals and analyzes various
crises of confidence. One response to these crises is an increasedinterest in au-
thenticity,as a commitmentto self-values.Erickson(1995) arguesthatauthenticity
has capturedboth culturaland sociological imaginations,partlydue to the power
of images and mass media. Maintainingthat postmodernismdoes not do away
with selves and identitiesbut ratherdirects attentionto how they are constructed,
Ericksonemphasizesmeanings-what it means,for example,to be white, female,
or gay-and the challenge of achieving authenticityand meaningwhen most hu-
man actors experience simultaneouslya multiplicityof relationshipsand identi-
ties. She also arguesthatmembersof oppressedgroupsaremore likely to confront
"problems"of authenticity,being more often faced with dilemmas that require
them to choose between acting in accord with their self values or in accord with
the expectationsof powerfulothers.Ericksonarguesfor a conceptionof self thatis
both multidimensionaland unified,both emotionaland cognitive, both individual
and social-a notion not so far afield from traditionalconceptionsof identity.The
postmoder element is that authenticityis no longer a question of being true to
self for all time, but ratherof being trueto self in context or self in relationship.
IDENTITIES TO COME
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388 HOWARD
"seeing people as whole," referring to the need to address gender, racial, ethnic,
sexual, and class identities as multiple identities of whole people. In the same vein,
seeing people as whole means recognizing that both our everyday lives and the
larger cultures in which we operate shape our senses of who we are and what we
could become. For most social actors, the details of our everyday lives are rela-
tively predictable and orderly. The details of our larger cultural environments may
be markedly more unsettled and shifting. Both contexts are part of our experiences
of identities. In anticipating the next century's approaches to identities, then, we
might look to analyses that bring together both the structures of everyday lives
and the sociocultural and sociopolitical realities in which those lives are lived, but
without imposing a false coherence on that synthesis.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I want to express deep gratitude to Ramira Alamilla for her invaluable assistance
in procuring, summarizing, and being so enthusiastic about hundreds of references
on identity, only some of which are represented in this review, as well as for her
insightful comments on this essay. Many thanks as well to Jodi O'Brien for her
ever-incisive comments, and to Carolyn Allen for always reminding me that social
psychologists don't corer the market on the concept of identity.
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